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Home , Discrimination, Protestantism in Mexico, Religion in Mexico, Religious violence

and Conflict Case Study Series : of Religious Minorities

August 2013

© Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/classroom Abstract This case study addresses the growth of in predominantly Cath- olic Mexico and the resulting sectarian hostilities from the 1960s through the 1990s, with particular attention paid to the locality of San Juan Chamula, where the worst and anti-Protestant occurred. The case study answers four overarching questions: What are the historical origins of religious difference in Chiapas? What caused violence between re- ligious groups in the 1960s through the 1990s? Were international religious and political forces important? What role did socioeconomic factors play? Along with the core text, the case study also includes a list of recommended readings for further information on Catholic-Protestant dynamics in Mexico and America. About this Case Study This case study was crafted under the editorial direction of Eric Patterson, visit- ing assistant professor in the Department of Government and associate director of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at Georgetown University.

This case study was made possible through the support of the Henry Luce Foundation and the Luce/SFS Program on Religion and International Affairs.

2 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO Contents

Introduction 4 Historical Background 5 Domestic Factors 8 International Factors 9 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors 10 Conclusion 10

Resources

Key Events 11 Further Reading 12 Discussion Questions 13

BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO 3 Introduction

Although nearly 90 percent of Mexico’s population iden- population and local authorities in the South to discrimi- tifies as Catholic, the Mexican constitution has long nate against Protestants, culminating in violence by both protected freedom of for religious minorities sides. This study will focus on issues of conversion, com- and officially maintains separation of church and state. munal identity, religious competition, and the reach of Nevertheless, the growth of Protestantism has caused lo- effective government in San Juan Chamula, a locality in cal tensions and hostilities between Catholics and Prot- Chiapas where religious tensions led to some of the worst estant converts, particularly in the rural towns of south- outbreaks of . By 2000, this had led to ern Mexico, where evangelical Protestant churches have hundreds of deaths and the displacement of approximate- grown at the fastest rate. Between the 1960s and 1990s, ly 30,000 Protestants. In the late 1990s, the local govern- the federal government largely turned a blind eye to reli- ment began to have some success in alleviating the situ- gious persecution in this region. The government’s weak ation, but tensions persist that continue to contribute to enforcement of religious freedoms allowed the indigenous and religious hostility.

San Juan Chamula in Chiapas, Mexico

4 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO Historical Background

The Catholic Church in Mexico has historically been tive parishioners in . Protestantism was not among the most powerful and politically conservative in- unheard of, but for various reasons—including pro-Cath- stitutions in Latin America.1 Colonial Mexico was char- olic immigration laws in the 1800s and the continued use acterized by a close relationship between Spanish military of Catholic symbols like the Virgin of Guadalupe in the power and the Catholic Church’s social prestige, in part construction of Mexican —it was slow to take because Catholic conversion was considered necessary to root. In fact, it was not until the 1960s and 1970s that subjugate the large indigenous population. The Church evangelical (including Pentecostal) Protestantism grew was given vast estates to control, exempted from taxation, significantly throughout Mexico, replicating a trend in and left to govern its affairs with limited state interference. many other areas of Latin America, albeit at a slower pace. After independence from Spain in 1821, liberals and con- servatives engaged in an ongoing struggle over the role of Conversion to evangelical can the Church in Mexico. However, despite various often- be attributed to several factors. Catholic evangelization dramatic efforts at reform, the Catholic Church retained was weak in the more remote areas of Mexico during the significant economic resources and its status as the domi- colonial era and therefore Protestantism has grown most nant religion in the country. Deeply embedded in Mexi- strongly in the historically marginalized South. Moreover, can society and culture, the Church fiercely defended its Protestant converts were usually citizens from lower so- effective monopoly over religious practice—particularly cioeconomic backgrounds who may have felt excluded as a bulwark against Yankee Protestantism. from economic, political, and social power. In some cases, conversion occurred in the context of domestic The situation of the Church was fundamentally chal- and and may have been expected to promote im- lenged by the Mexican ’s (1910-1920) intense proved outcomes at home and financially. Because evan- anticlericalism. The Church’s great wealth and long asso- gelical congregations tend to prohibit some behaviors like ciation with the Mexican elite made its lands and assets a drinking and gambling that often contributed to domes- natural target for seizure and redistribution to the peasants tic strife, conversion was often seen as a remedy for these whose clamor for land had largely fuelled the revolution. problems.2 As one Protestant minister in as- Over the following decade, the Church lost its privileged serted, “For five centuries the Catholic Church has told political status and much of its economic superstructure, Latin it would save their , but we tell them especially Church lands. Priests and other religious fig- of a that saves their bodies and their and im- ures were prohibited from taking public political posi- proves their lives today, and they come.”3 tions or participating in (including voting), while the state largely replaced the system of Catholic education Still others attribute evangelical growth to the material in- with a free, state-provided, and secular public education centives for conversion (such as development assistance) system. Despite the virtual expulsion of the Church from offered by American . Whatever the reason for the public square, the Mexican people remained heavily these conversions, Mexican Protestantism grew steadily in Catholic, continuing to this day to be among the most ac- the second half of the twentieth century. While the total

BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO 5 evangelical population in Mexico remains comparatively of Catholicism infused with ancient Mayan practices and low at just over five percent, it is regionally concentrated, social customs. Religious and social practices in the region with the fastest rates of conversion found disproportion- are so intermingled that rejection of this syncretistic Ca- ately in the South.4 In 1970, the evangelical population in tholicism meant not only rejection of particular religious the southern state of Chiapas was less than five percent, , but refusal to participate in the social of but by 2000, it had soared to over 21 percent.5 However, the indigenous communities. For example, sponsorship there is evidence that many who convert revert to Ca- of (and paying for) a religious festival like the “saint’s day” tholicism or fall away from faith altogether.6 of a town’s patron saint was frequently a required step to climb the social ladder. Men could demonstrate their For many Catholics, evangelicals represent a threat to the commitment to the community and their ability to pro- country’s unity and national religious character.7 One can vide for the community’s needs by holding in succession find, for example, stickers and placards in the windows the prescribed series of cargos (literally “charges,” or posi- of Mexican houses warning would-be missionaries “This tions), such as financially underwriting a religious festival. home is Catholic. Protestant propaganda not accepted.” Sociologists suggest that the redistribution of wealth that Catholic and government officials often echo these occurred as wealthier members of the community spent sentiments, and thus fuel the hostility. For the Mexican from their savings to provide free food and drink during a government, the primary concern is the connection be- festival also reduced tensions within the community that tween the evangelical movement and foreign missionar- might have resulted from economic inequality. ies, raising questions not only about foreign influence, but even suspicions of deliberate attempts by the United The copious drinking typically expected of participants States government to infiltrate the country.8 In fact, one during these festivals was a major reason for Protestant Protestant organization, known as the Sum- abstention. Many Protestants also objected in principle to mer Institute of Linguistics, was charged by the Mexican the celebration of Catholic saints’ days, not only because government with having the goals of “control, cultural the practice of praying to saints is generally frowned upon , and pacification of Mexico’s indigenous peoples in Protestant churches, but also because in the case of in- so as to insure security of access for the US to the vast digenous communities like San Juan Chamula, many of oilfields of the South…”9 During the Cold , some, these saints were thinly disguised versions of pre-Chris- including Catholic clerics, accused evangelicals of being tian and . The refusal of Protestants to tools of the CIA and acting to advance American inter- take part in such ceremonies, however, implied a refusal ests in the region.10 To date, however, there is no evidence to recognize the authority of traditional leaders or to re- of such a connection.11 Of the Protestant population in spect the social norms of the community. The result was Mexico, only about 20 percent report affiliating with Pen- a strong reaction on the part of Catholic authorities and tecostal denominations with headquarters in the United efforts to bring recalcitrant Protestants back into line or States.12 expel them from the community. For nearly three decades (1960s-1990s), religious tensions in the area caused great Amid the accusations against foreign Protestants, local suffering but received little recognition from the Mexican Protestants have tried to practice their religion. The vio- government or the international community. lence caused by tensions between Catholics and Protes- tants was most prominent in the highlands of Chiapas, An example was the conflict in San Juan Chamula, one which are isolated politically and economically from the of the more extreme and violent cases of religious strife. populous urban centers and were home to multiple an- Starting in 1974, when open conflict began, hundreds of ti-government and pro-indigenous armed groups in the Protestant Chamulans were killed and as many as 30,000 1980s and 1990s. The Catholics in this conflict were -of were expelled from their homes.13 Others were beaten or ten indigenous peasants who practiced a syncretistic form raped and businesses were burned to the ground.14 One

