DigitalResources Electronic Survey Report 2011-021
®
A sociolinguistic survey of the Gbe language communities of Benin and Togo Volume 9 Tofin language area
Gabi Schoch A sociolinguistic survey of the Gbe language communities of Benin and Togo
Volume 9
Tofin language area
Gabi Schoch
SIL International® 2011
SIL Electronic Survey Report 2011-021, March 2011 Copyright © 2011 Gabi Schoch and SIL International® All rights reserved A SOCIOLINGUISTIC SURVEY OF THE GBE LANGUAGE COMMUNITIES
OF
BENIN AND TOGO
Series editor: Angela Kluge
Gbe language family overview (by Angela Kluge) Volume 1: Kpési language area (by Evelin I. K. Durieux-Boon, Jude A. Durieux, Deborah H. Hatfield, and Bonnie J. Henson) Volume 2: Ayizo language area (by Deborah H. Hatfield and Michael M. McHenry) Volume 3: Kotafon language area (by Deborah H. Hatfield, Bonnie J. Henson, and Michael M. McHenry) Volume 4: Xwela language area (by Bonnie J. Henson, Eric C. Johnson, Angela Kluge) Volume 5: Xwla language area (by Bonnie J. Henson and Angela Kluge) Volume 6: Ci language area (by Bonnie J. Henson) Volume 7: Defi language area (by Eric C. Johnson) Volume 8: Saxwe, Daxe and Se language area (by Eric C. Johnson) Volume 9: Tofin language area (by Gabi Schoch) Volume 10: Gbesi language area (by Gabi Schoch)
ii Contents
Abstract 1. Introduction 2. Background 2.1. Language name and classification 2.2. Language area 2.3. Population 2.4. History of migration 2.5. Presence of other ethnic groups 2.6. Regional language use 2.7. Non-formal education 2.8. Religious situation 3. Previous linguistic research 4. Research questions 5. Methodology 5.1. Assessment techniques 5.2. Implementation 5.3. Terminology and presentation 6. Results 6.1. Tofin dialect situation 6.2. Tofin and related Gbe varieties 6.3. Tested comprehension of Fon and Gun 6.4. Language vitality 6.5. Literacy situation 6.6. Religious situation 7. Summary and conclusions 7.1. Comprehension and attitudes with regard to Fon and Gun 7.2. Tofin language vitality 7.3. Attitudes towards Tofin language development 7.4. Tofin and other related Gbe varieties 7.5. Conclusions Appendices Appendix A. Map of the Tofin language area Appendix B. Population Appendix C. Lexical similarity Appendix D. Community questionnaire Appendix E. Non-formal education questionnaire Appendix F. Church questionnaire Appendix G. RA-RTT narratives Appendix H. RA-RTT results References
iii Introduction 1
Abstract
This paper presents a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Tofin language communities (Kwa language family) of Benin. The Gbe languages continuum is situated in the southeastern part of West Africa. Expanding westwards from southwestern Nigeria, the Gbe communities occupy large areas in southern Benin, Togo, and southeastern Ghana. To date in Benin, as far as Gbe varieties are concerned, Aja, Fon, Gen, and Gun have undergone language development on a larger scale. A survey of the Tofin communities was conducted to assess whether and to what extent existing literature and literacy efforts in Fon and Gun could extend to the Tofin communities and to determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities. After a general overview of the taxonomic and geographic language situation, test results are reported. Survey interview and group test results are presented on comprehension of Fon and Gun. Results are given on language attitudes toward both written and oral forms of Fon and Gun and toward the development of Tofin. In addition, the following topics were investigated: language vitality and the relationship of Tofin to related Gbe varieties in terms of comprehension and language attitudes. Also, information by local leaders on the literacy and religious situations and on migration history is given. The group comprehension test results show, at least preliminarily, that the Tofin have good comprehension of Fon and Gun. There are no indications of language shift. Though the preference everywhere is for literacy in Tofin, literacy programs in either Fon or Gun are acceptable to most people. Therefore, Fon or Gun literacy appears to be a workable solution for literacy needs in the Tofin speech communities provided there is adequate institutional support.
1. Introduction
This paper 1 reports on a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Tofin speech communities of Benin. The Tofin speech variety belongs to the Gbe language continuum (Kwa language group) which is situated in the southeastern part of West Africa. Expanding westwards from southwestern Nigeria, the Gbe communities occupy large areas in southern Benin, Togo, and southeastern Ghana. Among the Gbe varieties, five have thus far undergone language development on a larger scale: Fon, Gen, and Gun in Benin, and Ewe in Togo. To assess whether and to what extent existing literature and literacy efforts in these Gbe speech varieties could extend to the remaining Gbe communities, or whether additional language-based development programs in some of the remaining communities would be beneficial and to determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities, a sociolinguistic study of the Gbe communities of Benin and Togo was launched in the late 1980s. The sociolinguistics survey reported here is part of this larger study and was carried in June1999 by B. J. Henson, E. C. Johnson, A. Kluge and G. Schoch, researchers of SIL. The survey data in this report results from community interviews administered in the villages of So-Tchiancomey, Dékanme and Jesuko (Cotonou), as well as two Rapid Appraisal Recorded Text Tests (RA-RTTs) in Fon and Gun administered in So-Tchiancomey and Dékanme.
1The author wishes to thank K. Diller, D. H. Hatfield and T. Marmor for their assistance with this report.
2 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
In Section 2, pertinent background information on the Tofin speech variety is presented. Some of these data were gathered during the field interviews with members of the Tofin language community. This section is followed by information on previous linguistic research (Section 3), a presentation of the research questions (Section 4) and a description of the methodology as applied during this survey (Section 5). In Section 6, the findings are discussed, followed by a set of conclusions (Section 7). The report closes with a set of appendices and a list of references.
2. Background
2.1. Language name and classification
The Ethnologue (Grimes 1996:169) gives the following classification for Tofin [ISO code: tif 2]:
− Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo , Kwa, Left Bank, Gbe, Aja Alternative Names:
− Tɔfin (Capo 1986:13) − Tɔfingbe (CNL 1983:61; DNA n.d.) − Tofin-Gbe (Grimes 1996) − Tofi (Ministère du Plan 1994a:46) No dialects are listed by either Capo (1986) or the Ethnologue (Grimes 1996). In Renaissance du gbe , Capo (1986:99ff, Carte 1b) classifies Tofin as a variety of the Phla-Phera group which, based on phonological and morpho-phonological characteristics, is one of five clusters of Gbe lects. The Phla-Phera group also includes Alada, 3 Ayizo, Gbesi, Kotafon, 4 Saxwe, Se, Toli, Xwela and Xwla.
2.2. Language area
The Tofin language area is located in south-central Benin, in the Atlantique département, principally in the sous-préfecture of So-Ava. 5 (For a map of the area see Appendix A.) According to the information obtained during the survey, the approximate boundaries of the Tofin language area are as follows: Dékanme on the eastern border of the sous-préfecture, Ganvie to the west on the northwestern shore of Lake Nokoué and Ahomey-Lokpo in the north. 6
2[Editor: See also the current version of the Ethnologue (Lewis 2009) for an updated entry on Tofin.] 3Not listed by CENALA (1990). 4CENALA (1990) lists Kotafon as Ko. However, during a survey of this speech community it was established that the speakers of this variety refer to their own language as “Kotafon”. (See Volume 3, Section 2.2.) 5Benin is divided into twelve governmental provinces called “départements,” each of which is composed of a varying number of “sous-préfectures,” which encompass various rural communes and urban circumscriptions. All town names are spelled according to the general map of Benin (IGN France and IGN Bénin 1992) or the sous-préfecture maps of the 1992 Benin census data (Ministère du Plan 1994b). 6At So-Tchiancomey, a village further north, Zoungomé, was listed as a Tofin village.
Background 3
In addition, there are some Tofin quarters in the urban community of Cotonou at the southern shore of Lake Nokoué and some in the urban community of Abomey-Calavi at the western shore of the lake. These communities are made up of Tofin speakers who emigrated from either Ganvie or So-Ava. During the interviews, it was not always clear from the context whether the language referred to was Tofin or “like” Tofin. There was also some confusion as to whether “Tofin” refers to the language or to the people. In general, the term “Tofinu” designates the people and “Tofin” is the term for the language (see Footnote 13 ). However, these terms were not used consistently by the interviewees. The team also conducted informal interviews with the village chief and elders in a few of the villages bordering the Tofin language community. These villages are Dèkin in the sous-préfecture of Dangbo (Ouémé département), Houédomé-Aguegue in the sous-préfecture of Aguegues and Kinto-Houdjro in the sous-préfecture of So-Ava—all three in the Atlantique département. The purpose of these brief interviews was to check information on the language situation. According to the information in the Atlas sociolinguistique (CNL 1983) and/or to some of the Tofin villages where community interviews were conducted (Dékanme, Jesuko and So-Tchanhoué-Tchiancomey), these villages are also Tofin villages. In Dèkin, which is one of these villages, the village chief and some of the elders stated that the fishermen in the sous-préfecture of Dangbo are sometimes called Tofinu because their profession is the same as the Tofinu of the So-Ava sous-préfecture. (See Footnote.13 ) Likewise, the Tofinu in So- Tchiancomey say that the people in the sous-préfecture of Aguégués are “fishermen Tofinu” although their language is a mixture of Tofin and Gun. The interviewees in Dèkin also stated that their language is Dekingbe (or Ayizo-Seto) 7 and that it is different from Tofin. The village chief of Houédome- Aguégué confirmed that fishermen are called “Tofinu,” but he added that the fishermen who live in the sous-préfecture of Aguégués speak only Gun. However, the people of Aguégué share the same ancestors with the Tofinu. It seems that a Tofinu from the So-Ava sous-préfecture together with a hunter from Aja founded the village of Houédome-Aguégué. The Tofin translator confirmed the statement of the interviewees in So-Tchiancomey that the Gun of Aguégué is a mixture of Gun and Tofin, and not the “pure” Gun. In the village of Kinto-Houdjro, it was reported that their variety differs from Tofin and that Tofin is sometimes difficult to understand. However,the Tofinu translator, who is from the south of the language area, was reportedly well understood. 8 Some of the information obtained during the survey differs from that of previously published sociolinguistic research:
− In the Ouémé département, the Atlas sociolinguistique du Bénin (CNL 1983) includes the rural communities of Gbeko and Dèkin (Dèkin-Hounnoue, Dèkin-Kadekpome, Dèkin-Afio) in the sous-préfecture of Dangbo as Tofin villages. However, when the researchers asked about these villages only one person in one of the community interviews mentioned Dèkin as a Tofin village, and this information was not confirmed by the Dèkin residents. Everyone interviewed said that Gbeko is a Weme village.
− In the Atlantique département, the Atlas sociolinguistique (CNL 1983) classifies the village of Gboje (rural communitiy of Zinvie), in the sous-préfecture of Abomey-Calavi as being a Tofin
7Volume 3, Section 2.2 states that there are at least three Ayizo dialects: Ayizo-Ko, Ayizo-Seto and Ayizo-Toli. 8The survey team later conducted community interviews and Fon and Gun RA-RTTs in this Kinto speech community (see Schoch 1999).
4 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
village. However, in the three community interviews only So-Tchiancomey listed Gboje as a Tofin village. 9
− According to the report of the sociolinguistic survey of the Ayizo language area (Volume 2), there are some communities in the Atlantique département where Tofin is spoken along with Ayizo. These villages include the following: Sédje-Dénou and Sédje-Ouégoudo in the sous- préfecture of Zè; and Anagbo, Djigbo, Kpanroun and Kpoviédja in the sous-préfecture of Abomey-Calavi. However, the Tofin villages that were included in the interviews during this survey said that the village of Kpanroun speaks a Gbe variety called Kintogbe, which is closer to Ayizo than to Tofin. 10 The other villages were not listed as Tofin-speaking villages.
