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Australian Foreign Fighters: Risks and Responses
Australian foreign fighters: Andrew Zammit Risks and responses April 2015 AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS: RISKS AND RESPONSES The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent policy think tank. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high-quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Analyses are short papers analysing recent international trends and events and their policy implications. The views expressed in this paper are entirely the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS: RISKS AND RESPONSES EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Conflicts in Syria and Iraq have attracted aspiring jihadists from across the world. Australians have joined the flow of foreign fighters to the region, raising concerns that some will carry out terrorist attacks in Australia should they return home. The record of past jihadist foreign fighter mobilisations, including Australia's own history in this regard, demonstrates that there is a potential threat to Australia’s security. However, a range of factors will shape that threat, including how Australia responds to returning foreign fighters. The Government's response has mainly focused on increased resources and powers for police and intelligence agencies, but also includes an important non-coercive element termed Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) that has received less attention. -
RAGHIDA DERGHAM With: HE Sir John Sawer HE Brett Mcgurk HR Rania Al Mashat HE Ambassador Yue Xiao Yong
TRANSCRIPT OF e-POLICY CIRCLE 10 July 8th, 2020 RAGHIDA DERGHAM With: HE Sir John Sawer HE Brett McGurk HR Rania Al Mashat HE Ambassador Yue Xiao Yong Youtube Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kQvByHy92Ho&t=921s Raghida Dergham: Good morning San Francisco, very good morning and early morning, good afternoon London, Croatia and Cairo. I am in Beirut, and welcome to Beirut Institute Summit e-Policy Circle number 10, and we have a great cast with us today, of course. Sir John Sawer, former Chief of the Secret Intelligence Service (MI6), former Permanent Representative of the UK at the UN where I got the pleasure of knowing you. Of course, right now you are the independent non-Executive Director of BP Global and Executive Chairman of Newbridge Advisory. Brett McGurk, who joined us last year at Beirut Institute Summit in Abu Dhabi, welcome to the e-Policy Circle. He is former Special Assistant to President George W. Bush and Senior Director of Iraq and Afghanistan, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Iraq and Iran, Special Presidential Envoy for the United States campaign against ISIS under President Barack Obama. He is now a Payne distinguished lecturer at Stanford University. Her excellency Rania Al Mashat is Egypt's Minister of International Cooperation, Former Minister of Tourism and previously Adviser to the chief economist of the IMF. And we have Ambassador Yue Xiao Yong, I hope I didn't butcher that, he's a China foreign expert, former Ambassador to Qatar, Jordan, and Ireland, he's Director and Senior Fellow at the Center for Global Studies at Redmond University of China, and he is now in Croatia, he's joining us from Croatia. -
Uncorrected Transcript of Evidence
INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY COMMITTEE OF PARLIAMENT UNCORRECTED TRANSCRIPT OF EVIDENCE Given by Sir Iain Lobban Director, Government Communication Headquarters Mr Andrew Parker Director General, Security Service Sir John Sawers Chief, Secret Intelligence Service Thursday, 7 November 2013 2.00pm CHAIRMAN: Good afternoon. It is my pleasure to welcome you all here today at the first ever open evidence session of the Intelligence and Security Committee. I would like to welcome in particular our three witnesses: Sir Iain Lobban, the Director of GCHQ; Andrew Parker, the Director General of the Security Service, MI5; and Sir John Sawers, the Chief of the Secret Intelligence Service, MI6. Thank you, and we are delighted to welcome you, gentlemen. This session, of course, which we as a Committee first considered a year ago, is a very significant step forward in the transparency of our Intelligence Agencies. Having an open Parliamentary evidence session will be, I believe, of real value. Of course, we will not be asking our witnesses to reveal secret information in public. Nor will we today be able to discuss our current investigation into the tragic death of Lee Rigby in Woolwich in May, since obviously we cannot prejudice the trials of the accused which is to take place in the near future. The Intelligence and Security Committee, with its new powers, investigates the operations and scrutinises the capabilities of the Intelligence Agencies, but those sessions are held behind closed doors and must remain secret. This evidence session is being broadcast with a short time delay. This is a safety mechanism to allow us to pause the broadcast if anything is inadvertently mentioned which might endanger national security or the safety of those involved in safeguarding it. -