6 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO Protestant from the area reported that his house had been success of peace talks were low. Evangelicals were divided fired on nine different times over the course of five years, over whether they should even participate in the meeting, resulting in 75 bullet holes.15 Catholic residents claimed while Chamula’s municipal president continued to refer that “we are just trying to defend our culture… The evan- to the Protestants as “emissaries of foreign influences that gelicals want to wipe it out.”16 Another resident noted, made our community sick.”23 “We know how to pray and we know how to drink… If the evangelists try to return here, they’ll be met with bul- Juan Carlos Bonifaz Trujillo, president of the Chiapas lets.”17 state legislature, created a reconciliation commission to address issues on both sides of the conflict. The stated The sources of conflict in San Juan Chamula were very goals of this commission were to protect local traditions similar to those of other communities in the region. and customs while also preserving the rights of each in- Throughout Chiapas, reports about the persecution of dividual. As a result of the commission, mass expulsions evangelicals abounded. In one municipality, 24 stopped, killings and were reduced, repara- of the Seventh-Day Adventist Church were deprived of tions were paid for some lost property, and nearly 4,000 their access to government social programs; local officials expelled evangelicals returned to their homes.24 Even Ab- also fined them 3,000 pesos if they failed to make finan- dias Tovilla Jaime, director of the State Committee for cial contributions to the community’s Catholic festivals.18 the Defense of Evangelicals in Chiapas, said that “there Such physical and emotional violence took a substantial has been much progress” as a result of the commission’s toll on the non-Catholic residents of these communities. activity.25 Over the course of three decades, tens of thousands fled or were forcibly removed from lands their ancestors had One sign of this progress was the construction of a new inhabited for centuries. Protestant church in San Juan Chamula—the first to be built in the community. As a symbol of an historic ad- Protestants expelled from San Juan Chamula fled to near- vance in tolerance in one of the most violently divided by San Cristobal, one of the largest cities in Chiapas and communities, the Prince of Peace Temple was viewed by a major tourist destination.19 Just outside the city, Protes- evangelical leaders as “the most important new church in tants populated new slums and gave them names such as the country,” and was funded in part by donations from Paradise and New Jerusalem.20 These makeshift neighbor- evangelical churches across Mexico.26 hoods offered poor living conditions, were often overrun by rats, and had limited access to clean drinking water.21 Despite these signs of progress, tensions remained. In Protestant residents grew resentful of the persecution that the late 1990s, Chamula Mayor Florencio Collazo Gó- forced them into such a situation. Thus, the situation mez confirmed that Protestant children were being kept became one not solely of Catholic violence toward Prot- out of public schools. He noted that evangelicals “carry estants, but rather resulted in tit-for-tat and ideas that are bad,” and that “the community doesn’t want .22 them.”27 The situation persists in neighboring Mexican states as well. Officials often cite a constitutional provision The outbreak of indigenous guerilla in Chiapas protecting the “uses and customs” of indigenous com- in 1994 (the Zapatista Army or EZLN, for Ejército Za- munities, although their application directly contradicts patista de Liberación Nacional), despite being unrelated constitutional guarantees.28 Reports to religious tensions, brought new and intense state at- dated around 2006 still show evangelical families being tention to the simmering grievances present in many forced from their homes, subjected to fines for uncoop- communities. In 1996, the state government of Chiapas erativeness with Catholic traditions, and even deprived of brought together both sides of the dispute in San Juan local services such as water and electricity.29 Chamula to reconcile differences. Initially, hopes for the

BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO 7 Domestic Factors

The tension between indigenous Catholics and evangelicals in ics are quick to point out that caciques benefit directly from San Juan Chamula is at least in part the result of a unique these rituals. As one resident noted, “Everyone is obliged to identification between Catholic religious practices and Mayan buy posh from the caciques. They make it, they sell it. They social practices. In southern Mexico, indigenous populations say it’s a tradition.”32 Posh figures prominently in southern adapted Catholicism to preexisting customs, which has cre- Mexican Catholicism; as one resident noted, the residents “are ated longstanding theological and organizational controversy born with drink, they reproduce by drink and they die with within the Catholic Church. For instance, there are no pews in drink.”33 Economic interests and religious differences are in San Juan Chamula’s main Catholic Church, and worshippers fact inseparable. Thus, the added association of economic in- can be found kneeling on a carpet of fresh pine needles. Some terest to cultural traditions may account for the generally more rituals can include the lighting of candles and firecrackers to violent nature of conflicts between evangelicals and Catholics release spirits, sacrificing chickens in healing ceremonies, in these rural and indigenous communities. and making offerings of cigarettes and home-brewed liquor called posh, which the faithful drink from used soda bottles.30 In urban areas, the lack of evangelical involvement in religious The official Catholic priest is welcomed once a year to baptize festivals is a source of far less tension than in the rural areas of all babies and formalize marriages, but the religious hierarchy the South, as the festivals themselves are less central to com- of the Catholic Church is not prominent. Indeed, the most munity life. Nevertheless, evangelicals are also reluctant to in- famous example of the internal cleavage between indigenous volve themselves in many of the other religious and cultural Catholics and orthodox Catholics in Chiapas was the barring traditions of Catholics—including first communions, bap- of renowned Bishop of Chiapas Samuel Ruiz from visiting San tisms, and weddings—ceremonies that even the least religious Juan Chamula due to his objections against the expulsion of Mexican Catholics typically attend in order to please their Protestants from the village. families. Evangelicals, however, disapproved of the drinking, smoking, and dancing prominent at such events.34 Many con- Nevertheless, religious festivals are seen as crucial to maintaining verts blame alcoholism for their desire to leave Catholicism, as social bonds and, as such, all residents are expected to participate drinking often led to domestic and .35 Such incom- in and make financial contributions to the local fiestas. Evan- patibility between beliefs and cultural values strained gelicals view such practices as superstitious and idolatrous and ties, sometimes to the breaking point. In many cases, rejecting abstain from the drinking and dancing usually involved, creat- Catholicism was tantamount to rejecting family.36 Accord- ing a perceived threat to the social integrity of the community. ing to one study, announcing conversion to one’s family can have negative repercussions ranging from ridicule to beatings Many Protestants also attribute religious harassment to the to ejection from the home. Consequences are typically much economic interests of social and political leaders in the coun- less drastic, and approximately 35 percent of converts reported try’s South. Political bosses in the region have control over that their family was tolerant or indifferent, with many others many facets of the area’s economy, including the production reporting a reduction of tension with time.37 Still, the study and sale of items associated with religious festivals and worship demonstrated a wide chasm between Catholics and evangeli- practices, such as alcohol, candles, and soda.31 Local leaders cals, where 60 percent of Protestant respondents with “some” (caciques) opposed evangelical intrusion in part out of fear that or “many” Catholic family members in their locality reported it would disrupt the region’s traditions and character. Yet crit- that they “never” or “very rarely” visited these relatives.38

