Note on the Messianic Character of the Fourth Eclogue

The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Note on the Messianic Character of the Fourth Eclogue H. W. Garrod The Classical Review / Volume 19 / Issue 01 / February 1905, pp 37 - 38 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00991224, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00991224 How to cite this article: H. W. Garrod (1905). Note on the Messianic Character of the Fourth Eclogue. The Classical Review, 19, pp 37-38 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00991224 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 134.176.129.147 on 05 May 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. 37 NOTE ON THE MESSIANIC CHARACTER OF THE FOURTH ECLOGUE. READEBS of Virgil are perhaps not com- Jews were advised to accept Herod as king monly readers of Josephus. But I think by ' Pollio a Pharisee.' that in Josephus is to be sought the explan- Is it possible, looking at these facts, to ation of the ' Messianic' character of the doubt that certain of Pollio's relations were Fourth Eclogue. The year 40 B.C. was the Jews 1 ' Pollio the Pharisee,' since a Phari- year of the Consulship of Pollio, and it was see and (as Josephus mentions incidentally) also the year in which, on the advice of a member of the Sanhedrim could not have Antony, Herod, the son of Antipater, was, been a mere ' proselyte of the gate.' We given the throne of Jerusalem. Octavian, may suppose him to have been the son (or also, was anxious to forward this arrange- descendant) of some member of Pollio's ment, since Antipater had fought for Julius family who had become a ' proselyte of Caesar in Egypt (Josephus, Antiquities, xiv. righteousness.' Have we not here a better 14. 4). Josephus says nothing of any part explanation than any other of the Messianic played by Pollio in this bestowal upon element in Virgil's poem ? Asinius Pollio, Herod of the Jewish crown. Herod, he if members of his family were Jews, must says, was introduced into the Senate by have been familiar with Jewish ideas, and Messalla and Atratinus. But in the next even with Jewish literature. (We might, section (xiv. 14. 5) he mentions the fact that perhaps, infer this merely from his friendship Pollio was Consul at this time. He does with Herod.) He was also himself a poet not usually reckon the years both by Olym- of distinction. Is it unnatural to suppose piads and by consulships—his chronology is that in his poetry he embodied something usually very loose indeed—nor was there of the thought and sentiment of Hebrew any real reason for his doing so in this case. poetry i Is it unnatural to suppose that The year 40 had not any peculiar import- Virgil, writing a poem in honour of Pollio, ance for a Jew, since the Jews generally (and adopted, perhaps merely by way of compli- Josephus) seem to have regarded the year 37 ment, the Hebraic style of Pollio himself ? as the first year of Herod's reign. There is, This would be particularly appropriate at a of course, nothing unnatural in the mention moment when Pollio, by securing the election of Pollio at this point; but Josephus' main of Herod, had shewn himself so eager a reason for mentioning him here is, I think, partisan of Jewish ideas. the fact that he was accustomed to associate together, in connection with Jewish history The name of Herod is associated with the of the period, the names of Pollio and Massacre of the Innocents. This is, perhaps, Herod. The two men were undoubtedly I would suggest, an echo of a much earlier close allies. This appears clearly from a event, the slaying of Hezekiah and his band passage in the fifteenth book (xv. 10. 1), —a violation of ' the Law ' which the Jews where we gather that about the year 24 B.C. never forgot. But, however that may be, (or possibly 27 B.C.) Herod sent his two sons this story of the Innocents connects Herod's on a mission to Augustus (was it a mission name with the expectation of a ' child,' such of gratulation upon the honours which fell as that spoken of by Virgil. What Mes- to Augustus in 27 B.C. ?), and these young sianic ideals Herod (a much maligned man) men ' lodged at the house of Pollio (= C. may have entertained we do not know. Asinius Pollio), who was very fond of But they may have been known to Pollio Herod's friendship.' The explanation of and, through Pollio, to Virgil. In some this fondness for Herod's friendship appears, such way as this I think it possible that the I fancy, from yet another passage of the Fourth Eclogue may be in very truth Mes- Antiquities (xv. 1. 