Jemaah Islamiyah (JI)
Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) Name: Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Qutbist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Indonesia Year of Origin: 1993 (formal establishment) Founder(s): Abu Bakar Bashir and Abdullah Sungkar Places of Operation: Indonesia (primary operations); Malaysia and Singapore (cells); the Philippines, Cambodia, and Thailand (possible operations) Overview As Known As: • Islamic Organization1 • Jema’a Islamiyyah7 • Jemaa Islamiyah2 • Jemaah Islamiah8 • Jema’a Islamiyah3 • Jemaah Islamiya9 • Jemaa Islamiyya4 • Jema’ah Islamiyah10 • Jema’a Islamiyya5 • Jemaah Islamiyyah11 • Jemaa Islamiyyah6 • Jema’ah Islamiyyah12 Executive Summary: Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) is a jihadist group in Southeast Asia that seeks to establish a caliphate in the region through violent means. The group is led by its co-founder, Abu Bakar Bashir, who pledged loyalty to ISIS in July 2014. JI first raised its global profile after carrying out bombings in Bali in 2002 and 2005, killing 202 and 20 people (mostly foreign tourists), respectively.13 Among other violent operations, JI is known for its links to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing as well as the 1995 failed “Bojinka” plot, an attempt to bomb 12 U.S. commercial airlines in the span of two days.14 JI has links to al- Qaeda and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), a Philippines-based terrorist organization.15 1 Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) Analyst J.M. Berger has stated that JI is defunct.16 Nevertheless, the group remains a threat given its extensive network and ties to both ISIS and the Nusra Front. Australian authorities in particular have expressed concern about JI foreign fighters returning to the region. -
European Islam Challenges for Public Policy and Society
EUROPEAN ISLAM CHALLENGES FOR PUBLIC POLICY AND SOCIETY SAMIR AMGHAR, AMEL BOUBEKEUR, MICHAEL EMERSON (EDITORS) CHRIS ALLEN, VALERIE AMIRAUX, TUFYAL CHOUDHURY, BERNARD GODARD, IMANE KARICH, ISABELLE RIGONI OLIVIER ROY AND SARA SILVESTRI CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, and is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. The project was initiated at a conference held in Sofia in November 2006, sponsored under International Policy Fellowship programme of the Open Society Institute. Cover photograph: Stockholm Great Mosque ISBN 13: 978-92-9079-710-4 © Copyright 2007, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. -
Page 1 of 1 UN Security Council Debate on Iran Sanctions 11/30
UN Security Council debate on Iran sanctions Page 1 of 1 Last updated at 10:11 (UK time) 10 Mar 2009 UN Security Council debate on Iran sanctions 10 March 2009 Statement by John Sawers, Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the United Nations Statement by John Sawers, Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the United Nations Thank you Mr President and I'd like to join others in thanking Ambassador Takasu for this, his first report to the Council, and express my Delegation's thanks to him and his team for accepting this important responsibility and for the excellent start that they have made in leading the Committee's work. Mr President, The United Kingdom continues to have serious concerns about Iran's nuclear programme. The latest IAEA report, which issued last month, makes clear that, in defiance of UN Security Council Resolutions, Iran has refused to suspend all its proliferation sensitive nuclear activities, namely its uranium enrichment and related activities and various heavy water projects. The International Atomic Energy Authority reports that Iran now has more than 5,500 centrifuges installed, of which about 4,000 are actively enriching uranium, for which Iran has no plausible civilian use. Iran has also refused access to IAEA inspectors to the heavy water reactor at Arak, for the second time in a row. This is of particular concern because the reactor's design at Arak is ideally suited to producing plutonium, which could be used for nuclear weapons. -
H Subject: Fw: Sawers / Telegraph Articles
UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05795070 Date: 02/13/2016 RELEASE IN PART B1,1.4(B),1.4(D),B6 From: H <[email protected] > Sent: Friday, July 13, 2012 1:46 AM To: '[email protected]' Subject: Re: Sawers / Telegraph articles Classified by DAS, A/GIS, DoS on 02/13/2016 — Class: Gobsmacking! CONFIDENTIAL — Reason: 1.4(B), 1.4(D) — Declassify on: 07/13/2032 From: Sullivan, Jacob 3 [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Thursday, July 12, 2012 11:18 PM To: H Subject: Fw: Sawers / Telegraph articles See the article down the string. From: Sherman, Wendy R Sent: Thursday, July 12, 2012 09:25 PM To: Nuland, Victoria 3; Murad, Eshel William; Hammer, Michael A; Ventrell, Patrick H; Sullivan, Jacob 3; Einhorn, Robert 3; 'Benjamin_3._Rhodes <Benjamin_l_Rhodes B6 Cc: Grantham, Chris W; Lakhdhir, Kannala S Subject: Re: Sawers / Telegraph articles Yes, Chris Grantham on my staff sent me an Alert Iran that had this story. Most unfortunate on many levels to say the least. Where to begin... From: Nuland, Victoria J Sent: Thursday, July 12, 2012 09:08 PM To: Murad, Eshel William; Hammer, Michael A; Ventrell, Patrick H• Sullivan Jacob 3; Sherman, Wendy R; Einhorn, Robert 3; 'Benjamin J. Rhodes <Benjamin J._Rhodes B6 Subject: Fw: Sawers / Telegraph articles Fysa - this from my UK embassy contact. Sawers heads MI6. From: James.Barbour [mailto B6 Sent: Thursday, July 12, 2012 06:21 PM To: Nuland, Victoria 3 Cc: Toner, Mark C Subject: FW: Sawers / Telegraph articles Toria, 1.4(B) 1.4(D) B1 UNCLASSIFIED U.S. -
Terrorism in Indonesia: Noordin’S Networks
TERRORISM IN INDONESIA: NOORDIN’S NETWORKS Asia Report N°114 – 5 May 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE MARRIOTT BOMBING NETWORKS ............................................................. 2 A. THE LUQMANUL HAKIEM SCHOOL........................................................................................2 B. THE LEFTOVER EXPLOSIVES .................................................................................................3 C. THE NGRUKI LINKS...............................................................................................................3 D. THE FINAL TEAM ..................................................................................................................4 III. THE AUSTRALIAN EMBASSY BOMBING ............................................................. 5 A. THE EAST JAVA NETWORK ....................................................................................................5 B. THE JI SCHOOL NETWORK IN CENTRAL JAVA .......................................................................7 C. THE NETWORK THUS FAR.....................................................................................................9 D. FAMILY AND BUSINESS IN WEST JAVA..................................................................................9 E. MOBILISING THE NETWORK -
The Jihadist Threat in France CLARA BEYLER
The Jihadist Threat in France CLARA BEYLER INCE THE MADRID AND LONDON BOMBINGS, Europeans elsewhere— fearful that they may become the next targets of Islamist terrorism— are finally beginning to face the consequences of the long, unchecked Sgrowth of radical Islam on their continent. The July bombings in London, while having the distinction of being the first suicide attacks in Western Eu- rope, were not the first time terrorists targeted a major European subway system. Ten years ago, a group linked to the Algerian Armed Islamic Group (Groupe Islamique Armé—GIA) unleashed a series of bombings on the Paris metro system. Since 1996, however, France has successfully avoided any ma- jor attack on its soil by an extremist Muslim group. This is due not to any lack of terrorist attempts—(only last September, France arrested nine members of a radical Islamist cell planning to attack the metro system)—but rather to the efficiency of the French counterterrorist services.1 France is now home to between five to six million Muslims—the sec- ond largest religious group in France, and the largest Muslim population in any Western European country.2 The majority of this very diverse population practices and believes in an apolitical, nonviolent Islam.3 A minority of them, however, are extremists. Islamist groups are actively operating in France to- day, spreading radical ideology and recruiting for future terrorist attacks on French soil and abroad. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of France’s Islamist groups, the evolving threats they have posed and continue to pose to French society, and the response of the French authorities to these threats. -
The Battle for Pakistan