8 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO International Factors

Tension between evangelicals and Catholics has been fu- However, the Mexican government rejected intervention, elled by allegations that the US government funds and arguing that the government had not yet exhausted all of supports the growth of Protestantism. During the 1980s, its local and national options in solving the problem.43 there was a widespread in southern Mexico that More direct attempts by denominational headquarters to the Reagan administration was using the CIA to pro- demand better treatment would likely only confirm fears mote Protestantism in Mexico in order to gain influence of US influence. Thus, defenders of religious freedom in over the country.39 In the mid-1990s, perhaps reacting to Mexico have generally preferred to work through Mexi- perceptions of increased US influence resulting from the can organizations rather than acting on an international implementation of the North American Free Trade Agree- level. ment, similar accusations were made. One Catholic de- nunciation, posted in a major state newspaper, stated that Protestants were a direct manifestation of the American government, “from which they receive monthly money to cover the salaries of the evangelists and compensation for those who are co-opted.”40 None of these allegations have been proven, but the vulnerability of Mexico to uni- lateral US decisions on issues ranging from trade to im- migration as well as the power disparities between the two nations have led historically to an understand- able suspicion of interference by their northern neighbor. Thus, mainstream Catholics are prone to believe accusa- tions that the evangelical movement is the result of mate- rial and financial aid from the and to treat Protestant traditions as a hostile foreign influence, even though the majority of Protestants in Mexico do not be- long to US-based denominations.41

Because of these historical sensitivities, actions to defend the interests of evangelicals in Mexico by international nongovernmental organizations—especially those based in the United States—often have contradictory or even negative effects. In October 1993, the US-based Ruther- ford Institute filed complaints to multiple international organizations regarding the situation in Chiapas. These organizations included the Commission on Rights, the Organization of American States, and also the Mexican Commission on .42 Government Palace, , Mexico

BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO 9 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors

Overall, Mexico remains a Catholic stronghold, with most of of indigenous Mexicans has left them twice as likely to identify its bishops generally aligned with the conservative and cen- as Protestant as their fellow countrymen.45 tralizing efforts of recent popes. In the early 2000s, Catholics made up nearly 89 percent of the total population, with 44 Not coincidentally, areas of rapid Protestant growth have also percent reporting church attendance at least once a week.44 witnessed the emergence of more politically progressive and The problems associated with the growth of Protestantism reformist versions of Catholicism. In Chiapas, for example, have been concentrated in areas with higher conversion rates, local bishop Samuel Ruiz became an open advocate of lib- where evangelicals pose a more serious cultural threat to Ca- eration , which supports greater local and lay control tholicism. Southern and rural Mexico (the states of , over Church programs, defense of human rights against state Chiapas, , , , and the Yucatan, , and promotion of self-organization by parishioners, es- for example) have been fertile ground for the advance of the pecially through social movements. For his efforts, he was vili- evangelical movement, while the Catholic Church has kept its fied by the state as “the Red [communist] Bishop” and forced dominant position in the major urban population centers like into early retirement by the Catholic hierarchy. Nevertheless, Mexico City. The South’s proclivity for Protestantism can be his active championing of peasant rights and peasant organiza- seen as the result of historic isolation from the social and politi- tions in Chiapas was imitated by other local Catholic priests cal norms of greater Mexico, as the traditional independence who similarly faced competition from Protestant .46

In conclusion, the in southern Mexico has re- sulted in thousands of deaths, an untold number of , and the destruction of millions of dollars worth of property. Tens of thousands of Protestants were expelled from their homes, with little intervention from Mexico City or external govern- ments. The source of this persecution was religious and cul- tural, although it was not sanctioned by the Catholic Church’s hierarchy. More specifically, in the largely independent, rural, Mayan-infused, syncretistic culture of southern Mexico, Prot- estants were seen as rejecting longstanding traditions within the community, such as providing financial support for feasts hon- oring Catholic and indigenous saints. Thus, the changes that Protestant conversion represented included not only religious and spiritual challenges to the status quo, but also challenges to the socioeconomic environment. Furthermore, at times, Protes- tants were falsely labeled as agents of American interests. By the early 2000s, much of this violence had abated although religious Bishop Samuel Ruiz ostracism continues in many rural parts of the region.