1) : ' Pollio the Pharisee, sianic. The 'little child' of Virgil may and Sameas his disciple, were honoured by literally be one and the same as the ' little Herod above all the rest; for when Jeru- child ' of ' Isaiah.' salem was besieged [sc. consequently upon I do not, of course, mean that Virgil is the bestowal of the kingdom upon Herod in speaking to the Jewish world, or has his the consulship of Asinius Pollio] they ad- eyes fixed upon Jerusalem. His eyes are vised the citizens to receive Herod.' fixed upon Rome. He is speaking to Romans. His mind dwells on the golden promises of The Romans, then, gave the kingdom to the peace of Brundisium. He looks off Herod in the consulship (one can but infer from the ' little child' of Isaiah, perhaps, on the motion) of Asinius Pollio, and the to some one of the expected children whose 38 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. names have been traditionally connected the earth, colour every word—ideas derived, with this poem. But Jewish ideas of a through Pollio, from ' Pollio the Pharisee ' reign of peace and splendour, of a mysterious or Herod the Great, or both. prince and saviour who should re-organize H. W, GARROD. VIRGIL, AENEID VII. 695-6. Hi Fescenninas acies aequosque Faliscos, passage full of old-world terms and legends Hi Soractis habent arces Flauiniaque arua. he has preserved the name which the Fescen- nines themselves had given to this striking THE zeugma involved in the accepted feature of their home. We have then in version of these two lines is so harsh that the two lines a double antithesis between critics tend either to regard the word acies hill and dale, plateau and plain. Translate : as corrupt or to argue that the passage is ' These are they of the Fescennine Edges and one of those which would have been recast, these the people of Falisci in the plain: had Virgil lived to revise the Aeneid for these the hillmen of Soracte, and these the publication. tillers of the Flavinian levels.' If the reading acies were condemned, the No precise parallel for such a use of aoies conjecture 'Hi Fescenninos<s>altus' might is given in the new Thesaurus, although claim consideration, but it is ill meddling the cognate word acumen is twice used by with fourth century MSS., and besides, is Ovid (Met. xii. 337 and xiii. 778) to it quite certain that the traditional inter- mean a mountain-bluff; but names borrowed pretation is sound 1 from the configuration of the country are In the first place Faliscos may quite possi- to be found in all languages.8 A bolder bly be the name not of the people but of the man might argue that in Aeneid x. 4084 city, employed here as in Ovid (Am. iii. 13.1), the word has the same force, but I would because the more usual form Falerii is not rather rely on our own analogous use of the suited to a dactylic metre. Then the epithet word ' Edge' to support, as it suggested, aequos, as Miiller pointed out long since, may my theory. Thus (e.g.) Kinver Edge near mean the city ' in the plain.' Virgil is think- Stourbridge is ' almost a precipice on one ing of the Roman, not the Etruscan, town— 1 side, and a very gradual ascent on the other, the modern Falleri, which Dennis describes about 400 feet high,' not higher that is to as standing ' on the very level of the plain by say than the site assigned by Dennis to which you approach it.' Fescennium. The town of Fescennium (or Fescennia) Soon after Virgil's time the town fell was situated somewhere in the ager Faliscus. into ruins, and with the town the name Its exact position is now unknown. Two also died. Few indeed are the allusions in sites have however been suggested—Civita our own literature to the many English Castellana and San Silvestro—and with regard Edges, and Macaulay's New Zealander, if he to these one point is noteworthy. Each ever arrives, is likely to be as much puzzled occupies a fairly lofty plateau surrounded by such a couplet as :— or bounded by some of those deep and abrupt ravines,2 which are the most striking feature ' Oh tarnish late on Wenlock Edge, of the ager Faliscus. Gold that I never see '; Now I submit that the word acies, which sprang from the same root and developed* as are the critics of these two lines with on the same lines as our own word edge, their theory of a harsh zeugma in an un- was used locally to describe these 'sheer revised poem.

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