Reconciliation and Architectures of Commitment: Sequencing Peace in Bougainville
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GEF/E/C.59/01 November 11, 2020 59th GEF Council December 7-10, 2020 Virtual Meeting Agenda Item 09 EVALUATION OF GEF SUPPORT IN FRAGILE AND CONFLICT-AFFECTED SITUATIONS (Prepared by the Independent Evaluation Office of the GEF) Recommended Council Decision The Council, having reviewed document GEF/E/C.59/01, Evaluation of GEF Support in Fragile and Conflict- Affected Situations, and the Management Response, endorses the following recommendations: 1. The GEF Secretariat should use the project review process to provide feedback to Agencies to identify conflict and fragility-related risks to a proposed project and develop measures to mitigate those risks. 2. To improve conflict-sensitive programming while also providing flexibility to Agencies and projects, the GEF Secretariat could develop guidance for conflict-sensitive programming. 3. To improve conflict-sensitive design, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of GEF projects, the GEF Secretariat together with the Agencies should leverage existing platforms for learning, exchange, and technical assistance. 4. The current GEF Environmental and Social Safeguards could be expanded to provide more details so that GEF projects address key conflict-sensitive considerations. 5. The GEF Secretariat could consider revising its policies and procedures so that GEF-supported projects can better adapt to rapid and substantial changes common in fragile and conflict-affected situations ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................................................................... -
Papau New Guinea, Soloman Islands, and Vanuatu
PAPUA NEW GUINEA COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Mary Seymour Olmsted 1975-1979 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Harvey Feldman 1979-1981 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Morton R. Dworken, Jr. 1983-1985 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Paul F. Gardner 1984-1986 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Robert Pringle 1985-1987 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Everett E. Bierman 1986-1989 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea William Farrand 1990-1993 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Richard W. Teare 1993-1996 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea John Allen Cushing 1997-1998 Consular/Political Officer, Port Moresby Arma Jane Karaer 1997-2000 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea MARY SEYMOUR OLMSTED Ambassador Papua New Guinea (1975-1979) Ambassador Mary Seymour Olmsted was born in Duluth, Minnesota and raised in Florida. She received a bachelor's degree in economics from Mount Holyoke College and a master's degree from Columbia University. Ambassador Olmsted's Foreign Service career included positions in India, Iceland, Austria, Washington, DC, and an ambassadorship to Papua New Guinea. Ambassador Olmsted was interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy in 1992. Q: That's an awful lot of responsibility, I would think. Now you went out to Port Moresby. That was in June of '74? OLMSTED: Yes. Q: As principal officer. So in other words, you were made Consul General. Sworn in and so forth. 1 OLMSTED: Yes. Q: At that time, did you know that was going to become an Embassy? OLMSTED: It seemed quite likely. Papua New Guinea, in the beginning, was obviously on the road to independence, and no one knew exactly when it would take place. -
Political Governance and Service Delivery in Western Highlands Province, Papua New Guinea
Political Governance and Service Delivery in Western Highlands Province, Papua New Guinea JOSEPH KETAN SSGM DISCUSSION PAPER 2013/9 WHP has everything that we need: fertile allowed to deteriorate over the years. Politicians and soils, optimal climate, food crops of all kinds, bureaucrats need to understand that government is and much more. And the people of the there to serve the people, that regular maintenance province are exceptionally strong, smart and costs far less than rehabilitation, that without basic productive. But pride, prejudice, jealousy, infrastructure crops cannot be brought to markets, conflict and violence can and do stem the and services cannot be delivered. tide of progress. And the lack of indigenous This paper, first drafted in 2011,2 is based knowledge on healthy living is killing many on firsthand observations in Western Highlands of the province’s elite (Pastor Max Martin, Province (WHP) over the past decade and a half, Christian Leaders Training College, Banz).1 covering the administrations of three governors (Father Robert Lak 1997–2002, Paias Wingti 2002– Introduction 07 and 2012–present, and Tom Olga 2007–12).3 It Western Highlands is one of several Papua New uses insights gained while working for Governor Guinean provinces caught in the suffocating Olga, and with the help of provincial officials. It grip of poor governance. It has a woeful record outlines the common problems that hinder progress of administrative ineptitude, dreadful financial in WHP, describes some of the steps taken by the management and political interference with public Olga government to rectify these problems, and service functions. These are deeply entrenched explains why some factors will continue to stand in problems that have been allowed to grow over time the way of development goals. -