10 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO Key Events

1910-1920 . seek to 1974 Violent hostilities break out in the municipality of curtail the power of the Catholic Church in Mexico and San Juan Chamula in the state of Chiapas between Catho- eventually prevail. lics (whose Catholicism includes elements of traditional Mayan practices) and evangelical Protestant converts. Hun- February 5, 1917 Constitutional Congress approves a new dreds of Protestants are killed and thousands are displaced , which includes numerous anticleri- over the next few decades. cal measures to diminish the political power of the Catholic Church and restrict the rights of Catholic priests. 1994 A generally nonreligious uprising by the indigenous Zapatista Army in Chiapas exacerbates simmering sectar- 1926-1929 The enforcement of anticlerical laws, known ian tensions in the region, drawing government attention as the Calles Laws for President Plutarco Elías Calles, spurs to the religious conflict. a violent popular rebellion that drew support from the Church. Some state concessions led the Church to with- 1996 Government-backed peace talks begin between draw its support for the rebels in 1929, and the rebellion Catholics and Protestants in Chiapas. The situation im- gradually died. proves as violence largely ceases, displaced families return to Chamula, and a Protestant church is built in the town, 1960s Protestant missionaries begin significant efforts to though the community remains religiously divided in evangelize across Mexico, leading to a steady increase in the many ways. country’s Protestant population ever since. 2000 Protestants make up over 21 percent of the popula- 1970 Protestants make up less than five percent of the tion of Chiapas. population of the southern Mexican state of Chiapas.

BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO 11 Further Readings

Grayson, George W. 1992. The Church in Contemporary Levine, Daniel H., ed. 1986. Religion and Political Con- Mexico. Washington D.C.: The Center for Strategic and flict in Latin America. Chapel Hill, NC: UNC Press. International Studies. Patterson, Eric. 2005. Latin America’s Neo-: Baldwin, Deborah J. 1990. Protestants and the Mexican Religion’s Influence on Contemporary Politics. New York: Revolution. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Routledge. Press. Smith, Brian H. 1998. Religious Politics in Latin America: Bowen, Kurt. 1996. and : The Evolu- Pentecostal vs. Catholic. Notre Dame, IN: University of tion and Impact of Evangelicals in Modern Mexico. McGill- Notre Dame Press. Queen’s University Press. Stoll, David. 1990. Is Latin America Turning Protestant? Cahn, Peter S. 2003. All Religious are Good in Tzintzunt- University of California Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles. zan: Evangelicals in Catholic Mexico. Austin, TX: Univer- sity of Press. Trejo, Guillermo. 2009. “Religious Competition and Ethnic Mobilization in Latin America: Why the Catho- Camp, Roderic Ai. 1997. Crossing Swords: Politics and Re- lic Church Promotes Indigenous Movements in Mexico.” ligion in Mexico. New York: Oxford University Press. American Political Science Review. Vol. 103, No. 3 (Au- gust): 323-342. Chesnut, R. Andres. 1997. Born Again in : The Pen- tecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty. New Bruns- US Department of State’s Annual Report on Internation- wick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. al Religious Freedom, available at: http://state.gov/g/drl/ rls/irf/2009/127397.htm Cleary, Edward L. 2004. Resurgent Voices in Latin Ameri- ca: Indigenous Peoples, Political Mobilization, and Religious Change. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.

12 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO Discussion Questions

1. What are the historical origins of religious difference in Chiapas? 2. What caused violence between religious groups in the 1960s through the 1990s? 3. Were international religious and political forces important? 4. What role did socioeconomic factors play?