ebooksall.com ebooksall.com ebooksall.com SHUJA NAWAZ THE BATTLE F OR PAKISTAN The Bitter US Friendship and a Tough Neighbourhood PENGUIN BOOKS ebooksall.com Contents Important Milestones 2007–19 Abbreviations and Acronyms Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Footnotes Important Milestones 2007–19 Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Select Bibliography ebooksall.com Acknowledgements Follow Penguin Copyright ebooksall.com Advance Praise for the Book ‘An intriguing, comprehensive and compassionate analysis of the dysfunctional relationship between the United States and Pakistan by the premier expert on the Pakistan Army. Shuja Nawaz exposes the misconceptions and contradictions on both sides of one of the most crucial bilateral relations in the world’ —BRUCE RIEDEL, senior fellow and director of the Brookings Intelligence Project, and author of Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America and the Future of the Global Jihad ‘A superb, thoroughly researched account of the complex dynamics that have defined the internal and external realities of Pakistan over the past dozen years. -
The Kurdistan Workers Party
EXPLANATORY STATEMENT Issued by the authority of the Minister for Home Affairs Criminal Code Act 1995 Criminal Code (Terrorist Organisation—Lashkar-e-Tayyiba) Regulations 2018 The purpose of the Criminal Code (Terrorist Organisation—Lashkar-e-Tayyiba) Regulations 2018 (the Regulations) is to specify Lashkar-e-Tayyiba for the purposes of paragraph (b) of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’ in subsection 102.1(1) of the Criminal Code.1 Lashkar-e-Tayyiba is currently specified for this purpose by the Criminal Code (Terrorist Organisation—Lashkar-e-Tayyiba) Regulation 2015, which is repealed by the Regulations. Details of the Regulations are set out in Attachment A. Section 5 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 (the Act) provides that the Governor-General may make regulations prescribing matters required or permitted by the Act to be prescribed, or necessary or convenient to be prescribed for carrying out or giving effect to the Act. The Schedule to the Act sets out the Criminal Code. Paragraph (b) of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’ in subsection 102.1(1) of the Criminal Code provides that regulations can specify organisations for the purposes of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’. Subsection 102.1(2) of the Criminal Code provides that before the Governor-General makes regulations specifying an organisation for the purposes of paragraph (b) of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’ in subsection 102.1(1), the Minister must be satisfied on reasonable grounds that the organisation is directly or indirectly engaged in, preparing, planning, assisting in or fostering the doing of a terrorist act or advocates the doing of a terrorist act. -
Escola De Guerra Naval Cc Emilio Reis Coelho
ESCOLA DE GUERRA NAVAL CC EMILIO REIS COELHO SELEÇÃO DE ALVOS: Ian Henderson e a Guerra de Drones no Paquistão. Rio de Janeiro 2016 CC EMILIO REIS COELHO SELEÇÃO DE ALVOS: Ian Henderson e a Guerra de Drones no Paquistão. Dissertação apresentada à Escola de Guerra Naval, como requisito parcial para a conclusão do Curso de Estado-Maior para Oficiais Superiores. Orientador: CF ANDRÉ MARCUS BLOWER Rio de Janeiro Escola de Guerra Naval 2016 À minha família, pelo apoio em todos os passos dessa caminhada. AGRADECIMENTOS Ao meu orientador, CF André Marcus Blower, pela atenção a mim dispensada e pelas observações, críticas e comentários que foram indispensáveis à conclusão exitosa deste trabalho. Aos Instrutores da Escola de Guerra Naval, pela dedicação à nobre tarefa de dividir conosco a experiência acumulada em tantos anos a serviço da Marinha. À minha esposa, Joyce Paiva Dantas Coelho, pela compreensão e pelo apoio ao longo de todo o curso. Ao meu irmão, Éder Reis Coelho, pela amizade de sempre. Aos meus pais, Fernando Tavares Coelho e Silvia Regina Reis Coelho, pelos sacrifícios que fizeram para que eu pudesse receber uma educação sólida e assim, trilhar o meu próprio caminho. À Deus, pela saúde que me concedeu e por permitir que mais este desafio fosse superado. RESUMO O uso de drones nos conflitos armados tornou mais complexas as análises referentes às questões que envolvem o Direito Internacional dos Conflitos Armados (DICA). Quando lidando com alvos humanos, a autoridade responsável precisa decidir se uma pessoa pode ser considerada um objetivo militar legítimo, observando o princípio da distinção e, antes de executar o ataque, precisa resolver a subjetiva equação da proporcionalidade, confrontando o dano colateral esperado com a vantagem militar direta que se espera obter com o ataque.