The Legitimacy of Bougainville Secession from Papua New Guinea
https://doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4564.59-72 The Legitimacy of Bougainville Secession from Papua New Guinea Muhammad Sandy Ilmi Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Katolik Parahyangan, Indonesia, [email protected] ABSTRACT What started as a movement to demand a distributive justice in mining revenue in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, the conflict turned into the struggle for secession. From 1970’s the demand for secession have been rife and despite early agreement for more autonomy and more mining revenue for the autonomous region, the demand never faded. Under Francis Ona’s Bougainville Revolutionary Army, the movement take a new heights. Bougainville Revolutionary Army took coercive measure to push the government to acknowledge their demands by taking over the mine at Panguna. Papua New Guinean government response was also combative and further exacerbate the issue. Papua New Guinean Defense Force involvement adding the issue of human rights into the discourse. This paper will seek to analyze the normative question surrounding the legitimacy of the right to secession in Bougainville Island. The protracted conflict has halted any form of development in the once the most prosperous province of Papua New Guinea and should Bougainville Island become independent, several challenges will be waiting for Bougainvilleans. Keywords: Bougainville secession; Papua New Guinea conflict; mining injustice; human rights violation ABSTRAK Berawal dari bentuk perlawanan untuk mencapai keadilan dalam pembagian keuntungan dari sektor pertambangan, kemudian berubah menjadi perjuangan untuk memisahkan diri dari Papua Nugini. Sejak 1970an, dukungan untuk pemisahan diri telah mendominasi diskursus politik di Bougainville dan walaupun perjanjian sempat tercapai, keinginan untuk pemisahan diri tidak pernah padam. -
25 Years of Building Peace
25 YEARS OF BUILDING PEACE Annual Review 2019 Conflict is difficult, complex and political. The world ABOUT urgently needs to find different ways to respond. Conciliation Resources is an international organisation CONCILIATION committed to stopping violent conflict and creating more peaceful societies. We work with people impacted by war RESOURCES and violence, bringing diverse voices together to make change that lasts. We connect the views of people on the ground with political processes, and share experience and expertise so others can find creative responses to conflict. We make peace possible. OUR VISION OUR VALUES Our vision is to transform the way the COLLABORATION world resolves violent conflict so that people work together to build peaceful We work in partnership to tackle and inclusive societies. violence, exclusion, injustice and inequality. OUR PURPOSE CREATIVITY Our purpose is to bring people together We are imaginative and resourceful to find creative and sustainable paths in how we influence change. to peace. CHALLENGE We are not afraid to face difficult conversations and defy convention. COMMITMENT We are dedicated and resilient in the long journey to lasting peace. 2 | CONCILIATION RESOURCES WELCOME I am proud to share Conciliation Resources’ 2019 Annual Review, which marks our 25th year. We started out with two second hand computers and a vision to support people working to bring peace to their war-torn societies. We have grown into an organisation of over 60 skilled and committed staff, with a network of more than 80 partners, that is integrated into a global community of peer organisations – people who every day make building better peace a reality. -
A Trial Separation: Australia and the Decolonisation of Papua New Guinea
A TRIAL SEPARATION A TRIAL SEPARATION Australia and the Decolonisation of Papua New Guinea DONALD DENOON Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Denoon, Donald. Title: A trial separation : Australia and the decolonisation of Papua New Guinea / Donald Denoon. ISBN: 9781921862915 (pbk.) 9781921862922 (ebook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Subjects: Decolonization--Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea--Politics and government Dewey Number: 325.953 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover: Barbara Brash, Red Bird of Paradise, Print Printed by Griffin Press First published by Pandanus Books, 2005 This edition © 2012 ANU E Press For the many students who taught me so much about Papua New Guinea, and for Christina Goode, John Greenwell and Alan Kerr, who explained so much about Australia. vi ST MATTHIAS MANUS GROUP MANUS I BIS MARCK