1 For example, liberation theology—the progressive in some 13 Ginger Thompson, “In a Warring Mexican Town, 's Will Is the parts of the Catholic Church that advocates Church support of hu- Issue,” New York Times (August 13, 2000). rights and the poor against the state and wealthy elites—nev- 14 The Washington Post, “ Collide In Mexico's South; Prot- er made much headway in the hierarchy of the Mexican Catholic estants Pose Challenge to 500 Years of Catholicism Molly Moore” Church, although it did considerably better where Catholic bishops (February 6, 1996). faced strong competition from emerging Protestant sects. 15 Ginger Thompson, “In a Warring Mexican Town, God's Will Is the 2 Roderic Ai Camp, Crossing Swords: Politics and Issue,” New York Times, August 13, 2000. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997). 16 Michael Riley, “Mexico’s Three-Sided ,” The Wash- 3 “Visiting Pope Will Find Rising Tide Of Protestantism in Latin ington Times (March 31, 1998). America.” Christian Science Monitor, (: 1 February, 1996); 17 Molly Moore, “Religions Collide in Mexico’s South; Protestants see also Chesnutt’s Born Again in Brazil (1997) on the association Pose Challenge to 500 Years of Catholicism,” The Washington Post, between Protestant conversion and family economic outcomes. (February 6, 1996). 4 Refers to population aged five or more, according to the 2000 Mexi- 18 Compass Direct News, “Christians Struggling in Mexico,” CBN can Census. All official census data can be found at http://inegi.org. News, (November 25, 2008). mx/default.aspx, consulted July 15, 2013. 19 Christian Science Monitor (Boston, MA), “Mexican Evangelicals 5 Edward L. Cleary, Resurgent Voices in Latin America: Indigenous Find Grace with Catholics,” (July 26, 1996). Peoples, Political Mobilization, and Religious Change, (New Bruns- 20 Klaus Blume, “Bloody Religious Conflict Rages in Southern Mex- wick: Rutgers University Press, 2004), 197. ico,” Deutsche Presse-Agentur, (July 20, 1999). 6 Bowen, Evangelism and Apostasy. 21 Diego Ribadeneira, “In Mexico’s South, a Religious Divide,” The 7 Roderic Ai Camp, Crossing Swords, 95. Boston Globe, (February 2, 1994). 8 Ibid. 22 Michael Riley, “Mexico’s Three-Sided Religious War,” The Wash- 9 Eric Patterson, Latin America’s Neo Reformation: Religion’s Influ- ington Times (March 31, 1998). ence on Contemporary Politics (New York: Routledge, 2005), 121. 23 Howard La Franchi, “Mexican Evangelicals Find Grace with Cath- 10 Ibid. olics,” Christian Science Monitor June 26, 1996. 11 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 12 Ibid., 115. 25 Ibid.

BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO 13 26 Ginger Thompson, “In a Warring Mexican Town, God's Will Is the of Evangelicals in Modern Mexico. McGill-Queen’s University Press. Issue,” NY Times, August 13, 2000. 1996. 184. 27 Michael Riley, “Mexico’s Three-Sided Religious War,” The Wash- 35 Ginger Thompson, “In a Warring Mexican Town, God's Will Is the ington Times (March 31, 1998). Issue,” New York Times, August 13, 2000. 28 For the Constitution, see http://diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/ 36 Bowen, Kurt. Evangelism and Apostasy: The Evolution and Impact pdf/1.pdf; For English translation, see http://oas.org/juridico/mla/ of Evangelicals in Modern Mexico. McGill-Queen’s University Press. en/mex/en_mex-int-text-const.pdf. Constitución Política de los Es- 1996. 184. tados Unidos Mexicanos, especially Articles 1, 24, accessed July 15, 37 Ibid. 2013. On this issue, see Compass Direct News, “Christians Strug- 38 Ibid. gling in Mexico,” CBN News, November 25, 2008. “Uses and cus- 39 Eric Patterson. Latin America’s Neo Reformation: Religion’s Influ- toms” laws also have required non-partisan elections in many indig- ence on Contemporary Politics, 121. enous communities, following traditions of open community debate 40 Bowen, Evangelism and Apostasy, 164. and consensus-building rather than the secret ballots and partisan 41 Patterson, 115. candidates employed in the rest of Mexico. 42 Representación Internacional," Rutherford Magazine: Spanish Edi- 29 Ibid. tion (November 1993). 30 Michael Riley, “Mexico’s Three-Sided Religious War,” The Wash- 43 Howard La Franchi. “Mexican Evangelicals Find Grace with Cath- ington Times (March 31, 1998). olics,” Christian Science Monitor June 26, 1996. 31 Ibid. 44 Patterson, 115. 32 Molly Moore, “Religions Collide in Mexico’s South; Protestants 45 Patterson, 124. Pose Challenge to 500 Years of Catholicism,” The Washington Post, 46 Guillermo Trejo, “Religious Competition and Ethnic Mobilization (February 6, 1996). in Latin America: Why the Catholic Church Promotes Indigenous 33 Ibid. Movements in Mexico,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 103, 34 Bowen, Kurt. Evangelism and Apostasy: The Evolution and Impact No. 3 (August 2009): 323-342.

14 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — MEXICO