2.3. Population
The 1992 Benin Census gives population data figures by both ethnic group and by political community. The total by ethnic group places the Tofin population at 67,426 (33,814 males, 33,612 females) 11 (Ministère du Plan 1994a, b). 12 A different estimate of the Tofin population can be obtained by combining the information gained during community interviews with the information in the Atlas sociolinguistique du Bénin (CNL 1983). By adding the population figures taken from the Census (Ministère du Plan 1994a, b) of the villages where Tofin is spoken according to the community questionnaires, there are 56,118 Tofin speakers. This figure only includes villages where 100% of the population are Tofin speakers and villages that were reported to be Tofin speech communities by one nearby village or by at least two of the interviewed communities which are more geographically distant. This means that information given by two villages that are not so close to the reference point counts as much as that given by a nearby village. It does not include villages that could not be traced in the Census reports. (See also Appendix B for detailed population figures for the Tofin communities as well as Appendix A for a map of the area.) From this information, it can be concluded that the total Tofin population is between 56,000 and 68,000.
2.4. History of migration
Pazzi (1979:123) considers the “Tòfìnù”13 as being originally Xwla people who refused to become part of the Fon kingdom. He states that they fled from Godomé Coast (“littoral de Jeken”) in order to
9In So-Tchiancomey, several villages along the eastern shore of Lake Ahèmè were listed as both Ayizo and Tofin stating that they are called Ayizo due to their customs but that they speak the same language as in So-Tchiancomey. 10 When interviewing the village chief in Hadjanaho (in the rural community of Kpanroun), it was stated that the people in Kpanroun had come from Kinto where the pure Kintogbe is spoken. The variety spoken in the rural communities of Kpanroun is a mixture of Ayizo, Fon and Kinto. 11 It is noted here that, during the census, individuals were asked to which ethnic group they belong and not which language they speak as their first language. Thus, interviewees identified with their father’s ethnic group, even though they might neither speak his language nor live in his language area. 12 The Ethnologue (Grimes 1996:169) lists the Tofin population in the Atlantique and the Ouémé département as 66,000 an estimate based on Johnstone (1993).
Background 5 establish their villages at the northern shore of Lake Nokoué, building their houses on stilts in the water to give them safety from the attacks of the Dahomey soldiers. When Tofin speakers were asked about their origins, all interviewed villages confirm that their ancestors had to flee from the war at Aja-Tado. In So-Tchiancomey, people say that they first came to So-Ava on land (“sur terre ferme”) and later they settled on the shore of the So river.
2.5. Presence of other ethnic groups
Tofin villages are bordered by Aguegue, Alada, Ayizo, Dekin, Fon, Gun, Kinto and Weme speaking villages. 14 Many Ayizo speakers live to their west. Aguegue, Gun and Weme speakers live to the east, and Fon speakers to their south. None of the Tofin villages visited by the team are isolated from contact with other ethnic groups. Most of the community members surveyed claim to be monolingual, and the majority of Tofin men marry Tofin women. However, it is not uncommon for Tofin speakers to marry people from the surrounding language groups. Marriages with Ayizo, Gun, Fon, Saxwe, Aguegue, Weme, Xwla and Aja speakers were reported.
2.6. Regional language use
The surveyed communities say they speak Tofin more than any other language. In Dékanme residents claim that no other language is used in their village. The So-Tchiancomey and Jesuko village communities say that Fon and Gun are spoken as well as Tofin. French is the language of the Beninese educational system, but non-formal education programs organize literacy classes in Fon, Gun and Tofin in the Tofin language area. Churches in the Tofin language use Fon, French, Gun and Tofin in their services, and the people read the Bible in either Fon or Gun.
2.7. Non-formal education
Non-formal education in the language area is conducted in Fon, Gun or Tofin. A primer in Tofin is used for government literacy, published by the Direction Nationale de l’Alphabétisation (DNA n.d.). Church literacy in the region of So-Tchanhoué is organized in Fon, and in Jesuko it is in Gun.
2.8. Religious situation
The Tofin people are traditionally animists (Vanderaa 1991:7), and Animism remains the religion of the majority, but there are also Christians and Muslims present in the area. The team found a wide variety of denominations present in the surveyed villages. There are Roman Catholic, Methodist, Christianisme Céleste and Renaissance churches in Dékanme. There is a Catholic church in So-
13 According to Pazzi, “Tofinu” means: the people who stole the river (“gens qui ont volé la rivière”). However, the Tofin interpreter for this survey, stated that “Tofinu” means: the people who steal the water (“les gens qui volent l’eau”). That is, since the Tofinu, a people of fishermen, spend most of their time in the water, they “steal” the water in absorbing it with their bodies. 14 Aguegue, Dekin and Kinto are mentioned neither by Capo (1986) nor by CENALA (1990).
6 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Tchiancomey. In Jesuko there is an Eglise Evangélique Universelle church of which the whole village are members. Regarding the Islam religion, the biggest mosque of the sous-préfecture is in So- Tchiancomey and there is also a mosque in Dékanme. In Jesuko, where everybody is member of the local church, there is no Muslim presence.
3. Previous linguistic research
The Gbe language continuum has been the subject of much research, especially over the last 20 years. Capo began an extensive comparative study of the Gbe language continuum in 1971. His phonological and morpho-phonological comparisons were the basis for his doctoral dissertation and were later published under the title Renaissance du gbe (Capo 1986) and A comparative phonology of Gbe (Capo 1991). Focusing on phonological and morpho-phonological characteristics, Capo (1986:99ff, 1999:11ff) arrives at five basic Gbe clusters: Aja, Ewe, Fon, Gen and Phla-Phera. 15 Tofin falls into the Phla-Phera cluster together with Ayizo, Gbesi, Kotafon, Saxwe, Se, Toli, Xwela and Xwla. Capo (1986:100) notes though, that the varieties of this cluster differ substantially as far as their vocabulary is concerned. Based on Capo’s (1986) study and information provided by the language map of Benin (CENALA 1990), SIL chose 50 varieties of the Gbe continuum for the elicitation of word and phrase lists. 16 These elicitations, done between 1988 and 1992, constituted phase one of the larger study of the Gbe language continuum. The elicited word lists were analyzed according to prescribed methodology 17 in order to determine the degree of lexical similarity between these varieties. 18 (See Kluge 1997.) Table 1 shows the percentage matrix 19 which reports the number of lexically similar items as a percentage of the basic vocabulary. (Wimbish 1989:59; for the variance matrix showing the range of error for each count see Table 4, Appendix C.)
15 Capo (1986:99ff) refers to Ewe as Vhe, to Aja as Ajá and to Phla-Phera as Phla-Pherá. 16 The National Linguistic Commission has also collected wordlists for selected Gbe varieties (CNL du Bénin, n.d.). 17 For details see Appendix C. 18 No results from phrase list analysis are included in this report. 19 For this computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form used in another variety are ignored if they occur always in the same position. Including all morphemes in the analysis results in an overall lower degree of lexical similarity, as shown in Table 5 and Table 6, Appendix C.
Previous linguistic research 7
Table 1: Percentage matrix
Ajra 97 Toli 90 88 Tofin 88 87 100 Movolo 92 92 88 88 Seto 88 85 82 81 90 Xwla (Djeffa) 90 90 88 88 94 90 Gun 87 86 90 89 89 84 96 Alada 85 85 83 83 83 77 89 92 Weme 86 88 87 86 85 81 94 95 94 Arohun 84 85 87 86 90 83 94 96 94 97 Gbekon 85 87 87 86 86 82 92 97 91 93 97 Fon 84 85 81 80 88 84 93 94 86 91 94 92 Kotafon 80 83 74 73 81 79 84 85 80 85 87 85 88 Ayizo 79 83 79 78 84 79 87 90 90 90 93 91 92 85 Ci 84 87 84 84 87 82 91 94 86 89 93 92 98 85 92 Gbokpa 78 81 78 78 84 77 85 85 83 85 88 85 91 79 85 96 Gbesi 82 85 85 84 88 80 84 85 78 81 85 85 85 75 82 90 85 Xwela 80 83 84 84 84 80 86 87 77 83 84 84 85 77 81 91 84 90 Xwla (Adamé) 74 77 77 76 80 73 85 85 80 84 85 86 86 78 85 92 84 82 88 Saxwe 75 78 75 75 78 72 81 81 80 83 85 85 82 77 80 84 81 81 85 84 Se 77 79 77 77 79 74 81 82 81 84 86 87 83 78 81 84 82 84 86 85 100 Daxe
Due to their high degree of lexical similarity to the varieties of the Phla-Phera cluster, the following varieties of the Fon cluster have been added to the comparison: Arohun, Fon, Gun and Weme. In addition, the following unclassified language varieties have been included because of their lexical similarity to Tofin: Ajra, Ci, Gbekon, Gbokpa, Movolo 20 and Seto. The results of the word list analysis show that the percentage of lexical similarity of Tofin and Capo’s (1986) Phla-Phera varieties ranges from 74% (for Ayizo) at the upper confidence limit of the calculation 21 to 90% (for Alada). Alada and the Phla-Phera varieties of Kotafon, Xwla, Xwela, and Toli are more than 80% lexically similar to Tofin. Some of the variants within the Fon cluster are more lexically similar to Tofin than those of the Phla- Phera cluster. The wordlist analysis shows that both Fon and Arohun are 87% lexically similar to Tofin. Tofin shares 88% of its vocabulary with Gun and 83% with Weme. According to the wordlist analysis, Movolo and Tofin are nearly identical lexically as 100% of their elicited words are similar.
4. Research questions
The purpose of this survey is twofold: (1) to assess whether and to what extent existing literature and literacy efforts in Fon and Gun could extend to the Tofin communities, or whether an additional language-based development program in Tofin would be beneficial, and (2) to gather data that would help determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities.
20 According to Capo (1999, personal communication), Movolo refers to the eastern Xwla variety. 21 Upper confidence limit = percentage + range of error (variance).
8 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
For the current study, the evaluation of need for separate literature is based on criteria established by Marmor (1997). More specifically, the evaluation of literature development needs is based on the factors of dialect intercomprehension, language vitality, and language attitudes. Pertinent to the issue of a potential reference dialect for the Phla-Phera cluster, information regarding the Tofin dialect situation and the relationship of Tofin to other Gbe varieties (dealt with under dialect intercomprehension and language attitudes) was collected. 1. Dialect intercomprehension
− What are the geographical boundaries of the Tofin speech variety, which dialects of Tofin, if any, exist? − What are the Fon and Gun comprehension levels throughout the Tofin communities and might these levels be adequate for the use of Fon or Gun written materials? − Are there any other developed Gbe varieties that are understood at high levels throughout the Tofin community and which Gbe varieties would the Tofin communities choose to group themselves with in terms of comprehension? 2. Language vitality
− Are there indications of occurring or impending language shift? 3. Language attitudes
− What are the Tofin community’s attitudes toward the oral and written forms of Fon and Gun? − What are the Tofin community’s attitudes toward other related Gbe varieties? − What are community attitudes toward the development of Tofin? There are some additional questions, most of which are directly related to the priority and strategy criteria as outlined and which provide updated information for the area. These questions are:
− What is the ethnic identity of Tofin speakers? − What is the size of the Tofin population? − Are there already literacy classes in the Tofin area? If so, in which language(s)? − What is the religious make-up of the Tofin communities and which languages are used in the religious domain?
5. Methodology
5.1. Assessment techniques
The survey approach was based on Stalder’s description of Rapid Appraisal Survey (Stalder 1996a). The main research techniques used were the community interview and Rapid Appraisal Recorded Text Tests (RA-RTTs). Community questionnaires were used to explore the following topics: dialect intercomprehension, language vitality, language attitudes, ethnic identity, literacy situation and religious make-up. RA- RTTs were administered to investigate Fon, Gen and Gun comprehension. (See Appendix D for an example of the questionnaire and Appendix G for the RA-RTT texts.)