ARCH IPEL AGO WEST SEPIK Wewak EAST SSEPIKEPIK River Sepik MADANG NEW GUINEA ENGA W.H. Mt Hagen M Goroka a INDONESIA S.H. rk ha E.H. m R Lae WEST MOROBEMOR PAPUA NEW BRITAIN WESTERN F ly Ri ver GULF NORTHERNOR N Gulf of Papua Daru Port Torres Strait Moresby CENTRAL AUSTRALIA CORAL SEA Map 1: The provinces of Papua New Guinea vii 0 300 kilometres 0 150 miles NEW IRELAND PACIFIC OCEAN NEW IRELAND Rabaul BOUGAINVILLE I EAST Arawa NEW BRITAIN Panguna SOLOMON SEA SOLOMON ISLANDS D ’EN N TR E C A S T E A U X MILNE BAY I S LOUISIADE ARCHIPELAGO © Carto ANU 05-031 viii W ALLAC E'S LINE SUNDALAND WALLACEA SAHULLAND 0 500 km © Carto ANU 05-031b Map 2: The prehistoric continent of Sahul consisted of the continent of Australia and the islands of New Guinea and Tasmania. -
State Society and Governance in Melanesia Discussion Paper 2008/8
Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia State Society and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2009/5 PARALLEL STATES, PARALLEL ECONOMIES: LEGITIMACY AND PROSPERITY IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA This discussion paper presents two a major gold mining project since 1995. Elite NICK BAINTON related discussions on different aspects Lihirian leaders were inspired by Personal & JOHN COX of contemporary Melanesian economic Viability philosophies as they renegotiated engagement. We consider the case of the community compensation and benefits U-Vistract, a mass pyramid scheme which package with the mining company throughout not only promises limitless wealth to its 2000-2007 and as they tried to develop investors but even envisages a new global strategies to achieve greater self-reliance economic system, blessed by God and and financial independence to address the centred in Bougainville under the leadership so-called resource dependency syndrome. of a self-proclaimed king. This is followed by a discussion on a contrasting movement While apparently obscure and even called “Personal Viability” which is based deceptive or ridiculous, these movements upon self-help philosophies that aim to have offered alternative accounts of states cultivate an entrepreneurial persona. and the global economy, and the place of Melanesian states and communities within In the first section John Cox addresses them, which are sufficiently convincing to the recent wave of “fast money schemes”, draw thousands of followers. In Bougainville, discussing institutional and ideological they can involve direct challenges to the links between these scams and Christian legitimacy and authority of the state, and in churches, particularly Pentecostal prosperity Lihir they have been crucial to the generation gospel teachings. -
Challenges to Economic Growth in Post-Conflict Environments
CHALLENGES TO ECONOMIC GROWTH IN POST-CONFLICT ENVIRONMENTS NEW TRENDS IN HUMAN CAPITAL LOSS, AID EFFECTIVENESS, AND TRADE LIBERALIZATION Jonathan D. Brandon Tutor: Xavier Fernández Pons Treball Final de Màster Màster d’Internacionalització Facultat d'Economia i Empresa Universitat de Barcelona Abril 2018 Abstract: The UNDP estimates that 526,000 people die each year as a result of violent conflict, making conflict deterrence a top priority for the international community. Immediately following a major conflict, countries that stagnate in economic growth have a 40% risk of conflict recurrence, yet those who successfully maintain high economic growth see their risk reduced to 25%. Due to this, stimulating growth should be a top priority in any economic reconstruction model. This paper aims to measure the effectiveness and efficiency of selected stimulants of economic growth: foreign direct investment, trade and financial liberalization, developmental assistance, and humanitarian aid. The subsequent macroeconomic responses are evaluated throughout the sample of 30 conflicts terminated between 1989 and 2014. This paper also explores the social and economic impacts of conflict and violence and develops a new indicator, the Human Capital Loss index, to quantify conflict intensity levels within the sample. Post-conflict countries require strong surges of investment, aid, and debt relief immediately following war, and those in the low income country (LIC) grouping require substantially greater efforts on the part of the international community -
'The Bougainville Conflict: a Classic Outcome of the Resource-Curse
The Bougainville conflict: A classic outcome of the resource-curse effect? Michael Cornish INTRODUCTION Mismanagement of the relationship between the operation of the Panguna Mine and the local people was a fundamental cause of the conflict in Bougainville. It directly created great hostility between the people of Bougainville and the Government of Papua New Guinea. Although there were pre-existing ethnic and economic divisions between Bougainville and the rest of Papua New Guinea, the mismanagement of the copper wealth of the Panguna Mine both exacerbated these existing tensions and provided radical Bougainvilleans an excuse to legitimise the pursuit of violence as a means to resolve their grievances. The island descended into anarchy, and from 1988 to 1997, democracy and the rule of law all but disappeared. Society fragmented and economic development reversed as the pillage and wanton destruction that accompanied the conflict took its toll. Now, more than 10 years since the formal Peace Agreement1 and over 4 years since the institution of the Autonomous Bougainville Government, there are positive signs that both democracy and development are repairing and gaining momentum. However, the untapped riches of the Panguna Mine remain an ominous issue that will continue to overshadow the region’s future. How this issue is handled will be crucial to the future of democracy and development in Bougainville. 1 Government of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea and Leaders representing the people of Bougainville, Bougainville Peace Agreement , 29 August 2001 BACKGROUND Bougainville is the name of the largest island within the Solomon Islands chain in eastern Papua New Guinea, the second largest being Buka Island to its north. -
Counterinsurgency in a Test Tube
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Counterinsurgency in a Test Tube Analyzing the Success of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) Russell W. Glenn Prepared for the United States Joint Forces Command Approved for public release; distribution unlimited NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE The research described in this report was prepared for the United States Joint Forces Command. -
I2I Text Paste Up
PART 3: THE LIMITS OF INDEPENDENCE Chapter 12 Independence and its Discontents apua New Guineans handled the transition to independence with flair, despite their Plimited experience, the speed with which they had to act and the explosive agenda that they inherited. With great skill and some luck, they brought their country united to independence with new institutions, a new public service, a guaranteed income and a home-made constitution. A Failing State? The coalition that achieved these feats tottered in 1978 when Julius Chan took the PPP into opposition, and collapsed in March 1980 when the Leader of the Opposition, Iambakey Okuk, won a no-confidence motion, naming Chan as preferred Prime Minister. Chan had quit the coalition over the attempt to buttress the Leadership Code (Chapter 9) and disagreement on relations between private business and public office. Somare returned to office after the 1982 election but once again he was ousted in mid- term by a vote of no confidence, yielding to the ambitious young Western Highlander Paias Wingti. The pattern was now set, whereby coalitions are formed after an election but no government survives the fixed five-year parliamentary term. Votes of no confi- dence are the mechanism for replacing one opportunist coalition with another. By this device, Wingti was replaced by Rabbie Namaliu, who yielded to Wingti again, who was replaced by Chan, whose coalition collapsed in the wake of a bungled attempt to employ mercenaries (see below). After the 1997 election, Bill Skate — a gregarious accountant from Gulf Province, Governor of Port Moresby and cheerful opportunist — held a Cabinet together for nearly two years. -
Ethnic Conflict in Papua New Guinea
Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 49, No. 1, April 2008 ISSN 1360-7456, pp12–22 Ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea Benjamin Reilly Centre for Democratic Institutions, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia. Email: [email protected] Abstract: On many measures of ethno-linguistic diversity, Papua New Guinea is the most frag- mented society in the world. I argue that the macro-level political effect of this diversity has been to reduce, rather than increase, the impact of ethnic conflict on the state. Outside the Bougainville conflict, and (to a lesser extent) the recent upsurge of violence in the Southern Highlands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea have not presented a threat to national government. In contrast to most other ethnically diverse societies, the most consequential impacts of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea are at the local level. This paper therefore examines the disparate impacts of local- and national-level forms of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea. Keywords: diversity, elections, ethnic conflict, Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea combines two unusual fea- impact of ethnic conflict on the state. The reason tures which should make it a case of special for this is relatively straightforward: outside the interest to scholars of ethnicity and ethnic con- Bougainville conflict and (to a lesser extent) the flict. First, it boasts one of the developing recent upsurge of violence in the Southern High- world’s most impressive records of democratic lands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea longevity, with more than 40 years of continu- have not presented a threat to national govern- ous democratic elections, all of them chara- ment.