Methodology 9
RA-RTTs allow for a general indication of comprehension, either good, partial or no comprehension. These levels are defined by Stalder (1996b:26) as follows: Level 3 Good comprehension: The story is retold accurately and the people are able to give details. Level 2 Partial comprehension: When retelling the different sections, people invent and add to the story. If asked, they are not able to answer details. 22 Level 1 No Comprehension: The group is not able to respond even to the general story lines. The Fon and Gen texts were elicited in 1998 from first language (L1) speakers of Fon and Gun, respectively, both working as translators for the United Bible Society of Benin (Alliance Biblique au Bénin). Baseline calibration was performed by administering the tests to five native speakers of Fon and Gun, respectively, playing two or three sentences at a time, and asking the L1 speakers to report what they had heard. Only those items which were retold accurately were retained on the tally list for that particular test. During the calibration of both texts, the researchers were assisted by the two L1 speakers from whom the texts had been elicited. This survey’s modifications to Stalder’s (1996b) method are the baseline calibration and shorter replay sections. In addition to the community interviews and RA-RTTs, informal interviews were held with literacy workers and church leaders. (See Appendix E and Appendix F for examples of the questionnaires.)
5.2. Implementation
The research was conducted in three villages. The researchers attempted to take a geographically balanced sample (north, south, east and west) of the Tofin speech community. Smaller villages off the main roads were strategically chosen to test Tofin speakers who have less exposure to neighboring and trade languages. During informal preparatory interviews with the chief or mayor of each community, these leaders confirmed that all of the village residents (with the exception of endogamous wives) of the three Tofin villages are ethnically and linguistically Tofin. Below is a description of the villages selected for the survey (all in the Atlantique département): 1. Dékanme
− Located on the southeastern border of the So-Ava sous-préfecture − Chosen because of its location on the eastern border of the language area and since it is a remote village
22 Stalder (1996b:26) adds that it “is interesting to observe attitudes and to compare what the same people expressed about intercomprehension in the context of the enquiries based on questionnaires.”
10 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
2. Jesuko 23
− Part of the Ladji quarter, in the urban circumscripton of Cotonou, at the southern shore of Lake Nokoué − Chosen as a sample of one of the Tofin speech communities which are not located in the So-Ava sous-préfecture, and because it is in the southern border area 3. So-Tchanhoué-Tchiancomey 24
− Located in the So-Ava sous-préfecture − The Sous-Préfet of So-Ava suggested this rural community because of its remoteness and since a hall there is available for community activities − Chosen because it is near the seat of the sous-préfecture at the western border of the language area on the northern shore of Lake Nokoué In each village the team conducted community interviews, and in the villages of Dékanme and So- Tchiancomey Fon and Gun RA-RTTs were administered. In Jesuko no Fon or Gun RA-RTT was administered assuming that given the high exposure to the Fon variety, and to Gun being used as the principal church language, the results would not be representative for the Tofin speech communities. The community questionnaire was completed prior to the administration of the two RA-RTTs. To insure reliability the order of the RA-RTTs was alternated from village to village. The chief or delegate and his elders participated in the community interviews. In the villages of So- Tchiancomey and Dékanme members of the following “social groups” were also present for the community interviews and the RA-RTTs, as requested by the researchers:
− Men of about 20 years of age (“younger men”) − Men of about 40 years of age (“older men”) − Women of about 20 years of age (“younger women”) − Women of about 40 years of age (“older women”) There were at least five representatives of each social group, if not many more. When the team administered the RA-RTT, the first step was to play the whole narrative to the four social groups. Next, the text was replayed in short sections of two or three sentences pausing after each section. During these pauses one social group retold the section in Tofin. The sections were divided evenly between the social groups, rather than having all groups retell all sections. The researchers tried to include the whole social group in the process, asking a different person from the targeted social group to retell the narrative section each time. If necessary and feasible, the social group was asked to furnish more details. If requested by the interviewees, the researchers replayed a section. The correct items in each section were tallied according to baseline calibration. 25 . A Tofin interpreter from Jesuko accompanied and assisted the team in their field research.
23 Jesuko has been founded in 1978 as an establishment of Tofin Christians who fled from Ganvie in 1978 because they were persecuted by animists (“la persécution des fétichistes”). 24 So-Tchanhoué is a rural community, including So-Tchanhoué-Todo, So-Tchianhoué-Hlazoumé, So-Tchanhoué Kpakomey and So-Tchanhoué-Tchiancomey, the latter being also referred to as So-Tchiancomey. 25 In order not to fatigue the interviewees, only 12 out of the 17 sections of the Fon story were replayed.
Methodology 11
5.3. Terminology and presentation
When discussing questionnaire results, “all interviewees” and “everybody” refers to all interviewed persons from the communities of Dékanme, Jesuko and So-Tchiancomey. If no specific informants are mentioned, the interviewed people from the same three groups are implied. In the questionnaire results, it is understood that all data are reported, even when not explicitly stated as such.
6. Results
In the following sections, data gathered from community interviews and informal interviews with regional literacy coordinators, village literacy workers and church leaders, as well as the results from the RA-RTTs, will be presented according to the following topics: Tofin dialect situation (Section 6.1), Tofin and related Gbe varieties (Section 6.2), tested comprehension of Fon and Gun (Section 6.3), language vitality (Section 6.4), literacy situation (Section 6.5) and religious situation (Section 6.6).
6.1. Tofin dialect situation
The interview participants in the three villages unanimously agreed that there are no dialects of Tofin, but they acknowledged minor differences in tone and pronunciation. They also said that there are some differences because of the influence of neighboring languages. For example, people in So- Tchiancomey say that three villages in the sous- préfecture of So-Ava (Zoungomé, Kinto and Sohoutomey) and some of the villages along the border of the sous-préfecture of Abomey-Calavi speak a variety of Tofin that is mixed with Ayizo. However, when the researchers talked to people from Kinto, they said that they do not consider themselves to be Tofinu and they call their language “Kintogbe” or “Ayizo-Setogbe.” People from Jesuku told us that the villages of Gbessou and Gbegbomey are Tofin-speaking, but their Tofin is “a little different. “ Despite their small linguistic differences, everyone interviewed agreed that all the Tofin speakers share the same origins and consider each other as brothers.
6.2. Tofin and related Gbe varieties
With the goal of identifying which other Gbe varieties the Tofin would choose to group themselves with, all the surveyed villages were asked to volunteer related Gbe varieties which “resembled” their language. They were also asked what they would speak when faced with a need to communicate with a speaker of each of a number of other Gbe varieties, as well as which of the three languages wider communication (LWC) of south-center Benin (Fon, Gen and Gun) they find the easiest and which the most difficult to understand.
12 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
The listed languages were as followed: Alada, Ayizo, Fon, Gen, Gun, Toli, Weme, Xwela, eastern and western Xwla. 26 The following results are presented, starting with the languages reported as being most similar to Gbesi.
6.2.1. Ayizo
In the villages of Jesuko and So-Tchiancomey, people felt that Ayizo resembles Tofin more than any of the other Gbe varieties. The interviewees in So-Tchiancomey consider Ayizo to be the same language as Tofin. In Jesuko the informants stated that even though Ayizo is the closest to Tofin, it is not the easiest language for them to understand.
6.2.2. Alada (Gun) 27
In the villages of Dékanme and So-Tchiancomey the interviewees believe that Alada is close to Tofin. Those from So-Tchiancomey stated that Alada comes from Gun, which is derived (“dérivé”) from Tofin. In Jesuko people claimed that they understand Alada better than the other Gbe varieties even though they think Ayizo and Toli most resemble Tofin.
6.2.3. Toli
In Jesuko, people stated that Toli along with Ayizo is the closest of the Gbe varieties to Tofin. They think that Toli closely resembles Alada, together with Ayizo. In So-Tchiancomey, people also considered Toli similar to Tofin. The interviewees of Dékanme stated that they have more difficulty understanding Toli than they have in understanding Alada, Ayizo, Fon, Weme and Xwla. However, all three communities confirmed that when communicating with Toli speakers, each speaks in his own variety and is understood.
6.2.4. Xwla
The informants in So-Tchiancomey are the only ones who considered Xwla (eastern and western Xwla 26 ) to be linguistically close to Tofin. All three communities agreed that when Tofin speakers interact with Xwla speakers each group uses their own language.
26 Eastern Xwla refers to the Xwla communities of the Sèmè-Kpodji sous-préfecture in the Ouémé département and western Xwla refers to the Xwla communities of the Grand-Popo sous-préfecture in the Mono département (Volume 4) 27 During this survey, Alada and Gun were used interchangeably by the interviewees, stating that Alada was “the same” as Gun. However, Capo (1986) lists Alada as a variety of the Phla-Phera cluster and Gun as a variety of the Fon cluster.
Results 13
6.2.5. Weme
Weme is easily understood by Tofin speakers; all three interviewed villages confirmed that Tofin and Weme speakers each use their own variety when conversing. In So-Tchiancomey, people told us that Weme resembles Alada, which makes it easy for them to understand.
6.2.6. Fon
All three village communities stated that Fon is not related to Tofin. Even though they do not perceive Fon to be related, most of the Tofinu speak and understand it. People from Jesuko sometimes speak Gun with Fon speakers, and the people of So-Tchiancomey communicate in a mixture of Fon and Tofin.
6.2.7. Xwela
All interviewees agreed that Xwela does not at all resemble Tofin. People from Dékanme never communicate with Xwela speakers. Some inhabitants of So-Tchiancomey have learned the Xwela language due to contact with Xwela speakers. People from Jesuko say that they need an interpreter to communicate with Xwela speakers unless they speak Fon or Gun.
6.2.8. Gen
All of the interviewed Tofin communities think that of all the Gbe varieties in the preceding list Gen resembles Tofin the least, and they understand Gen less than the other Gbe varieties. When conversing with Gen speakers, the Tofin speak either Fon or Gun. If the Gen speaker understands neither language, they need an interpreter to communicate.
6.3. Tested comprehension of Fon and Gun
The team tested Tofin speakers’ comprehension of Fon and Gun with the RA-RTT in the villages of So-Tchiancomey and Dékanme. As explained in ‘Assessment techniques’ (Section 5.1), the RA-RTT rates language comprehension on a three-level scale (Stalder 1996b). That is, the listeners were rated as having either “good,” “partial” or “no” comprehension of the test language. Because of considerable differences in tape quality, story structure and content, it is not possible to compare exactly the relative understanding of Fon and Gun from the tally results. The RA-RTT results indicate that most people have a “good” comprehension of Fon and Gun. People from both villages missed and changed a few items in the text, but there were no major semantic differences in either Fon or Gun between expected and reported items for most of the social groups. Some of the changes could possibly be attributed to the difficulties inherent in a multilingual testing situation; that is, the people were hearing the stories in Fon or Gun, retelling them in Tofin, and their answers were then being translated for the researchers into French.
14 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Even though the overall comprehension of both Fon and Gun is in the “good” range, some groups showed lower comprehension scores than others. Regarding Fon comprehension, the group of younger women in So-Tchancomey showed only “partial” comprehension. Even though the younger men showed “good” comprehension of Fon, they had lower comprehension scores than the older men and women, on the borderline to “partial”. Likewise, as regarding comprehension of Gun, though all groups showed “good” comprehension, the women in So- Tchancomey had lower comprehension scores than the men. The overall comprehension of Gun is slightly better than that of Fon. Those interviewed in Dékanme had, generally, a higher percentage of correct responses of both Fon and Gun than those in So- Tchiancomey did. (See Appendix H, Table 7 showing the comprehension levels of Fon Gun for the tested communities.)
6.4. Language vitality
Tofin is generally the preferred language of the Tofin people with Tofin being used in all domains with the only exceptions being where external pressure (the use of French in the education system) or necessity (speaking with non-Tofin speakers) are present. However, in Jesuko, the situation is slightly different. Here, Gun is the church language and used in every domain in the church context (see also Section, 2.8 and 6.6).
6.5. Literacy situation
In the Tofin language area, non-formal education is conducted in Fon, Gun and Tofin. The information about non-formal education for the sous-préfecture of So-Ava is taken from an interview with the literacy coordinator for the sous-préfecture, T. H. Oussa and, for Jesuko, from the interview with the church and village elders. The church-organized classes in the sous-préfecture of So-Ava are held in Fon and the government- organized classes are conducted in Tofin, using the Tofin primer published by the Direction Nationale de l’Alphabétisation (DNA n.d.). In Jesuko, the literacy classes (organized by the church) are conducted in Gun. There are classes in Ganvie, Houedo-Aguékon, Jesuko, So-Tchianhoué, So-Todo and Vekky. Ganvie: Three government literacy classes: two are in Tofin and one in Fon supported by the Catholic Church Houédo-Aguékon: Two Fon literacy classes have been initiated by the Catholic Church, but the teachers have difficulties organizing them Jesuko Gun literacy classes are organized by the church twice a week So-Ava: Tofin literacy classes were organized, but due to a lack of funds and motivation they had to be canceled So-Tchiancomey: Three Fon literacy classes organized by the Roman Catholics; they also have a literacy teacher-training center So-Tchanhoué-Todo Four literacy classes were recently organized by the Methodist mission (language unknown)
Results 15
Vekky Several government-organized Tofin literacy classes (the exact number of classes is unknown) The overall attitudes towards learning to read and write Tofin were positive in all three villages. People from Dèkanme and Jesuko expressed a preference to learn to read Gun rather than Fon. In Dèkanme, they understand Gun better than Fon. In Jesuko, Fon literacy classes have been organized until four years ago, 28 but the elders stated that since everybody reads the Gun Bible, Jesuko residents prefer literacy classes in Gun rather than in Fon or Tofin. Furthermore, the interviewees in Jesuko stated that people who take literacy classes in Gun, using the Beninese alphabet, would be able to write in Tofin, whereas it is reportedly impossible to write in Tofin using the alphabet from the Gun Bible. 29
6.6. Religious situation
The Tofin speakers are traditionally Animists. However, there is a Christian presence in the area with many churches being established all over the So-Ava sous-préfecture. According to Vandeera (1991:7), the United Methodists (UM) and the African Indigenous Churches (AIC) work among the Tofin people. There is also a Muslim presence in the language area although it is a minority. Each village visited by the team has a different religious affiliation. In Jesuko, it was claimed that the entire population is Christian, and they are all members of the Eglise Evangélique Universelle. In Dékanme, where members or elders from the Catholic Church, the Christianisme Céleste and the Methodist Church were interviewed, the majority of the population is Christian. The biggest church is the Catholic church and there is also a Renaissance Church for which the researchers did not obtain any data since no church member/elder was present at the interviews. In So-Tchiancomey, the biggest mosque of the sous-préfecture is located. However, due to time pressure, the researchers did not obtain any information on churches in this village. In all surveyed churches the Gun translation of the Bible is used. In Dékanme, the Methodist and the Christianisme Céleste churches use Gun in every domain although they sometimes sing Tofin songs. Bible reading and the message are translated in Tofin if part of the congregation does not understand Gun. Fon is the language of the Catholic church, but in addition, the announcements are translated into Tofin and when people pray, they use Fon or Tofin. Women’s and youth meetings are held in Tofin. In Jesuko, Gun is the only language used for preaching and praying and Tofin is only rarely used during the services. Only when the sermon is held in French, it is translated into Tofin and in addition, they have songs in several languages (e.g. Gun, French, Tofin, Toli and Yoruba). None of the interviewed churches expressed a negative attitude towards the use of Tofin in the church context. However, the interviewees from Jesuko believe that there is no need to switch to Tofin in church since everyone already reads and/or understands the Bible in Gun. The church leaders of the Catholic and the Christianisme Celèste churches in Dèkanme showed interest in encouraging the use of Tofin in church.
28 It is unknown who organized them and why they ended them. 29 The Gun Bible employs the Nigerian orthography and not the national Beninese alphabet.
16 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
7. Summary and conclusions
The purpose of this survey was to assess whether and to what extent existing literature and literacy efforts in Fon and Gun could extend to the Tofin communities, or whether an additional language- based development program in Tofin would be beneficial, and to gather data that would help determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities. The following areas were investigated: 1. Comprehension and language attitudes with regard to Fon and Gun 2. Language vitality of Tofin 3. Language attitudes towards Tofin language development Pertinent to the issue of a potential reference dialect for the Phla-Phera cluster was the Tofin dialect situation and the relationship of Tofin to other Gbe varieties (comprehension, language attitudes and use as regards related Gbe varieties). In the following, this issue will be summarized under ‘Tofin and other related Gbe varieties’ (Section 7.4).
7.1. Comprehension and attitudes with regard to Fon and Gun
In the following two sections, the Tofins’ comprehension and language attitudes with regard to Fon and Gun are discussed.
7.1.1. Fon
Regarding comprehension of Fon, the RA-RTT results indicate overall “good” comprehension, even though one of the social groups tested (the younger women of So-Tchiancomey) demonstrated only “partial” comprehension and the group of younger men, also in So-Tchiancomey, although in the range of “good” comprehension, was on the border to “partial” comprehension. In addition, all interviewees reported the ability to understand Fon. In Jesuko, which has most contact with Fon speakers, it was believed that a child of eight years would be able to understand Fon whereas in Dékanme and So-Tchiancomey, a child would have to be older to understand Fon. All three surveyed communities indicated not only a receptive, but also productive, knowledge of Fon, reporting that they speak Fon to Fon speakers. However, the question remains as to whether there is a competence in Fon in all language domains, particularly at higher levels, and for all social groups in the region, a factor that cannot be examined by the research methods employed here. Fon proficiency appears to be influenced by language contact rather than by linguistic relatedness given that Fon and Tofin are in different Gbe clusters (Capo 1986), while at the same time all interviewed social groups but one showed “good” comprehension. Fon language contact varies though throughout the Tofin area with the greater amount of contact being in the southern part of the Tofin language area, especially in the quarters of Cotonou (e.g. the surveyed village Jesuko). Here, the Tofin language area borders the Fon area with Fon being the language of wider communication (LWC) for the whole region. While no overtly negative attitudes toward Fon were expressed during the survey, for the most part the Tofin people would prefer non-formal education in Gun rather than Fon.
Summary and conclusions 17
7.1.2. Gun
With regard to comprehension of Gun among the surveyed Tofin communities, the RA-RTT results indicate “good” comprehension for all the social groups although some groups showed lower comprehension than others (the older women of Dékanme and the women of So-Tchiancomey). As with Fon, all interviewees reported the ability to understand Gun, stating that the children in their village would also be able to understand Gun at some point between the age of six and ten. Besides their receptive knowledge of Gun, the surveyed communities also reported a productive knowledge, stating that they would communicate with Gun speakers in Gun. Again, the question remains as to whether there is a competence in Gun in all language domains, particularly at higher levels, and for all social groups in the region, a factor that cannot be examined by the research methods employed here. In two of the three interviewed communities, it was stated that Gun 30 was “close” to Tofin. In Jesuko, the village closest to the Fon language area, it was stated that Gun is not close to Tofin although it is not as different as Fon and better understood than Fon. Gun proficiency is most likely a result of language contact and the closeness between the two varieties. However, Gun language contact appears to vary throughout the Tofin area with the greater contact being in the east of the language area where Gun is the LWC and, together with Fon, the Gbe variety chosen for non-formal education, as well as the variety apparently most widely used in the churches. In general, Tofin speakers’ attitudes toward Gun appear to be positive, including attitudes with regard to Gun literacy.
7.2. Tofin language vitality
Tofin is the preferred language of the Tofin people and is used in all domains where it is practical and permitted. Thus there are presently no indications of occurring or impending language shift.
7.3. Attitudes towards Tofin language development
Overall, the Tofinu expressed a positive attitude towards the development of their language. Their statement is supported by the on-going Tofin literacy program. The literacy program has started well, and efforts are being made to establish more Tofin literacy classes within the sous-préfecture of So- Ava. The villages of So-Tchiancomey and Dékanme prefer literacy classes in Tofin to any other language. In Jesuko where Gun is the language of the church and people read the Gun Bible, residents are more interested in becoming literate in Gun than in Tofin.
7.4. Tofin and other related Gbe varieties
No major dialectal differences among Tofin speakers were reported, though it was stated that some differences exist in tone and pronunciation, partly due to the influence of neighboring languages.
30 As mentioned in footnote 27 , Gun was considered to be the same as Alada.
18 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Regarding its relationship with other Gbe lects, both Ayizo and Alada were considered to resemble Tofin with some stating that Tofin is a variety of Ayizo. Everyone agreed that the Tofin can communicate with the Ayizo as well as with the Alada, Toli, Weme and Xwla, each using their respective languages. Concerning Toli, opinions differed as to whether this speech form is close to Tofin or not. While Toli was considered to be the closest to Tofin in Jesuko, in Dèkanme it was stated that Toli was different and difficult to understand. However, in all three communities it was stated that in communication with the Toli, each uses their respective language. With regard to the Fon variety, in Dèkanme the informants would not use their own language but rather Gun in communication with Fon speakers, while in Jesuko and in So-Tchiancomey they speak Fon with the Fon responding in Fon. Gen (Mina) is considered to be the least close to Tofin among the Gbe varieties investigated, with Jesuko not having any contact with Gen speakers. The other two villages stated that they communicate with Gen either in Fon or Gun. If the Gen speaker does not understand one of these varieties they need an interpreter.
7.5. Conclusions
The comprehension test results for both Fon and Gun demonstrate, for the most part, “good” comprehension in the limited contexts in which it was examined for this survey. Also, the interviewees reported the ability to speak and understand both languages. Therefore, it appears likely that written materials in Fon and Gun would be adequately understood in much of the Tofin community, if the interviewees are representative. Even though the Tofin express a positive attitude toward the development of their own language, they do not have negative attitudes towards the use of Fon and Gun for literacy. Fon, Gun and Tofin literacy programs are already in place in the Tofin language area. However, given a choice, they prefer Gun literacy to Fon literacy. Even so, the Fon literacy classes organized by the Catholic church seem to be well accepted. The Jesuko community already reads and understands the Gun Bible translation. These findings suggest that Fon and Gun literacy, depending on the region, might be a workable solution for the literacy needs of the Tofin-speaking region provided there is adequate institutional support. As stated above, the SIL strategy is to encourage the use of already developed language materials as widely as possible. In light of this, it appears that there is currently no need for SIL-related Tofin language development.
Appendix A: Map of the Tofin language area 19
Appendices
Appendix A. Map of the Tofin language area
Figure 1: Map of the Tofin language area showing (based on Microsoft Corporation 2002 a
aThe data contained in this map represent the perceptions of the Tofin informants and have not been otherwise confirmed. This map displays those places known to Microsoft Encarta ’s “World Atlas” (Microsoft Corporation 2002), and Google’s Map data (Google Maps 2009). The map does not display Gougbangba, a quarter of Cotonou (see Appendix B ‘Population’).
20 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Appendix B. Population
Table 2: Population figures for the Tofin communities a
Tofin population 59,209 So-Ava s.-p. b Ganvié r.c. Ganvié I 9,392 Ganvié II 8,914 Vekky I+II r.c. 16,142 Houédo-Aguékon r.c. 7,647 Dékanme r.c. 3,169 Ahomey-Lokpo r.c. Ahomey-Lokpo 2,176 Ahomey-Honmey 1,460 So-Ava u.c. 7,218 Cotonou u.c. Ladji*a 3,091 Toweta* – not listed – Zogbohoué* – not listed – Gougbangba* – not listed – aThe following population totals are taken from the 1992 Benin Census data (Ministère du Plan 1994b). bs.-p. = ‘sous-préfecture’, r.c. = rural community, u.c. = urban community, (*): a location only partially Tofin- speaking, according to at least some of the informants.
Appendix C: Lexical similarity 21
Appendix C. Lexical similarity
The following percentage and variance matrixes for lexical similarity were computed by the computer program WORDSURV (Version 2.4 – Wimbish 1989). The program performs a count of shared vocabulary between lists based on similarity groupings, as determined by the researcher. Thus, it does not apply a linguistic comparative method to the data and therefore, does not determine cognates based on historical analysis. The Gbe wordlists were analyzed according to two different sets of criteria with both computations following the principles described by Blair (1990:30–33), allowing for a few modifications though as outlined by Kluge (1997). For the first computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form used in another variety are ignored if they occur always in the same position. For the second computation a stricter set of criteria is applied with morphemes apparently affixed to the form used in another variety being included in the analysis. 31
31 See Kluge 1997 for further details regarding a preliminary evaluation of the analysis of word and phrase lists elicited for the current study.
22 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
1. Computation: Affixed morphemes are ignored
For this computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form used in another variety are ignored if they always occur in the same position. Table 3: Percentage matrix
Fon 87 Gun 79 84 Ajra 81 85 93 Toli 81 85 84 82 Tofin 80 82 82 81 99 Movolo 76 89 87 87 82 82 Seto 75 84 82 78 75 74 84 Xwla (Djeffa) 92 92 81 80 84 83 83 77 Alada 90 83 78 79 76 76 76 69 87 Weme 88 89 80 82 81 80 79 74 91 89 Arohun 93 90 77 78 81 80 84 76 92 90 93 Gbekon 87 88 77 79 74 73 82 77 89 79 85 89 Kotafon 79 77 73 76 66 65 74 71 79 73 78 81 82 Ayizo 86 81 71 76 71 70 77 71 85 85 84 88 87 78 Ci 87 86 77 81 77 77 81 75 89 80 83 88 94 78 87 Gbokpa 79 79 70 74 70 70 77 69 78 76 78 82 85 72 78 92 Gbesi 78 77 75 79 78 77 82 73 79 70 74 78 78 67 75 85 79 Xwela 77 80 73 76 77 77 77 73 81 69 76 77 78 69 74 86 77 85 Xwla (Adamé) 80 78 66 69 69 68 73 65 79 73 77 78 80 70 78 87 77 75 82 Saxwe 79 74 67 70 67 67 70 64 74 73 76 79 75 69 73 77 74 74 79 77 Se 81 74 69 72 69 69 72 66 75 74 77 80 76 70 74 77 75 77 80 78 98 Daxe
Appendix C: Lexical similarity 23
Table 4: Variance matrix
Fon 5.0 Gun 6.4 5.6 Ajra 6.0 5.4 3.7 Toli 6.1 6.0 5.6 6.0 Tofin 6.2 5.9 5.9 6.0 1.4 Movolo 6.2 4.6 5.0 5.0 6.0 5.9 Seto 6.9 5.6 5.9 6.5 7.0 7.1 5.6 Xwla (Djeffa) 3.7 3.9 6.0 6.2 5.6 5.7 5.7 6.6 Alada 5.2 5.8 6.6 6.4 6.9 6.9 6.9 7.8 5.1 Weme 4.8 4.6 6.2 5.9 6.1 6.2 6.4 7.1 4.2 4.6 Arohun 3.7 4.4 6.6 6.5 6.1 6.2 5.6 6.8 3.9 4.4 3.7 Gbekon 5.1 4.9 6.7 6.4 7.3 7.3 6.0 6.7 4.7 6.5 5.5 4.7 Kotafon 6.4 6.7 7.2 6.8 8.2 8.2 7.1 7.5 6.4 7.3 6.5 6.0 6.0 Ayizo 5.2 6.1 7.5 6.8 7.6 7.6 6.7 7.5 5.4 5.4 5.5 4.8 5.1 6.5 Ci 5.0 5.2 6.6 6.0 6.7 6.6 6.1 6.9 4.6 6.3 5.7 4.8 3.5 6.5 5.0 Gbokpa 6.4 6.4 7.6 7.1 7.7 7.6 6.7 7.8 6.5 6.9 6.5 5.9 5.5 7.4 6.5 3.9 Gbesi 6.5 6.7 7.0 6.4 6.6 6.7 6.0 7.3 6.4 7.7 7.1 6.5 6.6 8.0 7.0 5.4 6.4 Xwela 6.7 6.3 7.3 6.8 6.8 6.7 6.7 7.3 6.1 7.8 6.8 6.7 6.6 7.8 7.1 5.2 6.7 5.4 Xwla (Adamé) 6.3 6.6 8.1 7.8 7.9 7.9 7.3 8.3 6.4 7.4 6.7 6.6 6.3 7.6 6.6 5.1 6.7 7.0 6.0 Saxwe 6.4 7.1 8.0 7.6 8.1 8.0 7.6 8.3 7.1 7.3 6.8 6.4 7.0 7.7 7.2 6.6 7.1 7.1 6.4 6.7 Se 6.0 7.1 7.7 7.3 7.8 7.7 7.4 8.1 6.9 7.1 6.6 6.2 6.9 7.6 7.1 6.6 7.0 6.7 6.2 6.6 2.0 Daxe
24 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
2. Computation: Affixed morphemes are included
For this computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form used in another variety are included in the analysis. Table 5: Percentage matrix
Fon 71 Gun 72 74 Ajra 71 75 87 Toli 73 72 75 76 Tofin 73 73 75 76 98 Movolo 69 78 77 76 74 75 Seto 68 76 72 69 68 68 78 Xwla (Djeffa) 75 73 68 70 67 67 69 70 Alada 74 66 63 63 63 63 62 64 74 Weme 71 76 67 69 70 69 66 65 79 74 Arohun 76 69 64 65 64 65 69 69 75 74 77 Gbekon 74 74 67 67 66 66 70 69 68 64 70 66 Kotafon 72 64 64 65 61 61 68 66 63 58 65 62 75 Ayizo 73 66 62 67 61 62 64 63 66 65 65 69 70 69 Ci 77 75 73 72 70 70 76 72 78 69 74 75 86 75 75 Gbokpa 67 67 61 61 61 62 62 65 61 64 63 62 73 61 64 79 Gbesi 70 66 65 65 72 72 71 68 63 57 62 64 73 64 65 81 68 Xwela 65 65 59 66 61 64 61 62 63 61 61 63 70 62 62 76 67 72 Xwla (Adamé) 59 59 54 53 58 59 58 53 56 53 57 54 69 60 57 72 63 65 71 Saxwe 59 58 51 52 52 53 54 53 52 48 55 57 61 56 57 67 59 60 67 66 Se 61 59 53 54 51 52 55 56 54 49 55 61 61 57 58 67 60 62 67 64 91 Daxe
Appendix C: Lexical similarity 25
Table 6: Variance matrix
Fon 7.5 Gun 7.3 7.1 Ajra 7.5 7.0 5.0 Toli 7.3 7.4 7.0 6.9 Tofin 7.2 7.3 6.9 6.8 2.0 Movolo 7.8 6.5 6.7 6.8 7.2 7.0 Seto 7.8 6.8 7.3 7.7 8.0 7.8 6.5 Xwla (Djeffa) 6.9 7.3 7.8 7.6 8.1 8.0 7.8 7.6 Alada 7.1 8.1 8.5 8.5 8.6 8.5 8.6 8.4 7.1 Weme 7.5 6.8 8.0 7.7 7.7 7.7 8.1 8.2 6.4 7.1 Arohun 6.8 7.8 8.3 8.2 8.4 8.2 7.8 7.7 6.9 7.1 6.6 Gbekon 7.2 7.2 8.1 8.1 8.3 8.2 7.8 7.8 8.0 8.5 7.7 8.2 Kotafon 7.3 8.4 8.3 8.2 8.8 8.7 7.9 8.1 8.4 9.1 8.2 8.5 7.0 Ayizo 7.2 8.1 8.5 8.0 8.8 8.5 8.4 8.4 8.1 8.3 8.2 7.7 7.7 7.7 Ci 6.6 7.0 7.2 7.3 7.7 7.6 6.8 7.3 6.5 7.8 7.1 6.9 5.3 6.9 6.9 Gbokpa 8.0 8.0 8.7 8.7 8.8 8.6 8.6 8.3 8.7 8.4 8.5 8.6 7.4 8.7 8.4 6.4 Gbesi 7.6 8.1 8.3 8.3 7.5 7.4 7.5 7.9 8.5 9.3 8.6 8.4 7.4 8.4 8.3 6.1 7.9 Xwela 8.3 8.3 9.0 8.1 8.8 8.4 8.7 8.6 8.5 8.8 8.7 8.5 7.8 8.6 8.6 6.8 8.0 7.4 Xwla (Adamé) 9.0 9.0 9.5 9.6 9.2 9.0 9.1 9.6 9.3 9.7 9.2 9.5 7.9 8.8 9.2 7.4 8.6 8.3 7.6 Saxwe 8.9 9.1 9.7 9.6 9.8 9.5 9.5 9.5 9.6 10.1 9.3 9.1 8.8 9.2 9.1 8.0 9.0 8.8 8.0 8.1 Se 8.7 9.0 9.5 9.4 9.9 9.6 9.4 9.2 9.4 10.0 9.3 8.7 8.8 9.1 9.0 8.0 8.8 8.6 8.0 8.4 4.2 Daxe
26 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Appendix D. Community questionnaire
(rév 02/99, SIL Togo/Benin) Effectué le ______à ______par ______Identité ethnique du chef: ______; des vieux: ______Abréviations: Al = Alada, Ay = Ayizo, F = Fon, Fr = Français, Ge = Gen, Gu=Gun, K= Kotafon, Mv= Movolo (Xw-E=Xwla de Semi-Kpodji), Tl = Toli de Porto Novo, Tf = Tofin, W = Weme, Xe = Xwela, Xw = Xwla, X-E = Eastern Xwla, X-W = western Xwla, N=non, O=oui,
1. LA LANGUE DE L’ENQUETE ET LES LANGUES VOISINES 1.1. Comment vous appelez votre propre langue? 1.2. Quelle est l’origine du peuple de ce village? Pour trouver l’étendue de la région où la langue est parlée, montrez une photocopie d’une carte de la région, et posez les questions suivantes. (En utilisant les feutres en couleur) 1.3. Dans quels villages est votre langue (tofin) parlée? (demandez pour chaque village) (Encerclez les villages où la langue se parle; mettez des parenthèses autour des noms des villages où il n’est pas certain que la langue se parle.) 1.4. Est-ce qu’il y a des villages où plusieurs langues sont parlées? (Encadrez les villages où des locuteurs de plusieurs langues différentes se trouvent.) 1.5. Dans quels villages parle-t-on une langue différente que la vôtre? Quel est le nom de cette langue / ces langues? (Soulignez les villages où il est certain qu’on parle une langue différente que celle en question, et écrivez le nom de celle-ci à côté du village – ceci pour déterminer les frontières de la langue étudiée.)
2. DIALECTES DE LA LANGUE ENQUETEE ET INTERCOMPREHENSION ENTRE LES VARIANTES 2.1. Parmi les villages où votre langue (tofin) est parlée, où est-ce qu’ils parlent exactement comme vous? 2.2. Dans quels villages est-ce qu’ils parlent un peu différemment, mais vous les comprenez quand même? 2.3. Dans quels villages est-ce qu’ils parlent très différemment?
Appendix D: Community questionnaire 27
2.4. Est-ce qu’il y a des dialectes de tofin? O N (Selon les renseignements fournis par l’enquêté, l’enquêteuse(eur) devrait − mettre la lettre A à côté des villages qui parlent la langue de l’enquête, B à côté des villages d’un autre groupe, C, et ainsi de suite; − tracer les lignes des frontières dialectales avec les lignes continues et pointillées.) 2.5. Comment appelle-t-on les gens qui parlent: A? ______B? ______C? ______D? ______2.6. Quelles sortes de différences existent entre votre variété et les autres (prononciation, vocabulaire emprunté)? Variety A – B: ______Variety A – C: ______Variety A – D: ______Variety A – E: ______2.7. Quelle variété avez-vous le plus de difficulté à comprendre? ______2.8. Laquelle comprenez-vous la plus facilement? ______2.9. Est-ce que tous les enfants ici au village comprennent bien les locuteurs ...? A B C D O N O N O N O N
2.10. Est-ce que vous avez tous les mêmes origines? 2.11. Est-ce qu’ils sont comme des étrangers ou comme vos frères? 2.12. Où parle-t-on votre langue le mieux?
3. LES RAPPORTS AVEC DES AUTRES LANGUES 3.1. Quelles autres langues se ressemblent à votre langue?
Al Ay F Ge Gu Mv Tl W Xw Xe Autres______(Sondez les autres possibilités)
28 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
3.2. Est-ce vous avez jamais parlé avec quelqu’un de:
Al Ay F Ge Gu X-E W Xw Xe Tl ____ O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N a) Vous parlez quelle langue avec eux? b) Ils vous répondent en quelle langue?
3.3. Quelle langue est-ce que vous comprenez le mieux? Al Ay F Ge Gu Xw-E W Xw Xwe Tl 3.4. Quelle langue est-ce que vous comprenez le pire? Al Ay F Ge Gu Xw-E W Xw Xwe Tl 3.5. Est-ce qu’un enfant de six ans de ce village (nommez le nom du village) peut comprendre le fon? O N 3.6. le gun? O N 3.7. Sinon, quand il grandit, à quel âge comprendrait-t-il le fon? ______le gun?______3.8. Quelle langue est-ce que vous comprenez mieux? le fon ou le gun?
4. L’USAGE DE LA LANGUE/VARIANTE 4.1. La majorité de la population ici sont de quelle langue? ______Les minorités? ____ 4.2. Est-ce qu’il y a des mariages mixtes? O N Si oui, avec qui? ______La plupart des mariages mixtes sont avec des locuteurs de quelle langue? ______4.3. Quelle langue est-ce que vous utilisez pour: Annonces dans le village Tf F Gu ___ Rites de coutumes Tf F Gu ___ Jugements dans la famille Tf F Gu ___ Jugements au village Tf F Gu ___ Conseils d’anciens (au village) Tf F Gu ___ Réunions du conseil traditionnel (régionales) Tf F Gu ___ 4.4. A part votre langue, quelle langue est utilisée le plus souvent ici dans votre village? ______et dans la région? ______
Appendix D: Community questionnaire 29
5. ALPHABETISATION 5.1. Est-ce qu’il y a des classes d’alphabétisation au village? O N Dans quelle(s) langue(s)? ______Ça se passe combien de fois par an? ______Est-ce qu’il y a des classes d’alphabétisation dans la région? O N Dans quelle(s) langue(s)? ______Ça se passe combien de fois par an? ______5.2. Est-ce que vous avez jamais vu quelque chose écrit en tofin? O N ______5.3. Est-ce que vous connaissez quelqu’un qui écrit en tofin? O N ______5.4. Si on irait commencer un programme d’alphabétisation est-ce que les gens d’ici vont-ils s’intéresser et s’inscrire pour la classe: si c’était en fon? O N ______et si c’était en gun? O N ______et si c’était en tofin? O N ______6. INFORMATION GENERALE SUR LA COMMUNAUTE 6.1. Est-ce qu’il y a des églises ici? O N ______Si oui, quelle langue est utilisée pour: la prédication/l’homélie? Tf E F Gu ___ pour les chants? Tf E F Gu ___ les prières? Tf E F Gu ___ les annonces? Tf E F Gu ___ les réunions de prière ou des autres rendez-vous? Tf E F Gu ___ 6.2. Est-ce qu’il y a des mosquées ici? O N ______Si oui, quelle langue est utilisée pour: la prédication/l’enseignement? Tf E F Gu ___ interpréter la lecture du Coran? Tf E F Gu ___
30 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Appendix E. Non-formal education questionnaire
(rév. 11/98, SIL Togo/Benin) Effectué le ______à ______par ______
1. PRESENTATION DE L’ENQUETE 1.1. Nom et fonction: 1.2. Langue maternelle: 1.3. Parlez-vous le tofin? O N
2. INFORMATIONS DEMOGRAPHIQUES A. ALPHABETISATION 2.1. Des classes d’alphabétisation dans la région tofin sont organisées dans quelles langues? Distribution des langues par région 2.2. Existe-t-il des classes d’alphabétisation en langue tofin? O N Depuis quand? 2.3. Nombre des classes et le totale des étudiants par sous-préfecture a) b) c) d) 2.4. Lesquels sont vos projets pour l’avenir en ce qui concerne l’utilisation de tofin pour l’alphabétisation?
B. POST-ALPHABETISATION 2.5. Existe-t-il des classes de post-alphabétisation en langue tofin? O N Depuis quand? Elles existent en quelle(s) autre(s) langue(s) dans la région tofin? 2.6. Nombre des classes et le totale des étudiants par sous-préfecture a) b) c) d)
Appendix E: Non-formal education questionnaire 31
2.7. Quelle sorte de programme?
3. LA LANGUE UTILISEE POUR L’ALPHABETISATION 3.1. Quels syllabaires sont utilisés pour les classes? Développés par qui? Quelle orthographe? 3.2. Quelle variante est utilisée pour les classes d’alphabétisation? Médium d’instruction: Langue écrite: 3.3. Existe-t-il des problèmes de compréhension de cette variante parmi les étudiants? O N Lesquels? ______3.4. Selon vous, est-ce que le choix de cette variante est capable de servir les locuteurs tofin le meilleur? O N Si non, quelle variante devrait être choisie pour l’alphabétisation? 3.5. Existe-t-il des problèmes de lecture avec cette orthographe? O N Lesquels? ______3.6. Quelle orthographe est la meilleure?
32 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Appendix F. Church questionnaire
(rév 02/99, SIL Togo/Benin) Effectué le ______à ______par ______Dénomination: ______Abréviations: A = arabe, Gu = gun, E = Ewe, F = fon, Fr = français, Ge = gen, Tf = tofin, O = oui, N = non
1. PRESENTATION DE L’ENQUETE 1.1. Nom, fonction dans l’église, langue maternelle: Est-ce que vous parlez tofin? nom et fonction langue maternelle parle la langue locale? ______non un peu bien couramment ______non un peu bien couramment ______non un peu bien couramment ______non un peu bien couramment ______non un peu bien couramment ______non un peu bien couramment
2. INFORMATION GENERALE 2.1. La majorité au village est de quelle religion? Musulman Chrétien Animiste autre______2.2. Il y a quelles églises au village? ______2.3. Quelles églises sont les plus grandes? ______
3. L’USAGE DE LA LANGUE A L’EGLISE 3.1. Quelles langues sont-elles utilisées pendant le culte/la messe pour: − prêcher Tf E F Fr Gu __ − prières (des Tf E F Fr Gu __ dirigeants) − les annonces Tf E F Fr Gu __ − prières (des Tf E F Fr Gu __ paroissiens) − lire les Tf E F Fr Gu __ − les chants/la Tf E F Fr Gu __ écritures louange − l’eucharistie/la Tf E F Fr Gu __ sainte cène
Appendix F: Church questionnaire 33
3.2. (chez les catholiques) Qui lit le lectionnaire pendant la messe? Dans quelle(s) langue(s)? Tf E F Fr Gu ___ Est-ce qu’il y a parfois des problèmes à la lire? Est-ce que la lecture est bien comprise par tout le monde? 3.3. Quelle(s) langue(s) est(sont) utilisée(s) pour: − la réunion des femmes Tf E F Fr Gu ___ − le groupe de jeunesse Tf E F Fr Gu ___ − les témoignages Tf E F Fr Gu ___ − les prières pendant les études bibliques Tf E F Fr Gu ___ − l’école dominicale Tf E F Fr Gu ___ 3.4. Quelle Bible est utilisée à l’église? E F Fr Ge Gu ______3.5. Dans votre congrégation combien de personnes possèdent leurs propres Bibles? très peu | plusieurs | moitié | majorité 3.6. Est-ce qu’il existe du matériel religieux en tofin? O N Lesquelles? ______3.7. Est-ce qu’il y a des responsables tofin dans cette église? O N Ils prêchent dans quelle langue? Tf E F Fr Gu ___ 3.8. Donnez-vous parfois une traduction préparée ou spontanée en tofin: O N Pourquoi? ______
4. ENGAGEMENT POTENTIEL DE L’EGLISE 4.1. Est-ce que l’utilisation de tofin est encouragée par les responsables de cette église: pour le culte/la messe? O N pour les réunions différentes? O N Lesquelles? ______4.2. Est-ce que vous croyez que l’utilisation de tofin serait impropre pour le culte/la messe? O N Si oui, pour quelle raison? ______4.3. Est-ce que les membres de votre église ont exprimé leur intérêt − de lire et écrire en tofin? O N d’avoir du matériel religieux en tofin? O N 4.4. Est-ce qu’il y a quelqu’un qui aide actuellement les gens qui sont engagés à un projet ou un programme de développement, etc.? O N
34 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Appendix G. RA-RTT narratives
1. Fon RA-RTT
The following lines are in Fon, interlinear French and standard French.
1. hwenu e un do kpɛ ví ɔ́, un nɔ kplá tɔ́ ce yi gle ta. Moment que je être petit je accompagne père mon aller champ sur. Quand j’étais petit j’accompange mon père au champ.
un nɔ yi xwa gbě xɑ́ ɛ. Je vais sarcler herbe avec lui. Je vais sarcler herbe avec lui.
2. enǰ mǐ xwa gbě fó ɔ́, é jɛ hwelɛkó ɔ́, cóbónú mǐ nɑ̌ lɛkɔ yi Si nous sarcler herbe terminer, il arriver après-midi avant que nous futur retourner Quand nous finissons le sarclage, dans l’après-midi avant de rentrer
xwé gbe ɔ́, mǐ mɛ yɔkpɔ́vú lɛɛ, mǐ ɖǒ f έcɑ kpɛví kpɛví ɖé lɛɛ bó nɔ ɖó, aller maison dans, nous petit plur., nous tendre piège petit petit plur. à la maison, nous les enfants,
bó nɔ dó wlí a9n, ogběja nɑ́ ɖo gle mɛ. et tendre et pour attraper souris rat avec être champs dans. nous tendons de petits pièges pour attraper des souris, des rats.
ényí ɖɔ ǰ lé mǐ ɖǒ ɔ́, mǐ wɑ̌ gle ta zɑ̌nzɑ̌n ɔ́, mǐ nɔ yi kpɔ́n. Si nous tendre, nous venir champ sur matin, nous aller voir. Si nous tendons les pièges, le matin quand nous revenons au champ, nous les contrôlons.
3. é wɑ́ jɛ gbe ɖokpó bɔ un ɖó f έcɑ ce. Il arriver tomber jour un et je tendre piège mon. Un jour, j’ai tenu mon piège.
un mɔ ɖɔ a9n wɑ́ ɖu 9nlínnyɛ ɖo fí ɖe, bó ɖó f έcɑ ɔ́ ɖó fín έ Je vu que souris venir manger manioc être endroit et tendre piège le là endroit J’ai constaté que les souris ont mangé le manioc sans un endroit et j’ai tendu là mon piège
Appendix G: RA-RTT narratives 35
bó blɑ́ 9nlínnyɛ kpɛví ɖé d’éǰ; hǔn afin wɛ un ɖó f έcɑ ɔ́ nɑ́. et attacher manioc petit un sur donc souris c’ést je tendre piège le pour et attaché un petit morceau de manioc là-dessus;
4. gbe én έ gbe ɔ́, síbigbe wɛ, gbadanu, bɔ ēé un ɖó f έcɑ ɔ́, mǐ wɑ̌ yi xwé, Jour ce jour samedi c’ést, soir et lorsque je tendre piège le, nous venir aller maison C’était un samedi soir, quand j’ai tendu le piège nous sommes retournés à la maison
bɛ jɛ aklunɔzɑ́ngbe zɑ̌nzɑ̌n bɔ nyi ɖokpónɔ sɔ́ nǔ bó wɑ́ et il tomber seigneur jour matin et moi seul apprêter et le dimanche matin, je suis parti seul (dans le champ)
xwe yi gbe f έcɑ ce kpɔ́n gbé. aklunɔzɑ́ngbe ɔ́, mɛɖébǔ leɔn nɔ́ wɑ́ gleta ɑ̌. et venir aller aller piège mon regarder. Seigneur jour personne ne venir champ sur pour aller regarder le piège. Le dimanche personne ne va au champ.
5. hǔn nyi ɖokpónɔ géé wɛ sɔ́ nǔ bó yi gle ɔ́ ta, bó nɑ́ yi kpɔ́n f έcɑ ce bó nɑ́ wɑ́ yi. Donc moi seul c’ést apprêter et aller champ le sur, pour aller regarder piège mon Donc je suis allé seul au champ pour aller regarder le piège pour revenir
xwé nǔ e gbé un tɔ́n kpowun é jēn né, maison. Chose que je sortir seulement – ça à la maison. Voilà le seul but que j’ai visé.
6. bɔ ēé un yi gle ɔ́ tɑ ɔ́, un ml έ odogbó et lorsque je aller champ le sur, je suivre frontière Arrivée dans le champ, j’ai pris par la frontière sur
e ǰ un ɖó f έcɑ ɔ́ ɖó ɔ́, bó ɖo jiji wɛ. ée un sɛkpɔ́ f έcɑ rel sur je tendre piège le – et être aller c’est. Lorsque je approcher piège laquelle j’ai tendu le piège. Lorsque je m’approche du piège
ɔ́ lě ɔ́, bó kpɔ́n s έdó lě kpowun ɔ́, ɑzěxɛ jέn un ko mɔ ɖo le aussitôt, et regarder de loin aussitôt seulement, sorcellerie-oiseau je déjà vu être je l’ai regardé de loin, à une grande surprise, j’ai vu un hibou
36 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
fέcɑ ce ǰ nukún klolo duu, piège mon sur oeil “klolo duu” sur mon piège, avec des yeux gros, arrondis (assortis),
7. bo xɛsi ɖi mì bɔ un hɔn ɖó un kpo ɖo vǔ; nukún tɔn ɔ́, é kló dín, et peur ressembler moi et je fuir, car je encore être petit; oeil son – il gros trop j’ai pris peur et j’ai pris la fuite parce que je suis encore petit, ses yeux sont trop gros,
un nɔ se ɑzěxɛ xó, ɑmɔ̌ un mɔ eéɖécéɖé mɔ̌ kpɔ́n gbeɖé ɑ̌; je entendre sorcellerie-oiseau parole mais je voir clairement ainsi jamais négatif; j’entends parler d’hibou mais je ne l’ai jamais vu correctement,
8. nukɔn nukɔntɔn ɔ́ nɛ un mɔ n έ, bɔ nukún tɔu ɖo duu ɖo f έcɑ ɔ́ ǰ. premièrement cela, je voir là, et oeil son être “duu” être piège le sur c’est pour ma première fois et ses yeux sont assortis sur le piège.
é b έ ɑfɔ tɔn we lɛɑ dó f έcɑ ɔ́ mɛ, bó ɖo f έcɑ ɔ́ ǰ ɖo te lē; Il ramasser patte son deux piège le dans et être piège le sur être debout Il a mis ses deux pattes dans le piège, et il est debout sur le piège,
ēé un mɔ mɔ̌ɔ̄, un hɔn, bo jɛ sésɔ́sœîsɔ́ ǰ; lorsque je voir ainsi je fuir et commencer trembler – lorsque je vois ça j’ai pris la fuite et je commence à trembler
9. bɔ un ɖɔ xɛ élɔ́ɔ́, jǒ un kɑ́ nɑ́ jō dō ɑ? un ɖō nɑ́ hu i jɛn wɛ hǔn. et je dire oiseau ce laisser je laisser ques je devoir fut tuer le obliger et j’ai dit cet oiseau, faut-il le laisser? Mais je does quand même le tuer.
Nε̌ un nɑ́ wɑ́ gbɔu? nyɛ ɖokpónɔ gēé wɛ ɖo gle ɔ́ tɑ fí. c’est donc comment je? faire Moi seule c’est être champ le sur ici Qu’est-ce que je vais faire? Je suis seul ici dans le champ.
10. énɛ ɔ̄, un wɑ́ yi gbo kpo, kpo gɑgɑ ɖé bɔ un sixú kpɔ́n nukún tɔn mɛ ɑ̌. Alors je venir aller couper bâton bâton long un et je pouvoir regarder oeil son dans neg Alors je suis parti chercher un long bâton, et je ne peux pas regarder son visage.
Appendix G: RA-RTT narratives 37
é kɑ ɖo te ɖo f έcɑ ɔ́ ǰ bó nɔ kpɔ́n nǔ lě, nukún duu, Il être debout être piège le sur et regarder chose oeil “duu” Mais il est debout sur le piège et il regarde avec des yeux assortis,
11. bɔ́n έ ɔ̄, nyi lɔɔ́ un ɖó kɔ zɔ; un ɖó kɔ ce zɔ bó ɖo f έcɑ ɔ́ kɔn et ainsi moi aussi je tourner cou loin je tourner cou mon loin et être piège le près de alors moi aussi j’ai tourné mon regard ailleurs et je m’approche du piège
yi wɛ dε̌dε̌, dε̌dε̌, bɔ un nɔ 9ni kpɔ́n bléwun, un nɔ 9n kpɔ́n bɔ aller c’est doucement doucement et je voler le regarder vite je voler le regarder et très très doucement, jéssaie de l’épiller (je ne le fixe pas), lorsque je suis
ɖée un sɛkpɔ́ ɛ gɑ́ngí kpowun ɔ́, un bɔ kpo ɔ́ ɖó n í; lorsque je approcher lui bien seulement je rouer bâton lui bien proche de lui, je lui donne des coups,
12. un dó kpo ɔ́ ɛ. kɑ́kɑ́ nú un nɑ́ dó we, ɑtɔn kpowun ɔ́, é nyí kɔyɔɔ, bɔ nukún, je taper bâton le lui avant que je taper deux, trois seulement, il être écrouler et oeil je lui ai donné des coups. À peine il a reçu un ou deux coups, ils’est écroulé, et ses yeux
ɔ́ bú bɔ un ɖɔ éé n έ, un hu lɑn égbe. le disparaître et je dire voilà je tuer viande aujourd’hui sont fermés et j’ai dit voilá “très bien” j’ai tué un gibier aujoud’hui.
13. ée é kú nɔ̌ ɔ́ nukún ɔ́ bɔdó, bɔ un wɑ́ yi f έcɑ ɔ́ kɔn bó kɛ bó lorsque il mourir ainsi oeil le fermer et je venir aller piège le près de et ouvrir et Quand il est mort comme ça ses yeux se ferment (reserrer), je m’approche du piège, je l’ouvre,
ɖe e sín mɛ bó jó f έcɑ ɔ́ myi do ɔ́ nu fín έ, bó zé wɑ́ yi xwé; enlever le dedans et laisser piège le être trou le bord là et prendre venir aller maison je le sors et j’ai abandonné le piège à la place et j’emporte mon gibier à la maison
un zé wa yi je prendre aller venir j’emporte mon gibier à la maison
38 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
14. xwé ɔ́ un wɑ́ yi mɔ nɔví ce lɛɛ bɔ mǐ sun, mǐ sun bǐ bó bó, maison, je venir aller voir frère mon pl et nous déplumer, nous déplumer tout et et Quand je l’amène à la maison, j’ai vu mes frères et nous l’avons déplumé, nous l’avons complètement déplumer.
ɖɑ ɖu bɔ lɑn tɔn víví ɖésú. preparer manger et viande son doux beaucoup Nous l’avons preparé, et sa viande est très douce.
amɔ̌ nyɑ ɖé yí ta ɔ́ bó ɖɔ lé tɑ ɔ émí nɑ́ dó wɑ nǔ nɑ́. Mais homme un recevoir tête et dire que tête le lui avec faire chose avec. Mais un homme a pris sa tête, il a dit qu’il va faire gris-gris avec la tête.
15. mǐ dɛɛ lɛɑ ɖu tɑ ɔ́ ɑ̌; ɑmɔ̌ nǔ e kpo ɖo wǔtu tɔn bó kpo lɛɑ bǔ ɔ́, Nous autres manger tête non; mais chose qui reste corps son et rester plu tout, Nous n’avons pas mangé la tête, mais nous avons mangé tout le reste;
mǐ ɖu;é víví sin gɑnǰ. nous manger; il doux eau bien Il est très succulent.
16. lěe un hu ɑzěxɛ gbɔn ɔ́, ēé n έ, bɔ un ]ín lě ɔ́, comment je touer sorcellerie-oiseau ainsi, voilà, et je rappeler aussitôt, Voilà comment j’ai tué un hibou. Chaque fois je me rappele cette historie,
é nɔ hw έn nú mì kɑ́kɑ́ bɔ un nɔ ko, ɖó éé un mɔ ɛ ɔ́, xɛsi e ɖi mì é il rire pour moi tellement et je rire, car lorsque je voir lui, peur qui ressembler moi, ça me parait ridicule et je ris (même) parce que quand je l’ai vu j’ai pris peur
sy έn bɔ un nɔ sœsɔ́ ɖó te, bɔ un ka ɖɔ dɑndɑn mɛ ɔ́, un kɑ nɑ́ hu. il est et je trembler debout, et je dire obligatoirement, je fut tuer et j’ai tremblé. Mais j’ai dit que je dois forcément le tuer.
17. hǔn sɑ́nnu ɔ́, súnnu j έn nyí. Donc garçon le, garçon effectif être Donc il n’y a pas un homme petit; l’homme est l’homme.
Appendix G: RA-RTT narratives 39
é nɑ́ nyí súnnu gɑ́n wɛ un dó ɑ̌ ɔ́, un nɑ́ jó xɛ ɔ́ dó nyi f έcɑ ɔ́ m έ Il non être garçon force c’est je taper je laisser oiseau le être piège le dans Si je ne mets pas en jeu la force d’un homme (si je n’agit en tant qu’homme), je vais laisser l’oiseau dans le piège
bɔ é sixú wɑ́ zɔn yi et il pouvoir avenir voler aller et il peut s’envoler.
hǔn lě un hu azěxɛ gbɔn ɔ́ n έ. donc ainsi je tuer sorcellerie-oiseau ainsi Donc voilà comment j’ai tué un hibou.
40 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
2. Gun RA-RTT
The following lines are in Gun, interlinear French and standard French.
1. có ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo, avǔn hɛnaɖǔ we, amɔ̌ a ná ɡán. hélas ! ‘homme appui,’ chien mordu toi, mais tu seras sauvé. Hélas ! Gb εttɔ́go, le chien t’a mordu, mais tu seras sauvé.
to ɡletoxo tokpókonǔ tɔn mɛ, ovǐsúnnu ɖé tíin bo nɔ nyí ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo. é ɖó oxwe cyanwe. dans village tout pays rit dans, garçon un il y a et s'appelle Gbɛtɔ́go. il a ans sept. Dans le village de Tokpókonǔ, il y avait un garçon qui s’appelait Gb εtɔ́go. Il a sept ans.
2. otɔ́ étɔn jɛ kpozɔn bo kú, ojlɛ̌ kpɛɖé ɡódo, ye sɔ́ ɖó nǔ ná onɔ étɔn père son souffert lèpre et mort, temps un peu après, on encore a empoisonné mère sa Son père a souffert de la lèpre et en est mort. Quelques temps après, on a empoisonné encore sa mère
bɔ éwɔsú sɔ́ kú ɡá. hwenɛnu, ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo ma sɔ́ ɖó mɛɖé ba. et elle-même encore décédée. alors, Gbɛtɔ́go n'a encore personne plus. et elle même est morte. Alors, Gb εtɔ́go n’a plus aucun soutien.
3. nafɛ́ étɔn sosi wá yí i dó éɖe de. bo nɔ kpénukún é tante maternelle sa ‘femme du tonnerre’ l'a accueilli auprès d'elle. et prend soin de Sa tante maternelle Sossi l’a hébergé est prit soin de
ɡo. ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo wá bɛ́ tólivívɛ́ bɔ ényí xo tlɛ ɡɔ́ ɛ, é nɔ to díndán bo nɔ lui. Gbɛtɔ́go a attrapé désobéissance et si ventre même plein, il se promène et se lui. Gb εtɔ́go a commencé par désobéir au point que même rassasié, il se
to ɡlemɛ-ɡlemɛ ɡbɔn. hwenɛnu, nafɛ́ étɔn wá ɡbɛ́kɔ é ɡo. aller champs-champs á travers. alors, tante maternelle sa l'a négligée. promenait partout dans les champs. En ce temps, sa tante maternelle l’a négligé.
4. ɡbeɖokpó, nafɛ́ étɔn sosi zɔ́n ɛ ɡali hlán dansi un jour, tante maternelle sa Sossi commande lui gari vers ‘femme de serpent’ Un jour, sa tante maternelle Sossi lui a commandé du gari dans la maison de Dansi
Appendix G: RA-RTT narratives 41
xwé, madɛndó xwé yětɔn ɡbe. é jɛ alixo jí. maison, non loin maison leur. il se mit en route. non loin de leur maison. Il se mit en route.
5. é mɔ aɡǎn ɖé, é ná zé bo nyì. é mɔ atín ɖé, é ná xɛ́. il trouve caillou un, il le prend et lance. il trouve arbre un, il le grimpe. Il trouve un caillou (éclat de poterie), il le jette. Il trouve un arbre, il le grimpe.
6. tlóló, avǔn jɛma ɖé jánwɛ tɔ́nsɔ́n nǔkanmɛ, bo hɛn-aɖǔ soudain, chien enragé un brusquement sortit brousse de, et mordu Soudain, un chien enragé sortit brusquement de la brousse, et mordit
ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo sɔ́n afɔ aɖusí. Gbɛtɔ́go au pied droit. Gb εtɔ́go au pied droit.
7. ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo bɛ́ axwá. é hɔnwezun kpɛɖé, é jɛ-ayǐ, é ɖɔ: “có! có ! Gbɛtɔ́go commencer crie. il courut un peu, il tomba, il dit: “hélas! hélas ! Gb εtɔ́go se mit à crier. Il courut un peu et il tombe, il dit: “Hélas! Hélas !
mɛ̌nu wɛ ná hwlɛ̌n mi sɔ́n éxe sí !” qui va sauver me de ceci !” Qui va me sauver de ceci !”
8. é to avǐví, é ma mɔ ɛɖékpókpé. afɔ étɔn lɔ́ jɛ jǐjí jí. tlóló, é ba éɖemɛ kpò. il pleurait, il ne trouva personne. pied son dit se mit s'enfler. soudain, il s'évanouit. Il pleurait, il ne trouva personne. Le dit pied se mit à s’enfler. Soudain, il s’évanouit.
9. mɛɖé jánwɛ tɔ́nsɔ́n nǔkanmɛ bo jɛ é de bo ná ɛ adɔɡbíɡbó bo une personne brusquement sortit brousse de et arriva il près de et donna lui courage Une personne sortit brusquement de la brousse et arriva près de lui et lui donna courage
ɖó alɔ é ɡo bo ɖɔ: “ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo, un tíin to akpá ná we ! a ná ɡán dinvye”. et le toucha et dit: “Gbεtɔ́go, je suis á côté á toi ! tu seras sauvé maintenant”. et le toucha et dit: “Gb εtɔ́go, je suis à côté de toi ! Tu seras sauvé maintenant”.
42 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
10. mɛ lɔ́ jɛklo to akpá nɛ́ɛ bo dó alɔ aɡlo étɔn mɛ bo ɖe personne cette là se mit à genoux côté lui et mit main sac son dans et sortit Cette personne s’agenouilla à côté de lui et mit la main dans son sac et sortit
amasin ɖélɛ tɔ́n. médicaments certains dehors. des caments.
11. é sá dó akpka lɔ́ mɛ ná ɛ bo ná ɛ éxe nyí atín ɖé sín ɡoto ɖɔ é ní il l'appliqua dans plaie cette là á lui et donna lui ceci est bois un de écorce et dit lui Il l’appliqua dans cette plaie à lui et lui donna une écorce d’un arbre lui disant de la
ɖu, bɔ é zé bo ɖu. manger, et il prit et mangea. manger, et il la prit et la mangea.
12. ojlɛ̌ kpɛɖé ɡódo, é mɔ éɖe mɛ. tlóló, é nádó hun nukún kpowun, mɛxe temps un peu après, il se retrouva. soudain, il pour ouvrir yeux simplement, celui Un peu de temps après, il se retrouva. Soudain, avant qu’il n’ouvre les yeux, celui
wa mɔ̌ nɛ́ɛ lɔ́, é ma sɔ́ mɔ mɛ lɔ́ ba. qui fait ainsi lui ce, il ne encore vu personne cette plus. qui l’a sauvé, il ne retrouva plus cette personne.
13. afɔ étɔn xe ko jí ɖáyǐ, afɔ ɡɔjɛ afɔ tɛnmɛ, bɔ ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo fɔ́n. pied son qui déjá enflé avant, pied retrouva forme initiale, et Gbɛtɔ́go se leva. Son pied qui s’était enflé se guérit et Gb εtɔ́go se releva.
é ɖɔnǔdó mɛ lɔ́, mɛxe é ma tlɛ sɔ́ mɔ. il salua personne cette là, celui que il ne l'a même plus vu. Il remercia cette personne, personne qu’il n’a même pas vu.
énɛɡódo, é wá yi xɔ ɡali lɔ́. après cela, il enfin alla acheter gari ce. Après cela, il partit enfin acheter ce gari.
Appendix G: RA-RTT narratives 43
14. mɛ ce lɛ, tɔ́cyɔví-nɔcyɔví lɛ, miɔ ná nywɛ ɖɔ ye ma nɔ jó yě dó. mes amis, orphelin père-mère les, vous savez que on ne les abandonne pas. Mes amis, les orphelins de père et mère vous devez savoir qu’on ne les abandonne pas.
ényí yě ná bo tlɛ to tólivɛ́, mì ɖóná kpénukún yě ɡo, ɖó otɔ́ yětɔn kpó onɔ si ils même et désobéissent, vous devrez prendre soin d'eux, car père leur et mère Même s’ils sont entrain de désobéir, vous devez prendre soin d’eux, car leur père et mère
yětɔn kpó xe yi okútomɛ, yě ma nɔ jó yě dó. mǐ ɖɔnudó mì. leur qui sont partis pays morts, ils ne les abandonnent pas. nous saluons vous. qui s’en sont allés au séjour des morts, ils ne les abandonnent pas. Nous vous saluons.
44 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Appendix H. RA-RTT results
Table 7: Comprehension levels for the Fon and Gun RA-RTTs across the tested communities
So-Tchiancomey Dekanme
Fon good good (MO, MY, FO) partial (FY)
Gun good good
MO = older men; MY = younger men; FO = older women; FY = younger women
References 45
References
Blair, F. 1990. Survey on a shoestring: A manual for small-scale language surveys . Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Capo, H. B. C. 1986. Renaissance du gbe. Une langue de l’Afrique Occidentale. Etude critique sur les langues ajatado: l’ewe, le fon, le gen, l’aja, le gun, etc. Université du Bénin. Institut National des Sciences de l’Education. Etudes et documents de Sciences Humaines A-13. Lomé: Université du Bénin. Capo, H. B. C. 1991. A comparative phonology of Gbe . Berlin and New York: Foris Publications. [Publications in African Languages and Linguistics 14]. Centre National de Linguistique Appliquée (CENALA). 1990. République du Bénin – Carte linquistique . (Carte établie 1989). Cotonou, Benin. Commission Nationale de Linguistique du Bénin (CNL du Bénin). 1983. Atlas sociolinguistique du Bénin . Atlas et études sociolinguistiques des Etats du Conseil de l’Entente (ASOL) . Agence de Coopération Culturelle et Technique. Institut de Linguistique Appliquée. Abidjan: ACCT- ILA. Commission Nationale de Linguistique du Bénin (CNL du Bénin). no date. Listes lexicales . Cotonou: UNESCO, ACCT, 1–11. Direction Nationale de l’Alphabétisation, République du Bénin, Ministère de la Culture et des Communications (DNA). no date. Nukpinkpl ɔnwema t ɔfingbem ε tɔn. Wema tintan. Lecture et ecriture en t ɔfin. Premier et deuxième livret . Cotonou: DNA. Google Maps. 2009. Map data . Google. Online URL: http://maps.google.com . Grimes, B. F. (ed.). 1996. Ethnologue: Languages of the world . 13th ed. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Hazoumê, M. L. 1981. Une esquisse phonologique du tofingbe . Cotonou: Commission Nationale de Linguistique. Institut Géographique Nationale France, in collaboration with Institut Géographique Nationale – Bénin (IGN France and IGN Bénin). 1992. Benin: Carte générale . Paris, Cotonou: IGN. Kluge, A. 1997. Gbe word and phrase lists: Initial clustering of varieties and their geographical distribution. Cotonou: SIL International. Lewis, M. Paul (ed.). 2009. Ethnologue: Languages of the world . 16th ed. Dallas: SIL International. Online URL: http://www.ethnologue.com . Marmor, T. 1997. SIL Togo-Benin branch criteria for evaluating language assessment data and for establishing the need for SIL Involvement in various aspects of language development. Lomé: SIL International. Microsoft Corporation. 2002. World Atlas. In Microsoft Encarta reference library . Microsoft Corporation. Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Benin. Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Economique. Bureau Central du Recensement. 1994a. Deuxième recensement général de la population et de l’habitation (Février 1992). Volume II. Analyses des résultats. Tome 3. Caractéristiques socio-culturelles et economique . Cotonou: Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Bénin.
46 A sociolinguistic survey of the Tofin language area
Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Benin. Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Economique. Bureau Central du Recensement. 1994b. Deuxième recensement général de la population et de l’habitation (Février 1992). La population de l’Atlantique . Cotonou: Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Bénin. Pazzi, R. 1979. Introduction à l’histoire de l’aire culturelle ajatado. (Peuples Ewe, Aja, Xwla, Ayiz ɔ, Gen, Sahwe, Xwe ɖa, Fon, Gun) . Lomé: Université du Bénin. Schoch, G. 1999. Evaluation of the questionnaires in Kinto: Notes. Cotonou: SIL International. Stalder, J. 1996a. Rapid Appraisal – Strategy and methodology as applied in Cameroon. Notes on Sociolinguistics 48:5–23. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Stalder, J. 1996b. Update on Rapid Appraisal. Notes on Sociolinguistics 48:24–28. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Vanderaa, L. 1991. A survey for Christian Reformed World Missions of missions and churches in West Africa . Grand Rapids: Christian Reformed World Missions. Wimbish, J. S. 1989. Wordsurv: A program for analysing language survey word lists . Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics.