Edith Cowan University Research Online

ECU Publications Pre. 2011

1992

Women in Leadership National Conference 1992: Women, communication and power

Margaret Butterworth (Ed.)

Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.ecu.edu.au/ecuworks

Part of the Human Resources Management Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons

Butterworth, M. (Ed.). (1992). Women in Leadership National Conference 1992: Women, communication and power. , Australia: Edith Cowan University. This Conference Proceeding is posted at Research Online. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/ecuworks/6944 Edith Cowan University

Copyright Warning

You may print or download ONE copy of this document for the purpose of your own research or study.

The University does not authorize you to copy, communicate or otherwise make available electronically to any other person any copyright material contained on this site.

You are reminded of the following:

 Copyright owners are entitled to take legal action against persons who infringe their copyright.

 A reproduction of material that is protected by copyright may be a copyright infringement. Where the reproduction of such material is done without attribution of authorship, with false attribution of authorship or the authorship is treated in a derogatory manner, this may be a breach of the author’s moral rights contained in Part IX of the Copyright Act 1968 (Cth).

 Courts have the power to impose a wide range of civil and criminal sanctions for infringement of copyright, infringement of moral rights and other offences under the Copyright Act 1968 (Cth). Higher penalties may apply, and higher damages may be awarded, for offences and infringements involving the conversion of material into digital or electronic form. WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP , NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1992

0 EN, CO UNICATION - AND PO ER

EDITH COWAN UNIVERSITY - women, communication and power

~®miD®rn firn il®®cill®IT~Ilnfi)J) TID®t1fi®TID®il ©®illlll@IT@illl©@

Edith Cowan University

Conference Convenor: Susan Robertson Proceedings Editor: Margaret Butterworth J I

Contents

Dimensions of Power June Williams 7

Women, Communication and Power Anna Yeatman 11

"Ignorance is not bliss"; and a couple of other points besides Sally Kennedy 19

Women are Powerful! Believing in Ourselves and Making the Difference Jocelynne A. Scutt 25

Gender Differences in Spreadsheet Development: Can Women do Spreadsheets? MJJHall 33

Women: Communication. Power and New Technologies Linda Wilkins 39

The Relationship Between Sex-Role Identity and Role Portrayal of Women in Advertising Margie White 47

Language, Identity and Women in Leadership Pat Klinck 57

Habermas should have been a Woman Jean Hillier 61

Sexing the Cherry: Re-Conceiving Women Lekkie Hopkins 67

Employer Sponsored Child Care: A Public Policy. Perspective Cathy Scott 73

Disciplining Academia: Women Academics and Possibilities for Change Janine Collins 77

1 The Glass Ceiling - Applicable in Academia Alison Sheridan 87

Women Managers in a Diversified Management Team: Prospects for the Australian Mining Industry Catherine Smith, Margaret Crowley and Jacquie Hutchinson 95

The Hidden Criteria which Contribute to your Position in the Workplace Marilys Guillemin 103

Gender in the National Training Agenda: The new training reforms and what's in it for women Rachel Robertson & Susan Lewis 111

The Power of Language in the Workplace Anne Pauwels & Joanne Winter 117

Issues Arising from Teacher Appraisal Procedures in the UK andWA Anne M Jasman 125 -. Representation of Females at Head of Department Level Regina Bloot 135

Beginning Female Principals in Small Rural Schools and the Gender-Related Issues Mfecting their New Roles Gail McLay 147

Deliberate Deceptio·n or Determined Disinterest Jacquie Hutchinson 155

Let's Explode some Myths 'about Power and Empowerment Christine Hogan 163

Empowering Women through Mentodng Jeanne Madison 179

Political Praxis- An Exercise in Communication Jane Widdess 185

Women in Leadership: the Facilitators' Experience Marie Finlay, Pat Klinck, Deborah Pearson 191

Fight Back: Women Empowering Women in a Regional University Leoni Rowan 193

2 women, communication and power Putting Gender on the Agenda in Teacher Education: A Personal Perspective Janina Trotman 199

Group Narratives - Reflections of the Women in Leadership Programme Group A 211

Redefining Leadership: Finding the Right Jungle Group C 211

List of Delegates 213

3 Introduction

Women's worlds have changed and so has worn­ develop a public voice and to create an appropriate en's work. Yet, despite such significant changes, environment in which the Conference could suc­ there has been little ground gained with regard to ceed under the terms it had set for itself. On all of women occupying key positions in significant those counts it was a stunning success. aspects of social, political and organizational life in Australia. Organizations still operate to exclude The Conference opened with an insightful address women from positions of power and influence. The from Commissioner of Equal Opportunity, June challenge remains: How can women individually Williams. She pointed to the uneasy and complex and collectively work at various levels of the relationship between women and power and organization and have their contributions are argued that "power is about the ability to do, and acknowledged, valued and rewarded ? having access to whatever is needed for the doing." However, as Commissioner Williams pointed out, Clearly there are no simple answers. Instead, this the daily reality of employment discrimination and general question raises further more specific ones. sexual harassment for women is a constant For example, what does effective organizational reminder of just how little power women have over leadership mean for women? How might women key aspects of their lives. For that reason it is define and understand power in ways that are critical that progress is made on legislative sup­ enabling rather than limiting? How might women ports to women. However, while these forms of develop their voices authentically yet strategically legal support for women can be empowering, they so that they are not only be heard but listened to? nonetheless still discriminate against women with aboriginal or ethnic backgrounds. The Women in Leadership (WIL) Programme, out of which the 1992 Conference flowed, sought to Professor Anna Yeatman from Waikato University address these very questions. The Conference New Zealand gave the keynote address. It was an theme, Women Communication and Power, inspiring exploration of the Conference theme - provided a powerful means for opening up a lively power. She began by asking whether the feminist and insightful debate on such important iss~es. movement's conceptions of power and communica­ The Conference focussed on women, power and tion were adequate in order to create a vision for communication in the contexts of place, work and the future. Professor Yeatman explored three the wider world, and drew women from diverse distinct fernmist conceptions of power: protection, organizations and backgrounds around Australia coercion and capacity. Protection and coercion, and overseas. Keynote speakers of international she claimed are both negative. For that reason standing presented keynote addresses, and more these paternalistic models of power must be than fifty women offered workshops across a broad challenged in favour of an alternative model which range of issues related to the conference theme. In enhanced the capacities of individuals or self­ short the Conference was a forum for women to identified groups to govern themselves. Professor share, celebrate, and publicly air a diversity of Yeatman argued that by developing a conception voices. of power as action and capacity, we are then able to be both agents and ethical beings. This concep­ The Conference was only one component of the tion of power has three outcomes: it locates Women in Leadership Programme. It nonetheless women within power, not outside it; it distin­ concluded more than a year of reflecting, develop­ guishes between power and domination; and it ment and strategizing. The Women in Leadership allows males and females to respond in individual­ Programme drew its momentum from the anger ized ways rather than as males or females. This and alienation of women at Edith Cowan Univer­ opens up new possibilities for governing and sity. Women there felt that "for too long they had ernancipatory interests to work together to chart a been excluded from leadership and decisionrnak­ more inclusive and democratic path. ing" (Milligan and Genoni, 1993: ll). The result was the development of a systematic and strategic In addressing the Conference sub-theme, women's programme which challenged the culture and work, Dr. Sally Kennedy, Commissioner in Indus­ shape of the organization. It drew upon a concep­ trial Relations in Western Australia explored the tual framework for leadership and change devel­ limitations women impose on themselves when oped by the Programme's organizing group. This they simply fail to know the basics about our work conceptual framework was based upon four key and workplace rights raised the important ques­ capacities central to leadership: work identity and tion: Just how much do we know about our world competence, creator of environments, strategist, of work? Very quickly she could show we are and public voice. guilty of knowing very little. And if that is the case, how is it possible that we might exercise power in Very early on the Conference organizing committee our workplace and over our workplace conditions? recognized the need to use the conceptual frame­ This has become all the more significant as we go work on leadership and change as a touchstone for through a period of rapid workplace change. its own organization. As a result, every effort was Commissioner Kennedy paid particular attention to made to work collectively and strategically, to enterprise bargaining.

5 Victorian feminist lawyer and social activist, Dr. Jocelynne Scutt, confronted the issue ofwomen and power by drawing upon a powerful reading of stories from women. These stories, drawn from ordinary and not so ordinary women, showed the barriers that face women as they attempt to deal with a daily reality infused with masculine power, violence, fright, shame, and self-realization. She spoke poignantly of a world that is all to familiar to women; women whose capacities have been curbed sharply by a common theme in their lives: domina­ tion and coercion.

• The challenge to Conference participants was to acknowledge and explore the realities women face both within their world and workplace and to work toward a new understanding of power and empow­ erment for women. This means that women must learn to tell their stories, and to communicate with each other in order to develop a sense of common purpose, common understanding and common strategy.

The papers presented at the Conference are an attempt to explore the central theme of this Confer­ ence. At the same time the Conference successfully created a forum where women could, through a variety of means (art, music, conversations, work­ shops or formal presentations), confront and challenge themselves and their colleagues. These papers are a collection that offer provocative and fascinating reading.

Finally, and on behalf ofthe Conference Commit­ tee, I wish to sincerely thank Margaret Butter­ worth from the Department of Library and Infor­ mation Science at Edith Cowan University for her editorial work on the papers. She took on this enormous task with energy and graciousness and the final collection is a tribute to this effort.

DR. SUSAN ROBERTSON Conference Convenor

6 women, communication and power Dimensions of power

June Williams W A. Commissioner for Equal Opportunity

I am delighted to open the Women, Communica­ To me it seems that power is about the ability to tion and Power Conference. do, and having access to whatever is needed for the doing. I realise that this a restrictive and simplis­ The very idea of considering Dimensions of Power tic defmition. However, it provides a starting point in relation to women raises some interesting for our discussion, and I am sure that speakers at issues, and I would like to begin by making a few the Conference will examine more elaborate con­ observations by juxtaposing women with power. cepts of power.

The term "power" has been generally associated Power and sexual harrassment with men. Putting women and power together Having said that, I would like to discuss one aspect somehow seems unnatural, whereas men and of power relations - sexual harassment. power seem to go hand in hand. When attention has been focussed on women and power, the focus It is now generally accepted that sexual harass­ has tended to be on: ment is an expression or abuse of power by people how little power women have in a world who feel free to exercise that power. It is an abuse organised by men; of power which affects work quality, productivity and self-esteem. how women use power differently; how women view power differently; and, Media and radio talk back shows and people generally argue that it is difficult to defme sexual how uncomfortable women are with the use harassment. For example, according to Geoffrey or misuse of power. Barker, (The Age, 24/11/91, pg 13) the notion of sexual harassment has been stretched to "cover a For example, I recently read an article in The Age vaguely specified and uncertain range of behav­ titled "Women politicians may not be kinder, iours". gentler". The article questioned the proposition that women politicians would replace the male I emphatically assert that any man or women who values of "competitiveness and power lust" with is the object of unwanted attention is certain that their own nurturing "feminine values" of "construc­ he or she is being harassed. tive compromise, sensitivity of relationships and a stronger ethic of honesty" (The Age, Wednesday 25 Discrimination by sexual harassment tells some­ November - Tempo Magazine, p. 3). one that the most important thing about them at work or at school or as a customer or client or The reality is that just as all male politicians are tenant is their sex, sexual availability or sexual not power hungry and lusting egomaniacs, all activity. female politicians are not nurturing, compromising and ethical. And, I don't intend to list names for It is worth noting that the word "harass" comes either category!! from an old French word which describes setting dogs on to wounded or trapped animals. The To associate women with power is to acknowledge Oxford Concise dictionary defines harass as how the status of women in society has changed, meaning "vex by repeated attacks; trouble or and continues to change. The term "femocrat", for worry; to importune sexually''. instance indicates, at the very least that some women have been able to access positions of I see a correlation between sheep worrying dogs power. At the same time, the negative connota­ and sexual harassers worrying people. And, when tions associated with femocrat which include "co­ we see dogs worrying sheep we think of power, we option" or "sell-out" indicate how uneasy some don't think that it's about playing, good fun or women are about other women acquiring power getting to know each other. and about acquiring or seeking power themselves. Examples of cases I have dealt with include: So at the outset, I would like to say that the 1. A female who was employed as an assistant in relationship between women and power remains a traditionally male position within the retail complex. It seems to me that issues such as how industry, lodged complaints against her employer we, as women, view power and seek to redefine alleging that she had been subjected to sexual what is meant by power are pertinent in the harassment by her co-workers. current economic and social climate. And so, I welcome this Conference which provides a forum The complainant alleged that the campaign of for open and informed discussion. sexual harassment and discrimination occurred

7 from the commencement of her employment and If men have "power" for whatever reason, women continued despite union intervention in the matter. can exercise power by access to the Act.

She alleged that inappropriate actions by her As an aside I would like to add that we appear to supervisor and the respondent allowed unwelcome be moving to new forms of sexual harassment. For comment and advances to continue for a lengthy instance: period which led to her leaving her employment. "A group of men are gathered around an The complaint was conciliated after a conciliation office work station. On the computer screen conference was held and the respondent agreed to an animated, anatomically correct woman review policies and procedures relating to sexual says, "hello, I'm Maxie, your date from harassment. The company further agreed to MacPlaymate. Would you like to take off my provide an apology to the complainant along with clothes? I'll guide you. Start with my the individuals concerned and consider future blouse" employment at a later date. (Johnson & Lewis 1991:5).

2. A sixteen year old female lodged a complaint of I call this technology incited sexual harassment - sexual harassment against the owner of a company and it is sexual harassment. that she had commenced work with. This sort of harassment is covered by the Equal She stated that she started as a telemarketer with Opportunity Act, and certainly the proposed the company and worked from a spare desk in the extension of provisions dealing with sexual harass­ owner's office. She stated that he asked her out to ment will mean that individuals will be able to dinner and lunch, that she refused but that he make complaints even when there is no common persisted until she accepted a lunch invitation. employer. The complainant stated that they went to lunch that day, during which the owner made many The existence of law against sexual harassment verbal advances to her. She noted that she felt has affected both social interaction and the con­ uncomfortable but did not know how to react and crete delivery of rights through the legal system. consequently did not return to the job again. The sexually harassed have been given a name for their discrimination (suffering), a forum to speak, The respondent was concerned when he was authority to make claims and an avenue for relief. informed of the allegations. He stated that he had taken the complainant to lunch but could not Like you, I wonder at the energy that has to be remember what he had said due to the amount of expended to get the law to recognise the wrongs. wine consumed. He stated that he had not realised But, the legal basis of sexual harassment make it that he was offending the complainant because she unlawful legally and unacceptably socially (Mack­ had not indicated that his comments were unwel­ innon 1987:77). It is about being empowered and come. He apologised profusely to the complainant moving on. who indicated that this, plus the educative effect had resolved her complaint. Law and power I would also like to touch upon the limitations of These cases show how powerless women can be in the Equal Opportunity Act with respect to empow­ employment. They indicate how sterotypical ering women. notions about behaviour are still prevalent. But, I would like to strongly emphasise that the Equal I have often thought that the contradictions inher­ Opportunity Act approaches the question of sexual ent in the law are best summed up by Antole harassment from the point of view of the complain­ France's comment: ant. By this what I mean is that the Tribunal will look at how the woman responded and not how "The law, in its majestic equality, forbids all they assume a reasonable woman may have men to sleep under bridges, to beg in the responded. Even the notion of a reasonable streets, and to steal bread - the rich as well woman is made from a male perspective. Tribu­ as the poor" nals look at the reaction of the complainant. So (Thornton 1991:15). it's not a case of being over-sensitive or being seen to be over-sensitive. As one Federal Court Judge It has been frequently pointed out that people's put it- in gender specific language: lives do not fit easily into legal categories. In "a sexual harasser takes his victim as he relation to women, these classifications can be finds her" problematic because they fail to take into account (CCH Industrial Law 1992:16). the specifics ofwomen's experiences. This dispar­ ity is obvious to me every time a woman walks into And, I believe that to the extent that legal provi­ my office to make a complaint. She tells me her sions deal with sexual harassment, it is empower­ story of what has happened to her. She does not ing. For women, it is public acknowledgement of refer to legal categories, and is sometimes uncer­ behaviour which was not so long ago acceptable tain as to whether the Act is applicable to her because "that's the way men are". situation.

8 women, communication and power The failure of legal categories to reflect the reality "If women lawyers and women judges of women's experiences in relation of equality of though their differing perspectives on life opportunity or domestic violence is disempowering. can bring a new humanity to bear on the And, I find it heartening everytime I note changes decision making process, perhaps they will in definitions of legal categories which encompass make a difference. Perhaps they will suc­ women's experiences. ceed in infusing the law with an understand­ ing of what it means to be fully human" Another issue that I would like to touch upon is (Graycar and Morgan 1992:413). that while the Equal Opportunity Act may be accessible to white, middle class, educated women, it is significantly less accessible to Aboriginal Conclusions women, and perhaps women from other cultural In conclusion, I would like to stress that working groups. within the law and using the law can and does lead to empowerment. For example, in relation to In my experience, the complaint process alone sexual harassment, what the legislation has which focuses on the discrimination experienced attempted to achieve is to define in legal terms the by an individual, is inadequate to tackle the scope experience of women in the workplace. and extent of discrimination experienced by Abo­ riginal people. Other measures are also necessary While the idea of a gender neutral law has its if Aboriginal women are to have a voice, and to find attractions, there are important aspects of life, their experiences reflected in legal provisions. such as conception, childbirth, sex and sexual violence in which women's experience is quite different from that of men. It is difficult for me to Law is a strategy for power postulate how the law can be gender neutral in At the same time, it is important to note that the areas where the specific experience of women law is a means of empowering women. It provides needs recognition or where there is continuing protection through the procedural protection of the disadvantage. As Justice Elizabeth Evatt noted: judicial system, its attempt to equalise power relationships through representations, and its emphasis on rights. "It is only in the hazy future that we might think of replacing the reasonable man, not One of the significant merits of the Equal Opportu­ with the reasonable women, but with the nity Act is that it provides representation for the reasonable person, able to present an complainant, if the complaint has substance and is integrated and balanced view of human not conciliated. It means that the complainant can experience" have legal representation, and does not have to (Graycar and Morgan 1990:vii). present her case. I have tried to touch upon some of the dimensions In many ways this approach addresses some of the of power - and have left much unsaid. The exer­ inequalities between the complainant and the cise of power is a day to day occurrence, in the respondent. For example: behaviour of employers, in decisions made by judges, and in a parent to a child. Secretary alleging sexual harassment without legal representation in the Tribunal, I am empowered as Commissioner but am disem­ while the respondent can afford a QC, or as powered as a single parent. a man and her employer, is more at ease in the Tribunal than the secretary. However, power can be abused, misused and used for the greater good of the wider community. The law is not everything, but it is not nothing either. Perhaps what decisions regarding sexual harassment show is that even the law can and However, while the question about how much or does do something for the first time, without any how little women have achieved in the past dec­ legal precedent. Secondly, it is hoped that as more, ades continues to be debated, it is an achievement women become lawyers and magistrates and that we, as women are considering what we mean judges, the law will more accurately encompass the by power, and how we might acquire and use reality of women's lives. power. At the very least the fact that women are judges serves an educative function, and helps to shatter stereotypes about the role ofwomen in society. Stereotypes that are held by judges and lawyers as well as jurors and witnesses (Sherry 1988: 189).

According to Justice Bertha Wilson, the longest serving members of the Canadian Supreme Court:

9 10 women, communication and power Women, Communication and Power

Anna Yeatman University ofWaikato, New Zealand

Introduction The second challenge concerns the democratic demands of a postcolonial era, where the assimila­ takes its place as one of the central tionist ethic of a modern colonialist relationship is emancipatory movements of the nineteenth and no longer legitimate. Postcolonial democracy twentieth centuries. As an emancipatory move­ demands that the political community in ques­ ment it is deeply connected with issues of power tion-the Australian political community in our and communication. In particular it is connected case-be so constructed as to be multicultural and with questions concerning which ideas of power ~ultiracial. This is a type of democratic jurisdic­ and communication may foster democratically tion where the principle of equal treatment before oriented social change. It turns out that a great the law is able to take up the potential significance deal depends on how an emancipatory movement of cultural, social and embodied difference for conceives power and communication. This is where ensuring the delivery of such equal treatment. its vision for change is located, and the adequacy Postcolonial democratic challenges demand a of this vision depends on the adequacy of this capacity to work with developing and transforming conception of power and communication. modern universalistic values-equality, freedom, ~emocracy-so that the universalism they connote At this point of the twentieth century when we 1s not of a homogenising kind, but one that can approach the dawn of a new century and of a new accommodate difference. millennium, it is worth enquiring as to the ade­ quacy of the ideas of power and communication to These challenges work also with a model of power which feminism as a social movement has been that is oriented to self-government rather than to attached. Are these ideas which offer a vision power over. For example, it is standard good which is likely to be compelling and wise in guiding practice in multicultural program delivery to democratically oriented change at this time? design the program and its methods of delivery around the expressed needs of the users, both ~ere are two specific challenges for democratically actual and potential. In this way, these users onented change at this time to which I would like enter a politics of needs fonnation, where in to draw attention at the outset. The first one dialogue with policy makers, program managers, concerns the crisis of legitimacy for a paternalistic and service deliverers, they help shape the pro­ state. There can be no doubt that the current gram as it is delivered in their particular neck of ideological success of free market models of distri­ the woods. When program delivery is understood bution is in good part owed to a democratic reac­ in this way it becomes an emergent strategy, ~n tion against top-down, bureaucratic and paternal­ constant process of being shaped and reinterpreted istic modes of state intervention. This crisis of in respect of the needs and interests of all these legitimacy for a paternalistic state bears on pre­ stakeholders. This is a very different conception of cisely what model of power we think may be most power than that which accords the policy makers congruent with democratic values. "Power over" is and professionals the status of professionals who ~dely viewed as an inappropriate way of regulat­ know what is best for their clients, and who mg the relationship of individuals to social life, proceed to design the program and service accord­ even when this power over is directed by a benevo­ ingly. lent and protective interest of the state in individu­ als. Instead, self-regulation where the individual is It is apparent that these two types of democratic made responsible for their relationship to social challenge are basically distinct aspects of the same life, is seen as the more appropriate model of fundamental challenge, namely a challenge to power. On this model state intervention has to paternalistic models of power in favour of an work in ways which are congruent with individual alternative model of power which enhances the capacities for self-government. It is unsurprising that the first experimental steps in working with capacities of individuals or self-identified groups to govern themselves. Self-government is to be this demand is to elaborate the model of consumer understood to refer to the capacity of these indi­ sovereignty in the market place to cover self­ viduals or self-identified groups to practise a self­ regulated relationships of individuals to social life. regulating relationship to their various entangle­ Neither market freedom nor economistic modes of ments in social life. relationships are adequate to the expression of self-government, but they may seem to be when If this is the kind of broad emancipatory direction the only alternative posed is the paternalistic, for change at this point of transition into the bureaucratic state.

11 twenty first century, we may ask what role femi­ power over, but "power over" is justified in the nism may play in contributing to this direction of name of protection. This is a concept of power, change. Specifically what model of power does then, that accords domination the privileges and feminism seem to offer, and is it adequate to these obligations ofbenevolent despotism. democratic challenges? This question will require Protection may be an undemocratic concept but it us also to consider the relationship between power, is exceedingly alive and well in contemporary politics and policy, and it is in this connection that conceptions of power. This is particularly true of a I wish to conclude with some remarks about prominent tendency in feminism, a tendency we communication. may term feminist protectionism.

Feminist protectionism is exemplified in the and Power purity reforming feminism of the nineteenth century. The ethos of this type of reform required Feminism is a movement with a complex and the state to enter into various relationships of internally contested history of ideological affili­ social control in order either to protect women and ations both with other emancipatmy movements children from the inability of men to control their and the institutions of modem liberal democratic own appetites, or to restrict the extent to which society. My intent here is not to produce an men could satisfY these appetites. Thus, prosti­ adequate account of how this complexity is to be tutes who were perceived as victims of circum­ traced in feminist concepts of power. Rather I wish stance were to be saved, and the licensing of public to identifY several important strands within femi­ entertainment such as music halls was to be nist concepts of power which bear on the capacity premised on strict licensing controls and surveil­ of feminism to respond with positive vision to these lance oriented to keeping them free of indecency democratic challenges. The three distinct feminist and vice (see Bland, 1992, for an account of the conceptions of power that I identifY are: late-Victorian National Vigilance Association's 1. feminism and power as protection; activities in London). For social purity reformers, 2. feminism and power as coercion; the goal of protecting innocent women and children 3. feminism and power as capacity. from vice and corruption justified the dubious means of extending the legitimacy of state repres­ sion and surveillance. The history of social work­ Feminism and power as protection a feminised profession-is inescapably bound up It is a paradoxical fact of history that women's with the development of the state's protective liberation from patriarchal despotic authority in embrace of all those elements and classes in individual households has come at the hands of society viewed as needing control and surveillance the patriarchal state. The rights of women-e.g. for the good of those amongst them who were and the rights of married women to own property, to are regarded as redeemable. sue and be sued, to have custody of their children, etc.-were all conferred by the state, and were Contemporary feminism still looks to the state as rhetorically understood to be rights which empow­ protector. This is most evident in the feminist ered women against the despotic excesses of their discourse of domestic violence. In most instances husbands. In general, women's accession to the the policy orientation of this discourse is to the rights of the modem individual is a process under­ development of state-based methods of social stood to have been dependent on the state's control in order to extend more effective protection positive conferral of these rights on women. This is of women and children against men type-cast as in direct contrast to the origins myth of men's violent and sexually rapacious. It is this which rights as modem individuals. In the case of men, explains the readiness of femocrats in Australian the state is held not to confer rights but to recog­ State/Territory welfare governmental agencies not nise rights already held, "natural" rights. Thus, only to participate in but in many cases lead women do not have "natural" rights; they have contemporary child protection programs. state-conferred rights. It will be clear that protectionist feminism actually This prominence of the state in the construction of works to reproduce the bureaucratic and assimila­ women as right-bearing subjects bears scrutiny. It tionist paternalism of the state which is under suggests that women's right-bearing status may be contemporary democratic challenge. Child protec­ a qualified one, namely that it exists only to the tion strategies, for example, both extend the net of extent that it is reconcilable with the idea of state­ state surveillance and social control, and ensure sponsored patriarchal protection of women. its focus is concentrated as those who are type cast as the most likely villains: poor, working class Protection is an undemocratic concept. It is used men, or when the discourse operates in a highly to legitimise domination over groups who are racialised context, poor minority men and women constituted as weak, unable for some reason to (Maori and Pacific Islanders, in the New Zealand take care of themselves, and thus in need of context). protection. These groups histori~ally have in­ Protectionist feminism sustains a patriarchal cluded: women, children, and peoples regarded by concept of "power over". It deploys the state as the a colonizing modem western state as primitive or good father against the bad fathers and the bad undeveloped. The idea of power operating here is men. This is a split view of the father, which

12 women, communication and power identifies good fathering with patriarchal protec­ masculinist and democratic version of an old idea: tion. Feminism thereby confirms the protector's aristocrats by nature. status and role, and contributes its share in reproducing the moraiity of paternalism. This Empowerment is an idea we may have good reason permits feminism to play out a dependency role in to wish to retain. However, we need to note that regard to the state, a role which legitimises a historically this term is used of those who are paternalistic, bureaucratic expression of state positioned as powerless, who are to be "empow­ authority. It also permits feminism an uncritical ered" by or through the benign, paternalistic relationship to its own ethic of maternalism. On agency of the state. This being the case we may this ethic, women's goodness is identified with wonder whether this term reproduces the relation­ maternalism, no less an undemocratic relationship ship of tutelage between powerful protector and to others than paternalism. those who, being powerless, are seen to need help. Against this, it may be argued that "empowering" - Several assumptions appear to operate in this just as "enabling" and "capacitating" - are all terms approach to power. On the first, women are which have legal connotations, but that the au­ assumed to both lie outside power and to be thority which they invoke can work in democratic powerless. Therefore, they need the powerful to rather than paternalistic ways. In short, these protect them against those who threaten them. terms are suggestive of the contested terrain of This is a non-political relationship to power. state intervention itself. They are what William Women do not have to take responsibility for Connolly (1984) calls contested concepts. Or, at themselves as both implicated in patriarchal least, they are so potentially, for it is not clear that domination and as subjects with the capacity for we have experienced either elaborated or explicit positive, self-governing action. debate and discussion concerning how empowering (empowerment), enabling (enablement) and capaci­ On the second assumption, power is assumed to tating (capacitation) can be developed as relation­ be either evil or benign, and when benign not ships which foster self-regulation rather than power at all, if it is directed by benevolent, protec­ protection. tive motives. Goodness is attested to by the effort made to control evil. Such effort is all. Good It makes historical sense that feminism has looked people thereby do not have to be responsible for to the patriarchal state as the protector of women. the consequences of their actions, and thus do not Women were and are placed as victims in relation have to be politically accountable for them. This is to men's unconstrained violence and rapine. a recipe for allowing the ends to justifY the means. Protectionism, however, reproduces the very For example, in child protection programs, child problem it purports to address. Women are better welfare effort and resources tend to be used up in served if they work on a democratic model of power the policing stages of the operation. Children are which challenges protectionist conceptions of taken into care with very little effort of will or power and where politics is the vehicle through attention being given to what happens to them which individuals become powerful in the sense of next. State-sponsored efforts to rescues these self-governing. children mean that many of them experience serial foster placements in a context where there is no Feminism and Power as Coercion guarantee that foster parents are non-abusive adults. The simple binary of good and evil ensures Feminism like all other emancipatory social move­ that parental domination is affirmed by the as­ ments tends to collapse power into domination (for sumption that good parents are those who use the distinction between power and domination, see their domination over children to protect rather Patton, 1992). Power is identified with "power than abuse them. The more complex politics of over" in all the coercive and non-benign senses of democratising adult authority over children is "power over". On this approach to power, the evaded (for elaboration of some of this argument, emancipatory movement sees itself as representing see Yeatman, 1992). those who are dominated and exploited by some kind of ruling class: the bourgeoisie, the colonial­ On the third assumption, those who are weak ists, men, etc.. The focus for change thereby become powerful only as they are "empowered" by becomes this movement's efforts to throw off this the strong arm of the patriarchal state. The relationship of domination and exploitation by a etymology of the term "empowerment" suggests we mix of various means: ideological contestation of might treat it with some suspicion. From the OED, this relationship, mobilization of mass resistance, the meanings of "empower" are: l. to invest legally revolutionary struggle. Since power is equated or formally with power or authority; to license; 2. with force, counter-power has to be a counter­ to impart or bestow power to an end or for a force. This being the case, the emancipatory purpose; to enable, permit; 3. to gain or assume movements including feminism tend to pursue an power over (obsolete). "Empowerment" is the act of undemocratic and often non-political practice of empowering or the state of being empowered. In counter-force. this context, it is worth recalling that on the natural law approach to rights, men do not need to This point is an important one to elaborate. When be empowered by the state. They represent a the dominant exploiter class's power is equated

13 with the various forms of force (economic, physical, "triumphant self-affirmation". This is very much moral, ideological), it follows that established more complex critical evaluative relationship to the democratic procedure and process cannot be aristocracies of power than emancipatory move­ accorded face value. Instead the achievements of ments have permitted themselves. modern democracy are construed as the false appearance of a systemically coercive set of rela­ The historical weakness of emancipatory move­ tions which is the "base" or truth of this society. ments in regard to positive conceptions of power, including those which are associated with demo­ Even if an emancipatory movement declares its cratic procedures and politics, is indicated in their interest in promoting a more democratic society, worldlessness, and their tendency to practise a this interest is rendered null and void by its politics of ressentiment. I borrow the term world­ inability to accord reality to such democratic lessness from Hannah Arendt who used it to achievements as have been made. For example, characterise the relationship of the court and the rule of law, freedoms of speech and assembly, fmancier Jews to the absolute monarchies and representative government. Moreover, since the subsequent development of the nation-state oppressor class is homogenised as a class commit­ (Feldman, 1978, 24-5). When a movement under­ ted to the domination of others, all men or all stands itself as representing those who are power­ members of the bourgeoisie or all colonialists, "at less, the victims of the powerful. it neither permits bottom", are accorded only an interested and itself responsibility for nor engagement in the instrumental relationship to their professions of affairs of the world. It is thereby able to maintain modem democratic values. Because power is an innocence of worldly affairs, and in particular conflated with domination it is assumed that the an innocence in regard to power. It does not have powerful have no interest in democratic process, to confront the truth that power inheres in all but manipulate a pseudo-democratic process to relationships and that any interpretation of reality serve their own ends of domination. It follows that is itself a manifestation of power. A truth which all professions of democratic values by the power­ indicates that those who are relatively powerless ful have to be treated cynically. This means that are nonetheless still participative in power. the emancipatory movement needs to make no effort to work with the powerful in the development Worldlessness shields those who construct them­ of these values. It makes very little sense to work selves as passive and innocent victims of world to develop a politics with those whom one assumes history from any responsibility for their fate. It are oriented fundamentally to power as domina­ also permits them to locate their resistance to their tion. relatively powerless status in a hatred of those to whom they attribute all power, and, it follows, all Historically, emancipatory movements have con­ evil. This is the politics of ressentiment which tributed enormously to the terms of critique of Nietzsche (1956) so insightfully analyses. This is a relationships of domination. In this way they have negative politics. All that is identified with the contributed to a democratic project, for they show world of the powerful is rejected as participating in how different groups are constituted as marginal the oppressor's evil. Thus, feminism tends to by being wronged by the established modes of identity all that is worldly with the evil of patriar­ governance. These constructions of wrong estab­ chy, and thereby to reject all values that are lish directions for particular projects of democrati­ associated with the "triumphant self-affirmation" sation. Without a positive relationship to a demo­ (Nietzsche, 1956, 170) of the powerful class, men. cratic politics, however, emancipatory movements These values include those of reason, competitive have failed to contribute to the development of performance, heroism, dispassionate judgment, modern democratic institutions and values. This ambition. has been a major historical weakness, and one which has posed little constraint on their internal This is a politics of rancor, "the rancor of beings political practices. For example, feminist con­ who, deprived of the direct outlet of action, com­ sciousness raising is not intrinsically democratic, pensate by an imaginary vengeance (Nietzsche, and, indeed, it can be made over to particular 1956, 170)." A feminism oriented by rancor and kinds of moral blackmail and personal tyranny. ressentiment casts women as good, men as evil. It is thereby committed to discovering what good There is no doubt that the powerful-those we may there is in the ethical domain of women's distinc­ term the aristocracies of history-combine power tive ways of relating and doing things. This is a and domination in their relationship to power. creative project which extends critical insight into That is, they combine their own distinctive hist<;>ri­ the mix of power and domination that character­ cal project of self-government with the domination ises men's distinctive ways of relating and doing of others. These, however, should be treated as things. But this creativity is blocked from becom­ separable aspects of their relationship to power. ing a positive project of transformation of the To separate means that we can come to appreciate world. All that is permitted a feminism oriented by the historical achievements in regard to self­ rancor is a separatist retreat from the world. As government that different of these aristocracies Nietzsche (1956, 171) puts it, have made. We can ask what their constructions "all its action is reaction." of freedom of action may offer to us now. We can recognise as Nietzsche (1956, 170) called it their

14 women, communication and power This is a feminism inevitably committed to substi­ tuting an identity politics for a more inclusive and This is a reactive politics to the extent that inclu­ transformative politics. An identity politics follows sion is sought within the established conception of from the binary opposition of the good and the democratic freedoms. For as feminists have come powerless to the evil and the powerful. Neither of to recognise these established freedoms reflect the these terms is permitted to participate in the ways in which the powerful and dominant class attributes of the other; differences between indi­ have conceived freedom. Thus, we discover a viduals are ironed out and they are homogenised thoroughgoing conflation of the very idea of self­ on behalf of one of these terms or the other; their governance with private propertied status as identity is made to appear coherently expressive of master of a household and of all who lie within the who they are (good or evil); and, finally, as will be household (see Yeatman, 1988). The consequence clear their identity is treated as though it is a given of this is that when feminism works for the right of rather than being subject to transformation women to be included within the established model through historical-politico practice. of self-governance ("freedom"), they are effectively working for women to become like men in this The identity of the oppressed subject is accorded sense of patriarchal private propertied householder utopian value because it is viewed as lying beyond status. As we know, precisely because of the terms and outside domination. As we have seen, the of the gender division of labour that is entailed in confusion of power with domination means that patriarchal mastery of households, the vast major­ the emancipatory movement is unable to take over ity of women are positioned in ways which mean and reinterpret the attributes of the powerful, self­ they cannot become like men in this sense (for the governing subject on behalf of those whom it working of what Pateman (1988) calls the "sexual represents. Instead it ends up celebrating as contract" in work organisations, see Cockburn, virtues all those aspects of the identity of the 1991). Only a small minority of women can. oppressed which are associated with strategic self­ preservation in a condition ofwealmess: acuity of One response to the discovery of the patriarchally perception of the other's feelings; the masking of inflected models of self-governance is, as we have assertive and direct modes of leadership in those of seen, to reject them altogether in favour of an indirect suggestion and persuasion; the assertion equally reactive but separatist orientation to the of power through goodness where this works to virtue of women. Another response is evident in an occlude the subject's interest in power and makes emerging feminist response which permits itself an it appear that all they are doing is operating on active and experimental relationship to established behalf of the needs of others. and not-yet-established models of self-governance. This response is evident in the poststructuralist This is a politics of reaction oriented more to the which disrupts the binaries of preservation of the identity of the oppressed power/powerlessness, masculinity/femininity, subject than it is to a project of social transforma­ good/evil, and so on (see for example Butler and tion where the objective is one of contesting domi­ Scott, 1992). Judith Butler's work for example nation by encouraging all individuals and groups brings out the performative aspects of who we are to assume a positive relationship to power. Such as sexed and gendered beings: gender is not only encouragement of a positive relationship to power something we are but something we do. When we would challenge the attribution of identity to do rather than express gender, our action contrib­ individuals and the correlative requirement that utes to a micropolitics of contested gender rela­ their identity is the expression of a given condition tions. In small ways we may inflect our perform­ as a member of a group (on this point see Honig, ance of gender relations with irony and, thus, 1992). Instead individuals would be encouraged to critical distance. In other ways we select within a explore their capacities, to discover the contingen­ repertoire of ways of doing gender where we may cies and multiplicity of identity, and to celebrate dramatise our contestation of what we see as those moments of transformative practice when conservative and oppressive ways of doing gender. their sense of self completely changes. What this work does is develop a conception of power as action and capacity. It indicates that Feminism and Power as Capacity even when we appear to be passively reacting to Protectionist and negative conceptions of power domination, this is a species of action, a particular have not been the only ways of conceiving power kind of assertion of power, albeit one that denies it within feminism. As we have seen they make good is power. When a conception of power as action sense in reflecting the conditions of strategic and capacity is operative, we come to understand survival for women as a relatively powerless group. Foucault's point that a discursive formation An emancipatory movement such as feminism, interpellates us not as passive subjects of power however, also develops a politics of inclusion in but as specific kinds of agency or capacity. Thus respect of what are seen to be the privileges of the women as subjects within a patriarchally oppres­ powerful, in particular their privilege of action. sive order are interpellated as particular kinds of There has been a long and sophisticated feminist agents. It is because they are agents that they are politics of advocacy for the inclusion of women ethical beings. Thus women as intelligent and within modem democratic freedoms. practical strategists of survival within a patriarchal

15 gender order develop not just an ethics of ressen­ may not do this confusion depending on their timent but an ethics of caring, however mixed up individualised ways of doing gender in relation to together these become. women's individualised ways of doing gender. It is clear that when an emancipatory movement When we approach those who suffer oppression as contests the established ways of governance­ agents within their oppression, we are inevitably policy (for this meaning of policy, see Ranciere embarked on an inquiry into how their agency 1992)-it does so by showing how these exclude works to comply with and reproduce this oppres­ and marginalise the group in question. The sion. This is precisely what I have been doing in argument as to how policy wrongs a particular this paper. Such an inquiry indicates women, like group is conducted in the name of equality. The other oppressed groups, are located within power, very process of contesting this wrong equalises the not outside it. It attributes to women a capacity status of those who have been marginalised by and for action, and discerns this capacity in their those who are included within established policy. agency of reaction. This approach indicates that This equalising process is true of the politics of women are more powerful than their protectionist contestation, a politics which involves an interlocu­ or reactive conceptions of power allow them to tory and performative relationship of confrontation, think they are. It brings out how their power as negotiation, and dialogue between the established actors to do rather than be gendered subjects players and the emancipatory movement. permits them considerable scope for a micro­ politics of challenge, contestation and disruption Within this politics of contestation there is a lot of within the interactive field of men and women room to move precisely because of its interlocutory doing gender. and performative characteristics. As the emanci­ patory movement challenges established policy, it calls into being an entirely different interactive Power, policy and politics dynamics of selthood than prevails outside this When there is an orientation to power as capacity, politics. The emancipatory subject is called into we can break out of identity politics. We no longer being as someone who lies in-between legitimate require men and women to represent two ho­ participation in governance (policy) and exclusion mogenenous poles of a binary oppressor and from governance (policy). This is someone who is oppressed relationship. This permits us two quite different from the marginalised self outside further steps. politics, a selthood perforcedly defined in terms of intelligent strategies of adaptation and survival. First, an orientation to power as capacity means The governing subject is called into being as that we can distinguish between power and domi­ someone who is capable of doing something other nation. Allowing that these become confused than conservatively resist the emancipatory move­ together in patriarchal modes of governance, when ment's demand for inclusion, as someone who can we as feminists make this distinction we are work with the emancipatory movement to rectify suggesting that patriarchs can make this distinc­ the wrong concerned. tion too. In this context there are many possibilities for Second, when we approach power as capacity, and emancipatory and governing subjects working view gender as something which men and women together to change established policy so that it do rather than are, we necessarily commit our­ becomes more inclusive and democratic. Particu­ selves to the idea that not all men will do their lar men who for reasons of their contingencies of gender in the same way, and not all women will do selthood are especially responsive to feminist theirs in the same ·way. Specifically we allow for emancipatory contestation become important the individualised aspects of agency which arise colleagues for feminists within this process of from the performative nature of agency. To per­ change. form is to transform how things get done, are perceived, are understood. The dynamics of Politics is the domain of action. As we have seen it transformation change the selthood of the agent is not neatly contained within the space of what is concerned. It is this change which individualises usually conceived as public, political and govern­ the self. Thus, if gender is done rather than mental. It happens in kitchens, classrooms, expressed, it follows that there are individualised bedrooms, doctor's offices, case-work meetings, differences within women, individualised differ­ managerialist auditing practices and so on. It is ences within men-both as groups and as indi­ true that we don't do in the sense of perform who viduals. That is, neither the group (men, woman) we are all the time. Much of how we proceed in life nor the individual (this man, this woman) are is oriented by our needs not to act, to be oriented coherent identities. by habit for example, or to shelter the contingen­ cies of our individuality within the communal We can bring these two steps together in the embrace of group identity. However, politics is the proposition that as agents, men are ethical beings sphere of ethics and the sphere of ethical change. who may confuse the ethics of patriarchal domina­ Democratic developments and transformations are tion with the ethics of self-governance but who not possible without ethical change.

16 women, communication and power contemporary demands for a self-regulated rela­ References: tionship to social life have extended the domain of Bland, Lucy (1992) "Feminist Vigilantes of late­ the political beyond what have been thought to be Victorian England," in Carol Smart ed. Regulat­ its traditional boundartes. The conjugal bed is not ing Womanhood: Historical Essays on Marriage, always the site of politics but it can be, and when Motherhood and Sexuality, London and New it has become so it is because women's demands York: Routledge. for a self-regulated relationship to conjugal sex has politically disrupted their husbands' patrtarchal Butler, Judith and Joan Scott eds. (1992) Femi­ insistence on his conjugal rtghts. nists Theorize the Political, New York and London: Routledge. It is clear that self-regulated modes of governance are ways of constructing the social relationships of Cockburn, Cynthia (1991) In the Way ofWomen: power so that they are democratic in orientation. Men's Resistance to Sex Equality in Organiza­ They depend precisely on a relational approach. tions, London: Macmillan. This is why market-based individual freedoms may be a condition of self-regulated modes of govern­ Connolly, William (1984) "The Politics of Discourse" ance but, beyond this, have nothing to do with in M. Shapiro ed. Language and Politics, N.Y: extending the conditions for self-regulated modes New York University Press. of governance as such. Market freedom encour­ ages individuals to pursue their power understood Feldman, Ron ed. (1978) HannahArendt: the Jew as capacity in an atomistic and self-interested way. as Pariah, New York: Grove Press. This is not susceptible of a democratic politics. Honig, B. (1992) "Towards an Agonistic Feminism: Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Identity," in Women, power and communication Butler and Scott Feminists Theorize the Politi­ It will be clear that each conception of power­ cal. power as protection, power as coercion, power as capacity-bring in their train entirely different Nietzsche, Friedrtch (1956) The Birth of Tragedy conceptions of communication. When feminism is and the Genealogy ofMorals, Doubleday oriented to power as protection, its communicative Anchor. rhetoric is structured in terms of dependent virtue, passionate outrage against male aggressors, and Pateman, Carole (1988) The Sexual Contract, Polity appeal to the good corporate father of the state. Press. When feminism is oriented to power as coercion, its communicative rhetoric is structured in terms Patton, Paul (1992) "Politics and the Concept of of the performance ofvirtue without power. Each Power in Hobbes and Nietzsche," unpublished of these communicative rhetortcs are directed by a paper presented to Women's Studies Feminist requirement to conform to given and very real Scholarship Series, University ofWaikato, constraints. Aprtl.

When feminism is ortented to power as capacity, Ranciere, Jacques (1992) "Politics, Identification these constraints disappear and what communica­ and Subjectivization," October, 61, Summer, tive rhetorics are adopted are subject to experi­ 58-65. mental and contextually variable political practice. This permits feminists to become sophisticated Yeatman, Anna (1988) "Beyond Natural Right: the political players who endow their political pro/ant­ Conditions for Universal Citizenship," Social agonists with equal possibilities of sophistication. Concept, 4(2), 3-33 (also in A. Yeatman Post­ It becomes readily appreciated that one does not modernism and the Revisioning of the Political, approach a male ally with the full rhetortcal forthcoming, N.Y: Routledge. armoury of a litany of wrongs committed by men against women, even while both this feminist and Yeatman, Anna (1992) "State-centric Child Protec­ her male ally understand when it is contexually tion Discourse," paper presented to 87th appropriate for her to wheel out this rhetortcal Annual Meeting of the American Sociological armour. Perhaps more important than anything Association, August 20-24, 1992, Pittsburgh. else is that this is a communicative rhetortc which never wheels out the accusation of wrong without simultaneously issuing an invitation that interpel­ lates the wrongdoer as someone who can change, as someone who can form with the feminist subject a "we" of brtnging about shared ethical directions of change.

17 18 women, communication and power "Ignorance is not bliss~'; and a couple points besides

Sally Kennedy Commissioner, WA. Industrial Relations Commission

As I understand it this stage constitutes about the in established law firms is very small; that 87.18% mid point of your conference. The programme of part-time public servants in Australia are seems a very full one and I have no doubt that women; that 42% of working women have chil­ those of you who have had the opportunity to dren; and so on and on and on. participate fully in it so far have already absorbed much. But I suspect that this audience would be aware of all this and the other data I could recite - if not Nonetheless I thought a useful starting point for specific figures; then at least in general terms. So I my comments might be a drawing of your attention am not going to canvas data on women in the paid back to the cover of your conference programme work force in Australia. The rest of my remarks and some of the preamble to the theme "Women, will be focussed on just three aspects which I will Communication and Power". attempt to relate back to the conference preamble I quoted earlier with a view to leaving you with These are- some thoughts. "Despite significant changes, including the intro­ duction of legislation pertaining to women, there Ignorance? has been little ground gained with regard to women occupying leadership positions in all aspects of First, "women's work", with the possessive apostro­ social, political and organisational life in Australia. phe. Your work: that is, those of you who are either in paid employment or have been in paid Women's world has changed and so has women's employment. Of course if you are an employee (or work. Yet organisations still operate to exclude have been an employee), you are a party to a women from positions of power and influence. contract in law (or have been a party to a contract How then can women individually and collectively in law). So let me put some questions of fact to you create environments and develop strategies which about that work. value their contributions as workers and leaders? 1. Ifyou have an entitlement to annual leave, how How can their voices be heard?" does that arise? • through legislation? As you know this segment of the programme is • through an award of an industrial headed "Women's Work"; I note the possessive tribunal? apostrophe. Taking that out one has "Work of • through a written contract with the Women". employer?

Now I could probably take up all of my allotted 2. Do you have a right to strike? time reciting data on women in the work force in Australia. (1) 3. Is there a minimum wage in Western Australia?

I could tell you that in 1966 only 37% of the work 4. Do you know what a summary dismissal is? force was female; and that in January 1992 the figure was 52.4%; that of the approximately 52% of 5. Do you know what an implied term in a women in the work force, 40% work in a part-time contract of employment is? capacity averaging 14 hours per week; that Austra­ lia has one of the most gender segregated work 6. Do you know what an express term is? forces in the industrialised world with 55% of 7. At the time you actually entered into the con­ women working in the occupational groupings of tract of employment; that is at the time of offer clerks and sales people and personnel services; and acceptance of a job, did you know whether that despite some developments in recent years or not you had an entitlement to any pay at all women are much less likely than men to be either in lieu of notice should the employer dismiss employers or self employed; that the wages for you instantly women currently average 83% that of men but when we take into account over-award payments, 8. Do you have an entitlement in your contract of overtime and bonuses, women earn only 67% of employment to any payment should your average weekly eamings; that despite the relatively position be made redundant? high proportion of female law graduates in Austra­ lia in recent years, the number of female partners If so, what is it and how does it arise?

19 9. Do you lmow what the Western Australian Perhaps I can best point up my remarks by draw­ Industrial Relations Commission is? ing on the phrase "the lucky country". Of course that was the title of probably the most well known 10. Do you know what the Westem Australian of Donald Home's books. It was published in the Industrial Relations Commission does? late 1960s and is a significant commentary of the state of Australian society at that time. But how 11. If you have received pay rises during any he must rue his choice of title. The phrase "the term of employment did you know the lucky country" has become, commonly, a pur­ reason why at the time? ported fact applying to that time against which all 12. Have you received pay rises without any subsequent Australian history can be measured contact between you and the employer over negatively whereas Home meant it ironically. He was commenting then on an absence of apprecia­ it? tion, a blissful ignorance of reality which, through 13. Is it lawful for an employer to terminate a luck, had not resulted in too much harm - then. contract of employment without giving a rea­ son to the employee? So far as work relationships in Australia are concerned I have thought sometimes that the 14. If there is an award which covers your situation parallels that of a cargo cult : somehow, employment do you know whether it is a somewhere, someone or something mysteriously minimum rates award? does something which gives rise to some individual employment benefit such as paid sick leave. We do 15. Do you know what a minimum rates award ourselves a disservice in this accepting ignorance. is? What I am suggesting is that the abundance of I could go on. ignorance in our community about employment relationships is deleterious to the condition of I am not going to cross examine you on your women in paid work. Perhaps certain work stan­ answers to those questions. But if I did, I would dards have been "hard won". As a student of say it was odds on that there would be some very Australian history I know that to be fact in some significant gaps in your knowledge. I would wager cases. But history lessons are not the answer. I that quite a few of you would be pressing the "don't would settle for basic knowledge of the employ­ know" button quite a lot of the time. ment relationship at its fundamental level. Igno­ rance is not bliss. And for women it remains a Is there a need to know? I put it to you that there block to their power to be. is. Muriel Heagney, a vigorous campaigner in the 1930s for equal pay once described "economics as the citadel of a woman's soul". All that means is Women's experience? that the ability of women to be economically I would like to go now to another aspect of the independent is power. I use the word "power" in preamble notes to the conference and link these to its original sense here. That is, the power "to be" my further comments. They are the references to as distinct from the usual meaning now applied; leadership positions, or more pertinently, the that being power "over". apparently small number of women in leadership positions. It seems to me that the fundamental difference between paid and unpaid work is opportunity or I have seen from the programme that a number of "power to be". If through your employment you papers have been or are going to be presented on have a power to be, doesn't it make sense that the issues which form barriers for women, visible and very root of that, the employment contract, should invisible, in the work place. And I have no doubt be of vital concem? And doesn't it make sense that the means, the avenues and the practices in that the papers identified as being in this segment our community for preserving that "power to be" of the conference will illuminate particular work places and factors. I would not like to cut across should be known to you and understood ? Of or anticipate these in any way. I would like to course the answer to both of these questions must come at this from another angle. And I hope you be yes. But if you didn't do very well in my little will bear with me a little because I think this angle test, then you have quite a way to go. Your igno­ may be illustrated better by my personalizing it. In rance is in effect an unconscious decrying of the "power to be", this I need to ask you to take care not to miscon­ strue my comments or misinterpret them. I would It goes further than the individual though. If you be disappointed to see them pigeon-holed in any think your score left a lot to be desired, then in my particular facet of feminism or political process. experience, you would have plenty of company - Nonetheless, in view of the nature of this gathering and right across the spectrum of women in paid I think the points I am about to raise may be worth work. If there is one abundance in our recession making. ridden Australia it is ignorance about our own rights and obligations in our employment. We may When I was appointed to the Industrial Commis­ yet suffer from it. sion in 1986 there was quite a lot of publicity on

20 women, commWlication and power account of the fact that I was a woman. I accepted colleagues. If the record is judged as faulty then it the situation at the time as unavoidable and just must lie with my failures in either or both of those hoped the spotlight on the person would disappear two conditions or ability and not in the fact of my fast. Thankfully it did. One of the questions sex. Then any failure by me, as judged, can't be repeatedly put to me at the time was whether I saw an excuse for not appointing another woman. myself as a role model. I generally answered by saying that if others saw me as a role model that And finally, on this aspect, if I could just go back a was a matter for them and it was not a mantle I step. While the fact of being a woman has been a either sought, or would foster, or would acknowl­ matter of curiosity on occasions, in the work I do edge. In these answers I was being quite careful. in my view, there has not been a challenge of note I'll tell you why. to my exercising the full range of authority and powers under the Act on the basis that somehow There is no question that at that time the Govern­ the fact of my being a woman renders such illegiti­ ment was keen to appoint a woman to the Com­ mate or less significant; or at least, no successful mission. I was a woman. I was in the industrial challenge or any that bore any scrutiny. relations field and I had been appearing regularly before the Commission for some time. I got ap­ Are there reasons why not? Who knows? I don't. pointed. But to emphasize the gender aspect as And nor am I interested. I exercise the same the media then did may carry an Implication that powers and have the same authority under the the criterion of ability was irrelevant. And I was legislation as the male members of the Commis­ not and am not going to be party to that at all I sion. Who could quarrel with this situation? But this state must mean that I am not the woman on Having been appointed I proceeded on the basis the Commission in the sense of representing a that while my background was undoubtedly lobby or section of society. It must simply mean different from the conventional progression of the that I am a member of the Commission with a male appointees, the fact of the decision to appoint range of experience and attitudes and background was an endorsement of my, to then, unconven­ which are not and should not be divorced from the tional range of work experience, That is, I pre­ fact of being a woman. sumed equality on the basis of experience; some of which was particular to being a woman. It logi­ There is no single position on the Commission cally follows that the decision to appoint me in reserved for a woman. And the next woman 1986 should be interpreted not as a breakthrough appointed will no doubt bring a different range of for women in the form of one person, but in a experiences and skills to bear on the job. There is breakthrough in the thinking of the then decision no prototype. I certainly look forward to some makers which confirmed formally what we know is company! reality: that women's experience is to be valued. I saw myself, therefore, as coming to the Commis­ All I am suggesting, of course, is that there needs sion very much as an equal. to be great care taken by women that the fact of the solitary or the few in particular positions does My disquiet about the tag "role model", extends to not get converted to some version of reserved any references to "the woman on the Commission". places for women which of itself may create a new An unfortunate corollary of that, it seems to me, barrier: a barrier condoned or even endorsed by could be a reasoning that the fact of my appoint­ women. ment is sufficient to preclude the appointment of another woman in her own right. Myths? I have been at the Commission nearly 7 years, can say now that at the time of appointment I was Before turning to some detail on the new orthodoxy certainly concerned that I would not measure up. in industrial relations - enterprise bargaining - I But I think this natural enough. In fact, whether would like to make some remarks about cultural the appointment was of a man or woman, an constraints on work place reform. absence of such anxiety would be a bit of a worry for anyone caring about the work of the institution Prevailing attitudes in a society commonly result in or the wider community responsibility which is myths. A myth may have some basis in reality very much inherent in its functioning. But the but, by its nature, it is a construct out of a society anxiety on appointment was only capable of being not a reflection of that society. Myths serve a dealt with by action: by work and quality of work. purpose. In the case ofwomen that purpose often The measure of that can only be on the record and, has been constraint. Myths can change. And, of of course, it is not for me to judge the record. I course so far as any prevailing myths about thought my task was to characterise that work as women Impose constraints upon their full func­ much as possible by two features: hard work and tioning within our society, they should be changed. agonising. This I set out to do and still try to do. I suggest that in Australian society there has been So my presumption was (and is) that, subject only marked change in the myths applying to women to the two pre-conditions of consistent hard work and work since the Second World War. We need to and consistent agonising, that I was (and am) as recognise these and, more importantly, the benefi­ good as (or better) at the job than any of my ciaries of the changes. Otherwise a vacuum could

21 exist in our appreciation of women's history and what in her time was ignored or regarded as akin we may fail to tackle the real problems well in the to immorality (prolonged participation by women in face of new myths. the paid work force) is, culturally, now postulated as an ideal in many quarters; albeit, as usual, Perhaps I could illustrate this. terribly stereotyped.

My mother, who left school at 12, was never I have lots of theories about why the myths have employed in the paid work force after she married changed over time. Indeed as soon as industrial at the age of 24 and went on to bear 4 children. peace breaks out I hope to develop them. These She was an intelligent, resourceful woman who at range from the use ofwomen as industrial fodder times would have liked to venture into some sort of in the early post Second World War years when further paid employment. No doubt there are a there was a shortage of labour; the effective mar­ variety of reasons why she didn't. Living as she keting of home ownership as a right, and an ever did in a succession of small country towns proba­ more grandiose one to achieve; the very rapid bly meant opportunities were somewhat limited. expansion of credit and financial institutions in Nonetheless I am convinced that a principal reason this country with a dependency on two income is the degree of cultural constraint imposed by family units; and others. Thus while migration has virtue of the fact that she was married, the fact traditionally been seen as a source of waves of that she had children and the fact that she had a growth in Australia, I think this overlooks the husband with a steady, albeit unspectacular, impact ofwomen and the images which played wage. The myth had it that it was not the done some part in the economic conscription of them. thing for women of my mother's generation to work after marriage. But what of women's perceptions? I suspect that women have too readily overlooked their own I don't mean to suggest that my mother was historical experiences in the pursuit of places in rendered mindless by the myth. She definitely was the paid work force and in the process we have not. For instance I have strong memories of her failed to demand an adequate shaping of opportu­ emphasizing the need for every woman to gain a nities there in tune with the other aspects of our piece of paper, a qualification. In effect she was lives. And I think a factor in this is that child translating for her daughters her experience of caring and rearing are simply not respected within unemployment in the Great Depression into what our society. If that respect was there it would be she believed would be a measure of economic reflected much more in the shaping of paid work to security or a power "to be". In this, of course, she the fact that child care goes on and is important. was flying somewhat in the face of the then re­ If that respect was there it would be reflected in ceived myth which was that women's ultimate goal men being involved in it as a matter of course. If was the married state - in the home. that respect was there it would be reflected in the conditions applying to child carers being an issue For my mother the ultimate goal for women was of general concern. If that respect was there issues the pursuance of economic security as a means for of equity in child care would not be categorised as independence should that need arise at any time. bizarre or corralled as a 'woman' issue. That was her generation. Leave my generation out. What of my 22 year old daughter's generation? But why is it that in 1992 we give so little credit in What myths face young women now? employment practices to experience in running a home or rearing children? A good barometer of popular culture is advertising. What common images of women are presented in Those of you who have done or are doing these advertisements in the mass media? I suggest to things know the degree of multi-skilling and you that we now are generally told that the ideal management expertise required. Does your cur­ woman mut be in paid work. Arid more of course. riculum vitae include this experience? Or if you She should be slim; sexy but elegant; assertive but have sat on a selection panel, have you been at all feminine; a cordon bleu cook; a brilliant house­ interested in such experience and, more impor­ keeper but not house proud; a home decorator (but tantly, given any credit to it in the weighing up of not quite a home maker); an attractive, witty relative worth? If not why not? Could it be that this companion to her New Age man; and, as well as all is an area of employment practices which could see this, a successful nurturer of children but, invisi­ more justice being done to the truth of women's bly, so far as the work place is concerned. As for common range of experience (and men's if they the paid work, she should be in or aiming at a high have it) and the valuing of it in substance and with powered, highly paid, jet-settingjob where she gets equity? to wear super gear and sit cross legged on a big desk in front of spectacular views. Some months ago I was invited to give a keynote address at an awards night for the accountancy Of course all this is about as real as the images profession. Afterwards I had the opportunity to talk which confronted my mother. It is another myth. to a number of recent women graduates. One had What is interesting though is the change in the a daughter of twelve that she was bringing up myth. What was expected of women in my moth­ alone and had been doing so for about eight years. er's time is now, pretty effectively, derided. And

22 women, communication and power she had worked, studied, and cared for her daugh­ And more interesting perhaps, will the old demar­ ter and herself throughout. cation between blue collar and white collar work, which has been maintained every bit as much if She told me that because of the need to work to not more by employers as by unions, be continued support her daughter and herself, the time she despite a change from industry focus to enterprise could devote to her studies had been relatively focus? What about issues of training across limited. She had passed all exams, but in the bargaining units or enterprises? Do employees current economic climate her prospects for further who directly supervise sit on the same side of the employment were grim simply because she could negotiating table as the employees they supervise? not compete on the basis of the level of her results. To take that a step further, just how far up the Her struggle for those results in the circumstances management line is the enterprise bargaining of child rearing and her considerable achievements approach to apply or how open are the results to in this "other" field at the 1:!ame time as her work be within the enterprise? If enterprise bargaining and study did not count. is to be limited to the terms and conditions ofwork of employees currently covered by awards under So dismissing the con trick of status out of the the centralised wage fixing system, do you antici­ myths of women on pedestals and the power of the pate demands from that quarter for information on hand rocking the cradle, I think we need to grasp the terms and conditions, the salary packages, neglected parts of women's historical experience applying to other employees within the same and bash the cultural mores in Australia over the enterprise? head with them. One of the best places for this to occur would be in employment practices. Let us focus on this last for a moment. If com­ parative wage justice translated as 'flow ons' is to A common term used by sociologists and others be buried instead of just being pronounced dead today is "empowering". I take this to mean the under the centralised wage fixing system as is the grafting on of abilities to achieve full potential; or case now, it seems to me this may well be an the gaining of control over one's situation by the important issue to be faced within an enterprise. use of various tools. But I go back to my original It goes to productivity too. comments too in saying we should not lose sight of the meaning of power as the opportunity "to be". For instance if the pay for performance principle is Women's history is an important part of "being". It to be credible then it is reasonable to presume that needs to be acknowledged. Otherwise the society's it should not only be consistent but soundly based. view of itself is skewed and the results warped. If public sector salaries at the highest levels are to be set by reference to the private sector, that can Perhaps you could give this some thought. only have credibility if the salary or salary pack­ ages in the private secor are justified on perform­ ance and the levels of performance across public Enterprise bargaining and women and private equate. And finally some brief words on the new industrial orthodoxy in the 1990s: enterprise bargaining. I could go on. But I hope the point is made. Many of you will be familiar with it in the context Enterprise bargaining will involve serious and of the centralised wage fixing system. I am going direct questions. Participation will be essential. to confine my remarks to questions and prospects Ignorance will produce no bliss. The 1990s will be for women. a critical period for women's work. Generally speaking women are not well placed to engage in I think there will be many questions. In some enterprise bargaining. The reasons for this are cases the answers will be obvious. In others they varied but they include the degree of concentration will not. Here are some: of employment in service industries where union penetration is less; the failure of unions to attract What is the "enterprise" for the purpose of your women members; the increasing incidence of part bargaining? Will separate locations of the one time and casual work for women; and the develop­ company nevertheless be regarded as an enter­ ment of home-based technology. prise? Ifyour course is to involve a bargaining unit within an enterprise, how is it to be defined? The impact of all these factors can be summed up If you have more than one bargaining unit within in one word: isolation of the individual employee. an enterprise, are these to undertake negotiations To be truly successful in the community's interests independently? In other words just how much as a whole, enterprise bargaining requires a fair authority is actually to reside within such bargain­ balance between the ends of the employer and the ing units? Or will it be a case of simply bureau­ employees. Isolation and ignorance will be disas­ cratising the process with a maintenance of cen­ trous ingredients for women in the outcomes. tralisation of the decision making in the head office or board room? Is the bargaining unit to be site That leaves awards. For a better appreciation of based? If so, will it involve all employees regard­ the impact of award regulation on women's wages less of the type of work? For instance, will proc­ in Australia since the Second World War you may essing work be separated from maintenance work? wish to refer to the work of Professor Bob Gregory

23 of the Australian National University, and particu­ larly his and Anne Daly's comparative analysis of women's wages under the centralised wage fiXing system in Australia with the outcomes in the United States of America with its system of collec­ tive bargaining. (2)

But if your work is covered by an award and you know that you failed my little test, then you really need to brush up at a more basic level. The 1990s will see the end of the cargo cult scene. And if you now know that you are too ignorant of your posi­ tion vis a vis your employment then you have made progress because assuredly you will know that that is no condition which should give rise to bliss.

I do think that the next decade will be an impor­ tant period for shaping women's employment in Australia. Hopefully it will not be blighted by ignorance, by myths sustained by default or by failure to force respect for women's total experi­ ence. It will be a long haul. It's over to you.

Notes 1 The most convenient recent reference for detail on women and work statistics is "HalfWay to Equal", Report of the Inquiry into Equal Oppor­ tunity and Equal Status for Women in Aus­ tralia by the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs, Australian Government Publishing Service, , April1992, 27.

2 Gregory, Bob and Daly, Anne, Who Gets What? Institutions, Human Capital and Black Boxes as Detenntnants ofRelative Wages in Australia and the US, paper presented at the 9th World Congress of the International Industrial Rela­ tions Association, Australia, 30 Aug. - 3 Sept. 1992.

24 women, commWlication and power Women are powerful! Believing in ourselves and making the difference

Jocelynne A. Scutt Feminist lawyer and. author

Always have something of your own. sion have varied in their views of the need for such a page, the part it plays - whether positive or Of all the things my mother told me, this negative, and whether or not they will work on it. was the most memorable. Although at times I wished I could forget it, like a beet­ Gay Davidson is a journalist in Canberra, who root stain on a white cotton shirt it seeped recently spent four years in public/government into my brain and would not come out. relations. Born in Christchurch, New Zealand, she While other mothers wanted good husbands has been a political correspondent and head of for their daughters, my mother's aspirations bureau in the federal Press Gallery, and president for me were much higher. She wanted my of the National Press Club. When a student at happiness to be the result of my own university in Christchurch, Gay Davidson needed achievements, not somebody else's. It was to earn some cash. 'I had a brainwave,' she writes: not that she did not see being a wife and mother as an achievement. She saw it as My aging artist friend kept himself in cheap red the icing on the cake. The cake you had to and smokes by working the odd night in something make yourself. called the reading room at the Christchurch Press. I talked to the chief-of-staff (who turned out to be That 'something of my own' has sustained the father of one of the boys I'd known since high me when others have let me down. school dances). Jim Caffin started off huffing and puffing about how he couldn't employ women in Jane Cafarella, 'Something ofMy Own' the reading room: knock-off time was 2 am, well in Breaking Through - Women, Work after public transport, and they'd have to provide and Careers, 1992, taxis for any women! Then he began telling me Artemis Publishing, , p.ll about journalists' pay, from 20 pounds at the top to 5 pounds for first-year cadets. Utterly in the Jane Cafarella is a cartoonist and journalist with dark about what journalism meant, so acting the Age in Melbourne. She began her career with a totally on the goosebumps, I asked if I could be a suburban newspaper group in suburban Mel­ journalist. I did have the sense to say: 'Not the bourne. Since the late 1980s Jane Cafarella has women's pages.' (1) written for the 'Accent'. page in the Age and since 1991 she has been editor of 'Accent'. The 'Accent' Shirley Stott Despoja began her career in journal­ page is the 'women's page' of the daily Melbourne ism writing for a church newspaper, the Anglican, newspaper. It covers all aspects of women's lives, in Sydney. She joined the Adelaide Advertiser in of issues of concern to women, and which should 1960 as the only woman journalist in general be of concern to both women and men: rape, reporting and later became the first arts editor of criminal assault at home and other forms of the Advertiser. She was working in Canberra, as a domestic violence, equal pay, women's activism, journalist with the Canberra Times. Then the childcare, government cutbacks, women's art, Adelaide Advertiser offered her 'a C grade and a women's photography, women's plays, feminist promise of no "women's page work".' (2) writers, feminist artists, feminist playwrights. The list is endless. Gay Davidson and Shirley Stott Despoja have each made their mark as journalists, one in political Jane Cafarella is a powerful woman. She is power­ journalism, the other in arts and feminist politics. ful in the sense of herself, which is boldly pat­ (For a time, Shirley Stott Despoja had a regular terned on that theme her mother drummed into column, 'Saturday Serve', in which she dealt with her in childhood, adolescence and young adult­ the census, criminal assault at home, pornogra­ hood. She is powerful as a journalist and cartoon­ phy, marital property division, from a feminist ist, a social and political commentator. She is perspective,.) Each is powerful in her own way: powerful as an editor, selecting and editing mate­ journalism and the media are areas where power is rial for publication in 'Accent'. Ironically, many very real. The persuasive powers of the press, and women might now, or might in the past, have the enormous impact writing, particularly journal­ figuratively turned up their noses at the 'women's istic writing, can have, cannot be ignored. We page', the idea that there should be a section of would acknowledge that women have less power in any daily newspaper devoted to 'women's interests'. these areas than men, due to lack of ultimate Certainly women going into the journalist profes- editorial control, and not generally being the

25 owners of television stations, newspapers, radio albeit in a different way, to be powerless, or to stations. Nonetheless, what power women do have overestimate one's powerlessness, harbours its must be recognised. own dangers.

That Jane Cafarella has taken a different path We need to recognise and celebrate our achieve­ from Gay Davidson and (to a lesser extent) Shirley ments, our successes, our power. We need also to Stott Despoja does not mean that she is less recognise that we have achieved, are successes - powerful, or that her work is less rigorous, intellec­ and are powerful. Often, we forget this. Or we fail tually demanding, or personally rewarding. (Cer­ to see how powerful we are, to correctly assess the tainly there may well be income differentials wonder of our achievements, and to congratulate according to the perceived 'importance'of the work ourselves for our success. done.) If we are to change the world, to ensure that the world is a better place for women and , A biologist, researcher and activist in Women's men, then we need powerful women at all levels, Studies, Renate Klein was born and educated in and in all areas. Without the women working in Switzerland, then continued her studies and work 'women's fields' and on 'women's issues' (whatever in South America, Africa, the United States, Britain area of endeavour they are engaged in), and with­ and Australia, with regular forays to Germany, out women working in the so called 'mainstream', Japan, Canada, Bangladesh and elsewhere. In on so called 'mainstream issues', we are ill served. 1978 she went to Berkeley, after a time spent in It is not a case of either or. We need both. Canberra, accompanying her then husband who had a fellowship to that university. She had In Australia for 60,000 years women lived in a learned from Australian feminists of the establish­ culture that recognised women as a part of the ment and burgeoning of Women's Studies in the community and the collectivity, whilst simultane­ United States. She gave herself two months to find ously acknowledging women's entitlement to group something which would give her life a new direc­ together in the 'women's camp'. Debates continue tion. Otherwise, she decided, she would return to about the role and place of women in Aboriginal Switzerland. She writes: society. Yet what is accepted as a long existing Aboriginal tradition is that the Aboriginal cultural The day I walked into the office of the Women's tradition was for the women to work alongside the Studies co-ordinator in Berkeley, my heart was men, at the same time establishing in the women's trembling. I was thinking: 'God, I just hope camp a women's traditional culture. This history something good will come of this." Gloria Bowles, provides us with strong roots for women, of all on the other hand, remembers me as a rather self­ cultural backgrounds, in Australia today. confident woman who said:: 'Hello, I'm a biologist, and Swiss and a feminist, can I do something?' Women coming to Australia at the time of white Not the way I recall it. I didn't know what I ex­ colonisation worked alongside men, whether in pected of this woman but knew it had better be building huts and homes, settling in the outback, something good. She said: 'Oh what, oh how farming or raising cattle. The Australia of early wonderful, would you like to teach the part in the colonisation is mostly seen as 'man's country'. Yet introduction to Women's Studies, concerned with that picture is false. Men outnumbered women in the biology of women?' And I said: Well, yes. the outback and the bush, but the bush and Certainly, I'd love to do that,' shaking inside, outback were not empty of women- both Aborigi­ thinking my god, I wonder what that means; nal and colonial. We can draw on this co-operative really did not have a clue. And again, the way she tradition, too, to find a direction for the future. heard it was me saying: 'Sure, I'll do that.' I left, going straight to the nearest bookshop which 'Power', 'ambition', 'success' and 'achievement' are already in 1978, Berkeley being Berkeley, had a words which women are unlikely to say out loud, considerable range of feminist science books. I in positive tones, particularly when talking about bought about 20 and prepared like crazy for the ourselves. Women have a healthy abhorrence for course. It went well. I quickly became submerged arrogance, self-applause· and self-promotion, in the many feminist activities. I was asked to give particularly where this will eliminate someone else a talk at the campus Women's Centre. Which still from the possibility of appreciation and feelings of embarrasses me. In my paper I asked whether it self-worth. Yet this reluctance to adopt the lan­ was possible to do research with jumping spiders guage of success, and to embrace concepts of and desert ants (both of which I had done) from a power, can be unhelpful, too. Women must learn feminist perspective! Nevertheless my (contrived) to recognise our own success and achievement as feminist analysis of jumping spiders inspired a important. We must remember that ambition can woman in the audience - Shelley Minden - to be positive and uplifting. It need not be egocentric suggest we start a 'Women in Science' group. It and bellicose. Power need not connote 'power over' was great to meet with other feminist scientists others, or the use of power in ways that deny to and the group lasted for a long time, and Shelley others their own autonomy, their own ability and and I later co-operated again. (3) right to make their own decisions, to determine for themselves what they will do and be. 'Power It is not unusual for a woman whom we perceive as corrupts'. Yet lack of power corrupts absolutely. strong, capable, independent, powerful to see The powerful can be dangerous. Just as surely, herself as lacking power, even incapable. Her own

26 women, communication and power vieW of herself is in an important sense a non­ and coping, confidence and charm, that she sense. Yet to her, it is very real. showed to the world. All the while, she was won­ dering why she didn't tell her friends the truth:

M01 ·ra Rayner, now Commissioner for Equal Oppor­ t izy in and formerly solicitor in private Why didn't I tell anyone? Why did I hide all this ~:ctice in Perth, convenor of the Social Securicy humiliation? Because I was too humiliated to ~ peals 'Ii'ibunal and head of the Western Austra­ admit that things were wrong in my life, that my li~ Law Reform Commission, writes of her career: goodness did not keep me from abuse. As for telling my women friends, I avoided them, stopped TJ;le major barrier to success in law was my being phoning, hid in the house, put on weight, day­ dreamed over the television, lied to the neighbours. qistracted by personal relationship probl~ms, lack of self-esteem (hidden under a gruff extenor); the Even now, many years later, my embarrassment is gruff exterior too, perhaps; and my sex. such that this is the first time I speak of those years. My wonderful and strong women friends have no idea that I lived through, and accepted, that abuse. They have no idea when they see me marching for people's rights, when they see me standing up in courts for others, when they see me counselling and advising others, when they hear me speak out in anger at injustice (clearly and fluently) that, for all those yers I was either physi­ Duffy, a journalist and radio commentator cally unable to speak or else too cowardly, too communicy radio 3CR in Melbourne, had a downright terrified to get away from a brute who nerc(:pt:ion and an understanding of her own life called himself a man and enter the world on my ' . ..;.;.h4n·h was not shared by others. She saw herself own, homeless, with children in arms. It is only weak and 'done to'. Her friends saw her differ- through writing this story that my women friends now know the dreadful truth about me. (6) girls get married don't they? I married, the The 'dreadful truth' is, in many ways, as one "''"rri<>, ironing shirts, washing nappies, perusing Women's Studies Co-ordinator at Berkeley saw women's magazines for tips on keeping cur­ when Renate Klein walked into her office, the cleaner, what was going wrong? Another 'frightening' Moira Rayner the magistrate sees, and , another child, more trouble. Obviously the trembling Moira Rayner whom Moira Rayner guilcy parcy was myself. I was not being good sees and understands to be herself. Susan Duffy One morning I crept quietly out of the was, in many respects, the strong, resourceful _____ ,_,_,bed, careful not to disturb the sleeping person her friends saw. She presented as a confi­ , tiptoed to the bathroom to inspect my dent figure in the outside world. In the private Not too bad this time. Not much swelling. world of the home, she kept going, kept on, despite on a bit of cold cucumber and then cover the abuse to which she was subjected. It is that mess with make-up, no-one will see the bruises tenacicy in the face of humiliation, that capacicy to at least a day. Easy. Assiduously I applied the slog on, despite the abuse, the patience, the up. Within one short hour the daily routine fortitude to keep resisting, all the time women like Children began to move about their mom­ Susan Duffy think they are succumbing, that demanding food, the cat screeched for atten­ keeps women alive. The forces that are arrayed The porridge boiled over. He can't find his against women are not insignificant. Yet women sock, another can't find the last page of his resist, answer back, oppose, organise. 'I don't want peanut butter sandwiches lunch today.' 'I want money for home econom- Certainly we would wish that the strength of Susan today.' 'Why does he get vegemite today?' Duffy had always been able to be used as it is, did you put my jumper Mum?' Normal now, on political action, on speaking out publicly, mayhem. The sleeping partner awoke on making her life enjoyable rather than barely at the world and children in general, at me livable. Yet women's resistance in the face of terror Why can't I keep them quiet? Can't is a very real strength and power that cannot be ignored. It has kept women perpendicular in a world where the force of negative power has sought ;l<~rontdeJred ... had I always been a battered wife? to deny women any existence at all. RF•rt

27 knowledgeable advice and guidance, she chose the achieve. Why is there no real equal pay, runs the security of the established place of learning and question. 'Because the Women's Movement has 'the acceptability of the staid and safe discipline'. failed, ' runs the answer. Why is there an appar­ Her decision to study commerce was based on ently rising tide of violence against women, or at social and cultural influences: 'After all, what do least why is it not getting better? 'Because women those arts students get up to and how useful will haven't tried hard enough,' the response. Or, their degree be to them in getting a job?' For Sue worse, because the Women's Movement has Schmolke, this step into commerce and Melbourne deprived men of a sense of their own manhood. University constituted her 'ftrst momentous life­ It's challenging men on their own territory. Why is affecting major wrong decision'. She passed some it that we see ourselves as relatively powerless, subjects, failed others and decided to travel north whilst 'society' has a tendency to see us as all to learn something of life before continuing with powerful: the hand that rocks the cradle rules the her studies. Today, some 20 years later, she says: world.

I have not had a 'career' - rather a succession of When I invited Sue Schmolke, Renate Klein, Jane jobs, much the same, I suspect, as a huge number Cafarella, Gay Davidson, Shirley Stott Despoja, of other women: from shop assistant, waitress, Susan Duffy and others to contribute to the books clerical office worker, receptionist in my early As a Woman - Writing Women's Lives, Breaking working life to the more dynamic and self-moti­ Through - Women, Work and Careers and Glorious vated roles that have come with added years. Now Age - Growing Older Gloriously, I began receiving nearly 44 years old, I feel as if I am just starting to telephone calls or letters in return. Almost as one, get my act together. Long ago I realised I would the women wrote or said: always be learning, growing and changing - noth­ ing is predictable and certain. Especially if life is to be intereting! You've got the wrong person. I'm not interesting enough. I have always felt a nagging sense of personal failure in all aspects of my life - particularly with Why don't you ask so-and-so. She's far more employment, professional skills and income. It is interesting than I am. only in the past few years that I have realised that 'the system' has been stacked against me as a I started to write something for the book, but it's woman, and to have succeeded in the way I too boring. I've never done anything. yearned for would have been a small miracle." (7) I'm too ordinary. Yet is Sue Schmolke's assessment of her own worth justified? Hardly. In 1974 when Darwin was devastated by Cyclone Tracey, Sue Schmolke The ultimate in these telephone calls came from was the senior public servant in Tennant Creek. Lynne Spender. I had spent hours on the tele­ Her 'boss' was absent at the time of the cyclone, on phone, encouraging and cajoling, boosting and holiday. Tennant Creek was the major centre to supporting the women whom I'd invited to write for which people from Datwin were evacuated. Sue As a Woman and Breaking Through. Then - the Schmolke was confronted with a choice: to figura­ call from Lynne Spender. tively drop her bundle, or to methodically, compe­ tently and innovatively handle a situation that had Lynne Spender trained as a teacher, taught in New never before arisen in today's Australia. In reality, South Wales and Canada. Joined the Women's for Sue Schmolke, there was no choice. She Political Party of Canada. Returned to Australia expertly and with compassion ran the programme with a husband and two children. Worked, taught, of accepting evacuees, with all the trauma, sadness kept together home and family life, began a mas­ and drama accompanying it. She has no right to ters degree in Women's Studies at the University of have 'a nagging sense of personal failure', Yet- New South Wales, and enroled in law at the Uni­ she does. versity of Technology of Sydney. Despite having been told no one could complete a law degree As women, we tend to downgrade our own talents, whilst undertaking other studies, Lynne Spender dismiss any sense of ourselves as powerful and finished her Women's Studies masters degree and strong that might creep up on us, unaware. We her law degree, together. She has written books tend to be embarrassed, or immune to the notion and published articles, including Scribbling Sisters of ourselves as successful, as achievers, as grand and Intruders on the Rights of Man. She has in the scheme of things. Yet at the same time, we edited numerous books on legal subjects, as the take blame upon ourselves for the wrongs that publisher at Redfern Legal Centre Publishing. She befall us, sexism, discrimination, violence, harass­ told me she wasn't sufficiently interesting to write ment. In a swift sleight of hand we, who have less her life. political scope for effecting powerful ends, become apparently all powerful: so powerful that we are Exhausted from expending so much energy in 'responsible' for those very acts and circumstance boosting the Women's sense of themselves to a real which render us less powerful. We see ourselves level, and encouraging them to be contributors, I as blameworthy for plain and simple 'failures' to was somewhat terse with Lynne Spender:

28 women, communication and power Lynne, I'm not going to spend half an hour on the seemed impossible or unreachable to me. Some of telephone telling you you're wonderful and abso­ that ebullience is still with me. (9) lutely and utterly appropriate as a contributor to As a Woman. Please go away and start writing. Ellie Gaffney was born on Thursday Island in the Torres Strait on 18 August 1932. She is the co­ 1 then hung up the phone. Half an hour or so ordinator of Mura ('all' - in Western Island) Kosker later, feeling rather responsible for having been so ('Women' in Eastern Island) Sorority ('sisters' in short and sharp, I dialled her number: English), which works towards uniting all women in the Torres Strait and Northern Peninsula Area of I'm sorry Lynne. I was a little harsh. But have you Australia, and meeting the social, emotional, finished writing it yet?! housing, educational, economical, health, cultural, spiritual and welfare needs of women and their She hadn't. But she did. (8) children and dependents. Ellie Gaffney trained in Brisbane as a nurse. When she returned to Lynne Spender is a truly extraordinary woman. Thursday Island to practice her profession, she Yet in so many ways, she is 'ordinary' too. Every­ 'made history': one of us is ordinary, and extraordinary simultane­ ously. Or, at least. these aspects co-exist within I was allowed to live in the sisters quarters and each of us. It is foolish to project certain women have meals in the staff dining room, which catered as 'role models' as if these women are so far in for the nursing sisters and doctors and any other excess of what we might be and do, that we can white staff, whether they were academics or only try to achieve what they have, knowing the labourers. There was another dining room, cater­ impossibility of emulating them. It is important to ing for the Torres Strait Island nurses, domestics celebrate women and women's achievements. But or any other local staff, who were usually indus­ it is unhelpful to imagine that there is a 'state of trial staff. When I was acting matron, I employed grace' other women have achieved, because they the first Torres Strait Islander trained and regis­ are seen as 'important' in world terms. The reality tered as an Enroled Nurse's Aid (ENA). When I is that all of us harbour doubts, are self-critical, returned from a statistics conference in Brisbane, are hurt by the barbs that too often project them­ I noticed this young woman was not about; I selves into the lives of women who live in thought she may have gone home for the weekend. patricarchal times. Every one of us believes that if On Monday morning I waited for her to arrive but only we worked harder, if only we secured another she didn't turn up for breakfast. At lunch time, we qualification, if only we published one more article, arrived together at the dining room. She made for if only we gained higher marks in the exams, if the other dining room. I called to her, enquiring only we gained a mentor, if only we produced more why she wasn't dining with us. She looked embar­ garments, packaged more goods, assembled more rassed and said she would see me in the office items - if only - after lunch to explain. She told me the acting matron in my absence had suggeted to her that Each of the women in As a Woman, Glorious Age perhaps she would feel far more comfortable living and Breaking Through has ambitions for herself in the coloured nurses quarters, and eating with and her sisters. Growing up, Rebecca Maxwell them. She had felt that the acting matron was wanted to be a teacher. Her father said she must giving her a hint that she wasn't welcome in the decide what kind of 'muso' she would be, because white quarters; hence her shift. that was what people like she was, did: This was, to me, an unusual approach. Here at Yes, he firmly decreed, violinist or pianist! I was this tiny tin pot hospital we had to put up with put into a 'no choice' paddock, with two narrow racial discrimination! When I approached my gates; I vaulted the fence; no, I would not view reliever, she didn't deny it or apologise, but she future possibilities from that box! I knew with made sure she told the matron on her return that I desperate certaintly that I would be a teacher, had questioned the decision. I was told this later, despite convention. after I left ... (10)

I would be a teacher, and visit my pupils on my Mary Andrews, born in the Broome-Derby area of trusty tricycle, handing them education like Western Australia and a member of the Bardi bunches of keys to personal freedom. That sce­ people, intends to become a judge. 'I would like to nario played itself over and over in my day-dreams; be a judge,' she writes: freedom, openings, possibilities; perhaps the picture came nearer to reality as I grew older, and When I was a lot younger, perhaps with my Catho­ really I don't know exactly when the idea came to lic influence I thought that was the worst thing I me, but it rescued me from dad's decree; and just could ever be. How could you possibly judge as I didn't think of myself with a closed definition, I another person's behaviour? From a moral and didn't define my dream pupils either, they were philosophical point of view that was abhorrent. neither blind nor seeing, nor one age only; they But going through law school and reading some just needed education, and I wanted to share my terrible judgements, especially about women and sense of ever-available possibility, opening, free­ women's perceived role in society, I am angry and dom, discovery, growth, achievement. Nothing ever appalled. I think: 'Well, they don't have a lot of

29 sense these judges,' and not only that, they are for and solid movement forward. Rather, the achieve­ the most part white anglo-saxon, privileged males ments of women are reported as isolated, one off making judgements far removed from the rest of events. We are constantly regaled with stories of society, but they have no wider perspective of how 'the first' woman 'this', the 'first' woman 'that'. the world operates for some people, how poor Certainly the individual achievements of women people are caught in the system and how it works are to be gloried in, applauded and noted. Yet against them. They have no understanding of that projecting what women have done, what women whatsoever, no understanding of Aboriginal issues do, what women can be as 'firsts' falsely imposes and certainly no understanding of women's issues. an isolationist pattern on what is in reality wom­ I can bring that experience into the law. But not en's activism on a grand scale. Women's move­ only that. I have a lot of commonsense. I thought: ment forward is not a succession of isolated 'firsts', 'Yes, I can do just as good a job as them if not of unrelated happenings. Rather, it is an organ­ better.' So I've begun to think it is important for ised, overall swell of energy and action. To repre­ people like myself to become judges and to create sent individual women as 'succeeding' only be­ changes in the law. (II) cause they are alone in their achievement, is to misrepresent and to force onto women, and onto a Marie Andrews is sufficiently brave to state her political movement, a sense of random or ad hoc ambition, without equivocation, without some advance. This is far from the truth. moue of deference to the notion that she might not be 'good enough'. She knows she is 'good No one could say that the movement forward of enough'and more; and she also, in the early hours women has been all steps forward, no steps back. of the morning, has her doubts. For her, like all of But women have gained power from and through us, there is that very womanly feeling that maybe - collective action, from and through working to­ maybe we won't bring the changes we desire; gether, from and through being sufficiently brave maybe we won't make the difference, maybe those to branch out into fields where it has been as­ ambitions, the pressing push that is within all of sumed women have not been before. Of course, in us to change the world, to make the world into branching into these fields we find too often that what we want it to be and what it must be to women have been there before: history tells the ensure that all women (together with all men) are truth; the recording of history tells another story. able to live in full humanity, achieving full success in our aims, will not be realised. Women have moved forward, following in an intelligent and organised way where groups of Over the centuries, hundreds of thousands of women have led, and where individuals have women have come forward, in a collective spirit, to stormed through. Where individuals have stormed join the Women's Movement. Throughout history the barricades, it has been as a consequence of there have been women, many women, who have what women before have done, and through the recognised the inequities of living in a world where support of other women. women are figuratively or literally imprisoned in the household, the injustices perpetrated in the As women, we must be wary not to resist empower­ name of 'order', the unfairness that lies in the ment, not to deny we have power. It is essential unequal treatment of women. Our foremothers­ not to adopt a mode of 'blame the victim': project­ our greatgrandmothers, grandmothers, maiden ing onto women, as dominant society has done, aunts, mothers, sisters, aunts, greatgreatgrand­ power where there is none, or power where others mothers as far back in time as memory exists - are far more powerful. At the same time, it is not have fought to gain power. This striving to be and in our interests, nor those ultimately of the world, to become powrful has had a clear purpose: to to ignore the power we have. In powers of the challenge injustice, to break the bonds of private Weak the United States feminist Elizabeth ownership of women, to dispute inequality of Janeway recognises this. She describes an inci­ treatment, and to create disorder. Glorious disor­ dent occurring during the presidency of Richard der, which can enable women to live and to grow in Nixon. Outside the Pentagon, a small group of ways that enhance our human existence. activists drew a hexagonal, then began dancing in an exaggerated parody of magic-making. 'A hex on For us as women to resist the notion that we are the Pentagon,' they intoned, together with other powerful and can be powerful is to turn our backs chants and ditties, directing their words toward on our own history and that of our foremothers. It that solid building, and jabbing their arms and is also to ignore history. History is replete with hands, and pointing their fingers, in a grand examples of women taking control over their own display of wizardry and witchcraft. Richard Nixon lives, and exercising power and control in relation was furious. He brought down upon the demon­ to externalities. Today, we are confronted with strators the wrath of the internal security forces. notions of 'backlash': warnings that dominant His problem? Those who are in positions of 'ille­ society is acting to repel the advances women have gitimate' authority and 'power', or who do not made, to resist women's movement forward. derive their authority and power from true egalitar­ Ironically (yet, sadly, perhaps all too predictably) ian agreement and understandings, are sensitive to the 'backlash' is invariably portrayed as a solid any challenge to their authority and power. They movement against. Yet the Women's Movement is recognise that power' that relies on force for its not represented in the dominant ethos as a strong existence is tenuous indeed. (I2)

30 women, communication and power There is little point in romanticising women's · Women of courage are powerful. All women can be ability to deal with and develop power in ways that courageous. Most women - perhaps all women - are different from the dominant mode. Women are are. fallible, can abuse power, are susceptible to impre­ cations that take them away from their earlier JAS, November 1992 stated goals. Yet there are many reasons why women may be less likely to claim power over others, rather than see power as a force within Notes oneself that can be developed positively in conjunc­ tion with others. The everyday work women do, 1. Gay Davidson, 'Running Free -Then Confront­ the keeping on, the persistence and patience that ing the Barriers' in Breaking Through- Women, women have developed because of the lives women Work and Careers, 1992, J ocelynne A. Scutt, have led, gives women a strength and under­ editor, Artemis Publishing, Melbourne, Victo­ tanding that is lacking in those who have not been ria, at p.35. obliged to live their lives in this way. Being part of a disadvantaged group can provide an insight that 2. Shirley Stott Despoja, 'Fighting for Fair Shares' is lacking in those who have lived most or all of in Breaking Through- Women, Work and their lives with the assurance of advantage. It is a Careers, at p.50. truism to acknowledge that all men have gained a short term profit from privilege: whatever socio­ 3. Renate Klein, 'Of Roses and Thoms' in As a economic, racial, ethnic or other grouping men Woman- Writing Women's Lives, 1992, Joce­ belong to, there are women in that group who are lynne A. Scutt, editor, Artemis Publishing, less advantaged. Melbourne, Victoria, at p. 214. 4. Moira Rayner, 'Confessions of a Femme Sole' in When we speak of, think of, write of power, As a Woman - Writing Women's Lives, at p. 78. achievement and success for women, we must embrace a collective notion: that our individual 5. Susan Duf!Y, 'But When She was Bad .. .' in achievements add up to achievements for all; that Glorious Age - Growing Older Gloriously, forth­ our collective achievements are real and demand coming 1993, Jocelynne A Scutt, editor, recognition. That the power we know lies within Artemis Publishing, Melbourne, Victoria. ourselves, and that we express in various ways, is a power that does not have to be used to oppress 6. Ibid. or exploit. 7. Sue Schmolke, 'Genesis- Tennant Creek' in This means also that individual women have a Breaking Through - Women, Work and Careers, right to feel pride in their individual achievements. at p.131. It means, too, that we should be honest about the power we possess, and practical about its uses. In experiencing this pride, women do not need to deny others' success. In being 'up front' about the need for us to develop a sense of ourselves as powerful, we can work positively toward uses of power which are not exploitative, abusive and oppressive. Nor does having pride in our achieve­ ments and recognising the power within us mean an ignorance of the pain and powerlessness of others who continue to suffer gross disadvantage and despair born of the way the world is.

To gain power is not easy. People who have power over, generally do not want to give that form of power up. Once gained, the positive use of power has to be worked at. But women have a capacity for this, as the United States feminist Adrienne Rich has recognised:

Ifl could have one wish for my own sons, it is that they should have the courage of women. I mean by this something very concrete and precise; the courage I have seen in women who, in their private and public lives, both in the interior world of their dreaming, thinking, and creating, and the outer world of , are taking greater and greater risks, both psychic and physical, in the evolution of a new vision. (13)

31 32 women, communication and power Session One THURSDAY 11.00-12.30 PM cHAIRPERSON: Marilys Guillemin

Gender Differences in Spreadsheet Development: c·an Women do Spreadsheets?

MJJHall Edith Cowan University

Abstract spreadsheet. The study was not designed to A sutvey was conducted of computer spreadsheet determine differences in spreadsheets developed by applications and their developers. Male developers women and men. Originally there was no intention were twice as likely to self-categorise their exper­ to enquire as to the gender of the developer as it tise as "knowledgeable" or greater, than female was considered that this would have no bearing on developers were. the goals of the study. The author is grateful to the University research consultant who suggested Not withstanding the gender differences in the self­ the inclusion of developer gender as he felt that perceptions of expertise, there was no statistically this was a variable that should be included and significant association between developer, gender that the results might prove of interest. and either employment status, size or the organi­ sation, academic qualification or spreadsheet Australian spreadsheet developers were sutveyed training. Similarly no association was demon­ in late 1991. (Hall, 1992) No sample frame of strated between gender and the importance of the spreadsheet developers was available however application, extent of distribution of the printout, considerable effort was undertaken to ensure that or likelihood of the application creating or chang­ spreadsheet developers were drawn from diverse ing corporate data. Male and female developers backgrounds in the private and public sectors. A were equally likely to use graphics, macros, and particular effort was made to include the work of links to other spreadsheets in their applications. female spreadsheet developers in the sample. However men were more likely to create larger spreadsheets, showing more complexity in the Questionnaires were distributed to 267 spread­ logical control mechanisms and formulae used that sheet developers from Perth, the South West of those applications developed by women. W.A. and interstate, and useable replies were received from 16 women and 90 men. The distri­ Spreadsheet size and logical complexity may be bution of male and female developers across inappropriate measures of developer expertise. industries is shown in Table 1 with men having a Smaller, simpler spreadsheets are easier to develop higher representation in the mining industry and and maintain and may result in less errors that be women in business, finance and banking, and preferable from a management control perspective. agriculture and forestry.

Table 1. Spreadsheet Survey. Industry distri­ Paper Spreadsheets are one of the more commonly run bution of developers applications on personal computers. They are used for many tasks in a wide range of indus­ Industry men% women% tries, and are frequently developed by end-users Agriculture I rather than by professional computer program­ Forestry I Fishing 10 25 mers. Concern is often expressed about the Mining I Refming 27 13 quality of end-user developed spreadsheets. Finance I Banking 7 12 Business 12 25 A study on current Australian spreadsheet practice Education 12 13 Public Administration 8 6 was conducted in 1991 and 1992. The aim of this Other 24 6 study was to establish a special purpose taxonomy of spreadsheet development projects of relevance to Total% 100 100 the security, quality assurance and the mainte­ nance of data integrity within the spreadsheet Each developer used a recent example of their product. The study also sought to determine the spreadsheet development work to answer a ques­ degree of control applied to end-user developed tionnaire seeking information on over one hundred spreadsheets and the developers' opinion as to the aspects of themselves, their spreadsheet develop­ necessity of applying control to their particular ment project and their work environment. One of

33 the questions asked developers to self categorise their spreadsheet development expertise. A fre­ quently used scale to measure end-user comput­ ing expertise as 'novice', 'knowledgeable' or 'power user' was chosen as these terms have become well established through their usage in the popular computer press (Schneiderman, 1980). Figure 1: Spreadsheet survey. Developer gender and expertise.

0 novice men warne 0 knowledgeable 6.25 • power use

37.50 56.25

Figure 1 compares the self ranking of spreadsheet Men reported that they had a higher expertise than development expertise by male and female survey that reported by women. respondents. 56% of women and only 13% of I had noticed in my career as a Computer Science men considered themselves to be novice develop­ Lecturer, that some female students appeared to ers. A contingency Table 2 was drawn up, show­ have more difficulty learning how to use a spread­ ing the frequencies of gender and developer exper­ sheet package, than they experienced when learn­ tise. 'Knowledgeable' and 'power users' were ing a word processor or data base management combined in this table and in the subsequent data package. Such difficulties seemed less common analysis as only one women categorised herself as amongst male students. In an effort to examine a 'power user' and another respondent reported whether other factors might have a bearing on why that she felt that women may have been uncom­ men in this sample reported a higher spreadsheet fortable with the term 'power user', disliking the development expertise than that reported by association of expertise with power. women, a series of chi square analyses was conducted, comparing developer gender to other Table 2. Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender factors which may have an influence on the self and expertise. perception of expertise. Gender was compared to factors measuring the status and training of the novice power developer, the importance of the task and the developer user total technological complexity of the developed women 9 7 16 spreadsheet. The detailed contingency tables and men 12 78 90 results can be found in the appendix at the end of this paper. total 21 85 106

The frequencies in Table 2 were used to test the Gender was compared with employment status, organisation size, qualification and training in hypothesis: HO: There is no difference in the spreadsheet spreadsheet development. No statistically signifi­ cant association was found. The women in the development expertise of women and men. sample were not disadvantaged in these areas. c2 calculated was 15.766 ( c2 critical= 3.84146, a The possibility that men were using spreadsheets = .05, 1 d.f.), so HO was rejected. There was an for more important tasks was canvassed as this association between the gender c,md spreadsheet may have had an influence on developers' percep­ development expertise of developers in the sample. tions of their expertise. Gender was compared to perceived spreadsheet importance, range of spreadsheet distribution, rate of creating and

34 women, communication and power changing corporate data. Again no association was further investigation using a random sample of found. The women in the sample were developing spreadsheet developers and measures for expertise spreadsheets of similar significance to their organi­ other than developer self-rating to test the hypoth­ sations as those spreadsheets developed by men. esis:

Finally gender was compared with variables which HO: There is no difference in the spreadsheet gave an indication of the technical sophistication of development expertise of women and men. a spreadsheet. There was no association between gender and the use of graphics or macros. Male If the hypothesis can not be rejected, the implica­ and female developers showed similar tendencies tion is that spreadsheet development expertise is to develop spreadsheets with links to other appli­ similar amongst men and women and other rea­ cations. Associations were found between gender sons should be canvassed as to why women feel and spreadsheet size, logical complexity and the that their spreadsheet development expertise is complexity of the formulae used. Men tended to low. design larger, more complex spreadsheets with a greater usage of complex mathematical formulae. Spreadsheets make more use of mathematical such practices could be considered as a measure concepts than other commonly used software of the expertise of the developer, with developers of applications such as word processing and data higher expertise, designing more complex base management systems. There is considerable spreadsheets. evidence that girls express greater uncertainty about the performance in mathematics than boys However it can be argued that greater size, logical do as Sue Willis reports in her monograph 'Real and formulae complexity are inappropriate meas­ girls don't do Maths': ures of developer expertise. An alternative inter­ ... there is a great deal of evidence to suggest pretation is possible, with the expert developers that many chUdren and adults lack confi­ avoiding large and complex spreadsheets, rather dence in their abUity to understand math­ restricting their templates to smaller cohesive ematics .. Anecdotal evidence would have it worksheets possibly linked to other spreadsheets. that this is more prevalent amongst girls and Smaller, simpler spreadsheets may result in less women than amongst boys and men. errors and be preferable from management control and software maintenance perspectives. (Willis, 1989, p.26) Moskowitz attributes the following to Dale Christensen product manager for Microsoft Perhaps because of this, together with covert Multiplan: family and possibly overt peer pressure, many girls Anyone who thinks they understand what is choose not to study mathematics courses at school going on in a model bigger than 100 by 100 and thus limit their options on entering the cells is probably fooling themselves. workforce. However the women who took part in this survey did not appear to fall into this category (Moskowitz, 1987, p.36) as 81% of them had tertiary qualifications, nearly half of them post-graduate. They would have been The whole methodology of structured software familiar with using mathematical principles in development promotes the concept, that 'small and their normal work as 25% were involved with the simple' is 'manageable and maintainable'. Quality accounting or finance professions, another 25% Assurance applied to software development by were either teachers of mathematics, science or professional programmers encourages structured computing or were practicing data processing software development. professionals and most of the remainder (31 %) were managers or administrators. These women Women in the sample did not seem disadvantaged 'had arrived' in the technological sense, yet still in their work functions or be less prepared for had doubts about their capabilities to use compu­ performing their duties. They did not exhibit less ter spreadsheets. expert spreadsheet development practices than men except in the doubtful areas of spreadsheet Achieving equity in qualifications, training and size and complexity discussed above. Yet women status in the workforce may still be insufficient. It still perceived they had a low spreadsheet develop­ is not enough to equip women for the technological ment expertise. Whilst these results are interest­ workplace, and give them the opportunity to ing, we can not infer anything about gender ineq­ demonstrate their skills, they also have to feel uity amongst spreadsheet developers in general, comfortable being there. due to the non-random nature of the sample. Expertise is a difficult feature to assess particu­ larly for an end-user who may have no overall References: understanding of the variation within the Hall, M.J.J. (1992). The ADE taxonomy of spread­ spreadsheet developer population. Qualifications, sheet application development, Unpublished training, experience, time taken to complete a Master's thesis, (Edith Cowan University, Perth standard task, error rate etc. could be used to W.A.). measure expertise. Further work to develop a metric is required. This matter is worthy of

35 Moskowitz, R. (l987b). Unspoken nightmare: Table 5 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender Stupid spreadsheets. Software News (USA}, and qualification. 7(5), 51. other degree post total grad Shneiderman, B. {1980). Software psychology. women 3 6 7 16 Hwnanfactors in computer and information men 28 37 35 90 systems. Boston: Little, Brown. total 31 43 32 106 Willis, S. {1989). Real girls don't do maths: Gender and the construction ofprivilege. Geelong: Deakin University Press. The frequencies in table 5 were used to test the hypothesis:

Appendix: Chi square Tests on Developer HO: There is no difference in the qualifications of Gender women and men spreadsheet developers. c2 calculated was 1.901 ( c2 critical= 5.99147, a= Gender and Measures of Status and Training .05, 2 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is Table 3 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender and no association between gender and the educational employment status qualifications of spreadsheet developers.

unpaid consultant/ Table 6 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender helper employee executive total and training. self trained attended DP women 2 9 5 16 men 3 50 37 90 train by work course pro. mates total 5 59 42 106 women 8 2 3 3 men 47 7 18 18

The frequencies in table 3 were used to test the total 55 9 21 21 106 hypothesis:

HO: There is no difference in the employment The frequencies in table 6 were used to test the status of women and men spreadsheet developers. hypothesis: c2 calculated was 2.755 ( c2 critical= 5.99147, a= .05, 2 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is HO: There is no difference in the training of no association between developer gender and women and men spreadsheet developers. employment status. c2 calculated was 0.391 ( c2 critical= 7.81473, a= Table 4 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender and .05, 3 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is no organisation size. association between the gender and the training of spreadsheet developers. single one many many person dept depts sites total Gender and Task Importance women 3 5 3 5 16 Table 7 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender men 19 23 11 37 90 and spreadsheet importance. total 22 28 14 37 106 unimp. moderate major total imp. Imp.

The frequencies in table 4 were used to test the women 2 9 5 16 hypothesis: men 6 48 36 90

HO: There is no difference in the size of the organi­ total 8 57 41 106 sations where men and women spreadsheet devel­ opers are employed. The frequencies in table 7 were used to test the c2 calculated was 0.975 ( c2 critical= 7.84173, a hypothesis: = .05, 3 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is no association between developer gender and size HO: There is no difference in the importance of of the organisation for which a developer works. spreadsheets developed by women or by men. c2 calculated was 0.903 ( c2 critical= 5.99147, a= .05, 2 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is no association between developer gender and the importance of a spreadsheet.

36 women, communication and power Table 8 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender and range of spreadsheet distribution The frequencies in table 10 were used to test the hypothesis: self one many beyond total HO: There is no difference in the frequency of only dept depts organisation changing corporate data in spreadsheets developed by women or by men. women 2 6 2 6 c2 calculated was 1.060 ( c2 critical= 5.99147, a= 16 .05, 2 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is no men 16 27 22 25 association between the gender of the developer 90 and the frequency of developing spreadsheets which alter corporate data. total 18 33 24 31 106 The frequencies in table 8 were used to test the Gender and Spreadsheet Technical Complexity hypothesis: Table 11: Spreadsheet Survey: Developer gender HO: There is no difference in the range of distribu­ and spreadsheet link complexity tion of spreadsheets developed by men or women. c2 calculated was 1. 763 ( c2 critical =7.814 73, a = no links links total .05,3 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is no links to to other other association between developer gender and the spread objects range of distribution of a spreadsheet. sheets

Table 9 women 11 3 2 16 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender and the men 47 26 17 90 development of spreadsheets which create corpo­ rate data. total 58 29 19 106

does not creates total The frequencies in table 11 were used to test the create corporate hypothesis: corporate data data HO: There is no difference in the link complexity of women 8 8 16 spreadsheets developed by women or men. men 46 44 90 c2 calculated was 1.498 ( c2 critical= 5.99147, a= .05, 2 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is no total 54 52 106 association between developer gender and spreadsheet link complexity. The frequencies in table 9 were used to test the hypothesis: Table 12 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender and the HO: There is no difference in the frequency of use of graphics creating corporate data in spreadsheets developed none simple Inter- camp- by women or by men. mediate lex c2 calculated was 0.007( c2 critical= 3.84146, a = .05 1 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is no women 13 2 0 association between the gender of a spreadsheet developer and the frequency of developing men 52 15 16 7 spreadsheets where new corporate data is created. total 65 17 16 8 Table 10 Spreadsheet Survey: Developer gender and the creation of spreadsheets which update The frequencies in table 12 were used to test the corporate data hypothesis: no corp corp corp data data HO: There is no difference in the frequency with data read update which graphics are used in spreadsheets devel­ only allowed oped by women or by men. c2 calculated was 4.254 ( c2 critical= 7.81473, a= women 5 5 6 .05, 3 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is men 37 30 23 no association between gender and the frequency total 42 35 29 with which graphics are used in spreadsheets.

37 Table 13 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender Table 16 Spieadshed Survey. Developer gendeJr and the use of macros and spreadsheet fo:nnulSJ. complexity

none simple complex total simple complex total formula formula women 10 4 2 16 men 48 16 26 90 women 11 5 16 men 35 55 90 total 58 20 28 106 total 46 60 106 The frequencies in table 13 were used to test the hypothesis: The frequencies in table 16 were used to test the hypothesis: HO: There is no difference in the frequency with which macros are used in spreadsheets developed HO: There is no difference in the complexity of the by women or by men. formulas in spreadsheets developed by women or c2 calculated was 1.966 ( c2 critical= 5.99147, a= men. . 05, 2 d.f.), so HO could not be rejected. There is c2 calculated was 4.931 ( c2 critical= 3.84146, a= no association between developer gender and use .05 , 1 d. f.), so HO was rejected. There is an asso­ of macros in spreadsheets. ciation between developer gender and formula complexity with men using more complex formulas Table 14 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender in spreadsheets. and spreadsheet size

0-5.000 5,001- 10,001- greater bytes 10,000 100,000 than this women 4 4 6 2 men 6 6 45 33 total 10 10 51 35

The frequencies in table 14 were used to test the hypothesis:

HO: There is no difference in the size of spread­ sheets developed by women or by men. c2 calculated was 12.524 ( c2 critical =7.81473, a = .05, 3 d.f.), so HO was rejected. There is an association between gender and spreadsheet size. Men tend to develop larger spreadsheets than women do.

Table 15 Spreadsheet Survey. Developer gender and spreadsheet logical complexity

NoiFs IFs nested IFs total included or lookup tables women 11 3 2 16 men 39 10 41 90 total 50 13 43 106

The frequencies in table 15 were used to test the hypothesis:

HO: There is no difference in the logical complexity of spreadsheets developed by women or by men. c2 calculated was 6.166 ( c2 critical = 5. 99147, a = .05, 2 d.f.), so HO was rejected. There is an asso­ ciation between gender and logical complexity of spreadsheets with men designing more complex spreadsheets.

38 women, communication and power Women: Communication~~ New Technologies

Linda Wilkins Monash University

Abstract Paper This paper examines the expectations and out­ A singular lack of data comes identified by female overseas students in the electrical engineering course at Monash University. Research on the experience of women in Australian students in second and third year do one semester engineering courses is remarkable for its veJY management and communications courses which limited and recent appearance in journals or are particularly concerned to develop group partici­ conference papers. Apart from GASAT 91 and pation and assertiveness skills. The paper would AAEE conferences and workshops nearly all papers be based on journal entries and interviews with cite data and statistics derived from related fields students as well as some reference to similar work or other countries rather than research in progress being undertaken at Swinburne. in Australian schools of engineering.

Engineering is a profession engaged in the man­ There is a serious absence of data on matters agement of people and resources. With projections affecting recruitment and retention of women to of a serious shortfall in the number of graduating engineering. For example: engineers, the Williams Committee (1988), as well as discussion papers like "A Fair Chance for All­ why specific engineering disciplines attract up higher education within eveJYone's reach" to three times as many women as others (see (DEET,1990) spurred on engineering schools Appendix 1 for 1992 Monash University fig­ throughout Australia to "prioritize" the issue of low ures); participation rates by women in engineering. Annual targets have been set with the emphasis on " whether the experience of women engineers is utilising this "pool of wasted talent". similar to that of women scientists, i.e. that convergence in early career attainments of men Data from the United States where there has been and women scientists is undercut by an a similar approach to raising participation rates of increasing divergence as they age with higher women in engineering indicate problems with this salaries, greater organizational rank and many approach. Here I refer to the approach that affirms more awards going to men (Rosser, S., 1992). "public policy objectives couched in terms of economic goods" as a model for change. Thus Issues such as these which can be crucial to the while the numbers of women attached to engineer­ participation of women in engineering can only ing courses in the US increased markedly in the occasion speculative responses; anecdotal evidence 1980's, the retention rate of the profession has not is all that exists. Despite women in engineering kept pace with the growth in intake. open day activities at universities and schools, studies of the career paths of women engineering This paper falls into two sections. The first section graduates in Australia have not to my knowledge offers a critique of the economic rationalist or top appeared in mainstream journals or as part of any down approach of policy implementation (referred coordinated program. to above) where it has been applied to achieving educational objectives. The second section of the In a recent paper, figures collated by Jean Arm­ paper relates anecdotal material from students and strong indicated a disproportionate increase in the academic staff interviewed at Monash University number of women commencing bachelor degrees in Clayton Faculty of Engineering. This latter section engineering at Australian universities. Numbers is presented as an initial attempt to define some rose from 66 in 1974 to 423 in 1988, representing needs-based criteria for a gender-neutral faculty. 12% of those commencing bachelor degrees in Gale and Fellows construct (GASAT 1991) of 5 engineering at universities. This was in compari­ defined areas "to bring about change in the educa­ son with male undergraduate student commence­ tion work continuum" is related to material gath­ ments which showed no overall increase between ered from the interviews. The paper concludes 1974 and 1988 (Figures 1 and 2, Armstrong, J., with a reference to the establishment ofWEPAN 1990). Longitudinal studies of this cohort of (Women in Engineering Program Advocates Net­ women students and their career paths while work) in the US in 1990 as a possible consultative sorely needed are remarkable only by their ab­ model in the Australian context. sence.

39 Armstrong also found "over representation" of In 1988 the Williams Committee, in a major review women amongst postgraduate engineering stu­ of the discipline of engineering in Australia, found dents. Once again the study found that "... there an urgent need to increase the number of under­ appears to have been no research on the specific graduates in engineering. It recommended that area of women postgraduates in engineering in "the most effective way to increase the enrolment of Australia... " (Armstrong, J., 1991). Armstrong's students likely to complete degree requirements is paper pioneered this area of investigation using to persuade more females to study engineering." statistics collated for the first time (and frequently (Williams, 1988). It set a target "to increase the cited since!) from ABS and DEET. She provided proportion ofwomen in engineering courses from irrefutable evidence of the strong financial disad­ 7% to 15% by 1995". vantage suffered by part-time graduate students (many of whom are women with family commit­ At national and often even at faculty level, interest ments) due to the terms of scholarships offered in increasing the number of women in engineering which "have not caught up with the different needs is undoubtedly based on the "pool of wasted talent" of women engineers." (Armstrong, 1991) approach. There are inherent dangers in applying the input/output model of economic instrumental­ So to reiterate, research on gender issues in ism to education. Firstly, it implicitly devalues the Australian engineering is either nascent or non content and process of education for all partici­ existent and certainly not funded on a national pants. Secondly, "improving the gender mix" is no basis despite supposed Government interest in longer seen as a human light or a socially desir­ increasing the participation of women in the field. able end in itself. (J. Blackmore and J. Kenway, The reasons for the significant growth in the 1988). number of women in engineering schools in Aus­ tralia between the mid 70's and 80's again remains "Public policy objectives couched in terms of social largely a matter of speculation with no coordinated goods are replaced by public policy objectives data gathering procedures in place. couched in terms of economic goods." (A. Yeat­ man, 1991). The economic rationalist model allows educational policy to be defined in terms of meas­ Who wants more women in engineering and urable economic efficiency and productivity rather why? than a full range of educational goals. Inherent in There are many reasons to treat this situation - I this model is the assumption that there are no mean the lack of statistical data and research outputs apart from the number of students, i.e. about women in engineering in Australia- as increased participation is the sole measure of remarkable. A number of reports, directives and success. (Marginson, S., 1992). reviews commissioned at federal and state level have underlined the importance of improving the The minimalist approach- the vanishing cur­ gender balance in "non traditional courses of riculum - or you can only have what you can study" (DEET 1988, 1989). Increasing the number measure, quantify or compute of females in engineering courses has been given Why should it matter if the motives for "improving high priority, at least verbally, by almost every the gender mix" draws together strange allies? dean of Engineering in the country. What is the problem with motives if the results are highly desirable? It may well be that a certain perspective on educa­ tional priorities informs the target setting of such In expansionary times there may for a time exist bodies as the Williams Committee (whose conclu­ an alignment of national priorities based on the sions are referred to below) - a perspective which, economic rationalist model with the priorities of when examined, may explain why the active humanists pressing for increased participation by recruitment of women to engineering has taken women and minority groups. However, in an priority over evaluating the outcomes of tertiary economic recession initiatives designed to chal­ level engineering programs for all students. lenge sex stereotypes may well be set back if bureaucratic values are allowed to displace an Undoubtedly, a major reason for the increasing ethical and professional commitment to the public interest in gender issues in engineering is the good. "In the interests of efficiency the connection result of projections that indicate a serious short­ between education and the economy is being age of engineering personnel in the near future. drawn tighter so that this time around public (See Figure 3 B.S. Degrees in Engineering 1984- expenditure on human capital is more specifically 1995 Actual and Projected, Daniels J. GASAT targeted to market-defined economic objectives, 1991, p.743). "Although women are approximately and only those objectives. (Marginson, S. 1992, 53% of the U.S. population and now comprise p.6). Thus not only is the economic rationalist a more than half of the college and university popu­ dubious ally in terms of his narrow outlook and lation, engineering still has the lowest representa­ ethical blinkers he is also likely to be a fair weather tion of women among all major disciplines." friend deserting the cause when times are tough!

(Figure 3, Daniels, J., 744). In Australia "women The viability of the approach taken in the economic comprise fewer than 2% of practising engineers", model for public policy in education breaks down Taylor and Johnston 1991). embarrassingly quickly under scrutiny. There is

40 women, communication and power an inherent disregard for context and process­ A holistic approach to the teaching of engineering for what Anna Yeatman describes as "the substan­ which emphasises the connections and interrela­ tive purposes of public administration and service". tion between the subjects of study, the involvement Educational activities at university on this model of the investigator with the objects of study and on are limited to "... the formation of skills and knowl­ the value of the work for society- i.e. the context edges with calculable, hence plannable, economic of the problem-solving activity- is attractive not outcomes", Marginson, 1992. only to many women but also to science and engineering students from more varied and non­ It is impossible to compute the quality of teaching traditional backgrounds. It may even result in or research, the development of new knowledge, better engineering practice! the social maturation of students or the learning of initiative and creativity. These complexities are by "Society so radically altered by the technol­ implication immediately excluded by the economic ogy introduced by engineers, demands much requirement which seeks to differentiate formal of its decision makers. It requires account­ from informal learning. The reductio ad absurdum ability, not only technically but financially, of abstracting learning from its context is the crux socially and environmentally. The law ofMarginson's paper and taken as the basis of this reflects this and enforces accountability. critique of the universalist claims of the economic Decision making in the community is now rationalist. more participatory and managers are re­ quired to justify their decisions to a wider The current emphasis on increasing female partici­ variety of stakeholders. Changes already pation by set percentage points over a set period of occurring in many areas of engineering time is to put in place a top-down model. It is suggest that the authoritarian style is no starting with a determinist solution rather than the longer as acceptable or as all pervasive as it problem. One consequence of the top down once was. Continuing engineering education approach type of planning may be that while forums now focus on issues such as alterna­ enrolments of women in engineering may be tive dispute resolution, negotiation, commu­ increased, retention rates (where figures are nication skills, environmental impact as­ available) tend to remain a problem. "... You really sessment and other issues which reflect the have to take some special steps to encourage and changing concerns and priorities of society. retain the young women who enter your program Such changes will determine the style of because if you look at (U.S.) dropout rates nation­ person who will succeed in engineering in ally, the dropout rates for women are very, very the future." high." (Baum, E. 1992). The focus on plannable (Taylor, E. and Johnston, S. 1991, p.241). and calculable factors such as a percentage in­ crease in female enrolments obscures the need to Let us turn from this brief summary of the issues attend adequately to the "culture" of engineering Australian women engineers are facing to the faculties which is often inimical to women. women students and staff at an established tradi­ tional university who so graciously gave of their Gender as a change agent time to reflect on where these matters impinged on The model provided by Learmont and Harris (see them personally both now and in the past. Figure 4 below) sets out stages in the recruitment and retention of women into engineering. Monash The context: getting there, staying there and University's Dean of Engineering refers to this going on model to indicate that very few of even the progres­ At this established traditional university, figures sive Schools of Engineering in Australia could for 1992 show the proportion of women students in claim to have moved beyond stage three, i.e. various branches of engineering to be: Materials beyond attempting to change the client to changing 26%; Chemical 24%; Civil 11 %; Mechanical 11 %; the system (Darvall, 1992). Electrical 8%. Of about 1790 students, 285 or 15.9% are women. An unpublished survey of first The case for improving the gender mix as a socially year engineering students found that 88% had desirable end in itself has been the focus of a cited their own personal attributes and interests as number of recent papers on engineering education. a major influence on their decision to enrol in They have argued that feminists are not simply Engineering. The same survey also found that the concerned with women's access to areas of low most popular form of affirmative action strategy participation such as engineering. They offer a with 80% approval rating was the provision of critique of such fields suggesting how society might equal numbers of scholarships tagged for male/ be otherwise. (Rosser, S. 1992, Taylor and female. (Hutchinson, A quoted in Darvall, P. Johnston, 1991). Looking at definitions ofwhat 1992). engineering is about, identifYing problems before looking for the solutions is part of the feminist Third year students in the Electrical Engineering paradigm which accepts complexity and blurred Computer systems department as part of their edges much more readily than the economic course must complete a one semester subject, rationalist model with its tendency to over simplify Management 2 one of three units of Management and separate measurement and context. taken between second and fourth year. Three

41 women in one tutorial group consented to look at In reporting on these two interviews, I have re­ some briefing papers provided (see Appendix 2) as ferred to these areas of change in terms of the a preliminary to reviewing their attitudes and personal experience of these two women, putting feelings about themselves as engineering students. their experience in a broader context. 1\vo of them (L and 0) were international students; The historical context the third (A) had graduated from an academic girls' private school. At this stage the latter has been The first woman to graduate in engineering in the only one to conclude her report to me. A, the Australia was Dianne Lemaire who completed her Australian student, found all five features de­ degree at Melbourne University in 1944 (Darvall scribed by Hegarty-Hazel and Johnston as a 1992). The first of the two women academic staff constellation of positive reinforcements in her members interviewed, (referred to here as A.), was background. She attended an independent single­ also the first woman appointed as a lecturer in sex school with a strong emphasis on science. Her Engineering in 1977 at Melbourne University. She father is a physicist and her mother is a science was also the first woman lecturer ever appointed in graduate. Both supported her in her interest in Electrical Engineering at the traditional estab­ mathematics as well as financially. She cited her lished university where I interviewed her. The father's encouragement as the most influential second woman academic staff member I inter­ factor - "... he always tried to get me involved and viewed was the first woman to graduate with a interested in what he was doing." Ph.D. in Engineering in Australia in 1975.

Her outlook on engineering as a profession she I found this information to be simultaneously expressed as follows: "I have not thought of engi­ shocking and thrilling- shocking that there were neering as 'adversarial pitting man against nature' no earlier 'breaches' in the male ramparts of but as a 'creating profession'. There is nothing engineering and thrilling to speak to people who particularly masculine about that." were literally remaking the image of engineering in their departments. Whereas engineers often describe their activities in terms of creating wealth, seeing the finished task or making things happen, A. is aware that "girls Interview with a - Part-time (and only) Woman tend to favour biologically and chemically oriented Senior Lecturer in Electrical Engineering sciences." She sees engineering being more attrac­ A. had taught communications while working as tive to girls if "those fields of engineering involving Director of First Year Studies at Melbourne Univer­ biological and chemical sciences like bioengineer­ sity and here as in many other aspects of teaching ing, chemical and materials engineering" were and administration she introduced many innova­ highlighted. More project oriented subjects are tive practices. Her strong interest in teaching and suggested as a means of improving and fostering faculty policy impinging on teaching was evident. engineers' communications skills. A brilliant student at Edinburgh University where she won the prize for the best final year student in An academic staff member in the electrical engi­ electrical engineering she has followed this with neering department as well as a materials engineer many other prestigious scholarships and awards. also consented to be interviewed for this paper. As A. exemplifies what Powles found, i.e. that women this study was exploratory rather than rigorous the cite intrinsic interest in their subject more often approach was very informal and accepting of their than men as a main reason for doing postgraduate statements with no attempt to address issues of research (Powles, 1986). self-reporting. So what follows is largely anecdotal. However, the content of the interviews seemed to A. sees the main problems for women to be the fit quite well under the five areas focussed on by imbalance in the relative career value accorded to Gale and Fellows (GASAT, 1991: p.673) in their the three areas of research, teaching and adminis­ study of women in the construction industry in the trative experience. She has had the experience of U.K. The five areas defined "in order to bring being given double the lecture load of another staff about change in the education-work continuum" member as a "reward" for being a good teacher; are: hence less research time. 1. Curriculum, assessment and challenging stereotyping; So whereas her administrative and teaching record is a strong one, her publication record is weaker 2. Career and/ or further /higher education than if she had had a straightforward career path choice; with no disruptions due to family commitments. Consequently A feels her chances of gaining 3. First destination occupation recruitment/ choice; tenure in the near future are not hopeful. 4. Career progression: comfort zones, career From A's experience and research on the subject, breaks; the terms of scholarship awards actively discrimi­ nate against part-time postgraduate students, 5. The characteristics of a post patriarchal often women with young families. The lack of workplace.

42 women, communication and power financial support for such part-time students often B. did not feel she had suffered greatly from gender based on bureaucratic reasons is seen as a major problems in her career. On the other hand, she impediment to the academic progress of women. did note that in her experience there was "no such "The rules are geared up for full time people". thing as affirmative action n and she had always been appointed at the bottom of the scale which It was noted earlier in a suiVey of women engineer­ may not have been a principle applied across the Ing students by Alan Hutchinson that the most board. This matches a recent study by Fay Gale favoured form of affirmative action was for equal and Sandra Lindemann which -··~·h•>r<> of undergraduate scholarships for males "argues that whilst equality of opportunity is females. A.'s experience and research sug­ more apparent in the initial appointment of gests that any such widening of affirmative action staff to an institution, it is not so in should also consider as a high priority the equity of promotions .... and female appointments are scholarships offered at postgraduate level for part­ always at a lower level.. .. " time students who are often women with fixed family commitments over a number of years. (Blackmore, 1992)

A. was also aware of the lack of networking oppor­ tunities for women academics in engineering on Creating a gender-neutral profession campus. For example, having separate tea-rooms So if we are going to see a professional workforce in for each department meant no facilities for infor­ the 21st Century with women engineers participat­ mal meetings between the few women scattered ing in management and leadership roles on an between each department of engineering. Another equal footing what needs to change? well documented concern of women in non-tradi­ tional areas of work and education featured in this In all non-traditional areas of employment role interview. As a conscientious and gifted teacher A models, structured networks and more flexible spoke of facing the on-going problem of balancing working conditions are fundamental to smoothing her roles as counsellor and advisor to students the entry of groups with low participation rates particularly women and commitment to her own whether they are women or a minority group. career development. Damned if you do and damned if you don't would be a fair description of More specifically, the women who are currently this situation! employed as engineers in the workforce provide a unique source of information on what they find congenial or otherwise in their current position. A Interview with B - Subdean and Senior Lec­ group of 7 women engineers at Melbourne Univer­ turer Materials Engineering sity felt that: B., a tenured staff member and somewhat older "... Projects to be avoided were those which than A, started life as a country girl proceeding to involved experiments with long running Horsham High where only 6 students in her year times which might require the student to be completed the final year. B.'s mother, widowed present at fixed times over a number of early, always felt that girls had to have a career days, those which might involve contact with because of her experience in raising two girls on chemicals with unknown properties (particu­ her nursing salary. B.'s first career destination larly if the student was pregnant) and came about due to her husband's move to work at projects where one was competing with other Rolls Royce in the U.K. B. started work in the researchers who were able to work full-time. Materials Division of the same company initiating Projects involving a high percentage of the move from her chemistry background to theoretical work or computer programming materials engineering. which could be done from home seemed particularly suitable." B. has a strong commitment to the welfare of her students and was proud of the fact that 50% of (Armstrong, 1992). final year students in Materials had already found vacation employment. She felt that Materials did If retention rates for women in engineering are to not have a strong masculine image compared to improve then there is a need to utilise the research other areas of engineering. This was reflected in that women show more initiative in the laboratory the proportion of girls choosing materials - 6 of with female partners than they do with male the 32 students in Materials being female. partners and that women benefit from having time to become familiar with the equipment in the B. has a self-deprecating manner particularly laboratory. about publications. She felt quite strongly that publication for its own sake was to be avoided and Perceptions of the profession of engineering and treated with suspicion. Interestingly, she also felt the nature of employment choices within the that self-promotion via unnecessary publications profession are problematic. Thus the type of was not a female thing to do - perhaps implying a women attracted to engineering- mature, highly lack of "overweening ambition"? intelligent and individualistic are an elite who may

43 by their very nature lead to rejection of the engi­ engineering in developing recruitment strategies neering option by girls who feel they don't measure provide better answers? Many would argue so. up. Clarification of questions such as the following " ... we often project the image that you have could be initiated: to be a genius to be an engineer, particularly if you are a woman, and that's upsetting, What is engineering? How is it structured? Who because very average males go into engineer­ does it appeal to? What range of candidates are ing, and yet the women who go into engi­ fJltered out by our present approach? (E. Taylor neering tend not to be average at all" and S. Johnston, 1991) (Baum, 1992.) A national body possibly affJliated with a profes­ sional association as a significant interest group Choice of work options within the profession, e.g. would be a means of initiating and publicising on-site or in the office is sometimes a problem in such concerns. terms of the relative and very different valuation given by the woman graduate concerned with hours, flexibility and congeniality and the employer It is, I feel, appropriate to end this paper by refer­ who looks for management skills, group leadership ring back to the concerns of a group attending qualities and cost benefit factors in his staff. GASAT who participated in a round table discus­ sion last year. The subject they discussed was: Is A study of women in the construction industry in there a feminist perspective or theoretical frame­ the U.K., found that: work which can guide us in policy formation and change management, in engineering? They pro­ "... women are not involved for the great duced the following action statement with which I part in the production management of will conclude this paper: construction. They are more likely to be found in office based roles associated with " an interdisciplinary approach involving women design, management services, education from a plethora of backgrounds is most likely and research. These occupations may well to be successful; be perceived as generally accommodating " look for incremental change on every aspect of career breaks and family commitments professional life; more easily than site based jobs." • encourage the teaching of engineering through (GASAT 1991, p.680). an integrated, holistic approach analogous with the medical courses developed at They are also not the occupations which lead to McMaster in Ontario and Newcastle in New promotion and recognition! South Wales; changing the culture of the profession involves In 1990 WEPAN (the Women in Engineering " increased visibility for women, e.g. attending Program Advocates Network) was established in professional meetings and getting into com­ the United States with 200 members. This fol­ mittee positions where women can influence lowed the development of a number of programs in the 1970's and 1980's with variable outcomes: the program; • solidarity among women engineers and net­ "... little or no coordination existed for these working skills can be learnt from the women's (recruitment and retention) programs result­ movement. ing in a duplication of efforts, inefficient use of available funds, insufficient program evaluation and a slowing of progress toward Bibliography educational equity for women in engineer­ Armstrong, J. (1990) Pathways for Women Post­ ing." graduates in Engineering, Conference Proceed­ (GASAT, p. 7 44). Ings Australian Association of Engineering Educators (AAEE). The problems outlined above are likely to have their parallels in Australia and any other countries Armstrong, J., 1991 attempting "social" engineering. Baum, E., IEEE Education Society Newsletter. WEPAN as a coordinating body, provides a list of objectives and a data base of resource materials Blackmore, J. (1992) More Power to the Powerful (Figure ). The question is- do women in engi­ AFC, 15,Autumn 1992. neering need such a body in Australia? Blackmore, J. and Kenway, J. (1988) Rationalisa­ Would it help to have a systematic identification of tion, Instrumentalism and Corporate Manageri­ the problems before looking for the solutions? alism: the Implications for Women of the Would including the full range and diversity of Green Paper in Higher Education, Australian opinions on the nature and future directions of Universities' Review, 31.

44 women, communication and power Chiba, M. and Miranda, S., (1985) Women in Science and Engineering: a Select Bibliography ofthe Literature 1980-1985, Hargrave Library, Monash.

Cockburn, C. (1985). Male Dominance, Women, Men and Technical Knowhow (cited in GASAT, 6,(2) 1991.

Daniels, J.Z. (1991). Career Access for Women in Engineering: Establishing a Comprehensive National Effort, GASAT, 6th International Conference Proceedings, 2.

Darvall, P.(1992). Engineering for Girls from Girls' Schools, (unpublished paper).

Darvall, P. (1991). Issues in Engineering Education in Australia, Australasian Jnl. ofEngineering, 2(2).

Department of Education, Employment and Train­ ing, (1990). A Fair Chance for All- Higher Education that's within everyone's reach. Canberra: Australian Govemment Publishing Service.

Gale, A. and Fellows, R.F. (1991). Women in Con­ struction: Some Issues Raised by the Develop­ ment of Pilot insight courses for career advisors.

Lloyd, B. (1991). Engineering in Australia: A Profession in Transition.

Marginson, S. (1992). Education as a Branch of Economics: the Universal Claims of Economic Rationalism in Melbourne Studies in Education, La Trobe University Press.

Rennie, L.J., Parker, L.H., Hildebrand, G.M., (Eds.), (1991). Action for Equity: the Second Decade. Contributions to the Sixthintema­ tional GASAT Conference, Vols. 1, 2 & 3. National Key Centre for School Science and Mathematics Australia.

Rosser, S. (1992, September/October). The Gen­ der Equation, The Sciences ,

Taylor, E. &Johnston, S. (1991). How Changing Engineering will attract a greater diversity of students - especially women, AAEE Proceed­ ings.

45 46 women, communication and power The Relationship Between Sex~Role Identity Role Portrayal of Women in Advertising

Margie White University of Central Queensland

Abstract Paper The paper examines how women respond to a modern and traditional role portrayal of women in Definitions financial services advertising. It will investigate Positioning is defined as: the relationship between a woman's sex-role identity, her preferences for modern versus tradi­ "the act of designing the company's offer so tional role portrayal of women in advertising, and that it occupies a distinct and valued place its impact on advertising effectiveness. in the target customers' mind"

Academic research comparing the effectiveness of (Kotler 1991, p. 308). traditional and modern role portrayals of women in advertising is inconclusive. It is also uncertain if According to Ries and Trout (1986, p. 2) "position­ the same role portrayal would appeal to different ing is not what you do to a product. Positioning is segments of the female market (Jaffe, 1991). what you do to the mind of the prospect. That is, you position the product in the mind of the pros­ According to Fennell and Weber (1984) the existing pect ... " research is little more than a documentation of the existing problems, and provides very little practical In this paper, positioning is described in terms of: guidance. a) Traditional approach - a product is positioned Roberts and Koggan (1979) state that advertisers for women in a nurturing role focusing her are calling for research that will provide guidance attention on her family; for advertisers when they must choose among a b) Modern approach - a product is positioned for multitude of options when executing their promo­ tional strategies. "successful working" women, competent both in and out of the home (Jaffe, 1991). During the last several decades, the economic and social status of women has changed dramatically, Self-Concept Theory - refers to the study of an with women becoming more financially independ­ individual's global attitude; the attitudes s/he ent. Consequently, women have become a growing holds towards him/herself as an object viewed in and viable segment for financial services. actual, ideal, and social terms (Sirgy 1982). An individual's self-assessment as masculine or The changing roles of women in our society, feminine can be interpreted as only one among evident through the number of women entering many dimensions of self-concept, some of which and remaining in the workforce has also bought are not sex-related (Locksley and Colten, 1979). about a change in sex roles (Stern, 1988 (b)). Sex-Role Identity- the degree to which one adheres Stern (1987) has suggested that sex-role identity is to traditional female roles (Bern, 1974). a significant predictor of women's advertising response to different positionings for financial Sex-Role Inventory- an instrument designed to services. Jaffe (1991, p. 58) states that "by meas­ determine the degree to which individuals adhere uring the relationship of sex-role identity to adver­ to society's definitions of masculinity and feminin­ tising effectiveness for modern and traditional ity (Bern, 1974). positionings, marketers can use the results to construct specific advertising campaigns". 1. Introduction This paper will extend our knowledge of sex-roles This paper examines how women respond to a and consumer behaviour. It will enhance our modern and traditional role portrayal of women in understanding of how to position financial services financial services advertising. The paper will when developing advertising strategies for personal investigate the relationship between a women's superannuation products targeted to the female sex-role identity, her preferences for modern consumer. versus traditional role portrayal of women, and its

47 impact on advertising effectiveness (Jaffe and Fennell and Weber (1984, p. 88) state that uadver­ Berger, 1990; Jaffe, 1991). tisers want to avoid offending potential customers yet lack a tool to help identifY possible controver­ The paper will examine how to position financial sial elements during the course of advertising service products in advertising, designed to attract development". the growing and viable market segment of working women. According to Yorke and Hayes (1982) the According to Fennell and Weber (1984) the existing economic and social status ofwomen has changed research is little more than a documentation of the dramatically during the past several decades, with existing problems, and provides very little practical working women becoming more fmancially inde­ guidance. Roberts and Koggan (1979) state that pendent. Consequently, women have become a advertisers are calling for research that will provide growing and viable segment for financial services. guidance for advertisers when they must choose among a multitude of options when executing their The changing roles of women in our society, promotional strategies. evident through the number of women entering and remaining in the workforce has also bought The paper will extend our knowledge of sex-roles about a change in sex roles (Stem, 1988 (b)). and consumer behaviour by exploring the impact of sex-role identity on high-involvement purchase Stem (1987) has suggested that sex-role identity is behaviour. a significant predictor of women's advertising response to different positionings for financial The paper will also enhance our understanding of services. Jaffe (1991, p. 58) states that "by meas­ how to position superannuation products when uring the relationship of sex-role identity to adver­ developing advertising strategies targeted to the tising effectiveness for modern and traditional female consumer. positionings, marketers can use the results to construct specific advertising campaigns". 2. The Changing Roles of Women in Society Jaffe and Berger (1988) state that the growing Before 1976, "the words 'marketing', 'financial' and number of women entering the workforce has 'women' were never mentioned in the same sen­ triggered a change in sex-roles, the effects of which tence" according to Joanne Black, senior Vice­ will have important implications for effective President of MasterCard International (Conklin, marketing strategies, in particular on the position­ 1986). ing and promotional strategies implemented (Debevec and Iyer, 1986). David Kreinik, (1976) states in his article "Women: A growing force to be reckoned with in advertising In the past, advertisements tailored to the female financial services", that what advertising says is a market have included positioning strategies aimed reflection of the marketing objectives and the at including both the traditional and modem existing market situation. Advertising strategies female. Traditional approaches include the prod­ must relate to demand, to product and service uct being positioned for nurturing women whose availability, to competitive forces and to a con­ main focus is their families. The modem approach sumer, who is described as the "breadwinner". positions the product for successful working women, competent both at home and at work The past two decades has seen significant changes (Jaffe, 1991). in the "breadwinner" status ofwomen. There has been a marked increase in the participation rate of Jaffe (1991) states that academic research compar­ women in the formal labour market, with women ing the effectiveness of the traditional and modern moving from a primarily nurturing and home­ positioning strategy is inconclusive. It is also making role to women as wage-earners. This uncertain if the same positioning approach would increase has been most pronounced amongst appeal to different segments of the female market. married women.

According to Leigh, Rethans and Whitney (1987, p. These findings have been supported by Stem 55) the "key is the relationship between role (l988(b)) who argues that the post-industrial portrayal in the advertisement and the target 1970s has witnessed rapid socioeconomic change, audiences expectation". It could be expected that with the full force of this change now being felt. traditional women would be motivated by tradi­ Much ofthis change relating to sex-roles is due to tional positionings while a modern woman moti­ more women entering the workforce and dual vated by modem positionings. This assumption, career families becoming commonplace. A wom­ however logical it appears, has little academic an's role has changed from being primarily eco­ research to substantiate it (Jaffe, 1991). nomic consumers to producers AND consumers as well. The primary role of men in the traditional During the last decade, the manner in which family has shifted from producer roles to producers advertising portrays women has been a source of AND consumers. With dual income families, active and continuing interest to researchers. partners are now sharing in purchasing activities

48 women, ~ommunication and power to a greater extent than when only one person Current statistics available from the Australian worked outside the home. Bureau of Statistics indicates that: " Fifty-two percent (52%) of women are in the Green and Cunningham (1975) state that the labour force; changing role of women will manifest itself in several aspects of male-female behaviour. It is .. Forty-two percent (42%) of the labour force are anticipated that, some women will adopt the women; attitudes and values associated with the emerging " Women constitute 78% of the part-time female role, whereas other women's attitudes and workforce; values will be a state of flux, while others will .. Sixty percent (60%) of women in the workforce continue to adhere to traditional attitudes and work full-time (Women's Bureau (DEET), 1991 values. in Wieneke, 1991). It is anticipated that the trend of increased partici­ pation in the workforce and entry into educational Despite the increased longevity of the female and institutions by women will characterise the rest of the increasing number of women entering and this century. As women become more educated remaining in the workforce, the percentage of wage-earners, their needs for information about women with superannuation coverage is low finance, money management and business-related relative to working men. The estimated superan­ services will become similar to the needs of men nuation coverage for employed persons aged 15 to (Stem, 1990). 74 at November 1988 was 61% for males and 37% of females (Cass, 1991 in Wieneke, 1991). According to Stern (1990) during the past decade, financial services marketers have recognised the Qualitative research carried out by Casey and importance of women consumers as a segment Dwyer (1991) in the female superannuation market worth pursuing. It is now assumed that the in Australia has revealed that women believe that consumer of financial products and services, as financial independence is imperative. Related well as related business items such as computer issues include: security through financial inde­ equipment, travel and entertainment, is now pendence is important; financial independence is female as well as male. This is a result of the extremely important to women from all spheres; socio-cultural changes in women's roles. women did not want to be financially reliant on anybody; women did not see marriage as being These major shifts in societal role structures synonymous with wealth or security; and there is should be reflected in the marketplace, presenting an undercurrent of fear of female poverty. new opportunities for marketers. Marketing managers have responded to the changing role of Exploratory research carried out in Britain by women through the introduction of new products Yorke and Hayes (1982) has examined the working specifically designed to appeal to these emerging female as a market segment for financial services, attitudes as well as through partial repositioning of comparing the woman of the 80s with her elders. existing products (Green and Cunningham, 1975). The following demographic and sociological changes are highlighted in their research: 1) These views are reinforced by Stern (1988 (b) p. 94) younger women are likely to spend many more who states that "marketers can benefit from years of their life working; 2) they will have more research on product, pricing, distribution and money to spend; 3) she will have fewer children promotion which takes into account the ongoing and have them later; 4) she will have a more impact of societal changes on sex-roles, traits, and advanced education leading to higher career paths; self-concepts." and 5) compared with her elders, if she marries there is a higher probability of divorce.

3. Women as a Market Segment for Personal Stem (1978) states that in line with these changes, Superannuation women are becoming more financially aware and becoming more actively involved in financial It has been predicted that in the next 35 years, life decision malting. Women are now requiring more expectancy at the age of 65 will increase almost 24 information about finance, money management years for women but only 16 years for men. In and business. They have become actively involved 1988, 15 percent of the population were aged over in the purchase of financial products including, 60 years. By 2021, this percentage is expected to insurance, credit and bank cards, chequing and increase to 24 percent. One implication of these savings accounts, shares and retirement planning demographic trends is that women are particularly in the form of personal superannuation. likely to have an extended period over which they will have to manage their retirement incomes. This The changing roles of women has created a chal­ has implications for retirement income planning lenging task for marketers in the personal super­ both from the individual and societal viewpoint annuation industry. Research quoted by Carnigie (Rosenman and Winnocur, 1989).

49 (1989, p. 51) indicated that older women (over 35 women should reflect their individuality and years) are a very receptive market for financial positive attributes, as well as the changing role of information and products. This segment "evaluate women in our society. products carefully and make sound, if conserva­ tive, investment choices. They want simply stated Belkaoui and Belkaoui (1976) undertook a similar facts and are certainly not receptive to being analysis of print advertisements designed to patronised". Younger professional women need to evaluate the roles portrayed by women in print be convinced about the value of long-term savings advertisements in 1958, 1970 and 1972. In their plans. analysis, comparisons were made to determine the extent to which stereotypes had been maintained Financial marketers have realised that the female and reinforced, as well as determining the degree segment of the market represents a growing and of social change with regard to women's roles as "untapped" opportunity for product development reflected in the advertising messages. and that the educated working women can no longer be stereotyped as "financial featherweights" The comparative analysis research conducted by (Conklin, 1986). Belkaoui and Belkaoui (1976, p. 172) concluded "that advertisements have not kept up with the New product offerings have been developed, tai­ times in portraying women in the wide variety of lored specifically for the needs of the women's roles they play in today's world." They also con­ market. Advertising strategies are being developed cluded that advertisers are making a serious in line with the new product offerings, reflecting mistake by misjudging the impact of the "economi­ the increasing influence of the women in the cally" liberated woman. Mass media has tended to financial product market. Yorke and Hayes (1982, portray women in unrealistic settings and in p. 84) state that the trend "is towards working under-represented numbers. women, as a marketing segment, who are more financially independent than before". Courtney and Whipple (1974) compared the results of four studies, which analysed the roles of women in television commercials. These studies took 4. Portrayals of Women in Advertising place during April1971 and February 1973 in the In the past decade, researchers have been sug­ United States and Canada. All of the four studies gesting that traditional stereotyped roles no longer analysed, suggested similar conclusions about the reflect the role of women and have become increas­ portrayal of women in television commercials. ingly less effective as an advertising tool. Critics Women are portrayed in a domestic world, where contend that women's roles are changing, however they are housewives, worried about cleanliness advertisers are not keeping pace with these and food preparation for their husband and chil­ changes or portraying women realistically in dren. Women were seldom shown combining out­ advertisements (Courtney and Whipple, 1984; of-home employment with the management of both Debevec and Iyer, 1986). her home and personal life.

Much of the earlier research has documented Courtney and Whipple (1974, p. 117) conclude that women's roles in print advertisements and televi­ "women are not portrayed as autonomous, inde­ sion commercials to determine if the critics are pendent human beings, but are primarily sex typed justified in their views on stereotypical roles of ... women's roles continued to change and expand women in advertising (Courtney and Lockeretz, at a faster rate that the advertisers' response 1971; Venkatesan and Lasco, 1975; Belkaoui and during that time period." Belkaoui, 1976; Courtney and Whipple 1984). According to Duker and Tucker (1977) the above ~~search by Courtney and Lockeretz (1971) ana­ studies represent thorough descriptive research lysed the roles portrayed by women in seven studies ofwomen in advertising. The general general audience magazines. The results indicated conclusion from these research studies supported that four stereotypes were represented in magazine the accuracy of the criticisms proffered by the advertising: 1) a woman's place is in the home; 2) feminist movements. Each study, suggests that women do not make important decisions or do advertisers should investigate the manner in which important things; 3) women are dependent and they feature women in their advertising messages. need men's protection; 4) men regard women as However, none of these studies have attempted to sexual objects, not people. test empirically the impact of such messages on the female audience. A comprehensive content analysis of the portrayal of women in magazine advertising was carried out Wortzel and Frisbie (1974) were the first research­ by Venkatesan and Losco (1975) during 1959 to ers to specifically test the influence of role depic­ 1971. They concluded that the portrayal of women tion on the effectiveness of advertising from the as sex objects had decreased since 1961, and the perspective of the female consumer. In their representation of women as housewives appeared research, they addressed empirically the question less frequently. However, the theme ofwoman of advertising effectiveness, to determine women's dependent upon man appeared stable during that role portrayal preferences. Their hypotheses aimed period. It was concluded that the role portrayal of at testing whether the desirability of a product was

50 women, communication and power enhanced if the woman in the advertisement was were not significantly affected by the roles assigned portrayed in a career or neutral roles (described as to women in the advertisements. This includes less traditional) or as a sex-object, family or fash­ those women whose personality characteristics are ion object (more traditional role). such as those subsumed under the independence classification. This research investigated female reactions to different female roles used in various situations for Duker and Tucker (1977) state that the findings of a number of products. In their "imaginative" their research is contrary to the intuitively held methodology, subjects were asked to construct assumption that females with pro-feminist views their our print advertisements, by matching perceive advertising messages differently from their products with pictures of women. In the portfolio traditional counterparts. of twenty-five pictures used in the research, five roles were depicted: neutral, family, career, sex Several researchers have attempted to predict object and fashion object. In addition each respon­ advertising effectiveness of gendered advertise­ dent completed an attitudinal scale designed to ments based on certain demographic variables measure their attitudes towards several facets of (Barry, Gilly and Doran, 1985; Bellizzi and Milner, the women's liberation movement (Wortzel and 1991). However, the results from this research has Frisbie, 1974; Duker and Tucker, 1977). been inconclusive as sex-role identity and certain demographic variables are only partially correlated. Wortzel and Frisbie (1974) concluded there were no Jaffe (1991) has made the assumption that sex­ consistent preferences found for specific female role identity is capturing additional information roles that would enhance the desirability across all that cannot be explained by demographic variables the product categories tested. Also, no significant such as age, marital status, and occupation. differences in preferred roles for women were exhibited by subjects classified as either support­ Research by Barry et al. (1985) examined the ers or nonsupporters of the women's liberation advertising response of women with different movement. career orientations, being their desire to work outside the home. The categories used to describe The research found that women tend to select role the differences were: 1) low desire-to-work women portrayal on the basis of product function, rather 2) moderate desire-to-work women and 3) high than on the basis of ideology and that the per­ desire-to-work women. Subjects' responses to ceived desirability of a product is primarily a experimental advertisements for a hypothetical function of the products usage and benefits. For magazine were analysed. example, if the product is one that is normally used at home, the women (both liberationists and Results of the research by Barry et al. (1985) nonliberationists) prefer to see the product in a revealed that the home-maker advertisement setting where it is benefiting the women who would appealed more to the low-desire-to work women normally be using it. If the product can be used whereas the career advertisement had more appeal personally by a women to enhance her self-con­ among the high desire-to-work women. However, cept, the non-traditional role was preferred. These women with the moderate desire-to-work had no views were expressed by both liberationists and distinct pattern of response. This has led Barry et nonliberationists (Wortzel and Frisbie, 1974). al. (1985) to conclude that caution is recommended when developing advertising creative strategies Duker and Tucker (1977) aimed to improved on the either emphasising the home- or work-oriented work ofWortzel and Frisbie, by developing a more woman when the product is targeted to a large rigorous measure of pro-feminism. They incorpo­ audience. rated into their research design a previously tested personality characteristic, independence of judge­ However, Bellizzi and Milner (1991) found no ment, as a concomitant variable. This variable was difference between those with high and low career included as the researchers believed that the orientations and their response to traditional and source of uncontrolled variation in the research modern positioning strategies. In their conclu­ could be due to "women's lib attitudes" being a fad sions, Bellizzi and Milner (1991) state these results or affectation, among younger women. could be due to the universal acceptance of the values of the women's movement by women in The hypothesis used by Duker and Tucker (1977) general. tested whether there was a difference in the per­ ception of advertisements portraying women (in the Several studies have concluded that there were no role of mother, sex object, housewife, or glamour clear preferences for either a modern or traditional girl) between female subjects who show strong and positioning of women in advertising for the product those who show weak, orientations toward the categories tested (Wortzel and Frisbie, 1974; Duker women's liberation movement. and Tucker, 1977; Bellizzi and Milner, 1991) leaving practitioners in a quandary as how to In their conclusions, Duker and Tucker (1977) develop effective advertising strategies when stated that subjects holding pro-feminist opinions targeting women (Jaffe, 1991).

51 However, research carried out by The Equal The aim of the research carried out by Leigh et al. Opportunities Commission in the United States by (1987) was to examine the effects ofwomen's role The Sherman Group found that the modem portrayals on advertising effectiveness by exploring position enhanced the advertising effectiveness in how both modern and traditional women re­ all product categories tested and among all seg­ sponded to a commercial. The study adopted a ments ofwomen. The Sherman Group (1982) in cognitive response framework, allowing for the Jaffe and Berger (1988, p. 260) concluded that the measurement of the thought reactions of women as modem positionings of women were more effective they view either the modem or traditional role as they portrayed women as "attractive, independ­ portrayals. The research was based on the expec­ ent, capable people in and out of the home". tation that a match between the role portrayal in an advertisement and the target audience's role Similar research conducted by the United Kingdom orientation would be the key to communication Equal Opportunity Commission by Hamilton, effectiveness. Haworth and Sadar (1982) found similar results. They concluded that there were two factors per­ Leigh et al. (1987) concluded that there was taining to a woman's role portrayal in advertise­ consistency between an advertisement's role ments that determine its persuasiveness and portrayal and the audience's role orientation, appeal. Firstly, the modem, liberated roles were generating more favourable attitudes towards the more effective than the traditional ones. Secondly, advertisement and the spokesperson used. Con­ the more realistically and naturally the role is versely, less favourable attitudes were generated portrayed, the more effectively the message is when there were inconsistencies between these communicated. These two factors have a multiply­ factors. The study found that these attitudes were ing effect, in that while a traditional role portrayed carried over, however less strongly, to attitude realistically will be persuasive, a modem, liberated toward buying the product. role portrayed realistically will be even more effective. Stem (1987) has suggested that sex-role identity is a significant predictor of women's advertising Research by Jaffe and Berger (1988) and Jaffe response to different positionings for financial (1990, 1991) suggests that the product category services. Jaffe (1991, p. 58) states that "by meas­ tested may influence the relationship between uring the relationship of sex-role identity to adver­ market segment and positioning. Jaffe and Berger tising effectiveness for modem and traditional (1988) tested low-involvement products including positlonings, marketers can use the results to food and cleaners, and found that women who construct specific advertising campaigns". ascribe to a masculine sex-role identity prefer a modem positioning to a traditional one, whereas, a Several recent studies state that research examin­ traditional positioning was preferred by women ing the effects of sex roles, both modem and with a feminine sex-role identity. traditional, is generally lacking. It is recommended that future research should focus not only on the Jaffe (1990, 1991) when testing modem and preferences for each type of portrayal, but on traditional positioning of women in financial various effectiveness measures (Debevec and Allan, services advertising found that when averaging 1984; Debevec and Iyer, 1986; Jaffe and Berger, across all segments of women with differing sex­ 1988; Jaffe, 1990, 1991). role identities, the modem positioning was more effective. It was found that high and low femininity women responded more favourably to a modem 5. The Difference Between Traditional and positioning for financial products. Modern Women

In similar research carried out by Jaffe, Jamieson Examination of the literature has revealed there and Berger (1992) the impact of comprehension of has been various categories used to describe the an ad's positioning on advertising response was roles of women ranging from conservatives, liberals assessed. Their research found that an ad's or moderates (Green and Cunningham, 1975); positioning has a real and measurable impact on career or neutral roles (described as less tradi­ advertising response. Marketers should ensure the tional) or as a sex-object, family or fashion object positioning is clearly comprehended by the target (more traditional role) (Wortzel and Frisbie, 1974), segment to achieve maximal advantage from their or traditional or modem (Jaffe and Berger 1988; positioning/segmentation strategy. Jaffe, 1990, 1991).

Leigh et al. (1987) states that research in the area Research conducted by Sciglimpaglia, Lundstrom of role portrayals of women in advertising has not and Vanier (1980) segmented the female market been consistent in their results and/or their into liberal and traditional women. In this re­ recommendations. It is argued that this is partly search it was found that liberal women tended to due to differences in study methods. More impor­ be younger, less likely to endorse a traditional tantly, Leigh et al. (1987) argue this is due to that marriage situation and less ideologically conserva­ fact that the studies have not investigated the tive. The traditionals were found to pay more communications processes which link role portray­ attention to house cleaning and take considerable als and communications effectiveness. pride in the home. Also they tend to be more

52 women, communication and power receptive to the advice of others on what products appropriate to their gender, manifesting only those to buy and where to shop. traits socially approved for that gender.

While the above findings tend to be consistent with The changing social roles of women in the 60s was popular stereotypes, the results indicated that responsible for researchers challenging these there were not significant differences between traditional assumptions. With more women liberal and conservative women with respect to entering the workforce and improving their educa­ other dimension examined in the research, includ­ tional qualifications, a belief developed that sex ing, opinion leadership, price leadership or price­ roles, biological sex, and sex-related personality conscious orientation (Sciglimpaglia et al, 1980). traits may not necessarily be either fixed or identi­ cal (Stern, 1987). Fennell and Weber (1984) have developed a guide for practitioners analysing the critical dimensions Since 1974, the relationships between biological differentiating "traditional" and "nontraditional" sex, psychological gender traits and socio-eco­ versions of an advertisements. These dimensions nomic sex roles have captured the interests of are a useful conceptual tool indicating to market­ marketers aiming to explore the possible useful­ ers which aspects of a scenario are considered ness of sexual identity as a dimension of consumer "traditional" and "nontraditional". behaviour. In general, marketing research has produced conflicting findings in its history of When developing their list of dimensions Fennell applied gender research (Stern, 1988(b)). and Weber (1984) addressed both objective ele­ ments ie. what is actually shown in the advertise­ In the early 70s, Sandra Lipsitz Bern developed a ment, as well as subjective elements ie. those new theory based on sex traits of masculinity and inferred attributes of the person being portrayed, femininity as separate, orthogonal constructs, not such as dependence. biologically-based, and able to coexist in varying degrees within an individual of either sex. Bern's According to Fennell and Weber (1984) gender theory is based on the hypothesis that individuals differences in role portrayals are of two kinds: should be encouraged to be "both masculine and feminine, both assertive and yielding, both instru­ (i) those in which there is a female and male mental and expressive - depending upon the version of an activity, where women are shown situational appropriateness of these various engaging in an activity which may also be behaviors" (Bern, 1974, p. 155). performed by men. The "nontraditional" version of the dimension shows women assuming what The androgynous individual joined the "masculine" has traditionally been considered a male and "feminine" psychological aspects of personage activity; into a single unified whole, with the capacity to (ii) those in which there are "female" activities that show both the masculine and feminine personality have no male counterpart, eg. putting her characteristics, depending on the situation (Bern, finger to her mouth. 1974; Locksley and Colten, 1979; Spence and Helmreich, 1979). The dimensions developed by Fennell and Weber (1984) will assist marketers in choosing between a Bern (1974) has defined sex-role identity as the traditional, nontraditional or ambiguous execu­ degree to which one adheres to traditional female tions of an advertisement, as well as avoiding roles. The Bern Sex Role Inventory (BSRI, 1974) potentially controversial elements in the creative was the scale developed by Bern to operationalize strategy. her theory and provided research in psychology with a new theoretical framework for measuring, scoring and combining traits judged as either 6. Sex-role Identity and Marketing feminine or masculine (Stem, 1988(b)). According to Stern (1987) gender research in the To determine a person's sex-role self-concept, marketing literature has addressed questions respondents fill in a self-descriptive survey instru­ relating to the interior sexual self-concept, espe­ ment, relying on a seven-point scale to measure cially the relationship of psychological sex traits to the individual's identification with sixty character­ biological sex. As well, research has examined the istic qualities expressed as adjectives or adjectival interpretations of exterior stereotypical sex roles, phrases. particularly in relation to advertising and segment­ ing the "women's market". Forty of the qualities are sex-related, and twenty are sex neutral. Respondents are asked to identity Gender research has originated from psychology, with the sex-related qualities to provided insight with the influence of biological sex dominating into a person's self-perception as being feminine or research prior to the 1970s. The assumption was masculine. that biological gender was the major determinant of sex-related behaviour (Stem, 1987). According Bern's typology was revised iri 1977, with respon­ to Constantinople (1973) "healthy" individuals were dents being categorised into four groups:: judged to be those who conformed to sex role • Feminine (High Femininity, Low Masculinity)

53 " Masculine (High Masculinity, Low Femininity) " Androgynous (High Masculinity, High Feminin­ Adams, C.H. and Sherer, M. (1982), 'Sex-role ity) orientation and psychological adjustment: Comparison of MMPI proflles among college " Undifferentiated (Low Masculinity, Low Femi­ women and housewives', Journal of Personal­ ninity) ity Assessment, 46, 607-13.

From 1979 to the present, the relationship between Barak, B. and Stem, B. (1986). Sex~linked trait gender, sex roles, and self-concept have been indexes among baby-boomers and pre­ studied in marketing and consumer behaviour boomers: A research note. In R. J. Lutez using the longer and shorter version of Bern's self­ (Ed). Advances in Consumer Research, 13, descriptive survey instrument, known as the BSRI­ 204-209. Provo, UT: Association for Con­ Long and BSRI-Short respectively. sumer Research.

The BSRI-Short consists of 10 masculine and 10 Barry, T.E., Gilly, M.C. and Doran, L.E. (1985). feminine items, instead of the original pool of 60 Advertising to women with different career items. Those items with low item-to-total correla­ orientations, Journal ofAdvertising Re­ tions were dropped from the original pool (Bern, search, 25(2), 26-34. 1981). Belkaoui, Ahmed and Belkaoui, Janice M. (1976). Barak and Stern (1986); Stem (1987) and Stern Comparative analysis of the roles portrayed (l988(b)) have had some reservations about the by women in print advertisements: 1958, usefulness of BSRI in marketing research, as it 1970, 1972, Journal of Marketing Research, seems relatively independent of consumer behav­ 13(2), 168-72. iour variables. However the BSRI scale has been Bellizzi, J. A and Milner, L. (1991, June-July). the most commonly used scale in post-1979 gender research in marketing. During the last Gender positioning of a traditionally male decade marketing studies have tested Bern's theory dominant product, Journal of Advertising Research, 31(3), 72-79. and it is now thought that a "main effect" in both psychological and marketing studies may be the Bern, S. L. (1974). The measurement of psychologi­ dominance of the masculinity trait (Adams and cal androgyny, Journal of Consulting and Sherer, 1982; Taylor and Hall, 1982). Clinical Psyclwlogy, 42, 155-162. Barak and Stern (1986); Coughlin and O'Connor Bern, S. L. (1977). Gender schema theory: A (1985) Stern (1988(b), p. 92) in their evaluation of cognitive account of sex typing. Psyclwlogi­ sex-role self-concept measures in marketing, have cal Review, 88(4), 354-64. concluded it has been generally found in the marketing studies of the past decade "that high Carnegie, G. (1989). Women, rrwney and ageing: masculinity explains more than typological combi­ Strategies for a secure retirement. Cited in: nations in terms of family decision making, reac­ Australian Association of Gerontology Confer­ tions to women's roles in advertisements, and a ence Proceedings, 24, 49-52. variety of consumer behaviour variables". Casey, E. and Dwyer, M. (1991, 16 August,), 'Put o.fftUl tomorrow what you can't afford today', 7. Conclusion paper presented to the SuperWoman Confer­ A general conclusion made by Stem (l988(b) p. 93) ence, Sydney, pp.1-3. is that "in spite of the problems associated with Conklin Michele, (1986, October, 25) Purses and sex-role research, and the lack of a coherent body portfolios. Madison Avenue. of findings in marketing literature, it may be premature to leave the field after less than a Constantinople, A. (1973), Masculinity-femininity: decade's worth of empirical research with any one An exception to a famous dictum? Psyclw­ instrument". There is a need for new directions logical Bulletin, 80(5), 389-407. that research can take, rather than abandonment of the field altogether. Of particular relevance has Coughlin, M. and O'Connor, P. (1985), Gender role been the difficulty of measuring changes in sex portrayals in advertising: An individual roles in our society because of the rapidity with differences analysis. In E.C. Hirschman & which it has been occurring. M.B. Holbrook (Eds.), Advances in Consumer Research, 12, 238-41, Ann Arbor M1: As a consequence, the financial service companies Association for Consumer Research. must reflect contemporary female roles in their advertising to effectively communicate with their Courtney, A E. and Lockeretz, S. W. (1971). A target audience. A challenge for academic re­ women's place: an analysis of the roles searchers in advertising is to determine the opti­ portrayed by women in magazine advertise­ mal positioning strategies for products in line with ments, Journal of Marketing Research, 8(1), the socioeconomic changes affecting the roles of 92-5. women in our society.

54 women, commWlication and power Courtney, A E. and Whipple, T. W. (1974). Women Kotler, P. (1991). Marketing Management Analysts, in TV commericals, Journal of Communica­ Planning, Implementation, & Control (7th ed.) tion, 24(2), ll0-ll8. Englewoods Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc. Debevec, K. & Allen, C.T. (1984). Theoretical frameworks for examining the effectiveness Kreinik David, (1976, 19 April). Women: A growing of stereotyping in persuasive communica­ force to be reclmned with in advertising tion. In P. Anderson and M. Ryan (Eds.), financial services, Broadcasting. Winter Educators' Conference Proceedings, Chicago, IL: American Marketing Associa­ Lubinski, D., Tellegen, A., and Butcher, J. N. tion. (1983). Masculinity, femininity, and androgyny viewed and assessed as distinct Debevec, K & Iyer, E. (1986), Sex roles and con­ concepts, The Journal of Personality and sumer perceptions of promotions, products, Social Psychology, 44 (2), 428-39. and self: What do we know and where should we be headed?' In R.J.Lutz (Ed.), Leigh, T. W., Rethans A. J., and Whitney, T. R., Advances in Consumer Research, 13, 210- (1987). Role portrayals ofwomen in advertis­ 214. Provo, UT: Association for Consumer ing: Cognitive responses and advertising Research. effectiveness', Journal ofAdvertising Re­ search, 27(5), 54-62. Duker, Jacob M, and Tucker, Lewis R. Jr. (1977), 'Women's lib-ers' versus independent Locksley, A and Colten, M. E. (1979).Psychological women: A study of preferences for women's androgny: A case of mistaken identity? roles in advertisements'. Journal of Market­ Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, ing Research, 14(4). 469-75. 37, 1017-31.

Fennell, G. and Weber S. (1984), 'Avoiding sex role Ries, A. & Trout, J. (1986). Positioning: The battle stereotypes in advertising: What questions for your mind. New York: McGraw-Hill Book should we ask?' Advances in Consumer Company. Research, 11, 88-93. Ann Arbor, Association for Consumer Research. Roberts, M. L. and Koggan, P. B. (1979). How should women be portrayed in advertise­ Green, R. T. and Cunningham, I. C. M. (1975), ments? -A call for research. Advances in Feminine role perception and family pur­ Consumer Research, 6, 66-72. Ann Arbor, chasing decisions, Journal of Marketing Michigan: Graduate School of Business Research, 7, 325-32. Administration, .

Hall Judith A, and Taylor Marylee, (1985). Psycho­ Rosenman, L.S. and Winocur, S. (1989). Financial logical androgyny and the masculinity x security and independence for women. femininity interaction. Journal of Personality Australian Association of Gerontology Annual and Social Psychology, 49(2), 429-35. Conference Proceedings, 24, 4449.

Hamilton, R., Haworth, B. and Sardar, N. (1982), Sirgy, M.G., (1982). Self-concept in consumer Adman & Eve. Lancaster, UK: United behaviour: A critical review. Journal of Kingdom Equal Opportunities Commission. Consumer Research, 9, 287-300. Jaffe, Lynn J. and Berger, Paul D. (1988), 'Impact Sciglimpaglia, D., Lundstrom, W. and Vanier, D. on purchase intent of sex role identity and (1980). Psychographic segmentation by product positioning', Psychology and Market­ feminine role orientation. In James H. Leigh ing, 5(3), 259-71. and Claude R. Martin, (Eds.), Current Issues and Research in Advertising, Ann Arbor, MI: Jaffe, L. J. (1990), The effect of positioning on the University of Michigan. purchase probability of financial services among women with varying sex-role identi­ Stem, Barbara B., (1987). Women: Financial ties, Advances in Consumer Research, 17, media's least-reached market. Journal of Provo, UT: Association for Consumer Re­ Retail Banking, 9 (3), 19-27. search. Stem, B.B. (1988(b), Spring, ), Sex-role self­ Jaffe, L. J. (1991). Impact of positioning and sex­ concept measures and marketing: A re­ role identity on women's responses to search note', Psychology and Marketing, 5 advertising, Journal ofAdvertising Research, (1), 85-99. 31(3), 57-64. Taylor, M.C. and Hall, J.A (1982). Psychological Jaffe, L. J., Jamieson, L. F. and Berger, P. D. androgyny: Theories, methods, and conclu­ (1992). Impact of comprehension, position­ sions. Psychological Bulletin, 92, 34 7-466. ing, and segmentation on advertising re­ sponse', Journal ofAdvertising Research, 32(3), 24-33.

55 The Shennan Group, (1982). Adam & Eve. (Un­ published study carried out for The Equal Opportunity Commission) quoted in Jaffe, Lynn J. and Berger, Paul D. 1988, 'Impact on purchase intent of sex role identity and product positioning', Psychology and Market­ ing, 5(3), 259-71.

Venkatesan, M. and Lasco, J. (1975). Women in magazine ads: 1959-71. Journal ofAdvertis­ ing Research, 15(5), 49-54.

Women's Bureau (DEET), (1991). Women at Work -Facts and Figures. Women & Work, 13(2), 1-5. June, quoted in Wieneke, C. Women and superannuation: Access and equity', Discussion Notes for Super Women: A Conference on Women and Superannuation, Maritime Services Conference Centre, Sydney, 16 August.

Wortzel, L.H. & Frisbie, J.M. (1974), Women's role portrayal preference in advertisements: An empirical study', Journal of Marketing, 38(4), 41-46.

Yorke, D. & Hayes, A. (1982), Working females as a market segment for bank services', Euro­ pean Journal of Marketing, 16, 83-91.

56 women, communication and power Session Two THURSDAY 11.00-12.30 PM CHAIRPERSON: Allison Kenwood

Language, Identity and Women in Leadership

Pat Klinck Edith Cowan University

Abstract The collegial support group concept is a profes­ Since July 1992, the Women in Leadership colle­ sional development activity whose time has ar­ gial groups have met a series of challenges. One of rived. In the seventies and eighties we tended to these challenges is based upon how a collegial focus on a smorgasbord approach to professional group might be constructed, and how it might form development. The offerings were short term, not part of the work women do. The second challenge sequentially organised nor interconnected. They relates to how women communicate with each focussed often on narrow topics. The collegial other. The third concerns managing the dynamics support group is quite different. It is an on going, of the group when the basis of collegial groups is long term professional development activity in no '1ob-alike membership", but where women bring which a group of participants are committed to with them educational and experimental back­ certain goals and outcomes. They work with their grounds. A further challenge relates to how facilitator whose task it is to establish a set of women define their role as women in an organiza­ processes and the content which enhance both tion and identify with it. Finally, the collegial goals and group processes. Because it is a long groups raised the issue of leadership as a more term activity (in our case we spent ten full days formal collegial relationship rather than an infor- together) the participants go far beyond the polite terms normally used in small group activities. It is Paper impossible to spend eighty hours in a group and The issues of language, identify, and women in not go beyond that level of politeness! The inti­ leadership came into sharp focus for me during the macy of the group requires a deep committment to work I did as a facilitator with the collegial support one's own learning and membership in the group. group in the Edith Cowan University - Women in It demands tolerance and compassion for the Leadership. The questions and issues surrounding perspectives of others within the group. relationships between women and among women are not new. In many feminist writings the ques­ The collegial support group is based on a unique tion of women's relationships are broached. In concept of learning. It assumes that each of us practically all of our conversations as women, the knows far more than we have ever voiced The fact questions are invariably posed: do we get along of naming and claiming some of our intuition and well with each other? How can we be more sup­ emotions is basic to the work. This type of learn­ portive ofwomen in leadership roles? Can women ing demands total participation and presence in really work with other women? The purpose of this the group. The collegial support group acknowl­ article is to describe the concept of the collegial edges prior and tacit knowledge, as well as the group, to bring some of the research on women's construction of new knowledge. It is above all a relationships, and finally to share my comments very powerful learning model. and observations as our group ofwomen worked closely together. As I stated above Edith Cowan University decided to include general and academic women in the In truth the above questions about female relation­ same collegial support groups. As a facilitator this ships had not been particularly central to my was a new pattern. In the past, the collegial thinking. Therefore I embarked on my role as support groups I had led were based on a job alike facilitator and focussed on our role as colleagues at situation. e.g. all deputy principals, all middle Edith Cowen University. To think that because we managers. The commonality of the administrative all work for the same organisation meant we had mandate gave these groups as a touch stone from much in common was a naive, unexamined as­ which to understand collegiality, to explore issues sumption! Although technically accurate, this and to develop group processes. As the women's perspective did not allow for the perceived and real group did not have an administrative mandate, we differences between the female participants: looked for a sense of identity as women, we needed general/support staff, higher education/early to find common vocabulary and to understand the leavers, etc. concept of leadership for women.

57 Relevant Research A recent work by Carol Tavris, puts these three As our group came to terms with the new way of strands into an interesting perspective. Tavris learning and tried out new patterns of interaction, I discusses the change from women as deficient to returned to books and articles I had read about women as experts in intimacy. The new stereotype female relationships In many respects these praises women and it validates much of the female articles and concepts helped to illuminate the experience. Today female friendships are cele­ struggles we were having. brated as being deep, intimate and true.

One of the writers is Anne Wilson Schaef and her Women are seen as having a greater sense of book 'Women's Reality.' Schaef is a counsellor and connections and therefore a greater sense of therapist and works with groups of women. These intimacy. Within this new stereotype men are seen women come from all walks of life, but from her as deficient. They do not seek connections, are not experience, are haunted by a common concern. nurturing and don't have the same sense of caring. She defines this concern "as the original of being However, as Tavrts points out this stereotype is born female." In exploring this concept she states damaging to both men and women. She suggests the following: "to be born female in this culture that we move toward the following questions: 'what means that you are born 'tainted,' that there is are the consequences for women and men of the something intrinsically wrong with you, that you belief that women are intimacy experts?' "What can never change, that your birthright is one of are the consequences of the family, when one innate inferiority." Her work with women helps partner demands and pursues intimacy and the them understand this and put it to rest. The other retreats into silence?" All three writers bring sense of inferiority is strongly linked with women's help and understanding to the issues ofwomen's desires to be associated with the white male relationships. system and rrot with other women. Through our association with the white male system we see Our collegial support group was composed of seven ourselves as part of those who are most powerful. general staff and three academics. We reflected the structures and tensions of the University and Schaef sees the role of talk as assisting women in our society. Although Schaef states that women defining the new female system. The female assume peer relationships until proven otherwise, system contains a different perspective on the it was obvious from the beginnings of our dicsus­ relationship with the self. The relationship with sion that people were very much aware that posi­ the self is necessary in order to form strong rela­ tional privilege included education, salary, freedom tionships with others. A major portion of the within work and responsibilities. The stereotype of program of Women in Leadership is a focus on the general versus academic staff haunted us. It was self. Understanding ones own values, attitudes, difficult to pursue many of our discussions knowledge and skills is central to the work done by participants. The sense of inferiority and the very The question of positional privileges brought the strong need to define ourselves were very obvious feelings of inclusion and exclusion into high relief. from our first meetings. The learning model As well, there were the issues each of us carried as inherent in the collegial group demanded that women, regarding our understanding of ourselves nothing less be acceptable. and the question of inferiority. As a sense of trust grew, women addressed both the question of Kristeva in Women's Time' examines a three-tiered inferiority and its origins. Slowly but surely, as we model. From her perspective the feminist struggle dealt with each others concerns, the group began against the powerlessness associated with being a to form a bond. woman is taken up in different ways. The three tier model shows three strands of feminist think­ We were undeniably living with questions of ing. Although the three strands might appear privilege, often ones into which we were born. contradictory in sequence, she sees them as Could we go beyond these stereotypes and develop parallel and interwoven. The first strand is women bonds with unique, talented, outstanding human who demand access to the symbolic order. This beings who are women and who are also col­ demand is for equality: equal access to positions, leagues. to education, to benefits etc. The second strand she refers to are women who reject the male The question of identity is closely interwoven with symbolic order. These women name and extol the language. Research would say that women are differences that are basic in feminity. This strand more sensitive, more tentative and more given to sees women as expert communicators, as nurtur­ nurturing in all their conversational patterns. Our ers and as caring individuals. The third level are experiences as a group was one of silence within women who reject the dichotomy between male our talk. Stereotypes impose silence upon us. We and female. They work towards new understand­ skirted many issues by invoking the stereotype of ings of relationships between men and women and privilege: "if I speak out too strongly general staff of a new concept of self. Davies points out that the will see me as being overwhelming, I am more third level is the most personally confronting, it committed to this organisation because I am at my seeks to deconstruct the dichotomy of "male" and desk till 5.00" etc. .' "female." The third level is often expressed in language and a narrative form. The second aspect of language that was curiously

58 women, communication and power absent was the language of colleagues. Both in We redefined leadership, looked on it as personal terms of topic and talk, it was missing. power: (i.e.) the power which happens on a five minute basis, which allows you to write letters, to In other words we could not deal with the issues speak your mind, to choose silence. The women that face the university from our different perspec­ also recognised that the position of power, if they tives. When we embarked upon issues that dealt wished to have it, was theirs. Choice is essential with the university, we initially fell into silence. We to any sense of power. were unable to accommodate our different perspec­ tives and therefore unable to discuss issues of the Did we ever surmount the stereotypes? Did we organisation. ever come past the point of "general" and '"sup­ port" staff? The answer to that is 'yes'. We had So much of our understanding is morally based. many struggles. It took much courage and com­ The language that describes knowledge reflects mittment. It was not a struggle that was for these norms and morals. We had to consider what everyone (one of our members withdrew from the was real knowledge. Was the knowledge that was group). In the final analysis a bond was formed by held by the general staff on the day to day work­ valueing diversity and honesty. There was with the ings of the University as 'real' as the knowledge of group a sense of belonging. We were colleagues, the academics who dealt with their discipline and we were women, we had things in common to dealt with students? The very question of rele­ discuss. vance therefore, became essential to us. In one of our seminars with a guest speaker, the topic became the working of one of our general staff. For References academic staff the topic was not relevant. For the general staff however, the woman gained status. Davies, Bronwyn (1989). Frogs and Snails and She was forthright, courageous and deeply.com­ Feminist Tales. Allen and Unwin. mitted to the University. The question of relevance within groups is not a new question. For us Kristeva, J., cited in Davies, B., Frogs and snails however, it was paradoxical that women who are andfeminist tales. (pp.70-71). Allen and supposed to nurture and care for each other were Unwin. finding themselves deeply divided over whether within their work life as a colleague and as a Tavris, Carol (1992) The Mismeasure ofWoman. woman in university they had any relevance to Simon and Schuster. each other. Schaef, Anne (1981) Women's Reality: An Emerg­ Language also defines what is right. We had many ing Female System in a White Male Society. questions. There was a dependance on finding a San Francisco: Harpers and Row. right answer, an answer which would be there for the questions and would be the right answer. It became apparent that we had to break this sense of dependancy on an external answer. As we worked through the eighty hours together, the answers that each one of us found had commonali­ ties but unique differences. It was quite frighten­ ing to break away from the text book form of professional development in tertiary education. It took courage and it took committment.

The final issue was that of women in leadership. Possibly the major reason for the programme being established is that women's concept of leadership appears to be quite different from that of men's. I do not believe that the difference is what is crucial. I believe our problem is much more central. We do not as women have enough competent role models of women leaders. In our quest to understand leadership we are continuously bumping up against the dominant paradigm, which is that of the while male symbolic order. We see the uses and abuses of this power. As we see its arrogance and we tend to shun it, we had to redefine the concept ofleadership, it emerged as having influ­ ence on a day by day basis. We also examined personal power and its influence.

59 60 women, communication and power Session Three THURSDAY 11.00-12.30 PM CHAIRPERSON: Pauline Carroll Habermas Should Have Been a Woman

Jean Hillier Curtin University

Abstract promote the political and moral illusion that Jurgen Habermas' theory of Communicative science and technology, professionals and experts Action, in which he exposes the subtle ways in can solve problems; and restrict public argument, which powerful groups participation and mobilisation which are inconven­ ient. It could have been writing about the ways in (i) legitimate and perpetuate themselves whilst which men subjugate women and prevent women seeking to extend their power; from taking part in anything which resembles true participatory decision-making. Yet Habermas says (ii) systematically exclude particular groups from virtually nothing about gender in his theory. This decision-making processes affecting their lives; is a serious deficiency, and one which this paper (iii) promote the political and moral illusion that attempts to remedy by reading the theory of science and technology, professionals and communicative action from the point of an ab­ experts can solve problems, and sence, by providing a feminist critique, extrapolat­ ing from things Habermas does say to those he (iv) restrict public argument, participation and does not and demonstrating how a theory which is mobtl1sation which are inconvenient, based on principles more appropriate to women could easily have been writing about the ways in than to men could have been improved further if which men subjugate women and prevent women Habermas had been a woman! from taking part in anything which would resemble participatory decision-making. Habermas' Theory of Communicative Action Habermassian communicative action involves Habermas' Theory of Communicative Action invoking the four criteria for an ideal speech reformulates the Marxist critique of social relations situation, that decisions are comprehensible, systematically distorted by symbolic and system­ sincere, legitimate and truthful to enable all parties steering codes. (Agger, 1991). He suggests that to understand and respect each other's discourse domination has to be reconceptualised as involving and viewpoints and to work towards win-win not only economic deprivation, but other distor­ outcomes by pre-empting conflict through negoti­ tions of the relations of production and reproduc­ ated agreement rather than entrenching it. tion. (Fraser, 1989). Habermas then "tries to re­ energise the silenced proletariat by appealing to its This paper suggests that these actions of engaging innate (but currently distorted) competence in self­ in respectful discussion within the between discur­ determining thought and action." (Agger, sive communities, with respect implying recognis­ 1991:122). His communicative action theory thus ing, valuing, listening and searching for translative provides a basis for understanding social relations possibilities between different communities, are and for attempting to overcome oppressions and essentially women's skills and competences. Much deprivations. research has indicated that women are far more adept than men at listening, accommodating and Habermas' theory suggests that relations of power facilitating. It is therefore suggested that the not only transmit information, but they also theory of communicative action is based on prin­ communicate moral meaning. The critical content ciples more appropriate to women than to men and of the theory centres on analysis of the systemati­ that indeed, Habermas should have been a woman! cally but unnecessarily distorted communications which shape people's lives, and the means by which distortion may occur to obscure issues, Paper manipulate trust and consent, twist fact and possibility. (How often do men use such tactics on Introduction women?). Jurgen Habermas' Theory of Communicative Action (1984, 1987), exposes the subtle ways in Habermas defines communicative actions as "when which powerful groups legitimate and perpetuate social interactions are co-ordinated not through themselves whilst seeking to extend their power; the egocentric calculations of success of every systematically exclude particular groups from individual but through co-operative achievements decision-making processes affecting their lives; of understanding among participants" (1982:264).

61 For Habermas, rational (reasoned) consensus is Ie Ccnnmunicative Action Feminine? achieved through free and equal discussion within One of the great women philosophers, Hannah the framework of the 'ideal speech situation' in Arendt argued that political action should take the which he distinguishes various rules or constraints fonn of 'sharing' words and deeds. Her under­ of discourse, recalling a notion of reciprocal recog­ standing of the polis is not a masculine view of a nition on all sides of the other's claims as having fierce, competitive system but rather one which equal plausibility and justification. The 'rules' operates both as an equalising institution and a maintain that all parties should speak comprehen­ meaning-creating, immortality-ensuring, human sibly, sincerely, legitimately and truthfully. construction. Arendt (1958) urges achievement of (Habermas, 1973, 1979}. The goal of communica­ results through working together collaboratively tion involves coming to an understanding with with those with whom one shares a common life regard to each of the types of rules or validity and common concerns. claims above in order to culminate in "reciprocal understanding, shared knowledge, mutual trust, Many of Habermas' communicative ideas appear and accord with one another." (Habermas, 1979:3} rooted in anarchist philosophy and are reflected in Communicative action rests on agreement based the new Feminine Management style of business on reasons and grounds rather than coercion and operation (Loden, 1985}, advocating participative force. In this way, all may understand and respect management as providing the best solutions to each other's discourses and viewpoints and work complex problems. According to Loden successful towards win-win outcomes by pre-empting conflict management skills reflect an egalitarian philoso­ through negotiated agreement rather than en­ phy, consisting primarily of facilitating skills that trenching it. bring out the best thinking within groups, help to integrate different points of view and encourage Action is thus regarded fundamentally as a matter consensus problem-solving. of communicative competence on the part of speakers and hearers. All social action implies a Although Loden suggests that such a style of reciprocity of perspective and a dialogue of justifi­ management "comes much more naturally to cation. Only through the dialogue of language may women managers than to most men" (1985:56}, I mutual, shared and uncoerced understanding be take issue with the use of the word 'naturally'. achieved. Here Habermas relies heavily on the Men, I believe, have been conditioned out of notion of intuition as a way of reading the differ­ participatory action, whereas women have been ence between "treating another person as some­ conditioned into it by not having the power to thing like an object versus treating her /him as enforce their wills without rational negotiative something like an end in itself, worthy of some discussion. Women's experiential tradition of respect." (White, 1988:45) In principle, it should patriarchal domination emphasises the importance always be possible to settle any conflict if the of building and maintaining productive relation­ parties are mindful to do so and are prepared to ships and of delivering service to others. Women build a speech-community based on trust, rather tend to regard themselves primarily as empower­ than power. (Clegg, 1989}. ers, encouraging rather than controlling others. . Such skills are now being recognised for their true Habermas argues that on the basis of a false value and advocated as those which men should perception of necessity, people (I would argue, cultivate in order to become good managers ·particularly women) acquiesce and fail to overcome (Spender, 1992). a communicative reluctance which has been socially engendered. He regards the lack of a Research indicates that whilst male managers tend viewpoint of reciprocity and the loss of people's to operate by control and manoeuvre, women aim 'dialogue chances' as the most fundamental modes for consensus-building and shared ownership of of ideological dominance. decisions. "To them, participative management, from fostering open communication and soliciting Young (1990) suggests that Habermas has gone employee input to establishing mutually agreed further than any other philosopher in elaborating upon goals and encouraging creativity and in­ the project of a moral reason that recognises the creased autonomy among team members, is more plurality of subjects through their differing than a set of techniques. It is a basic operating lifeworlds, yet he still appears to maintain a stand­ philosophy that guides their every action." (Loden, point of universal normative reason that tran­ 1985:126-7). scends particularist pluralist perspectives. It is unclear whether meanings must be generalisable Grossly over-generalising, the skills which women in order to be shared and respected by all con­ have more finely developed than men, and which cerned. If so, those meanings, such as the particu­ are often demeaningly and falsely labelled 'femi­ lar and private, which may be unshareable, be­ nine' include: cause they derive from a person's particular story, may be lost. As demonstrated below, this issue is • sensing skills - the ability to pick up on non­ of special significance for women, often dominated verbal cues; to place oneself in another's by men in intersubjective discussions through the position and to understand other people's linguistic mechanisms of control of language and reactions, speech.

62 women, communication and power .. listening skills - paying attention to what is traditionally devalued as "intuition". "Women do being said by others and how it is stated; using not have the same parameters of win/lose as do nonverbal cues to encourage open discussion; men. we do not insist on being right. We are more letting people finish without interrupting, subtle, sensitive and sophisticated and avoid imposing our beliefs on others." (Spender, 1992) management of feelings - being attuned to [well, not Mrs Thatcher perhaps] Generations of " one's feelings; expressing feelings as a method experience of child rearing, family relationships of enhancing communications and asking for and attempts to maintain harmony have literally feeling reactions from others; reacting sponta­ engendered vital abilities of encouragement, neously; considering other people's feelings, information-sharing and facilitating decisions. " intimacy/authenticity- developing a personal rapport with others; focussing on the whole individual, A Feminist Critique ,. assessing personal impact- understanding the Feminist models tend to be non-hierarchical, impact of one's behaviour on others; recognis­ egalitarian and co-operative. Habermas' theory of ing how one is being perceived and the conse­ communicative action scores highly on these three quences of one's actions. criteria. However, the theory still essentially represents a notion of equality based on the (after Loden, 1985:135). assumption that all people could have equally respected voices and, by inference, that women All the skills identified above are now being recog­ could be just like men, if only we were allowed to nised as having value in their own right and are participate fully in society. Habermas conflates implicit in implementing Habermassian communi­ representation of the two sexes into a single model cative action and achieving an ideal speech situ­ in which the specificity of women is represented in ation. male terms. In this way he is guilty of assimilating feminist contributions, which become positioned as Listening, in particular, is one area in which men "subservient" (Bondi and Domosh, 1992:205). have given women considerable training! Much Feminists reach instead for the concept of essential research (see, for example, Cameron, 1985; Parlee, difference which accepts women as women, rather 1984; Zimmerman and West, 1975; Spender, 1985) than as citizens who can be like men, (eg. Young, has demonstrated that women talk less, nod their 1990). heads more and maintain more continuous eye contact than men during discussions. Men take up The message behind this paper is that a 'demo­ almost twice the time that women do and interrupt cratic' theory that is not at the same time feminine the flow of conversation more frequently. Women but feminist serves only to maintain a fundamental often thus take on the role of facilitator, encourag­ form of domination over women and "makes a ing others to talk, noticing those who contribute mockery of the ideals and values that democracy is less to discussion, who talks to whom, where held to embody." (Pateman, 1989:223). Habermas' unspoken alliances lie, where potential conflicts theory of communicative action, by subsuming may occur and the group's general receptivity to women, represents a version of pluralism which is various ideas and proposals. universalistic and neglects recognition of heteroge­ neity, otherness and difference. Many of these skills have been socialised into women. Traditionally, girls are taught to take a A feminist version of communicative action would conciliatory role in conflict situations, to relieve represent plurality rather than pluralism. It would tensions rather than to escalate them and to be recognise that feminist knowledge also has its fair in treatment of others. It is such skills and orthodoxies and exclusions and reject a hegemonic competence which Habermas (most probably feminist approach in favour of one with which all unconsciously) builds upon as a basis for his groups of women are able to engage. It would theory of communicative action. His consensus­ construct definitions of 'women' and 'female' not building strategy for resolving conflict is essentially from a position of either entrenched disposition or what men would traditionally belittlingly label socially constituted definitions, but from one in 'feminine' in nature. It assumes that a satisfYing which women are empowered to construct their solution, which all parties can support, is achiev­ own identities and celebrate their differences. able, and that such a solution can be developed Habermas eliminates social exclusion (Richters, through discussion, sharing of personal viewpoints 1988) and 'naturalises' the idea of gender within and creative problem-solving - a strategy which the supposedly universal concepts of 'citizenship' women have utilised for years. and 'community' (Bondi, 1992). He thus continues the long tradition of democratic theorists who Spender (1992) has further identified how women perpetuate the idea of citizenship as a masculine are good decision-makers, problem-solvers and or fraternal pact. conflict managers. Negotiation and facilitation are essentially women's skills, involving observing, The theory of communicative action is thus a listening, gathering information and making metanarrative, tacitly presupposing "some com­ connections, important skills which men have monly held but unwarranted and essentialist

63 assumptions about the nature of human beings the theory of communicative action, is possible and the conditions for social life." (Fraser & only by ignoring the specificity of particular groups Nicholson, 1988:382). Not only does Habermas (such as women): "a language which presents therefore falsely universalise gender, but also itself as universal, and which is in fact produced differences within gender of class, age, culture, by men only, is this not what maintains the aliena­ race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, attitude, etc etc. tion and exploitation of women in and by society?" (Irigaray; 1977:1) Another area in which more In his theory, Habermas seeks to develop a concep­ theoretical consideration is needed than is pro­ tion of rationality based on discussion that aims to vided by Habermas:is the assumption that given reach an understanding. However, reason is never the opportunity, women can articulate their value-free and tends to uphold patriarchal inter­ demands in an equivalent manner to men. Many ests. Not everyone has the same understanding of women are socialised to believe they have nothing the meaning of concepts and words, and as valuable to say and although attending public Hartsock warns, for women, "the interpretation of meetings and discussions, may remain silent. our reality through patterns not our own serves Work by Mansbridge (1980) and Gutmann (1980) only to make us ever more unknown, ever less has indicated that even in circumstances when all free" (1990:25). people have the right to participate in the decision­ making process, white, middle-class men from Young (1990a:105) demonstrates that, behind English-speaking backgrounds assume more Habermas' "apparently innocent way of talking authority than women, who also experience diffi­ about discourse lies the presumption of several culty in attending evening meetings. Universalistic unities : the unity of the speaking subject, who approaches to democracy (such as proposed in the knows himself or herself and seeks faithfully to basic model of communicative action) thus tend to represent his or her feelings; the unity of subjects reproduce existing oppressions. with one another, which makes it possible for them The key to the patriarchal metalinguistic tradition to have the same meaning." Young argues that ofwomen remaining silent in public gatherings, such a model of communication expels and deval­ according to Jenkins and Kramarae (1981), is the ues difference, reproduces the opposition between boundary between public (rhetorical) and private reason and desire ("communication is not only (familial). Women symbolise the private as opposed motivated by the aim to reach consensus, a shared to the public in which we are marginalised and understanding of the world, but also and even ignored. more basically by a desire to love and be loved" (l990a: 1 07)) and abstracts from the specifically One possible interpretation of communicative bodily aspects of speech. Work by both Forester ethics, (Young, 1990b), is that normative claims (1989) and Young (l990a) illustrates how people are the outcome of the expression of needs, feel­ speak excitedly, angrily, etc. in different tones of ings and desires which individuals have recognised voice, with various facial expressions and gestures by others under conditions where all have an equal and that such body language should not be dis­ voice in the expression of their needs and desires. counted. Meanings thus often become irreducibly This interpretation tends to collapse the distinction ambiguous and multiple, particularly for women. between public rhetoric or reason and the private realm of desire, need and feeling; essentially, as Habermas therefore overlooks the "obvious and indicated above, women's realm. important question" of "who makes sense on whose terms for whom?" (Forester, 1989:130), and ig­ This dichotomy between public and private is nores the fact that enormous inequalities between central to women's struggle and although Haber­ men and women are reinforced by the use of mas provides a sophisticated account of the language. For example, "professional jargon, relations between public and private institutions argumentative speaking styles, can all alienate, ('system' and 'lifeworld'), he fails to understand the confuse or render women speechless" (Sandercock gender subtext of the relations and arrangements and Forsyth, 1990:77). he describes. For example, the roles of worker (with its masculine connotations) and consumer Feminist authors, (see for example Spender, 1981, (with a feminine subtext) are shown to link the 1985; Hillier, 1991) have demonstrated how a public economic system and the private lifeworld. speaker's or writer's choice of words enables (For an excellent feminist critique of Habermas' certain kinds of interpretation and understanding, treatment of the public and private, see Fraser whilst closing off and suppressing others. It is (1989)). By failing to take into account the feminist difficult for listeners and readers to go beyond the conception of 'private' life, the 'natural' sphere of language and to consciously resist the meaning women, by ignoring the family, and valuing only being offered to them. Meanings and messages are the public realm, the 'natural' arena of men, often at best gender-blind or patriarchal, and Habermas' participatory democracy arguments usually phallocentric. have thus Patriarchy, as Grosz (1989) points out, does not "neglected a crucial dimension of democratic prevent women from speaking, but it refuses to social transformation" listen when we do not speak 'as men'. Universality (Pateman, 1989:220) of understanding, which Habermas advocates in

64 women, communication and power Because Habermas' model is blind to the signifi­ important and relevant model of discursive democ­ cance and operation of gender, it is bound to racy if it considers the above points. Based on its misunderstand and misrepresent the public sphere framework of mutual respect and understanding, it of language and speech. The concepts of citizen­ should replace its unitary notions of 'citizens' and ship, participation and democracy have implicit 'people' with plural conceptions of social identity, gender subtexts which a reformed model of com­ treating gender, in particular, as an issue encom­ municative action should appreciate. passing its differences, along with others such as ethnicity, age, etc etc. It should recognise that What Would a of Communica­ there are no universalities, but a multiplicity of tive Action Look Like? differences. While generally agreeing that Is Habermas' theory of communicative action Habermas' theory takes participatory democracy a simply a "colonisation of women's experience, an long way forward, it still stops short at present of appropriation of feminist arguments, and a defen­ recognising asymmetrical power relationships and sive insistence on pluralism"? (Bondi, 1992:101- therefore of achieving full participation in the 1 02), another instance of "white Westem men socio-sexual-textual divisions oflabour and of (who) write academic texts and interpret the world public life. The plurality ofwomen's stories has for each other"? (Massey, 1991:53), or does it hold much to offer of value in this respect and illus­ more potential for women? If so, how can feminist trates that really, to develop his theory to its full thought take the theory further? potential, Habermas should have been a woman!

In place of the universalism and rationalism of Habermas, a feminist theory would include recog­ Acknowledgements nition of pluralities, of the historical, spatial and My grateful thanks to Phil McManus and the cultural evolution of differences and an apprecia­ unseen Annie Farrell for comments on an earlier tion of contingency both of identity and decisions draft and to Fiona Fisher without whose skills my rather than of rational certainty. ideas would never be readable.

The Habermassian concept of 'lifeworld' may be enriched by adding to it a Foucauldian apprecia­ References tion of genealogy and biopower to gain clearer Agger, B. (1991). A Critical Theory of Public Life. understanding of how the pattems of acculturation Falmer Press, London. characteristic of liberal societies have imposed constraints on women from taking a more active/ Arendt, H. (1958). The Human Condition. University powerful role in decision-making. "Renounce of Chicago Press, Chicago. yourself or be suppressed, do not appear if you do not want to disappear, your existence will be Bondi, L. & Domosh, M. (1992). Other figures in tolerated only on my terms which - by a logic both other places : on feminism, postmodernism paradoxical and circular - consists of silence, non­ and geography. Environment and Planning appearance, non-existence." (Sheridan, 1980:181). D: Society and Space, 10, 199-213. Into Habermassian symmetry, therefore, feminists would introduce a measure of Foucauldian asym­ Bondi, L. (1992). Gender and dichotomy. Progress metry of power complexes. inHuman Geography, 16,98-104. Feminism confirms that dialogue and negotiating Cameron, D. (1985). Feminism and Linguistic together should be a key model for respectful and Theory. Basingstoke.: MacMillan. non-dominating relationships in our productive and reproductive activities. Clegg, S. (1989). Frameworks of Power. London: Sage. Feminism can help to truly liberate communicative competence, to empower women, women's speech Forester, J. (1989). Planning in the Face of Power. and its plurality of meanings in negotiative discus­ Berkeley, Ca.: University of Califomia Press. sion. Fraser, N. (1989). Unruly Practices. Polity Press, Feminism teaches that leaming to speak politically Cambridge. is insufficient if speaking politically means speak­ ing phallocentrically. Feminism recognises the gender subtexts which underpin traditional inter­ Fraser, N. & Nicholson, L. (1988). Social Criticism pretations of public and private. Feminist theories without Philosophy: an encounter between emphasise and value the private realms of desire, feminism and postmodemism. Theory, needs and feelings and the roles ofwomen in Culture and Society, 5, 373-394. relation to the family and childbearing. Women must not be subordinated, subsumed or subli­ Grosz, E. (1989). Sexual Subversions. Sydney:Allen mated by men either in theory or in practice. and Unwin.

In conclusion, Habermas' theory of communicative Gutmann, A. (1980). Liberal Equality. Cambridge, action has the potential to become a profoundly Ma.: Cambridge University Press.

women !n llemdleJralln!JPl conJf

Habermas, J. (1979). Communication and the Sheridan, A (1980). Michel Foucault: the Will to Evolution of Society. Boston: Beacon Press. Truth. London: Tavistock.

Habermas, J. (1982). A Reply to my Critics. In J. Spender, D. (1981). Men's Studies Modifted. Ox­ Thompson, & D. Held, (Ed.), Habermas: ford: Pergamon. Critical Debates London: MacMillan. Spender, D. (1985). Man Made Language. London: Habermas, J. (1984). The Theory of Communica­ Routledge, Kegan, Paul. tive Action, I. Reason and the Rationalisation of Society. Boston: Beacon Press. Spender, D. (1992). Address to Women in Leader­ ship programme. Perth: Edith Cowan Univer­ Habermas, J. (1987). The Theory of Communicative sity. Action, II. Lifeworld and System: a Critique of Functionalist Reason. Boston: Beacon Press. Weedon, C. (1987). Feminist Practice and Poststruc­ turalist Theory.Oxford: Blackwell. Hartsock, N. (1983). Money, Sex and Power. Lon­ don: Longman. White, S. (1988). The Recent Work ofJurgen Habermas, Cambridge: Cambridge Univer­ Hartsock, N. (1990). Postmodernism and political sity Press. change: issues for feminist theory. Cultural Critique, Winter, 15-33. Young, I. (1990a). Throwing Like a Girl. Indiana: Indiana University Press. Hillier, J. (1991). Deconstructing the Discourse of Planning. Paper presented at AESOP I ACSP, Young, I. (1990b). Justice and the Politics ofDijfer­ Oxford. ence. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Irigaray, L. (1977). Women's exile. Ideology and Consciousness, 1. Zimmerman, D. & West, C. (1975). Sex roles, interruptions and silences in conversations. Jenkins, M. & Kramarae, C. (1981). A Thief in the In B. Thorne, & N. Henly, (Ed.), Language House: the Case of Women and Language. In and Sex: Dijference and Dominance. Rowley, D. Spender, (Ed.), Men's Studies Modifted, Ma.: Newbury House. Oxford: Pergamon.

Loden, M. (1985). Feminine Leadership. New York: Times Books.

Mansbridge, J. (1980). Beyond Adversary Democ­ racy. New York: Basic Books.

Massey, D. (1991). Flexible sexism. Environment and Planning D : Society and Space, 9, 31- 57.

Parlee, M. (1984). Getting a word in sex-wise. In The Conference Board, Across the Board. New York: The Conference Board, Inc.

Pateman, C. (1989). The DisorderofWomen. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Richters, A. (1988). Modernity- postmodemity controversies: Habermas and Foucault. Theory, Culture and Society, 5, 611-643.

Roderick, R. (1986). Habermas and the Founda­ tions of Critical Theory. New York: St. Mar­ tin's Press.

66 women, communication and power Sexing the Cherry: Re~Conceiving Women

Lekkie Hopkins Edith Cowan University

Abstract marginalisation. Now although I find those issues This paper introduces listeners to the Dog Woman as issues extremely important in my own working -vibrant, forthright and vocal, - who strides across life and recognise their importance for many medieval London, and through time and space, women in the public sphere, what I needed in shattering all previous conceptions about sexual listening to that speaker was some context to put politics, women and women's centrality. all this in. What did she mean by power? Who owns power? How do we take power? How does In an exploration of the relationship between being marginalised make us feel powerless? And contemporary women's fiction and feminist theory, most importantly, how can we reconceive our the paper focuses on the subversive power of the selves so that we don't see ourselves as always on fictional world and its potential to transform the outside grabbing for something that someone women's lives. else has got? These questions started to do battle in my head. And it occurred to me then that the most transforming, most subversive, most liberat­ Paper ing ways of reconceiving woman have came to me I'm delighted to be here today, because one of the through contemporary women's fiction. things I love doing above all others is telling stories. And today I'm going to be telling you at Lest we be in any doubt that Sexing the Cherry is least one story - but maybe there'll be several, indeed transforming, subversive,and liberating, on because as I tell it, we'll probably find that there the very first page of this novel we read: are stories within stories. So sit back, and relax, and make yourselves comfortable. Every journey conceals another journey within its lines : the path not taken, and the There are a few things you should know about this forgetten angle. These are the journeys I wish story before I begin. First of all, it's not original. to record. Not the ones I made, but the ones I Like all good stories, it's been told before. And like might have made, or perhaps did make in all the best stories, its tellers have been women. Its some other place or time. most recent teller, the one who passed it on to me, is Jeanette Winterson. She's a novelist living in Now, rather than trying to match these ideas to London, and it's in her novel Sexing the Cheny your own sense of joumey, or time or space, I that our story is told. Second of all, it's a story with propose that you should abandon all inhibiting no beginning and no end. This is deliberate, notions of boundaries, and surrender yourselves to because although it's a story about life and living, the story. and although it seems to be set in a particular place (medieval London), it's a story that eludes Central to the story is the Dog Woman - huge, and evades fixed realities, and plays around with vibrant and vocal - who strides across medieval notions of time and space, so that nothing is ever London, creating havoc, or order, (whichever you singular, or fixed, or as we expect it to be. like), wherever she goes. We are introduced to her first through the eyes of her son Jordan who, (and Before I begin, too, I should perhaps explain why now here's a surprise), is not really her son, but I'm doing this at a conference like this. rather is a foundling, who was found by the Dog Woman wrapped up in a rotting sack such as The catalyst for my wanting to present this paper kittens are found in, in the slime by the river. His was the feeling of alienation I had when listening to first memories of her are thus : I heard dogs a most articulate and intelligent feminist present­ coming towards me, and a roar in the water, and a ing a paper about men and women and power in face as round as the moon with hair falling on the workplace. Most particularly she spoke about either side bobbed over me. She scooped me up, men feeling threatened by women invading their she tied me between her breasts whose nipples territory in the workplace, and the feeling that stood out like walnuts. She took me home and women always seem to be grabbing for male power, kept me there with 50 dogs and no company but and themselves seem to feel as is they are invading her own. (p.l O) men's workspaces. Hence the emphasis on male language, and on women's peripherality vs men's From the Dog Woman herself we leam: centrality. She spoke of the need to change the When a woman gives birth her waters break culture ie attitudes and values, before we can hope and she pours out the child and the child to address the question ofwomen's runs free. I would have liked to pour out a

womerrn trrn lleadlel!'slhtp corrn1fel!'errnce ll\91\912 67 childfrom my body but you have to have a He lifted it up above his head, and the crowd, man for that, and there's no man who's a seeing it for the .first time, roared and nudged matchfor me. each other and demanded to know what poor fool had been so reduced as to sell his Lest we should be in any doubt about her stature, vitality. she goes on: "It's either painted or infected." said I, "for When Jordan was a baby he sat on top of me there's none such a colour that I know." much as a .fly rests on a hill of dung. And I nourished him as a hill of dung nourishes a Johnson shouted above the din as best he fly, and when he had eaten his fill he left me. could ... "THIS IS NOT SOME UNFORTUNATE'S (p.ll) RAKE. IT IS THE FRUIT OF A TREE. IT IS TO

BE PEELED AND EATEN. H The first story she tells us is this: At this there was a unanimous retching. When Jordan was three I took him to see a There was no good woman could put that to great rarity and that was my undoing. There her mouth. and for a man it was the practise was news that one Thomas Johnson had got himself an edible fruit of the like never seen of cannibals. We had not gone to church all in England.... I took Jordan on a hound-lead these years and been washed in the blood of and pushed my way through the gawpers Jesus only to eat ourselves up the way the and sinners until we got to the front and Heathen do. there was Johnson himself trying to charge money for a glimpse of the thing. I pulled on the hound-lead in order to take Jordan away, but the lead came up in my hands. I ducked down into the s hu.ffle of bare I lifted Jordan up and I told Jonhson that if he didn't throw back his cloth and let us see feet and tom stockings and a gentleman's buckle here and there. He was gone. My boy this wonder I'd cram his face so hard into my was gone. I let out a great bellow such as breasts that he'd wish he'd never been cattle do and would have gone on bellowing suckled by a woman, so truly would I smother him. till Kingdom Come had not some sinner taken my ear and turned me to look under Johnson's devilish table. He starts humming and hawing and reaching for some coloured jar behind his head, and I I saw Jordan standing stock still. He was thought, he'll not let some genie out on me standing with both his arms upraised and with its forked tongue and balls like jewels, staring at the banana above Johnson's head. so I grabbed him and started to push him into I put my head next to his head and looked my dress. He was soon coughing and crying where he looked and I saw deep blue waters because I haven't had that dress offinftve years. against a pale shore and trees whose branches sang with green and birds in fairground colours and an old mcin in~ a loin­ "Well, then," I said, holding him back, the cloth. way you would a weasel. "Where is this wonder?" This was the frrst time Jordan had set sail. "God save me," he cried," a moment for my (pp.ll-13) smelling salts, dear lady." And this, of course, is a perfect introduction to But I would have none of it and whipped off Jeanette Winterson's magic. In this passage we are the cover myselj. and I swear that what he drawn irresistably into the Dog Woman's world, so had resembled nothing more than the private that we see the world entirely through her eyes - parts of an Oriental. It was yellow and livid until, that is, we are forced, with her, to see the and long. world of faraway fantasy through the eyes of the boy Jordan. The novel is built on such juxtaposi­ "It is a banana, madam, • said the rogue. tions of the earthiness of the Dog Woman's view with the wistful and enchanting imaginative A banana? What on God's earth was a wanderings of Jordan. There is a constant empha­ banana? sis on the distance between language and the reality/realities that underlie it. "Such a thing never grew in Paradise," I said. Now try this for a bit of subversion of contempo­ "Indeed it did, madam," says he, all puffed rary feminine vanity and concern for the way uplike a poison adder. "This fruit is from the women respond to notions of beauty: the Dog Island of Bermuda, which is closer to Para­ Woman says of herself: dise than you'll ever be."

68 women, communication and power How hideous am I? than most he never mentioned it. He was My nose is flat, my eyebrows are heavy. I proud of me because no other child had a have only a few teeth and those are a poor mother who could hold a dozen oranges in show, being black and broken. I had small­ her mouth at once. pox when I was a girl and the caves in my How hideous am I? face are home enough for fleas. But I have (pp.24-26) fme blue eyes that see in the dark. As for my size, I know only that before Jordan was The significance of the fabulous Dog Woman is found a travelling circus came through reinforced later in the novel by Jordan: Cheapside, and in that circus was an ... When I think about her, or dream about her, elephant. We were all pleased to see the she is always huge and I am always tiny. I'm elephant, a huge beast with a wandering sitting on her hand, the way she holds her nose. Its trick was to sit itself in a seat like puppies, and picking at her face for some­ any well-bred gentleman, and wear an thing, I don't know what. She's laughing, and eyeglass. There was a seat on its opposite so ami. side, and a guessing game was to offer up a (p.79) certain nwnber ofpersons fo climb on to the other seat, topsyturvy, as best they could, The Dog Woman tells us of her strength: in an and outweigh Samson. as the elephant was argument with her neighbour, she finds: named. No one had succeeded, though the prize was a vat ... I had no choice but to strangle him, and though I used only one hand and held him of ale. from the ground at arm's length, he was pwple in no time... One night, pushing along with a ribbon in my (p.28) hair, I thought to try to outweigh Samson myself. ... She muses on love: .. .I took a deep breath, filling my lungs with What is love?... I am too huge for love. No one, air, and threw myself at the seat with all my male or female, has ever dared to approach might. There was a roar from round about me. They are afraid to scale mountains... ! fell me. I opened my eyes and looked towards in love once, if love be that cruelty which Samson. He had vanished. His chair swung takes us straight to the gates of Paradise only empty like a summer-house seat, his eye­ to remind us they are closed forever. glass lay at the bottom. I looked higher, following the gaze of the people. Far above There was a boy who used to come by with a us, far away like a black star in a white sky, coaiful. of thing a to sell. Beads and ribbons was Samson. hung on the inside and his pockets were crammed with knives and handkerchiefs and It is a responsibility for a woman to have buckles and bright thread. He had a face that forced an elephant into the sky. What it says made me glad. . of my size I cannot tell, for an elephant looks big, but how am I to know what it weighs? A I used to get up an hour early and comb my balloon looks big and weighs nothing. hair, which normally I would do only at Christmas time in honour of our Saviour. I I know that people are afraid of me, either for decked myself in my best clothes like a the yapping of my dogs or because I stand bullock at a fair, but none of this made him taller that any ofthem. When I was a child notice me and I felt mY heart shrivel to the my father swung me up onto his knees to tell size of a pea. Whenever he turned his back to a story and I broke both his legs. He never leave I always stretched out my hand to hold touched me again, except with the point of the him a moment, but his shoulder blades were whip he used for the dogs. But my mother, too sharp to touch. I drew his image in the who lived only a while and was so light she dirt beside my bed and named all my moth­ dared not go out in a wind, could swing me er's chickens after him. on her back and carry me for miles. There was taUc of witchcraft but what is stronger Eventually I decided that true love must be than love? clean love and I boiled myself a cake of soap... When Jordan was new I sat him in the palm of my hand the way I would a puppy, and I I hate to wash, for it exposes the skin to held him to myface and let him pick the fleas contamination. I follow the habit of King out of my scars. James, who only ever washed his fmgertips and yet was pure in heart enough to give us He was always happy. We were happy the Bible in good English. together, and if he noticed that I am bigger

69 I hate to wash. but krwwing it to be a symp­ ready to put me in, but no sooner had they slammed tom of love I was not surprised to find myself on the lid than I burst the bonds of the barrel and creeping towards the pump in the dead of came flying out at my father's throat. night like a ghoul to a tomb. I had determined This was my first murder. to cleanse all of my clothes, my underclothes (p.l07) and myself. I did this in one passage by Well at this stage I guess we could say that the Dog plying at the pump handle, first with my right Woman has a slightly different view of the world arm and washing my left self, then with my from that of your normal aspiring late twentieth left arm and washing my right self. When I century femocrat. Ifyou do nothing else with this was so drenched that to wring any part of me picture of her wondrous hugeness and energy and left a puddle at my feet I waited outside the love, I want you at least to think of the Dog Woman baker's until she began her work and sat in terms of power and the ways she takes and uses myself by the ovens until morning. I had a it. And I'd like you to think too, of the centrality of white coating from the flour, but that served that power , the awesome certainty of it. The Dog to make my swarthy skin more fair. Woman is at the centre of her own story ; she sees herself in relation to nobody. But although we can In this new state I presented myself to my loved perceive her as flxed and certain, her identity is one, who graced me with all of his teeth at once and fractured into at least one other manifestation in swore that if only he could reach my mouth he another time and space- the twentieth century. would kiss me there and then. I swept himfrom his But that's another story. And her symbolic value is feet and said 'Kiss me now,' and closed my eyes for so great that she can come to represent elements the delight. I kept them closedfor some five minutes of all women through time and through space. But and then, opening them to see what had happened, those are other stories. I saw that he had fainted dead away. I carried him to the pump that had last seen my devotion and One of the fascinating things about this novel is doused him good and hard, until he came to, that although the Dog Woman ridicules, strangles, wriggling like a trappedfox, and begged me let him castrates and murders any number of idiotic, down. ridiculous men who tangle with her, this is not 'What is it?' I cried. 'Is it love for me that affects you simply a novel which has to oust and discredit the so?' masculine in order to centralize women's experi­ ence, because the narrative is told not just by the 'No,' he said. 'It is terror.' Dog Woman, but alternately with Jordan. And (pp.34-36) Jordan's journeys are not ordinary journeys. Their astonishing fragility and whimsy contrasts strik­ And she muses on sex and sexual harrassment: ingly with the earthiness of the Dog Woman's A man accosted me on our way to Wimbledon and escapades. I am indebted to Stephanie Mitchell,one asked me ifI should like to see him. of my Women's Studies students, for the observa­ 'I see you well enough, sir,' I replied. tion that this is not a novel which rejects the 'Not all of me,' said he, and unbuttoned himselfto masculine to centralize the feminine. Rather, show a thing much like a pea-pod. Winterson has created a chorus ofvoices and Touch it and it will grow,' he assured me. I did so, images in shifting perspectives of time and space and indeed it did grow to look more like a cucumber. with the feminine claiming itself an enormous Wondrous, wondrous, wondrous,' he swooned, energy that is inseparable from the masculine. On though I could see no good reason for swooning. the first page of this novel it it Jordan who tells us: 'Put it in your mouth.' he said. 'Yes, as you would a Every journey conceals another journey within its delicious thing to eat.' lines : the path not taken and the forgotten angle. I like to broaden my mind when I can and I did as These are journeys I wish to record. Not the ones I he suggested, swallowing it up entirely and biting it made, but the ones I might have made, or perhaps off with a snap. did make in some other place or time. As I did so my eager fellow increased his swooning to the point offainting away, and !,feeling both Winterson plays constantly with the idea that astonished by his rapture and disgusted by the language is a facade masking or inadequately leathery thing filling up my mouth, spat out what I expressing a multiplicity of realities. had not eaten and gave it to one of my dogs. and .. .I discovered that my own life was written (pp.40-41) invisibly, was squashed between the facts, was flying without me like the Twelve Dancing Prin­ And later, she speaks of family: cesses who shot .from their window every night When I was born I was tiny enough to sleep in my adnd returned home every morning with tom father's shoe; it was only later that I began to grow, dresses and worn out slippers and remembered and to grow to such proportions that my father had nothing. the idea of exhibiting me. My mother rejUsed him, (p.IO) saying no member of her family should be the subject of an exhibition, no matter how poor we We hear that ... To escape the weight of the became. One night my father tried to steal me and world, I leave my body where it is, in conver­ sell me to a man with one leg. They had a barrel sation or at dinner, and walk through a

70 women, communication and power series of winding streets to a house standing Terra, will recall the story of the Twelve Dancing back .from the road.... The people who throng Princesses who lived happily ever after, but not the streets shout at one another, their voices with their husbands. These princesses carne rising from the mass of heads andfloating directly from Sexing the Cherry. And in their upwards towards the church spires and the stories, we have a rewrite of many of the fairy great copper bells that clang the end of the stories, the myths and legends which form part of day. Their words, rising up ,form a thick our cultural inheritance. cloud over the city, which every so often must be thoroughly cleansed of too much language. Now I've quoted this episode in Jordan's life at Men and women in balloons fly up from the length, partly for the sheer joy of hearing the words main square and, armed with mops and and visiting these wonderful ideas again, but also scrubbing brushes, do battle with the canopy because I want to alert you to the whimsy and the of words trapped under the sun. fluidity of the masculine, and to the presence of (p.l7) such a wealth of realities in this novel. Jordan tells us: Soon we learn that: Time has no meaning, space and place have .. In the city of words that I have told you no meaning, on this journey. All times can be about the smell of wild strawberries was the inhabited, all places visited. smell characteristic of the house that I have (p.80) not yet told you about.. .. The family who lived in the house were dedicated to a strange So - why tell you any of these stories? Why tease custom. Not one of them would allow their you with glimpses of a novel whose complexity is feet to touth the floor. Open the doors off the so great that any retelling must be an injustice? hall and you will see, not floors, but bottom­ Because if we're talking about reconceiving less pits. The .furniture of the house is sus­ woman, this is where it happens most readily - in pended of racks from the ceiling; the dining art. table supported by great chains, each link six inches thick. To dine here is a great curiosity, In Sexing the Cherry, for example, the very process for the visitor must sit in a gilded chair and of reading involves a shift from viewing women in allow himself to be winched up to join his relation to men, to viewing women as central, place setting. He comes last, the household­ enduring, all powerful, and viewing exploitative, ers already seated and making merry, narrow thinking men as inconsequential and swinging their feet over the abyss where indeed in need of some kind of modification ; while crocodiles live .... It is well known that the a few significant others like Jordan and the gar­ ceiling of one room is the floor of another, but dener Tradescent are seen to wield their own kind the household ignores this ever-downward of power, but in ways which are complementary to necessity and continues ever upward, cel­ women's power, not competitive with it. The point ebrating ceilings but denying floors, and so is, Winterson has completely replaced the usual their house never ends and they must travel masculine framework inside which most of our by winch from room to room, calling to one thinking about power and behaviuor occurs, and another as they go. It was there, dangling replaced it with a wholly woman centred perspec­ over dinner, that I noticed a woman whose tive, so that the Dog Woman is indeed the centre of face was a sea voyage I had not the courage her own story. The whole idea of reconceiving to attempt.... ! did not speak to her, though I woman echoes on many levels in this novel : the spoke to all the rest, and at midnight she put title, Sexing the Cherry, apart from its obvious on flat pumps and balanced the yards of rope sexual overtones, refers quite explicitly to the without faltering. She was a dancer .... ! spent practice (introduced to Jordan by the gardener the night in my suspended bed and slept Tradescent) of grafting a new strain of cherry onto badly. At dawn I was leaning out of the an old one. As Jordan explains: window, a rope around my waist. The moon was still visible: it seemed to me that I was Grafting is the means whereby a plant, closer to the moon than to the ground. A cold perhaps tender or uncertain, is fused into a wind numbed my ears. Then I saw her. She hardier member of its strain, and so the two was climbing down .from her window on a take advantage qf each other and produce a thin rope which she cut andre-knotted a third kind, without seed or parent. .... And number of times during the descent. I the significant finding for this argument is strained my eyes to see her, but she was that when this seedless, parentless cherry gone. is sexed, it is found to be female. Hence - (p.2l) sexing the cherry reveals that women are central, women will endure, women are resilient - because, as Jordan tells us Jordan's quest is to find the beautiful, elusive further: ... in this way certain.fruits have been Fortunata whom he has just described. She is one made resistant to disease and certain plants of the twelve dancing princesses. Those of you who have learned to grow where previously they were lucky enough to see Chrissie Parrott's ballet, could not. (p.78)

71 So - the very title of this novel tells us that the end Winterson signals this again and again: she has result of the elaborate process of creating new Jordan say at the beginning: ways of growing, of being, is to find that woman is For the Greeks, the hidden life demanded central - the newly grafted cherry tree is female. In invisible ink. They wrote an ordinary letter addition, this novel plays around with the notion of and in between the lines set out another our inheritance our language, our stories, revalu­ letter, written in milk. The document looked ing and replaying them for us in ways which make innocent enough until one who knew sprin­ women inescapably present. kled coal-dust over it. What the letter had been no longer mattered ; what mattered was Well, where has all this come from? Of course this the life flaring up undetected... till now. novel hasn't just happened to appear out of an (p.IO). abyss. It seems to me that what's happening in Sexing the Cherry is a celebration of the Other, in Subversive thoughts indeed. It's here, I would precisely the manner of post-modernist feminist argue, in the versatile, fluid, fecund world of theory. As Rosemarie Tong so succinctly stresses : contemporary feminist fiction that feminist theory Emphasis on the positive side of Otherness o of is most clearly played out: it's here that the strong­ being excluded, shunned, "frozen out", disadvan­ est, most enduring role models are created. taged, unprivileged, rejected, unwanted, aban­ doned, dislocated, marginalized - is a majot theme in deconstruction (an element of post-modernist One of my favourite segments of this novel is a theory that some ofyou will be familiar with). One quite didactic statement called The Flat Earth of the very significant aspects of deconstruction is Theory. I'm going to conclude with that, because it that it actively challenges the traditional bounda­ seems to me that it's wise, challenging, and appro­ ries between oppositions such as reason and priately subversive. So - here goes - emotion, beautiful and ugly, and self and other, as The earth is round and .flat at the same time. well as disciplines such as art, science, psychology This is obvious. That it is round appears and biology. I would suggest that Sexing the indisputable; that it is flat is our common Cherry is a direct playing out of deconstructionist/ experience, also indisputable. The globe does postmodernist ideas. One of the ways this is not supersede the map; the map does not signalled in the novel is that the symbols for male distort the globe. and female speakers are reversed: the Dog Wom­ an's speeches are signalled by a drawing of a Maps are magic. In the bottom comer are phallic banana; the speeches of Jordan are sig­ whales; at the top, cormorants carrying pop­ nalled by a drawing of a fecund, round pineapple. eyed fish. In between is a subjective account As many of you know, according to post-modernist of the lie of the land. Rough shapes of coun­ theory there is no truth, no fixed reality, no es­ tries that may or may not exist, broken red sence : time and space are fluid, identity is multi­ lines marking paths that are at best hazard­ ple: REALI1Y IS CONS1RUC1ED. ous, at worst already gone. Maps are con­ stantly being remade as knowledge appears And if this is so, then it can be reconstructed, to increase. But is knowledge increasing or is reconceived to match our desires. The binary detail accumulating? oppositions, phallocentrlsm, and logocentrlsm of organisational structures is challenged by these A map can tell me how to fmd a place I have notions. So instead of women languishing in the not seen but have often imagined. When I get shadow of successful men, wanting to learn how to there, following the map faithfully, the place acclimatize themselves so they are able to scrape a is not the place of my imagination. Maps, tiny crumb of the power cake, this approach growing ever more real, are much less true. indicates that it's possible to reconceive power, to And now, swarming over the earth with our reshape its meaning; and to do this we have to tiny insect bodies and putting up flags and place ourselves in the centre of our own stories, building houses, tt seems that all the jour­ reconceiving ourselves as strong, worthy, enduring, neys are done. capable even of growing where previously we could not. While the sociologists and organisational Not so. Fold up the maps and put away the theorists are plugging away out there in the corpo­ globe. if someone else had charted it, let rate world, struggling with the idea of power from them. Start another drawing with whales at within the masculine ways of thinking about it, the the bottom and cormorants at the top, and in most revolutionary changes, from my point of view, between identifi.J, if you can, the places you are happening in art, most particularly, for me, in have not found yet on those other maps, the the fictional world. The crippling universalising connections obvious only to you. Round and single reality demanded by organisational culture flat, only a very little has been discovered. and the public workplace has been replaced in (p.Sl) Winterson's fictional world by a multiplcity of realities.

72 women, communication and power Session Four THURSDAY 11.00 - 12.30 PM cHAIRPERSON: Dawn Butterworth

Employer Sponsored Child Care - A Public Policy Perspective

Cathy Scott Edith Cowan University

Abstract for child care places currently outstrips supply and Employer sponsored child care is a major initiative a 1987 survey indicated that the parents of ap­ by the Commonwealth government in the provision proximately 62,000 children would have preferred of child care and can be viewed as assisting af­ formal child care places for work related purposes firmative action policies within organisations. The (Maas, 1990). paper provides an overview of the current extent to which this initiative has been developed in Austra­ A second area of change has been in government lia, and in Western Australia in particular. legislation and policy initiatives relating to equal employment opportunity and workers with family responsibilites. The Commonwealth's Sex Discrimi­ nation Act and Mfirmative Action Acts were intro­ Paper duced to help women achieve educational and Employer sponsored child care has become a vocational goals. Australia has also ratified the major emphasis in government child care policy in International Labour Organisation's Convention recent years. This form of child care has not been 156 which requires its signatories to 'aim for significant in the overall provision of of child care national policies which enable people to work in the past. This paper is based on research which without conflict between employment and family explored of some of the factors which motivate responsibilities' ("Child care", 1990). employers to provide child care for workers or those which act as barriers to this provision in A third area of change has been in the Common­ Western Australia. The research seemed timely as wealth government's role as a provider of publicly the Commonwealth government and some State funded child care. Since 1972 the Commonwealth governments have been encouraging employers to has provided a national system of child care and develop child care services for their workers continues to provide the most significant contribu­ through various incentives and initiatives and tion to child care through funding for long day there had been little research conducted in West­ care, family day care, occasional day care and em Australia in this area. My paper considers the other forms of child care. During the 1970s and broad context for this increasing emphasis on 1980s work related child care centres were opened. employer sponsored child care and then presents Unions, private developers and local councils were some of the data collected during the research. instigators in their establishment. The Common­ wealth government funded a number of these centres where they were managed by non-profit Context incorporated organisations and were available to The move towards employer sponsored child care members of the general community (Adam, 1991). takes place in the context of social, political and Generally they were established in close proximity economic changes. One of the major changes to businesses such as in industrial parks. which has been identified by many writers in this area has been that of the changing composition of Since 1983 there has been a rapid expansion in the work force. There has been significant in­ Commonwealth funded child care places which creases in the entry of women, particularly women increased almost 60% during Labor's first two with children, into the paid labour market. The years in office (Brennan and O'Donnell, 1986). proportion of women in the paid work force has However, during this period the Commonwealth risen from 17% in 1954 to 53% in 1990. By mid has also linked the provision of child care to it 1989, 43% of all women and 41% of all men in the broad economic and social policies. There has been work force had dependent childen (Wolcott, 1991: an emphasis on the provision of child care places 7). The highest rates of growth for both labour for work force participants and those undertaking force participation and the numbers in employ­ education and training programmes with a view ment have been experienced by women with towards entering or reentering the work force children under school age (Maas, 1989). Demand (Brennan, 1991). Child care has been linked to

women !n lieadle!l"sh!JP> conJfe!l"ence Jl992 73 national directions to help single parents make the organisation would be addressed. Three organisa­ transition from welfare to the work force, accruing tions were in the public sector and three in the savings through reductions in transfer payments. private sector. The sample is small and it is diffi­ During this time the Commonwealth has also been cult to determine its representativeness. However, attempting to reduce expenditure. the data collected does permit an identification of a range of possible factors which affected organisa­ During the 1980s the Commonwealth used a tional decision making within this group and an number of approaches to encourage employers to examination of the most influential factors. I also develop child care services. Current Common­ conducted supplementary interviews with five wealth expectations are for the establishment of individuals who I believed provided valuable 14,000 centre based places under employer spon­ reference data for the study. sorship by 1995/6. In the same period expecta­ tions are for 14,000 new places in commercial The factors listed below affected organisations in centres and 10,000 new places in publicly funded their determination of whether a child care need centres (Adam, 1991). A number of incentives have existed within the organisation and the type of been offered to employers and private centres in service that was offered: recent years to increase the supply of child care • Financial costs and benefits places. In 1991 fee reliefwas extended to all child care centres which effectively provides a form of • Demographic characteristics of the actual Commonwealth recurrent subsidy. Three child care or desired work force advisory services have been established by the " Size and geographic location Commonwealth in Sydney, Melbourne and Bris­ • Demand for child care bane to provide advice to organisations on em­ • Role of management ployer sponsored child care options. Child care services provided by employers are Fringe Benefit • Personal and organisational values Tax exempt if the employer retains control over the " Role of unions premises used for child care. There are also taxa­ • Role of government. tion concessions for a range of items such as depreciation on furniture and fittings, etc. Today I would like to address those which were most important for the Western Australian organi­ A fourth area which must be considered is the sations. Financial costs were important considera­ organisational context, because government tions in relation to child care initiatives. It was initiatives rely on anticipated positive responses unlikely that any of the child care initiatives from industry. The economic recession and indus­ undertaken by organisations in the study could tty restructuring have resulted in an emphasis on have proceded unless they were likely to be of productivity within organisations and also in minimal cost or cost neutral for the organisation. increased levels of unemployment. There are links Almost all the respondents in my study empha­ in the literature between employers addressing sised that costs of the child care service to the work and family conflicts and increases in produc­ organisation had to be minimised. Most organisa­ tivity. At the same time organisations have a tions assisted with establishment costs and ab­ limited amount of 'attentional resources' (Millken, sorbed some of the administrative costs of the Dutton and Beyer, 1990) and if industry restruc­ child care service into their own administrative turing takes the bulk of these resources then there costs but once operational, the services had to be is little left over for the range of issues which conducted on a cost recovery basis. In most cases organisations have to address. this meant that the fees charged to parents covered the costs of care. Comprehensive castings for different types of child care services had been The research completed by a number of the organisations in this Employer sponsored child care was defined in this study prior to their decision on the appropriate study as child care to which the employer made type of service. Only one organisation intended to direct financial contribution in order to meet the subsidise the ongoing costs of child care for their needs of workers with children. It was used syn­ workers. onymously with employer provided care. The form of child care varies and the child care service can Related to the area of financial costs incurred in be based on-site or in a location convenient to the establishing the child care service is the issue of organisation's workers. worker demand for child care. Employers were concerned that all places in child care services The data collected during the research is based would be occupied as this ensures that fees upon semi-structured interviews which were charged to parents are kept to the minimum while conducted with respondents from six Western at the same time covering all costs. Surveys of Australian organisations. Three of these already demand for services were used in all organisations had a child care service in operation, one was in the study although the way in which data was moving towards an on-site centre and two others collected varied. In two cases surveys of the local were in the early stages of considering the way in community had also been conducted to ensure which child care needs of workers within the that any spare capacity not taken up by parents

74 women, communication and power ~anisa­ within the organisation would be used by the local Officially sanctioned organisational values were the community also cited by three respondents in this study as diffi­ providing a framework for facilitating the establish­ Wever Although many of those interviewed identified a ment of child care services. There was a sense from !on or'a range of benefits in the provision of child care there these three respondents that the general state­ nisa­ had been little attempt to analyse the benefits of ments of official values did provide a structure for lan child care support to the organisation through considering the provision of child care which may also reductions in absenteeism, turnover or any in­ not have existed before. e creases in productivity. The current economic climate, particularly the high level of unemploy­ Another important factor in the Western Australian ment, seemed to affect this attitude. The general organisations in my study was the role of govern­ belief among those surveyed seemed to be that ment. The influence of Commonwealth government in child care could positively affect worker morale and in terms of publicity, financial and advisory sup­ ed productivity. This could reflect the high profile of port was evident during the interviews. The in­ these benefits in government publicity and United volvement of the public sector organisations in States research. child care provision reflected the existence of guidelines for Commonwealth agencies which The size of the organisation was also of relevance encouraged their participation in child care provi­ to respondents for my study. Only one of the sion and also the effect of public sector unions in organisations which was currently committed to promoting employer sponsored child care initia­ developing child care services for its workers tives throughout Australia. One of the most impor­ employed under one hundred people. In Western tant aspects of Commonwealth involvement was Australia size seemed to affect the ability of the the link between organisation initiatives and the organisation to respond to child care needs in a Commonwealth child care programmes. Thus variety of ways. Most of the organisations had organisations were developing links to the Family multiple sites with large numbers of workers at Day Care Schemes, After School and Vacation Care each of those sites and the development of site programmes and Long Day Care Centres and were specific child care initiatives could have a 'ripple using these in some cases to provide a 'no-cost' or effect' within the organisation. In addition, organi­ 'low-cost' child care referral service. In addition, sations with multiple sites were often significant existing Commonwealth Consultancy services were local employers and this could lead to the provision accessed by some of the organisations and the of services which could also be used by the com­ extension of fee relief was cited as being important munity. Finally, larger organisations had an in assisting with costs. In contrast, however, there infrastructure for the conduct of internal research was no evidence that the State and Local levels of into child care needs and a bigger 'pool' of children government were perceived to have been an impor­ from which to fill child care places. My data also tant stimulus to organisations in developing child seemed to suggest a relationship between long care services. term planning and the size of the organisation. Although most of the organisations in this study A factor which was prominent in the overseas indicated that the economic climate affected research was the positive relationship between the current planning, they were also planning for the number of women in the organisation's work force longer term and were examining ways of retaining and the adoption of child care initiatives. This was workers when the economy improved. not apparent in my study. Only one organisation in the study employed more women than men work­ The personal values held by middle and senior ers. Nor in this study was there a preponderance of management exerted a substantial influence on the service based industries in which large numbers of organisation's involvement in child care was. women are employed. There could be several These values are brought into the work place from reasons why there were few gender segregated the broader culture and reflect personal experi­ industries in the sample for this study. The rela­ ences and 'ways of seeing' (Burton, 1992). Middle tionship between employer sponsored child care and senior managers were important initiators of and the size of the organisation could be more child care within most of the organisations in my important in this State where most organisations study. Their personal experiences as parents and are small in size. The lack of relation in the study workers within the organisation contributed to sample between gender, type of industry and child their attitudes regarding employer sponsored care could also be due to organisations adopting solutions to child care problems and were also 'ad hoc' flexible work arrangements which allowed important in ensuring that any momentum to workers to attend to child care problems when they develop the services was maintained. The signifi­ occurred during working hours. An alternative cance of management's role was even more critical explanation could be related to the inability of given the actual and perceived negative attitudes of women to express their need for child care within some workers within the organisation. These the work place, either because of negative percep­ negative attitudes towards child care as a women's tions of women who remain or enter the paid work issue and towards women in the paid work place force or because women felt unable to do so due to have the capacity to affect the organisation's their belief that their child care problems were involvement in child care services. their own responsibility.

75 The organisations in this study could be termed 'pacesetters' in their provision of child care. The data in the study revealed a number of factors which had also been identified in overseas or east coast Australia research. Assumptions about the effect of some of these in Western Australia had already been affecting child care provision in this state. For example, assumptions about size have assisted in the siting of three Commonwealth funded centres on the rim of the Central Business District. However, it would be fair to say that the number of employer sponsored child care pro­ grammes in Western Australia is quite small. The organisations have made substantial use of an infrastructure supported by Commonwealth funding. The personal values of managers have greatly assisted in the initiation and establishment of services and raises the issue of what happens in organisations where worker demand for cWld care exists but management is not supportive.

References Adam, J. (1991). Employer sponsored child care­ an issues paper. Community Child Care, Victoria and the National Women's Con­ sultative Council.

Brennan, D. (1991). Child-care policy: current directions and future prospects. In R.Batten, W.Weeks, & J.Wilson, (Eds.), Issues facing Australian families: 1uunan services respond (pp.261-272). South Melbourne: Longman and Cheshire.

Brennan, D and O'Donnell (1986). Caring for Australia's children: political and tndustrial issues. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.

Burton, C. (1992). Finding the words: glass ceiling or protective shield? Women In Leadership Public Lecture 1992. (Available from Edith Cowan University, Churchlands, Western Australia).

Child care [Special issue). (1990, June) Women and Work, 12(2).

Maas, F. (1989, November). Demographic trends a.ffecttng the workforce. Paper presented at a national conferencer on employer supported child care, Corporate Childcare: the Bottom Line, Sydney, NSW.

Maas, F. (1990a). Child care needs ofworking families in the 1990s. Family Matters, 26, 58-63.

Millken, F.J., Dutton, J.E. & Beyer, J.M. (1990). Understanding organizational adaptation to change: the case of work-family issues. Human Resource Planning, 13(2), 91-107.

Wolcott, I. (1991). Work andfamily: employers' views. Melbourne: Australian Institute of Family Studies.

76 women, communication and power Session One THURSDAY 2.00 - 3.00 PM cHAIRPERSON: Nadine Henley

Disciplining Academia: Women academics and possibilities for change

Janine Collins Griffith University

Abstract Paper When women take on positions as academics I want to stress at the outset that this is a 'work in within Australian universities, they must negotiate progress' paper. A PhD is what I'm working to­ their way through four major discourses. The wards and as those of you who have been there oldest, the discourse of the traditional university, would know, progress can be somewhat erratic at has left us with a legacy of ideas, concepts and times. At this stage I seem to have more questions structures which have all served to disadvantage than answers. I do not, as all the male social women: the academic as 'abstract knower', objec­ scientists I know would say, have any valid data tive seeker and purveyor of knowledge; 'hard' worth reporting. What you will be subjected to here (masculine) and 'soft' (feminine) disciplines; and today, then, are merely the machinations of my masculine hierarchies of power. Whether they mind as it tries to develop a new framework for adhere to a feminist viewpoint or not, women analysing gender relations as they are practised in academics also operate within the two quite universities today with particular emphasis on distinct discourses of feminism: that os 'sameness' what this means for women academics. which attempts to mainstream women into the male domain of the university through equality In his text Gender and Power, Bob Connell argues based strategies; and that of 'difference' or auton­ that: omy/identity, which seeks to subvert the mascu­ "[f]or the ultimate goal of the transformation line nature of universities and create new spaces of gender relations there are two logical for women. The fourth discourse is the inherently candidates. One is the abolition of gender, contradictory one of high education policy. Al­ the other its reconstitution on new bases" though confirming women's unequal status, the policy's masculine preoccupation with rationality, (Connell, 1987:286). instrumentality and control, and its priorttisation of 'masculine' disciplines implicitly reproduces the While there is some sort of irony I expect in start­ view that the masculine way of 'knowing' and ing this talk with a quote from a man, in a sense it 'doing' is the only valid way of 'knowing' and is both a quote and an act which is most appropri­ 'doing'. ate to the topic. For me the feminist goal has always been a transformation of gender relations While a number of subject positions are available but despite the exciting work of feminist theorists to women within these discourses, how these such as Judith Butler (l990a & b) in subverting discourses are practised, how they intersect and notions of a coherent gender, the abolition of interact with each other cannot be predicted. They gender seems a long way off in the practice of will vary depending on factors such as the organ­ everyday life. isational structure, faculty mix, individual ideolo­ gies and the institution's overall philosophy. However incoherently or inconsistently constituted Universities can thus be regarded as 'sites of gender identity is in different historical or regional contest' in which masculine power structures, contexts, it would appear that we are still stuck, dominant for so long, are open to challenge. The for the time being at least, with examining rela­ 'fact' that women's participation across and within tions between different bodies in terms of dichoto­ institutions in Australia is not uniform suggests, mies such as masculine/feminine, male/female, . however, that some universities may be more open men/women. As yet there are no practical altema­ to challenge, and hence to change in power rela­ tives to these categories. So I will state at the tions between men and women, than others. This outset that when I talk about 'academic woman' it 'work in progress' paper poses the question of is not because I believe in some essence of whether a university whose organisational struc­ 'womanness' (or 'academicness' for that matter!) ture, philosophy and faculty mix were originally but that Connell's second suggestion seems the based on a 'problem-oriented' interdisciplinary most practical solution at this point in time. approach to teaching offers more scope for inter­ vention by women than the 'discipline based' One would wonder when confronted by the vast approach of the traditional university. array of literature on women academics that there

77 were any gaps left to explore - the literature is Despite the notions of determinism implicit in this prolific to say the least. It is not my intention to concept, woman is not, however, without a sense of bring you a tedious literature review but in reading agency. As Carol Smart points out: even the vast number Qf feminist texts and articles Not only have there always been contradic­ which chart, from varying theoretical perspectives, tory discursive constructs of Woman at any the abysmal participation figures, the gender­ one time, thus allowing Woman herself to be related barriers, the conflicting views over the contradictory, but the subject, Woman, is worth of equality based strategies, the revelations not merely subjugated; she has practised about the masculine nature of knowledge and the the agency of constructing her subjectivity apparent embeddedness of male power, the politi­ as well. Woman is not merely a category, she cal struggle over setting up women's studies is also a subjective positioning within which courses, and the varying degrees of support women there is room for manoeuvre give each other, I was struck by the diversity of images that emerged. I began to wonder just who (Smart, 1992:7-8). was she, this 'academic woman'? But if it was so difficult to pin down 'academic Was she the feminist activist confidently carving woman', what justification was there for attempting out a new space for herself and other women by to include her in some homogeneous category challenging the basic premises of male-stream labelled 'academic women' who continues to discourses? Was she the 'superwoman' who had struggle against the patriarchal misdeamenours of added an academic career to her traditional re­ that other apparently homogeneous group that sponsibilities and who tried, with varying degrees nobody has ever thought to categorise as 'academic of success, to do justice to all her competing men'? (They are simply 'academics' are they not?) obligations (Jensen, 1982; Moses, 1991) without And how was it possible to analyse women's altering the structures in any way? Could she have difference vis-a-vis other women and vis-a-vis men been the bright young student of Moses' research, without falling back on some version of socialisa­ turned off an academic career because she could tion theory (with its inherent reliance on the liberal see how overworked her superwoman role model humanist notion of a unified, autonomous individ­ was? (So much for sex role theory!) ual) to explain the apparent contradictions?

Or maybe she was the young 'unattached' woman The answer was provided, in part, by a number of who Jensen found 'fitted in' to academia by trying feminist theorists (see, for example, Brown, 1991; to perfect dominant academic norms (which I think Fouque, 1991; Phelan, 1991) who have recently is a polite way of saying surrogate male)? I particu­ begun to argue that it is possible to acknowledge larly liked the one who, like many a male God­ difference, diversity, even specificity within the professor before her, was excited at the prospect of category labelled women without a commitment to shaping the organisation in her own image! liberal concepts of the individual and a universal (Jensen, 1982:81). Was she one of those Wgh female essence. Yet as Elaine Jeffreys points out: status academics I now see around me who does all in her power to support her academic sisters? The recognition of differences between Or perhaps one of those successful Queen Bees women poses a formidable and paradoxical Poiner (1983) and Wieneke (1991) tell us about, task for feminist theory. It has to account for who offer no support to academic women down the the difference between women and men, and also account for the differences that exist ladder because, after all, if she made it through the system, there's nothing wrong with the system is between women. It must acknowledge that there? You just have to put the ladder away after 'woman' is not an undifferentiated category you, that's all (Dale, ND). yet construct a theory able to realise the totalising goal of liberation for all women This academic woman was a contradictory crea­ (1991:14). ture, I had to admit. She seemed to be all of these women and yet no particular one of them. Not only The persistent problem appears to be not a failure was she different from academic man, she was to come to grips with the notion of a non-unitary different from other academic women. 'Academic subject or the idea that femininity and masculinity woman', it seems, has been constructed as "are not fixed features located exclusively in men 'woman' has at any other point in history: both and women" (Pringle, 1989:174) but that system­ victim and agent, powerless and powerful, she atic gender differences are continually reproduced appears to both participate in and resist events or and gendered subject positions remain relatively acts which attempt to regulate her (Smart, 1992). fixed. Both socialisation or sex role theory and psychoanalytically informed feminist work have Poststructuralist theorists argue that 'woman' is attempted to explain this relative fixity of gender contradictory because she is not the unified, fixed, difference. It is not my intention to engage with autonomous being that liberal humanists would either of these positions. Rather I was more than have us believe exists outside of any social or willing to join the growing throng of theorists who historical contexts. Rather she is a site of conflict suggested abandoning grand theorising "in favour and disunity; brought into being by various socio/ of more detailed, small-scale, historically specific historical discourses (Smart, 1992; Weedon, 1987). analyses" (Smart, 1992:2) which are more attuned

78 women, communication and power to looking at the differences that exist between succinctly yesterday, gender is not what we 'are' women rather than seeing women as an homoge­ but rather what we 'do'. If we take this view, then neous, monolithic category to be pitted against not only are changes in relations between men and other categories such as men. women possible, the gender performances of men and women themselves are open to change. Hence Discovering 'why' women were under-represented Connell's notion of the reconstitution of gender on as academics as compared to men no longer new bases becomes a distinct possibility. seemed an appropriate research focus. Rather it seemed more appropriate to look instead at 'how' The task that remained was to fmd a framework women academics have been constructed by and within which an historically specific (in this case are negotiating their positions within the often contemporary) analysis of gender relations within contradictory discourses within which they must Australian universities could be carried out; that operate and to ask 'what' changes in gender is, to identify first in which discourses academic relations have occurred/are occurring within the woman has been 'brought into being' and how she boundaries of these discourses. Implicit in this has been constructed or represented within those new focus was the notion of uncovering 'what' discourses before looking at what possibilities for differences exist between women academics and change existed either within or at the intersection asking 'how' these differences might impact on of these discourses. their negotiating strategies.

It is obviously a research focus which requires a The Framework move away from both sociological and psychoana­ Although a variety of interactive discourses (eg the lytically informed theories. It is also a research family, the educational system, the media, religion) focus which requires a move away from the notion undoubtedly impact on the actions women take, of power that has dominated much of the literature when women work as academics within higher on women: that power is a commodity that is education institutions in Australia today, they possessed by men and unilaterally imposed on operate at the intersection of four major dis­ women (Pringle, 1989). Rather it is a position courses I. which turns on three inter-related poststructuralist theoretical premises which, while they may themselves seem like 'grand theorising', Traditional University nevertheless offer the possibility of a more detailed understanding of relations between genders and The first, and oldest, is the discourse of the 'tradi­ hence possibilities for change. tional' university within which academic woman has been constructed in a number of ways which The first is the fundamental idea that both institu­ rely on traditional notions of a woman's nature and tional structures and individuals are mutually a woman's place in society. Within this discourse constituted (Muetzelfeldt, 1990), a notion which we have hierarchical structures that are decidedly enables us to analyse both structures and indi­ masculine (as we understand the term): the organ­ viduals (and changes that occur within both) isational structure is based, formally, on a commit­ without suggesting that one is exclusively deter­ tee structure which ensures a systematic filtering mined by the other. The second is the Foucauldian out of input from lower status staff (include women inspired notion that "gender relations are a process here), and, informally, on an old boys network involving strategies and counter-strategies of which many believe to be the primary cause of power" (Pringle, 1989: 168). Although he was not discriminatory employment and promotion proce­ greatly interested in analysing gender (if there was dures. The job model and career structure (eg long no unitary subject, how could there be a gendered hours for research which is regarded as more subject?), Michel Foucault's notion of power is prestigious than teaching, being seen at the most useful in understanding relations between women prestigious conference, usually away from home and men (Pringle, 1989; Weedon, 1987). [McDowell, 1990]) have traditionally assumed "[I]ntermingled with other types of relations" support (include the adjective female here) in the (Foucault, ND:55). power is not a commodity that domestic sphere or, at least, non-interference of is possessed by some and not by others. Rather all 'private concerns'. of us have the capacity to either exercise or resist power. The deciding factor in individual situations The traditional organising principle for academic comes down not to who 'possesses' power but work is the discipline. Yet as science and technol­ rather who has the 'upper hand' in a given situ­ ogy have, over time, replaced languages as the ation and who mobilises this advantage more mechanism for sorting the 'men from the boys', we effectively (Muetzelfeldt, 1990). have seen the emergence of either 'hard' (read masculine) or 'soft' (read feminine) disciplines The third theoretical premise comes from Judith which are prioritised in favour of the masculine. Butler's (1990a & b) notion that gender is not a Because of the long tradition of excluding women biological given but rather a series of repeated a'Cts from public debate, most of the knowledge pro­ or performances which, because of their constant duced and disseminated by universities is also said repetition over time, become naturalised and, to be masculine (see, for example, Kelly and consequently, 'fiXed'. As Anna Yeatman put it so Slaughter, 1991; Poiner, 1983).

79 While many feminists were later to argue that were removed, once we had more women 'at the 'objective' was synonomous with 'male subjective', top' to serve as role models, and once we all had the whole discourse of the traditional university is access to on-campus child care etc. etc., that premised on the idea of the academic as abstract nebulous thing called equality would be achieved, knower, objective seeker and purveyor of knowl­ they argued. Woman's place as academic on equal edge. Within this discourse the values of competi­ terms with men would be assured. The philosophy tiveness and individualism were to become highly behind this 'sameness' model, seemed to say, as regarded. Yet it is only the male who has tradition­ Carol Bacchi (1990:82) notes, that once females ally been represented as rational, objective knower. were educated and treated in the same way as Academic woman, on the other hand, is repre­ males "they would develop the strength and asser­ sented as, if not downright irrational, at the very tiveness needed to succeed in a system which least as subjective, and one who values qualities demanded these qualities". This discourse tends to such as collectivity and nurturance (Bulbeck, construct academic woman as someone who needs 1991). In line with these 'attributes', she was (and to be more like academic man, someone who has arguably still is) more often than not clustered in to 'fit in' to the established structures if she is to the lower levels of the so-called feminine disci­ succeed. plines such as the humanities and teaching, often expected to play "nursemaid to first year students or adjutants to male academics, as research Difference assistants, tutors, demonstrators" (Bulbeck, While acknowledging that equality based strategies 1991:35), "responsible for the transmission of non­ have been necessary for 'getting women in' to male controversial knowledge ... while [her] male col­ domains, feminist advocates of the 'difference' leagues teach in new anq exciting areas and perspective remain convinced of the limitations of educate the graduate students" (Whitlock & Bul­ these measures. As Eisenstein says, policies based beck, 1988:163). on sex role theory appear to risk the all too suc­ cessful assimilation of women "into an unchanged As Tony Schirato points out, when women are structure embodying masculine values" (Eisen­ defined in terms of the negative side of various stein, 1985:107). The early feminist literature binaries (rational/irrational, objective/subjective) shows that there were many women who wanted and the university valorizes the positive sides of their values and their knowledges recognized and those binaries (rational, objective) women are were prepared to engage in political struggle to constructed as a marginal group within the institu­ achieve this recognition - the difficulties of obtain­ tion. Undoubtedly there are women who have ing support for feminist research and setting up 'made it' (or almost made it) to the top within this Women's Studies courses are well documented traditional university discourse. Schirato argues, (Allen, 1991; Bulbeck, 1987, 1991; Matthews & however, that "those women who are allowed in as Broom, 1991; McNamee, 1991). Within this dis­ full members of the [university] community are course academic woman is constructed as some­ accepted because they are different from women, one to be valued in her own right, different from because they are superior to women; that is to say academic man, and in more recent debates differ­ they have demonstrated that they are like men" ent from other academic women. Although con­ (Schirato, 1991:145). This idea appears as an strained by the limitations of the traditional male underlying tension within feminist discourse which structures she is nevertheless someone with a is also at work within universities. strong sense of agency.

The Two Discourses of Feminism Higher Education Policy Feminist discourse can be separated into two quite The fourth discourse is the often contradictory one distinct discourses: that of 'sameness' or equality of higher education policy. Policy has often been which attempts to mainstream women into the described as the 'authoritative allocation ofvalues', male domain of the university through equality which of course begs the question of "whose values based strategies; and that of 'difference' or auton­ are validated in policy, and whose are not" (Ball, omy/identity, which seeks to subvert the mascu­ 1990a:3). On the one hand current higher educa­ line nature of the traditional objective knower and tion policy presents a very masculine discourse of knowledge and create new spaces for women, often competitveness, rationality, instrumentality and through affirmative action strategies. control in its push to prioritise the masculine fields of science and technology, force amalgamations ('bigger' is 'better'- a sexual metaphor?), centralise Sameness bureaucratic control, commercialise academic Adherents to the sameness model, which is largely activities, and encourage short-term contract underwritten by socialisation or sex role theories, labour, all of which stand to have a detrimental argued that while women were, intellectually, no effect on women in academic employment. On the different from men, their life experiences certainly other hand, the policy document recognises wom­ were. Once those structural barriers like discrimi­ en's difference by cautioning institutions to re­ natory selection procedures and sexist language member their obligations under the Affirmative

80 women, communication and power Action (Equal Employment Opportunity for outlined here would enable us to identifY not only women) Act, 1986 (HEAPS, 1988:105 & 135). the mechanisms, strategies and structures that are used to control, oppress, or marginalise women In the discourse of current higher education policy, but also those which are used, either by the academic woman seems to be constructed purely institution or by women themsleves, to encourage in masculine economic rationalist terms - a largely or advance the position of women and bring about •untapped resource' to be utilitsed in time of positive change in gender relations. Such analyses economic need (much as women were during World would, in short, enable us to explore "the workings war II). The literature which accompanied the of power at the most strategic and local level" release ofthe Dawkins' White Paper, however, (Jeffreys, 1991:10) and, most importantly as Anna constructed academic woman much more force­ Yeatman pointed out yesterday, to record the fully as once again a victim of masculine values process of change. {see Blackmore & Kenway, 1988; Junor, 1988-89; Kenway & Blackmore, 1988; Marginson, 1989; Yeatman, 1988) and consequently one who must Methodology (o:r 'The How to Actually Put it adhere to the traditional 'masculine model' of Into Practice' section) academic if she was to succeed. Discourse analysis at a less abstract level than that of the broad discourses I have been discussing While the noticeable difference in the literature at here offers a way of analysing the 'workings of this time is that there were many more women in power' at both an institutional and individual level. so-called 'positions of power' who were willing and As Stephen Ball (1990b:2) points out: "Discourses able to speak out of behalf of academic women are about what can be said and thought, but also (and, it must be noted, some men prepared to do about who can speak, when, and with what au­ the same), as Judith Allen points out, the strate­ thority". Analysis of individual institution's written gies contained within higher education policy "look documentation is necessary in order to assess pertously close to a contempt for the feminine and what is said and thought about 'academic woman' applause for the masculine as they currently within a particular university, what authority she prevail, all in the name of economic rationalism" has to speak within the institution, which dis­ (Allen, 1991:10). The policy implicity reproduces course, if any, is dominant, and what possibilities the values of the traditional university discourse: for intervention are offered to women within the that the masculine way of 'knowing' and 'doing' is institution's organisational structure. Within this the only valid way of 'knowing' and 'doing'. framework, documentation includes recorded histories and statistical records as well as institu­ tional responses to relevant government policies Intersections such as those contained within affmnative action Women academics, then, operate at the intersec­ management plans, mission statements, staffing tion of these broad discourses. Undoubtedly a policies, and relevant minutes of meetings. number of subject positions are available to women within these discourses. As Weedon notes, al­ Listening to what individual women have to 'say' though a discourse will offer a "preferred form of about their experiences and actions within particu­ subjectivity" the very organization of the discourse lar universities is, however, equally as important "will imply other subject positions and the possibil­ as analysing written discourse. As Wendy Brown ity of reversal" (1987:109). However, how these (1991:72) points out, dispensing with the notion of discourses are practiced, how they intersect and a unified subject does not mean that we cease "to interact with each other, and which discourse will be able to speak about our experiences as women, dominate in individual universities can surely only only that our words cannot be legitimately de­ be speculated upon. They will undoubtedly vary ployed or construed as larger or longer than the depending on factors such as the organisational moments of the lives they speak from". Conse­ structure, faculty mix, available resources, individ­ quently interviews with women faculty staff are ual ideologies and the institution's overall philoso­ seen as an invaluable way of assessing gender phy. relations within a particular university and 'teasing out' some of the differences that exist between In the Foucauldian sense, then, universities can be women academics and the actions they take both regarded as 'sites of contest' in which masculine in and across the different faculties. structures and values, dominant for so long, are open to challenge. While the actions women take No analysis of gender relations or 'gender perform­ will largely be guided and limited by the positions ances' would, however, be complete without also they occupy, both within the individual institution recording the experiences and actions of men. As and within the individual discourses, the fact that no systematic attempt to assess the extent of Women's participation across and within institu­ change in gender performances in male academics, tions in Australia is not uniform suggests that that is how male academics are currently 'doing' some universities may be more open to challenge, their gender within universities has, to my knowl­ and hence to change in gender relations than edge, been undertaken, interviews with a male others. Small-scale, historically specific analyses of academics as well as analysis of verbal discourse individual universities within the framework such as that which occurs between women and

81 men in meetings and recordings of snippets of Although described by some as utopian (Henry, conversation are seen as adding the final necessary 1984:53), it was a structure and philosophy which dimension to any analysis of gender relations. could also be described as 'feminine' relying as it did on the so-called feminine value of collectivity. It should have provided the ideal climate for taking Progress to date on board the 'gender problem' and for promoting While this study will eventually expand to include social change. Such has not necessarily been the an examination of three institutional sites, my case across the university although the situation is research to date been confined to an examination far from grim. The University did make an early of a university whose organisational structure, commitment to the principles of equal opportunity philosophy and faculty mix were based on a while the (at the time) relatively high participation 'problem-oriented' interdisciplinary approach to rate of women at Griffith prompted an invitation in teaching. The notion that will be explored from this 1984 for the University to particpate in the Federal is whether such an institution offers more scope Government's affirmative action pilot scheme (GU, for intervention by women than either the 1991). Nevertheless the problems associated with 'discipine-based' approach of an old and tradition­ getting the concentration area up ally structured university or the 'school-based' and running in 1985 are well-documented and structure of a former college of advanced education highlight the fact that despite the University's which has recently been granted university status. commitment to the principles of equality, men have been granted the privilege of speaking with far The university I have been looking at is Griffith more authority than women have, even in subject University in Brisbane. The philosophy behind the areas in which they are not qualified to speak with university, which began ,teaching its first under­ any authority (see eg. Bulbeck 1987, 1991). graduate courses in 1975, was that is should offer an 'alternative' type of tertiary education; alterna­ Undoubtedly Griffith's 'difference' was linked not tive, that is, to the traditional or conventional only to its philosophy but its size. While the university in both structure and courses offered original planning committee did not anticipate and alternative, more particularly, to that which future enrolments exceeding 8,000 full-time was offered by the University of Queensland, a students, Griffith's response to the Dawkins White large and well-established traditional university Paper has meant the University has virtually also located in Brisbane. changed overnight. Over the past few years it has amalgamated with four other institutions and now Teaching programs at this new university were to has six campuses between Mackay and the Gold involve a multi-disciplinary, problem- oriented Coast and 12,000 EFTSUs. It now boasts a approach rather than the traditional approach of conservatorium of music and college of art as well teaching and studying in specified subject areas. as the professional activities of law, nursing and As a result, Griffith adopted the 'school' as its basic education. This expansion of course hasn't been academic unit rather than the conventional depart­ without its problems. Nevertheless, there are ment (Margetson, 1984). Its primary sub-division, enough remnants of the early philosophy and therefore, was seen in terms of themes or sets of structures left to enable a comparison between problems which were perceived to exist in the Griffith and a more traditional university, and to 'outside' world. Such a structure supposedly suggest that Griffith may offer women more space encouraged an openness to significant and con­ for intervention in the masculine structures than temporary issues and was supposed to result in might be available elsewhere. multi-disciplinary schools in which students and staff could concentrate on 'real world' problems As the previous comments suggest, analysis of and complexities (Willett, 1984). Representatives of written documentation is revealing much about particular disciplines were therefore to be found in what this university has to say about women. As more than one school rather than concentrated or might be expected, the picture that is emerging so 'isolated' in separate disciplinary areas. far is a contradictory one - academic woman is variously constructed in different texts as an The new structure was also an attempt to minimise interloper in a male domatn or, paradoxically, as some of the dysfunctions of the traditional univer­ someone who has much to offer and is valued in sity. For example, it attempted to do away with the her own right. For example, affirmative action pyramidal committee structure and all staff were policies undoubtedly value women and respect encouraged to participate in 'collective' decision­ their traditional commitments to their families. making. This "participatory democracy" as it was They are specifically designed accommodate called (Segall, 1984:44) also extended to teaching, women's different experiences and needs, particu­ with collective or team teaching the norm within larly in regard to pregnancy and child-rearing (e.g. schools. Common rooms were also egalitarian fractional appointments, leave provisions). Never­ affairs, with staff and students mingling. Minimal theless such policies do not threaten the validity of status was accorded to rank within the university the male job model in any significant way. Indeed (i.e. no God-professors were to be found [Henry, there is mention made within the University's 1984]). Affirmative Action Management Plan (Phase II,

82 women, communication and power 1988) of the difficulties faced by the institution in divisional research fellowships to women who had dealing with fractional appointments and flexible the potential but had not had the opportunities to leave provisions -'woman's difference' is obviously advance their careers, the major affirmative action something of a 'nuisance' in this regard. While the achievement for the Faculty of Science and Tech­ management plan provides practical suggestions nology in 1991 was the provision of four car for overcoming these problems, these suggestions parking spaces close to the buildings for women ultimately rely on the provision of further re­ who lectured part-time for the Faculty in the sources which in tum must come from scarce evenings (AA Report, 1992). As Grosz and de government funding. Lepervanche (1988) point out, despite the increas­ ing participation by women, science remains a 'Jhe structure and philosophy of the university do, male dominated discipline. It is a 'problem' which however, appear to offer more space for interven­ appears to have been 'avoided' early in Griffith's tion and change than other more traditionally history, in part, I suspect, because of the inability structured universities. Although women often of the original School of Science to adopt an have to rely on the language or concepts of tradi­ interdisciplinary, problem oriented approach to tional university discourse when attempting teaching (Segall, 1984) and thus its isolation from change, participatory decision-making, the prob­ the University's underlying philosophy. lem oriented approach to teaching (where such an approach is indeed practised), appointment to a In contrast to science, education has long been faculty rather than a concentration area, and team regarded as a feminine discipline. However, despite teaching all allow women the opportunity for having one of the most comprehensive affirmative articulating 'difference' and 'diversity' and for early action programmes in the University, the Faculty intervention in the production of knowledge. For recently failed to attract any female applicants for example, one female academic's feminist reading of the position of Deputy Dean. In speaking to this the expression of student anger /unease over issue, the Vice Chancellor agreed the University gender inequality issues raised in the Humanities still had a long way to go to achieve gender bal­ compulsory Foundation Year course is an interest­ ance, particularly at senior level (Council Meeting, ing use of strategy for change. By making the 5/10/92). Again the rhetoric is there, but the distinction "between men and masculinity, and action and results seem to be missing. women and femininity" she managed to deperson­ alise these issues, thus providing "a safe place However, there are some very positive things from which both male staff and students could happening for women within the University. For address the issues". Indeed it was, she says, "the example the Australian Institute for Women's space that western philosophy allocates to men, Research and Policy (AIWRAP) was established in that of detached observer and knower of the world" 1991 with $30 000 annual funding from the Vice (Bulbeck, 1991:31). Chancellor as well as substantial contributions from the six participating faculties. With the However, while team teaching may mean that men Humanities Faculty as its first host, and Humani­ are unable to ignore gender issues, gender balance ties Professor Judith Allen, Australia's first ap­ in this area has by no means been achieved. While pointed Chair in Women's Studies, as its first women in one faculty are no longer expected to Director (and, I must add, ably directed by Dr play nursemaid to first year students, and indeed Chilla Bulbeck in Prof. Allen's absence), AlWRAP is are heavily involved in postgraduate teaching and committed to fostering women's research interests supervision, they are still very much adjutants to at both faculty and postgraduate level and to male academics. Although women make up only fostering relations between women researchers and 34% of the faculty staff, they carry out 47% of the faculties across the University (via seminars etc). teaching load in undergraduate courses (figures AlWRAP also sees itself as being beneficial in provided by Prof. J J Bailey, 1992). Because ofthe developing links between women academics, closing of the gap between private and public in government and industry - links which are neces­ the gender studies area, women faculty members sary if women are to participate in consultative are also more likely to become involved in student's work as encouraged by the present higher educa­ personal problems. Feminist academics do not see tion policy (Humanities AA Report, 1991). AIWRAP this as a problem. On the contrary it has been is also using the language of equity in its attempts suggested that it is men who should develop more to bring in larger grants in gender areas to support of the so-called feminine skills of nurturance, individuals in teams and to instigate discussions understanding and communication (Bulbeck, on gender blind structures with the Department of 1991). Women are undoubtedly perceived as Education, Employment and Training (DEE11. different from men within this faculty and the word Rather than falling victim to the masculine values is that men should be become more like women if implicit in Higher Education Policy, women work­ they are to make really successful academics! ing is this area are utilizing the discourse of government policy to create new spaces for women Some academic areas obviously offer greater scope and bring about positive changes in gender rela­ for intervention than others. For example, while in tions. 1991 the Faculty of Commerce and Administration offered, among other things, four out of five of its

83 Doubtless this type of action is having its rewards. Bibliography While interviews with faculty staff remain a task Allen, Judith, (1991). "Women's studies in the for the future, preliminary observation of meetings 1990s: Problems and Prospects", The Austral­ has revealed that some men at Griffith are trying to ian Universities' Review, 34(2). 'do' their gender differently, thereby acknowledging 'difference' and 'diversity' and allowing greater scope for changes in relations between men and Bacchi, Carol Lee, (1990). Same Difference: Femi­ women. On the other hand, there are those who nism and Sexual Difference, Sydney: Allen & would obviously prefer to see women still 'doing Unwin. their gender' at home. Sexist remarks about women's behaviour are not uncommon while at Ball, Stephen J., (1990a). Politics and Policy Making one meeting two male staff members (who, I must in Education, Explorations in Policy Sociology, add, were also only observers as opposed to mem­ London: Routledge. bers) further devalued women by chatting quite loudly to each other each time discussion focused Ball, Stephen J. (Ed). (1990b). Foucault and Educa­ on women or equity issues involving staff and tion, Disciplines and Knowledge, Routledge, students. In contrast, in those few meetings that I London and New York. have observed, women commitee members were far less likely to speak than men in meetings in which Blackmore, Jill and Jane Kenway, (1988). Ration­ they were under-represented, while in meetings alisation, instrumentalism and corporate where they were represented in equal numbers to managerialism: the implications for women men, women still 'spoke' for less than half the time of the Green Paper in Higher Education, that men did. Australian Universities' Review, 31(1).

One mechanism for control within the University Brown, Wendy, (1991). Feminist Hesitations, continues to be that of the 'individual male', that Postmodern Exposures, Journal of Feminist is, those men who resent the 'intrusion' ofwomen Cultural Studies, 3(1), 63-84. in their male domain and use their positions of greater power to thwart any possible changes in Bulbeck, Chilla, (1987). Gender Studies at Griffith the way gender relations are practised. Women University, Women's Studies International trying to bring about change (eg. through partici­ Forum, 10(5), 537-541. pation in decision-making committees) are then forced to develop more sophisticated counter Bulbeck, Chilla, (1991). The Politics of Teaching strategies to achieve their goals than would be Women's Studies, Australian Feminist necessary with more egalitarian minded men. For Studies, 13, Autumn, 27-40. example, women's actions or suggestions can be made to appeal to these indvidual males if they rely Butler, Judith, (1990a). Gender Trouble, Feminism on or appear to reinforce values, notions or the and the Subversion ofIdentity, New York: rhetoric of either traditional university discourse or Routledge. the masculine discourse of current higher educa­ tion policy rather than on notions of women's Butler, Judith, (199b). Gender Trouble, Feminist difference (eg. justifying funding for a project in the Theory, and Psychoanalytic Discourse, In name of 'quality of education' rather than 'equity'). Linda J, Nicholson. (Ed.), Feminism/Post­ modernism, New York: Routledge. It is too early to tell yet which discourse is domi­ nant in this particular University. While I must Connell, R W., (1987). Gender and Power- Society, stress that what I have presented here today are the Person and Sexual Politics, Sydney: Allen only preliminary findings, they nevertheless point & Unwin the way for a successful utilization of this frame­ work. It is obvious even from this early research Dale, Barbara, The Executive Woman's Report, ND. that the four identified discourses are at work within the university, they do interact and inter­ Dawkins, J.S., (1988). Higher Education- A Policy sect and possibilities for positive change do exist Statement, AGPS, Canberra. within them. While I will no doubt encounter my share of problems working within this framework, I Eisenstein, Hester, (1985). The Gender of Bureauc­ believe the project has the potential to offer a new racy: Reflections on Feminism and the State, reading of gender relations as they are practised in In J.Goodnow & C. Pateman (Eds.), Women, universities In Australia today which may, in turn, Social Science and Public Policy, Sydney: enable us to develop and suggest strategies, George Allen & Unwin. structures and policies which do allow for more 'equal' relationships between men and women Foucault, Power and Norms: Notes, ND. within academia in the future. Foucault, Michel, (1974). The Archaeology of Watch this space! Knowledge, London: Tavistock.

84 women, communication and power i<'ouque, Antoinette, (1991). Women in Movements McNamee, Janette, (1991). The Place of Women's Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow. An Inter­ Studies Within Australian Universities, rl- vieW, D![ferences: A Journal of Feminist Rockhampton: University of Central Queens­ Cultural Studies, 3(3). land.

'> ''""uun•• University Affirmative Action Committee, Moses, Ingrid, (1990). Barriers to Women's Partici­ (1988). Griffith University A.fftrmative Action pation as Postgraduate Students, Canberra: Program, Management Plan, Phase II, Griffith AGPS. University, Nathan. g Muetzelfeldt, Michael, (1990). Power, Legitimacy Grifii1:h University, (1991). An Introduction to the and Politics, SOciety, State and Politics, Ajfinnattve Action Program, Griffith Univer­ Deakin University, Geelong (Study Guide sity, Nathan. Section A, (pp.2-30).

Griffith University Division of Humanities, (1991). Phelan, Shane, (1991). "Specificity: Beyond Equal­ ~Report ofPlans and Progress in Affirmative ity and Difference", dilferences: A Journal of Action". Feminist Cultural Studies, 3(1), 128.

Grosz, E.A. and Marie de Lepervanche, (1988). Poiner, Gretchen, (1983). Women in University: Feminism and Science. In B. Caine, E.A. The Rose Tinted Spectacles Effect, 53rd Grosz,Marie de Lepervanche (Eds.), Crossing ANZASS Congress, Perth. Boundaries: Feminism and the Critique of Knowledges, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Pringle, Rosemary, (1989). "Bureaucracy, Rational­ ity and Sexuality: The Case of Secretaries", Henry, Reg, (1984). "Discussant, Symposium 3", in J. Hearn, D.L. Sheppard, P. Tancred­ Griffith University Symposia: Reflections Sheriff and G. Burrell, (Eds.), The Sexuality in the Second Decade, Nathan: Griffith of Organization, London, Newbury Park, New University. Delhi: Sage Publications.

Jeffreys, Elaine, (1991). What is 'Difference' in Segall, Robert, (1984). "Fetishism Versus Ideology Feminist Theory and Practice? Australian at Griffith", GriJfith University Symposia: Feminist Studies, Summer, 1-13. Reflections in the Second Decade, Nathan: Griffith University. Jensen, Katherine, (1982). Women's Work and Academic Culture: Adaptations and Con­ Schirato, Tony, (1991, July). "Public/Private, The frontations, Higher Education,ll, 67- 83. University and The Politics of Genteel Discourse, Southern Review, 24(2). Junor, Ann, (1988-89). Signs of the Times, Scarlet Woman, Issue 25, Summer. Smart, Carol, (1992). Regulating Womanhood: Historical Essays on Marriage, Motherhood Kelly, Gail P., and Sheila Slaughter (Eds.), Wom­ and Sexuality, London & New York: en's Higher Education in Comparative Per­ Routledge. spective, Kluwer Academic Publications, Dordrecht. Whitlock, Gillian & Chilla Bulbeck, (1988). A Small and Often Still Voice'?: Women Intellectuals Kenway, Jane and Jill Blackmore, (1988). Gender in Australia, In B.Head & J. Walter (Eds.), and the Green Paper: privatisation and Intellectual Movements and Australian equity, Australian Universities' Review, 31, SOciety, Oxford University Press. (1), 49-56. Wieneke, Chris, (1991, Autumn,). Through the Margetson, Don, (1984). Griffith University Sympo­ Glass Ceiling Slowly: Senior Administrative sia: Reflections in the Second Decade, Women in Higher Education, Australian Griffith University, Nathan. Feminist Studies, 13, 41-58.

Marginson, Simon, (1989). Is There Life After Willett, John, (1984). Day-Spring. Griffith Univer­ Dawkins, SOcial Alternatives, 7(4), 30-36. sity Symposia: Reflections in the Second Decade, Griffith University, Nathan. Matthews, Jill and Dorothy Broom, (1991). Or­ phans of the The Storm: The Attrition of the Weedon, Chris, (1987). Feminist Practice and ANU Women's Studies Program, Universities Poststructuralist Theory, Oxford: Basil and Higher Education Review, ND. Blackwell.

McDowell, Linda L., (1990, December). Sex and Power in Academia, Area, 22(4), 323-332.

85 Yeatman, Anna, (1988). The Green Paper on higher education: remarks concerning its implica­ tions for participation, access and equity for women as staff and students, Australian Universities' Review, 31(1), 39-41.

Yeatman, Anna, (1992). Women, Communication and Power. Keynote address presented at Women in Leadership National Conference, Perth, 2-4 December.

Note: Discourses (or discursive formations as they are also known), are defmed here in the Foucauldian sense as bodies of knowledge or systems of rules and the mutually constituted ways in which that knowledge or those rules are expressed or repre­ sented so that some things appear as true and other things either do not appear at all or are made out to be false (Muetzefeldt, 1990). For Foucault (1974) discourse analysis involved asking why certain statements and not others appeared at particular times and in particular institutional settings.

86 women, communication and power session Two . THURSDAY 2.00 - 3.00 PM cHAIRPERSON: Marilyn Clark-Murphy

The Glass Ceiling - Applicable in Academia

Alison Sheridan University of New England

Abstract representation of women in senior academic Despite the fact affirmative action legislation has positions are then reviewed before examining been operational in high education institutions particular factors which may be contribute to the since 1 October 1986, women are still underrepre­ "glass ceiling" which limits opportunities available sented, particularly at senior academic levels, in all to academic women at UNE-Armidale, as well as in Australian universities. In this paper, the Univer­ other universities. sity of New England, Armidale (UNE- Armidale) is used as a case study to explore whether the "glass Academic Women 1984 vs 1992 ceiling" issue is relevant to academia. In 1984, the Equal Opportunity Unit of the (then single campus) University of New England com­ Firstly, a comparison is made between the sta~us piled a gender proflle of the academic staff by of women in academic positions atUNE- Arm1dale Faculty and Department based on information both before and after the affirmative action legisla­ contained in the University handbook. At that tion. As well, the status of women in academic time, women made up only 15.5 percent of total positions at UNE-Armidale is compared with the academic staff. As seen in Table 1, however, they national average. The proportion of women at were heavily concentrated in the lower academic UNE-Armidale across most senior academic levels levels. A reverse order of representation is evident is less than the national average of universities, in the table, that is, proportionately more of the but greater than the national average for Level A female staff are found in the lowest status catego­ academics. It seems that UNE - Armidale does not ries. There were no women at Level E. Women have a problem attracting women to the lower made up only 5 percent of the staff at Level D, 2 academic levels, rather the problem appears to be percent of the staff at Level C, 16 percent of the attracting and promoting women to the more Level B staff, while at Level A women represented senior academic positions. In the next section of 41 per cent of the staff. (For ease of comparison, the paper there is a discussion of the possible the titles of staff were adjus ted to reflect the factors contributing to the underrepresentation of currently accepted titles.) women in senior academic positions in all universi­ ties, and UNE - Armidale in particular. Finally, Listing of forenames of staff in the University useful strategies that could be adopted to improve handbook is now seen as discriminatory and all the representation of women in senior academic staff are listed by surname and initials only. positions are canvassed. Consequently, collection of gender information from the University handbook is no longer pos­ Paper sible. Madison (1992) collected the gender infor­ Women are underrepresented, particularly at mation of all academic staff included in the 1992 senior academic levels, in all Australian universi­ UNE-Armidale handbook by personally contacting ties (Gale & Lindemann, 1989). The University of every department- a very time consuming method New England, Armidale (UNE-Armidale) is no of collection, but the only option available. Her exception. In fact, the proportion of women at fmdings indicate that in 1992 women make up 27 UNE-Armidale across most senior academic levels per cent of the academic staff, and they are still is less than the national average of universities. concentrated at the lower academic levels. The aim of this paper is to review the factors which may be operating within Australian universities Table 1 generally, and UNE-Armidale in particular, to Academic Women, UNE-Armidale sustain the imbalance of women in senior aca­ 1984 1992 1984 1992 demic positions and suggest alternatives to counter numbers % at each level LevE 0 1 0 2 this imbalance. The first part of the paper com­ LevD 3 4 5 9 pares the status of academic women at UNE­ LevC 3 21 2 13 Armidale before and after affirmative action legisla­ LevB 23 65 16 32 tion and with other Australian universities. The LevA 37 58 41 58 arguments commonly put forth to explain the poor Total 66 149 15.5 27

87 In Table 2, these figures are broken down on a Table 3 Faculty basis. The Faculty of Education, Nursing Academic Women in the FacuU:i.es of Sciences and & Professional Studies has the greatest proportion Economics, Bmlineas & Law ofwomen in academic positions. The changing UNE-Annidale representation of women across academic levels is somewhat clouded by the amalgamation of the old 1984 1992 1984 1992 CAE and UNE in 1989. Traditionally, the CAE had numbers % a greater representation of female academic staff LevE 0 0 0 0 LevD 2 2 7 10 than UNE, so amalgamation of the two institutions LevC 1 2 1 3 resulted in an increased representation of women LevB 7 9 13 15 in academic positions, predominantly in the LevA 17 25 37 53 Faculty of Education, Nursing & Professional Studies. Total 27 38 13 17

If one looks only at those Faculties which did not [These are the Faculties not directly affected by gain staff from the CAE, that is the Faculty of the amalgamation). Sciences and the Faculty of Economics, Business A further issue of concern relates to the proportion & Law, the proportion of women in academic of male and female academics who have tenure. positions has remained relatively constant across These data were not readily available from UNE­ the eight year period, with the exception of Level A Armidale, but Allen (1990) cites statistics collected where women have increased their representation by DEET from all universities in 1987 which from 37 percent to 53 percent. (See Table 3.) indicate that 50 percent of academic staff are tenured men, whereas tenured women make up Table 2 Proportion of Academic Women by Faculty, UNE­ only 6. 7 percent of total academic staff. The Armidale,% remaining 43 per cent of academic staff are full­ time and part-time men and women. A similar Arts Econ, Bus Educ, Nurs Sci. scenario appears to hold at UNE-Armidale; for &Law & ProfSt instance, there is only one tenured female aca­ '84 '92 '84 '92 '84 '92 '84 '92 demic.in the Faculty of Economics, Business & Law. The other 20 academic women in the Faculty LevE - 6 are untenured. In contrast, 45 of the 67 academic LevD - 25 22 10 6 men employed in the Faculty are tenured. The importance of tenure is recognised by Allen (1990). 8 6 2 5 LevC 2 37 "Tenured senior academics have job secwity, Lev B 21 29 10 10 16 49 15 19 superannuation, and a range of leave provi­ sions such as study, long-service and paren­ LevA 50 43 53 64 20 100 28 41 tal (leave provisions vary between States and individual institutions), access to research Total grants and greater opportunities for promo­ in tion. They participate in tmiversity decision­ Fac'lty 20 25 15 22 11 46 12 13 making which confers considerable control over conditions of work." (p.7). 1. Following amalgamation, the Faculty of Arts was enlarged to include certain staff from the Armidale CAE. Untenured academics, ofwhich proportionately more are women, generally do not enjoy the same 2. The 1984 figures are from the then Faculty of entitlements to leave, superannuation or other Education. Following amalgamation, this Faculty work conditions, nor do they have the same input became Education, Nursing and Professional Studies. into university-wide or faculty-wide decision­ making as their tenured counterparts. 3. To make a direct comparison between 1984 and 1992 possible, the Faculties of Resource Manage­ ment, Rural Science and Science were summed to give the 1984 Faculty of Science numbers included UNE-Annidale Relative to Other Universities here. Affirmative action legislation has been operational in higher education institutions since 1 October, 1986. With respect to increasing the proportion of It would seem that since the enactment of the women in senior academic positions, some univer­ affirmative action legislation in 1986 there has not sities appear to have achieved more than UNE­ been a significant improvement in the status of Armidale. Gale & Lindemann (1989) note that: academic women at UNE-Armidale.

88 women, communication and power "under the same legislative requirements Why Women are Chwtered in the Lower Levels and theoretically the same academic ap­ The issue ofwomen's lack of representation in pointment procedures there are vast differ­ senior academic positions has received consider­ ences in the results achieved from one able attention over the last ten years (Davies, university to another" 1982; Cass et al, 1983; Everett & Entrekin, 1987; (p.3). Grimes, 1987; Maling, 1990; Mares, 1990; Allen, 1990). Allen (1990) summarises the major argu­ is clear from Table 4, the proportion of women ments put forth to explain the clustering of women at UNE-Armidale is less than the national average in the lower levels of academia as: in the categories of Level E, Level C and Level B. For Level D academics, UNE-Armidale is on par 1) Selection and promotion procedures in aca­ with the national average, while at Level A. UNE­ demic employment; Armidale has a higher proportion ofwomen than 2) Low levels of turnover in academic employ­ the national average. ment;

Table 4 3) Women's reluctance to apply for positions; Proportion of Academic Women, 1992 4) Incompatibility of academic employment and All Universities UNE-Armidale domestic responsibilities; and %women 5) Sex-based differences in academic merit. 7 2 9 9 18 13 In the following sections, Allen's review of the 38 32 content and validity of these arguments will be 52 58 examined. 31 27

All Universities figure taken from AVCC Selection and Promotion ProcedlU'es Report (1992). Since the introduction of the Affirmative Action It seems then that UNE-Armidale does not have a legislation in 1986, most universities have re­ problem in attracting women at the lower levels. viewed their selection and promotion procedures Rather, the problem appears to be attracting and for permanent or long-term contract positions to promoting women to the more senior academic ensure they are consistent with equal employment positions. A "glass ceiling"- or invisible barrier­ opportunity principles. appears to be restricting women's chances of senior appointment or promotion. For instance, at UNE-Armidale there is now a detailed set of academic selection procedures for In Table 5, the position of UNE-Armidale relative to Level B positions and above which are circulated to other Australian universities with respect to the all members of selection committees. The material proportion of senior women academics (that is, consists of the following: Level C academics and above) is presented. Given (i) information relating to the processes that the relatively poor performance of UNE-Armidale, must be adhered to prior to the advertisement the issue oflow representation of women in senior of the position; academic positions generally, is of particular interest to the academic women at UNE-Armidale. (ii) details about the advertising requirements (the minimum requirement for advertising a Table 5 position must be inclusion of an advertise­ % of Senior Women Academics by University ment in the Wednesday edition of The Austral­ University % ian and three suitably qualified women must Tasmania 3.6 be advised of the advertisement); Griffith 5.2 (iii) the composition of the selection committee UNE 5.4 Newcastle 5.4 (which must include at least two women in the ANU 6.4 six member committee); Adelaide 6.8 (iv) instructions that members of the selection WA 6.9 NSW 7.0 committee cannot act as referees for appli­ James Cook 7.2 cants; Qld 7.2 (v) notice of the confidentiality of the selection Wollongong 8.4 process; Flinders 8.4 Monash 8.9 (vi) the actual procedures to be followed; and Melboume 8.9 Sydney 11.5 (vii) the documentation required for the selection Murdoch 12.1 process. LaTrobe 13.1 Deakin 13.4 Although appointment to Level A positions or Macquarle 17. 1 appointments for less than 12 months are not Source: Allen (1990), p. 10. women fin llemdlenhfiJP> con1fe1rence ll992 89 subject to these rigorous processes, it would seem Armidale is an issue that will be addressed in more that some effort has been made, at the more senior detail in a later section of the paper. positions at least, to minimise the effect of direct and indirect discrimination in selection proce­ dures. As well, promotions committees must Domestic Responsibilities comply with similar procedures. Studies of the division of household tasks have overwhelmingly concluded that women continue to bear the primacy responsibility for home-related Low Levels of Turnover in Academic Employ­ tasks. The ABS survey of one thousand house­ ment holds in Sydney in 1987 found that, regardless of The argument that the movement ofwomen into education, income, social background, employment senior academic positions has been limited by the status or age, women do significantly more unpaid large number of tenured men appointed in the work than men. "On average, women do approxi­ expansionacy years for tertiacy institutions in the mately 36 hours a week of unpaid work while men late 1960s and early 1970s is shown by Allen to on average do less than half that amount" (OSW, have no support from the data collected from a 1991, p.5). Moreover, the survey also found that number of universities. In fact, thef?e studies no matter how many hours of paid work a wife generally found that turnover at the top levels of does, her husband's contribution remains rela­ academia was quite high. This discounts low tively constant. This discrepancy in unpaid turnover as a factor contributing to the small workloads, and the career interruptions women proportion of women in the vecy senior positions. experience with child bearing and rearing, have also been presented as reasons why there is such an imbalance ofwomen and men in senior aca­ Reluctance to Apply for Appointment or Promo­ demic positions. According to this argument, tion domestic and academic responsibilities are incom­ Another argument commonly proffered to explain patible. Allen (1990) reports that the only research the more junior status of academic women relative carried out to test the hypothesis that such uneven to academic' men is that women are reluctant to domestic responsibilitles limited women's ability to apply for appointment or promotion. Although carcy out research found no evidence to support Allen cites a number of studies which indicate that this contention. She does report, however, that women applicants for academic positions or Sawer (1984) found that some women reported promotion have a greater chance of success than "feeling obliged to choose between career and men, there is evidence to suggest that women may family and either have fewer children than they be less likely than men to apply for appointment or wanted, or none" (Allen, 1990, p. 19). With respect promotion in the first instance (Poiner and Burke, to domestic responsibilities limiting women's 1988). mobility, Allen cites research by Over and Lancas­ ter (1984) which found that similar proportions of The promotional round from Level B to Level C in women and men reported moving between Austral­ 1991 at UNE-Armidale would seem to support ian universities. these findings. In that round for promotion, there were 47 male applicants, of which 19 (or 40 per cent) were successful, while there were only 13 Sex-based Differences in Academic Merit female applicants, of which 7 (or 54 per cent) were The final argument Allen notes as commonly cited successful. However, for the promotion round for as a reason for discrepancies in the status of Level C to Level Din that same year, the situation academic women and men was that there are was somewhat different. Of the 47 male appli­ differences in academic merit between the sexes. cants, 16 (or 34 per cent) were successful, while of Allen addressed this final argument in the most the 6 female applicants, only one (or 17 per cent) comprehensive manner of all the arguments. was successful (UNE, 1992). Using information from several studies, she sys­ tematically rejects the hypotheses that there are The significantly smaller number of women appli­ significant sex differences between men and cants for promotion at these levels cannot be women with respect to: attributed to reluctance to apply on the part of i) academic qualifications in senior positions; women alone. The fact is there are, in absolute terms, fewer women than men in Level B and Level ii) publication rates; C positions. At Level B there are currently 138 111) teaching ability; or men compared to 65 women, while at Level C there are 140 men and 21 women. It appears that iv) levels of participation in administration. proportionately more men at Level B applied for promotion in 1991 than women (34 per cent Allen's fmal conclusion is that there is inadequate compared to 20 per cent). The difference in appli­ evidence to support the claim that the poor repre­ cants from C to D was somewhat smaller as 34 per sentation of women in senior academic positions cent of men in the Level C categocy applied for can be explained by sex differences in merit, promotion as did 29 per cent of women. Why there aspirations or domestic responsibilities. Rather, are differences, in applications for promotion she argues that geographic variation in the propor- between academic women and men at UNE-

90 women, communication and power of women in senior academic positions (as Mares (1990} provides an illuminating discussion in Table 5) would seem to indicate that there of the insidious practices which can operate in some factors operating within individual universities to subordinate women nrtivcersitif:s which affect opportunities available to 'Wc'lm,en to achieve senior academic positions. "both in the formal curriculum through the spillover into everyday university practices of suggests there are two major factors which patriarchalfomlS of behaviour and popular to the differences in the observed myths of cognitive difference" :.;;.,.,,.,"'rtilnn:s of men and women in senior academic (Mares, 1990, p. 74). These two factors are faculty mix and :c]iffi:ate within particular universities. First, miX. Universities without such traditionally Drawing on both published material and anecdotal dominated disciplines as Engineering may be evidence from the University of Adelaide, Mares expected to have higher proportions of academic provides a range of examples to show how women women. No empirical work has been done, how­ continue to be marginalised in both teaching and ever, to test this hypothesis since Gale (1980) work experiences in universities. In the teaching context, she cites the case of a lecturer, who when found no relationship between faculty mix and women academics in the late 1970s. UNE-Arrni­ discussing the working conditions in the early dale's relatively poor representation of academic nineteenth century, was reported as saying: women relative the other Australian universities seems to support Gale's findings (of no relation­ "the workers were working sixteen hours a ship), as the faculty mix would tend to suggest day infactories, and the workers' wives were there should be a relatively high proportion of working sixteen hours a day in the factories". women in senior academic positions, instead of the (Mares, 1990, p. 77). relatively low proportion observed. As a School of Engineering at UNE-Armidale will not be opera­ Whether consciously or unconsciously meant, the tional until1993, it would seem fairly safe to rule message from this statement is that women are not out faculty mix for the lack of women in senior "workers" and the role of "worker" is necessarily academic positions at UNE-Armidale. masculine. Women's rights to participate equally in the workforce are undermined in the minds of Another argument Allen (1990) alludes to in her both male and female students by this type of attempts to explain the low representation of statement. As well, Mares reports that many women in senior academic positions is that there is women experience: "a climate of opinion in which women are more easily accepted in some universities than others" "discomfort arising .from the lecturers' as­ (Allen, p.25). It is this issue of the presence of a sumption that all staff and all students are, "glass ceiling" in some universities which will be or ought to be, male, and .from signs that developed further in relation to UNE-Arrnidale in there is an implicit, deep-seated uneasiness the final section of the paper. about the intrusion of women into the disci­ pline" The "Glass Ceiling" (Mares, 1990. p. 76).

"Women report that it is the cwnulative effect The University of Adelaide is not the only institu­ ofthe succession of petty dominations that tion in which such discomfort has been expressed. makes them angry, adversely affecting their Academic women at UNE-Arrnidale have also concentration, their career aspirations and reported incidents where they feel the role of even their continued participation in univer­ women in academia has been demeaned. An sity study." example of the sort of incident prompting these (Mares, 1990, p. 77). feelings occurred recently. In September 1992, the Academic Women's Association (AWA) attempted to Using the then single campus UNE as a case raise the awareness of the Deans about the imbal­ study, Davies (1982) provided a detailed analysis of ance of male and female post-graduate students in how discrimination manifested itself in a perpetual their Faculties. In a letter to the Deans, a sugges­ cycle of discriminatory attitudes, acts and out­ tion was made by the AWA that perhaps the comes. Davies showed how systemic discrimina­ Faculties could implement affirmative action tion both directly and indirectly decreases employ­ policies - policies that were tailored to the specific ment and promotion opportunities for women. needs of the Faculty. The response from one Dean Since that time, the "glass ceiling" has become a indicated that the Faculty he represented did not popular phrase to describe these invisible barriers feel the need to introduce any such schemes limiting the opportunities available to women in (despite the fact that Faculty had the poorest organisations. Ten years on, the situation at UNE­ record for enrolments of women in post-graduate Arrnidale does not appear to have changed a great studies). Furthermore, the Dean's response deal, despite the enactment of the Affirmative included the following comments: Action legislation in 1986. Women are still clus­ tered in the Level A and Level B positions. The "You may be interested in the following extract "glass ceiling" still appears intact.

91 from a recent article entitled 'Sex Differences in the Brain' by D. Kimura in Scientific American 267 80 "Discussions about career paths and work (September 1992). The opening paragraph is as loads should be conducted without reference follows: to childcare and babies."

Women and men differ not only in physical "When working in the profession I did en­ attributes and reproductive function but also counter discrimination due to my sex but in the way in which they solve intellectual generally they would listen and respect your problems. It has beenfashionable to insist opinion and generally treat you as an equal. that these developments are minimal, the I have never encountered such blatant consequence of variations in experience discrimination anywhere else as is displayed during development. The bulk of the evidence in the academic environment. n suggests, however, that the effects of sex hormones on brain organization occur so "Research applications should be considered early in life that .from the start the environ­ without reference to gender or marital sta­ ment is acting on differently wired brains in tus." girls and boys. Such differences make it almost impossible to evaluate the effects of A particularly telling comment about the work experience independent of physiological environment is the following: predisposition. "There is a recognition of the problems, but The final paragraph reads: the Faculty is doing something about them The fmdtng of consistent and, in some cases, because they have to, not because they want quite substantial sex differences suggests to." that men and women may have different occupational interests and capabUities, As Tancred-Sheriff (1988) argues, universities are independent of societal influences. I would alien to academic women as they continue to be not expect, for example, that men and women 'male spaces'. The academic women in this Fac­ would necessarily be equally represented in ulty certainly support this argument. Such pessi­ activities or professions that emphasize mistic attitudes held by women about their work spatial or math skUls, such as engineering or environment as a result of what Mares refers to as physics. But I might expect more women in the "cumulative effect of petty dominations" has medical diagnosticfr.elds where perceptual implications for women's continued participation skUls are important. So that even though any in the academic environment. Davies (1982) cited one individual might have the capacity to be "the inevitable negative attitudes women develop in a 'nontypical' fr.eld, the sex proportions as towards themselves and their careers" (p.16) as a a whole may vary. major factor contributing to the low representation ofwomen in senior (and tenured) academic posi­ Yours sincerely" tions. The perception of the University system as a male-dominated hostile environment becomes a Ignoring the issue of the scientific validity of the self-perpetuating perception. Women may be contents of the letter, a response such as this from deterred from more actively seeking senior posi­ a senior member of the University on behalf of a tions. This may explain the differences in applica­ Faculty does not suggest an environment in which tions for promotion between academic women and women are encouraged to actively seek promotion. men at UNE-Armidale referred to earlier. In fact, the academic women aware of this re­ sponse have reported feeling that this is yet an­ other example of women being "put down" and not Strategies for Effective Change taken seriously in their work environment. They For academic women to increase their representa­ are the "other". tion in senior academic positions In universities generally and UNE-Armidale in particular, the A response from another Faculty to the letter from climate within universities of 'male space' must the AWA was to form a subcommittee of academic change. The Affirmative Action Agency (1989) has women in the Faculty charged with the task of identified three factors which support change. developing suitable policies for the Faculty to These are: implement to encourage women to enrol in post­ 1) Legislative change graduate programs and apply for academic posi­ 2) Management commitment tions. An informal survey carried out by a member 3) Pressure from women of the sub-committee found that morale amongst academic women in the Faculty was very low. An Legislative Change example of the responses to the question concern­ ing the work environment in the Faculty are Anti-discrimination and affirmative action legisla­ illustrative of the extent of the problem. tion has been an important first step in disman­ tling the arbitrary barriers to women's participa­ "There are so few women above tutor level. tion and progress in the workforce generally. As Where are the role models?"

92 women, communication and power noted earlier, universities have revised their explain why we often stick with bad deci­ rsonnel practices as a result of the legislation. sions and why we come to like tasks that we E:gtslative change, however, is not enough. It does initially felt were unpleasant" not guarantee people will intemalise affirmative (p.141). tion principles and behave accordingly. Only commitment by the management to the notion :~ So, if individuals resistant to the change in climate f equal employment opportunity and to efforts to are forced to behave in a manner encouraging ~ismantle the "glass ceiling" within the university change, a favourable attitude to the change may system will facilitate the entry of more women into evolve. Rather than waiting for the prevailing senior academic positions. attitudes to change, the idea is to first change the behaviour.

Management commitment Pressure from Women For any organisational change program to be The commitment of senior management to chang­ successful it is essential that management be ing the current climate is not automatic. Manage­ committed to the change process (Dunphy, 1981). ment needs to be convinced of the merits of chang­ changing the climate within universities from one ing the climate. Dissatisfaction with the status of 'male spaces' to one of 'human spaces' is no quo must be conveyed to management if there is different. Those in senior positions within the going to be any motivation for change. Women's University must be seen to be committed to this groups can provide an effective means of conveying change process. Legislation will not change the the dissatisfaction many women feel with the prevailing attitudes if there is no commitment to present climate in particular universities. The change evident among those in positions of power. Academic Women's Association (AWA) atUNE­ Armidale has recently celebrated its first anniver­ One way to communicate this commitment to sary. The AWA currently has over 60 members, change is to ensure that affirmative action is made which represents about 45 per cent of the aca­ an integral part of management practices at demic women at UNE-Armidale. The inaugural Campus, Faculty and Departmental levels. Ran­ President of the AWA. Dr Izabel Soliman, in ex­ dall (1990) argues that: plaining the catalyst for the formation of the AWA, focussed on the recognised benefits of building a "demonstrated commitment to social justices collaborative network to challenge the 'male space' and (affumatiue action) should be included in climate working within the university. the selection criteria for all supervisory positions, and used as a performance indica­ "We were seeking to strengthen our perceived tor in staff assessment procedures" fragile positions within our individual Depart­ (p.19). ments through industrious academic efforts without devoting time to cultivating the Commitment to affirmative action policies to networks which are also important for change the 'male space' climate can also be con­ academic advancement. We were not aware veyed by those in senior positions by ensuring of the support we could have obtained .from behaviour within the University is consistent with each other. We were not aware of the impor­ equal opportunity principles. Behaviour which is tance of 'lifting as we climbed'" inconsistent with these principles (such as the letter from the Dean cited earlier) must be consid­ (Soliman, 1992, p.2). ered unacceptable and this should be clearly communicated to those behaving in such a man­ "Lift as we climb" was the phrase used by people of ner. As well, the desired new behaviours should be colour in the US in their struggle for liberation systematically rewarded. Both formal rewards (eg from slavery and for civil rights. This phrase, promotion and official recognition) and informal, Soliman maintains, social rewards should be reviewed within the "acknowledges the legitimacy of personal university and restructured to reinforce the advancement and the importance of network­ change. Mitchell et al (1990) note that "like any ing in that process, but, at the same time, it other behaviour that takes place in an organisation, connects personal advancement with a change is strongly influenced by its consequences" collective effort to improve the quality of (p.527). academic life for many" Relevant to the notion of management ensuring (p.2). that behaviour supporting the climate of male space is changed despite the fact that the attitudes Furthermore, as Randall (1990) points out, a by some may be resistant to change is dissonance vigorous women's network can strengthen the theory. Mitchell et al (1990) note that morale and purpose of the academic women in the Institution. At UNE-Armidale, the experience of "dissonance theory points out that by chang­ the AWA has been energising for its members, and ing one's behaviour, one's attitudes can be active efforts are now being undertaken by the changed. This principle has been used to association to instigate the change process. For

93 instance, seminars have been organised by the Gale, F. (1980). Academic Staffing: the search for AWA on how to prepare applications for promotion. excellence. Vestes, 23. The process of change may be slow, but we feel we have increased the momentum through our own Gale, F. & Lindemann, S. (1989). Women in the efforts. Academic Search for Excellence, Australian Universities' Review, 2.

Conclusion Grimes, S. (1987). Beyond Regulation? Women's As has been clearly demonstrated, women are Employment and Affirmative Action in Univer­ underrepresented at senior academic levels in all sities. Industrial Relations Research Centre Australian universities. There are, however, Monograph. University of New South Wales. significant differences between the representation of women in senior academic positions across Madison, J. (1992, July). Engendering a mentoring universities. Women make up only 3.6 per cent of relationship. Paper presented to A Gendered senior academics at the University of Tasmania, Culture- Educational Management in the but over 17 per cent at Macquarie University '90s Conference, University of Technology, (Allen, 1990). This variation suggests there may be Melbourne. some climatic factors operating in some universi­ ties which may be creating a "glass ceiling". An Maling, J. (1990). Women in Higher Education in atmosphere of "male space" may be limiting the Australia: The Last Decade- The Next opportunities available for women to advance in Decade. In Jones D.R.& Davies, S.L. (Eds.), particular universities. Women in Higher Education an agenda for the decade. Department of Admininstrative, Legislative action has gone some way toward Higher and Adult Education Studies, Univer­ dismantling the "glass ceiling", but real change will sity of New England. only come about if there is commitment to chang­ ing the current climate from those in positions of Mares, P. (1990). Subordinating Practices: Teach­ power. Women's groups within universities may be ing in the University. In Jones D.R.& Davies, an effective approach to convincing management S.L. (Eds.), Women in Higher Education: an that the status quo is no longer acceptable and a agenda for the decade. Department of change in climate is necessazy for the long-term Administrative, Higher and Adult Education well-being of the university. Randall's staement Studies, University of New England. about the the value of women's support would seem to be an appropriate note to conclude on. Mitchell, T., Dowling, P. Kabamoff, B. & Larson, J. (1990). People in Organizations: An Intro­ "Women need to support each other in claim­ duction to Organizational Behaviour in ing some space in this world where we are Australia. Sydney: McGraw-Hill. seen as alien intruders, so that we continue to shape the work environment to become Office of the Status ofWomen (1991). Selected more human" Findings from Juggling Time: How Australian FamUies Use Time. Canberra: AGPS. (Randall, 1990, p.24). Over, R. & Lancaster, L. (1984). The Early Career Patterns of Men and Women in Australian Universities. Australian Journal ofEduca­ References tion, 28(3). Allen, F. (1990). Academic Women in Australian Universities. Canberra: AGPS Poiner, G. & Burke, R. (1988). No Primrose Path: women as staff at the . Cass, B., Dawson, M., Temple, D., Wills, S. & Sydney: University of Sydney. Winkler, A (1983). Why So Few? Women Academics in Australian Universities. Syd­ Soliman, I. (1992). From the President. In Women's ney: Sydney University Press, Voice, AWA Newsletter, UNE-Armidale.

Davies, B. (1982). Discrimination, Affirmative Tancred-Sheriff, P. (1988). Demi-nationalisation. In Action and Women Academics: A Case Study Higher Education: Women in Canadian and of the University of New England. Vestes, Australian Universities. Australian Universi­ 25(2). ties Review, 2.

Dunphy, D. (1981). Organisational Change by University of New England-Armidale (1992). Choice. Sydney: McGraw-Hill. Report to the Office of the Director of Equal Opportunity in Public Employment (1 Everett, J. & Entrekin L. (1987). Academic Atti­ Januazy.- 31 December, 1991). tudes. Australia: Methuen.

94 women, communication and power Women Managers in a Diversified Management Team: Prospects for the Australian Mining Industry

Catherine Smith. Margaret Crowley and Jacquie Hutchinson Edith Cowan University

Abstract horizons and enter into non-traditional areas of For the last ten years there has been substantial work. Against considerable odds women have encouragement for women to broaden their career made this move, particularly within the mining horizons and enter into non-traditional areas of industry, where they now work as geologists, work. Against considerable odds, women have surveyors, mechanical engineers, electrical engi­ made this move. In the mining industry in par­ neers, environmental scientists and chemical ticular, women do work as geologists, surveyors, engineers, as well as in the production process, in mechanical engineers, electrical engineers, envi­ some of the most remote and geographically hostile ronmental scientists, chemical engineers, and locations in Australia. production workers, in some of the most remote and hostile locations in Australia. Given the strategic role of the mining industry within the Australian economy, and both the Given the strategic role of the mining industry personal and organisational resources already within the Australian economy, and the resources invested in training and development, one would which individuals, organisations and governments expect that these women could look forward to a have already invested in training and development, long and productive future in the industry. In­ one would expect that these women could look stead, just at the time when they might be ex­ forward to a long and productive future in the pected to move from a technical to a managerial industry. Instead, just at the time when they role, many women - particularly younger ones - are might be expected to move from a technical to a considering leaving the industry. Based on data managerial role, many younger women in particu­ derived from a recent mining industry workshop lar are considering leaving the industry. In 1991 held in Perth, this paper examines the reasons Commonwealth funding was made available by women are considering deserting a workplace they WREIP for a research project on Women in Mining strove so hard to enter. To set the broader contex­ (Crowley, Hutchison and Smith, 1992). As part of tual framework, this paper briefly considers some this research a workshop was held in Perth to of the recent research on women's participation in explore the career development ofwomen in the the workforce in general, and in management in mining industry. Based on data derived from this particular. It then considers the participation of workshop, this paper examines the reason women women within the Australian mining industry, and are considering, deserting a workplace they strove examines the reasons advanced for this. so hard to enter. It considers issues such as:

• the implications of ineffective management Women in the workforce practices, particularly within the context of career devcelopment Over the last twenty years there has been a steady increase in the participation rate of women in the • the implications of management failure to Australian labour force while that of men has acknowledge the 'genderedness' of organisa­ declined (Australian Bureau of Statistics, (ABS) tions; 1990). This is consistent with trends in compa­ rable industrial nations such as the United States the limitations of current Equal Employment • and Great Britain (Davidson, 1987), where women Opportunity and Affirmation Action legislation increasingly expect to combine marriage and a job, to produce the necessary structural attitudinal often with motherhood. Women now constitute changes. 41.6% of the workforce, and 51.9% of the Austra­ lian (and 53.8% of the Western Australian) labour Paper market (ABS 1991a), although the trend of increas­ ing female participation has not been reflected Introduction within the mining industry (ABS 1991b). It has For the last ten years there has been substantial been projected that by the year 2000 there will be encouragement for women to broaden their career equal numbers of men and women in full-time work (ABS, 1988).

95 Many women choose to work not solely for eco­ tertiary educational institutions and the public nomic reasons, but to achieve meaningfulness and sector in general (Bryson, 1987; Still, 1988). self-fulfilment beyond the home environment. Because they have also found that job satisfaction In addition, attitudinal barriers have also been tends to increase commensurate with skill level, identified, such as prejudicial attitudes towards more women are now pursuing careers through the women as managers on the part of both managers middle and upper ranks of the organisational and subordinates (Fitzgerald & Betz, 1983; Hunt, hierarchy (Asplund, 1988; Powell, 1988; Still, 1975; O'Leary, 1974; Riger & Galligan, 1980; Still 1990), indicating that perceived career salience & Jones, 1984; Terborg, 1979; Yost & Herbert, and ego involvement in work can be as strong for 1985). Despite research identifying few operating women as they have traditionally been for men differences between male and female managers (Sekaran, 1982; Wilson, 1991). (Donnell & Hall, 1980), Still (1988) suggests that there is still an uneasy feeling that women do not fit the managerial mould. Women in Management However, despite their increasing participation The sex structuring of the organisation is often within the workforce, women still find it hard to cited as a significant barrier to women's career penetrate the "glass ceiling" and more particularly development, with managerial hierarchies, role to reach senior management positions. There models, networking systems and organisational exists a substantial body of literature on the politics exhibiting a male ambience (Bartol 1979; factors which inhibit women's career development, Fitzgerald & Betz 1983; Gale 1980; Kanter 1977; which has been reviewed by a number of authors Miller & Garrison 1982; Riger & Galligan 1980). including Tharenou & Conroy (1988). Novak & Ward (1989) found women's career Barriers may exist due to a variety of factors, ambitions to be closely related to their investment including personal and home variables such as of resources into career qualifications, although marital status, number of children and depen­ socialisation and structural variables were also dants, partner support, educational level and relevant. In a recent European survey of matched perceived conflicts between home and work (Alban­ pairs of middle managers, both men and women Metcalfe, 1985; Fitzgerald & Betz, 1983; Still, agreed that the attitudes of senior and middle 1985; Terborg, 1977; Bass, 1981, Davidson & managers represent the greatest problem for Cooper, 1983; Miller & Garrison, 1982; Conroy, women's career prospects (Cooke & Stoessl, 1990). 1985).

A number of structural barriers has also been Women in the mining sector identified within organisations such as personnel The mining industry currently employs 1.13o/o of policies, procedures and practices which, while employed persons within Australia. However, of lawful, may indirectly in practice adversely affect the total number of female employees, the mining women. For example, there may be different industry employs only 0.22%, representing the criteria applied for selection, promotion and lowest percentage of female employees within any training, or different degrees of formality used to industry classification of the Australian Bureau of identify potential for promotion, which may ulti­ Statistics (ABS, 1991c). mately limit the possibility of advancement for women (Ashridge Management College, 1980; Since 1982 women have occupied between 7.3% Povall, 1984; Pazy, 1978). Discrimination in and 10.7o/o of jobs in the industry, and they cur­ selection processes has been well documented rently constitute 8.3% (ABS 1991c). The 1986 (Alban-Metcalfe, 1985; Riger & Galligan, 1980; Census provided detailed information on national Terborg, 1977, Gale, 1980), but less well investi­ and local participation rates, showing that Western gated is 'treatment' discrimination once the person Australia had a higher proportion of women is in the organisation, for example through actual employees in the mining industry, a figure of or perceived differences in job evaluation or identi­ 13.4% compared with 9.9o/oAustralia-wide. A fication of career development opportunities for further significant fact to emerge from this Census women and men (Rowland, 1980; Tharenou & was that, of the total number of employees in the Conroy, 1988). Burton, Hag & Thompson (1987) mining industry in the Perth area classification, have demonstrated how job evaluation processes 25.2% were female, almost double the proportion involve social judgements which result in the for the whole of Western Australia (ABS 1990). undervaluation of traditional 'female' jobs. A number of reasons may be advanced for the Many organisations have been reticent to provide higher proportion of females within the Perth area. management development opportunities for women Firstly, many mining companies locate their (Still, 1986a, 1986b, Bryson, 1987). Women still administrative operations in Perth, away from the predominate in specialist technical. areas such as mine sites, and it is possible that women continue human resource management rather than line to be concentrated in administrative and clerical management positions, and this horizontal segre­ occupations, rather than working in non-tradi­ gation is found in business, the professions, tional areas. Secondly, employment outside a city,

96 women, communication and power possibly involving commuting or relocation to industry are more likely to be in Western Australia remote regions, might be considered unattractive, than in other states. particularly for women, because of domestic or family commitments. Thirdly, more jobs tend to be All of these factors lead us to believe that the available within administrative offices, offering women who were brought together in Perth for the greater employment and career opportunities. Women in Mining Workshop represent, for a number of reasons, a very significant group within The 1981 Census showed that women occupied the industry. Historically they represent a break 3.3% of managerial and professional positions in with past employment traditions; strategically they the mining industry (ABS, 1991a) although this represent the beginnings of a new era of diversified appears to have been the last occasion when management; and economically they constitute the statistics were made available on the specific levels "cream" of a very talented human resource pool. of positions occupied by women. This is why we believe that the observations, perceptions and personal experiences of women in Mining has traditionally been seen as a masculine this group, though largely anecdotal in nature, domain. While women have been allowed to may well have implications far beyond the Western undertake secretarial and administrative tasks, Australian context, and indeed may address the they have largely been formally and informally problems ofwomen involved in the non-traditional excluded from areas such as production, treat­ areas more generally. ment, transport, maintenance, exploration, engi­ neering and management (Howard, 1986). Indeed, researching the participation of women in the Women in Mining Workshop mining industry Mitchell (1991:2) reports that the The workshop was run in 1991 as part of a case literature includes very little direct reference to study of women in mining, funded by the Women's women at all, even within those areas where Research and Initiatives Program of the Common­ women have traditionally been employed. wealth Department of Employment, Education and Training (Crowley, Hutchinson & Smith, 1992). As In a 1986 Commonwealth Government publication a means of focusing this case study research, a 'Industrial Relations and Industrial Democracy workshop was held to identify the career develop­ within the Mining Industry', women were not ment needs of women within the mining industry. mentioned at all. The document did, however, mention a number of characteristics of the mining Participants were drawn from a wide range of industry which may partially explain the absence mining interests based in Western Australia, and of women. One is the dominance of an engineering included women working as metallurgists, geolo­ ethos which sees management in terms of systems, gists, engineers, electricians, environmental not people. Another is the existence of rigidly planners, personnel managers, industrial relations compartmentalized management structures with officers, mill superintendents and survey assis­ lengthy vertical hierarchies which are a far cry tants. While there were several women in the from modem organisational development charts group with substantial experience in middle­ which favour a flatter structure (Howard, 1986:4). management positions, the majority were young women who, since completing their professional/ While these structures may be a historical outcome technical qualifications, had been in the workforce of the mining process, they offer little hope for the for between 4-5 years. career paths of the few women in the industry who are generally found at the lowest organisational All participants welcomed the opportunity to levels, (McMurchy, Oliver & Thomley, 1983). develop networks with their colleagues, and for many this provided their first opportunity to do so. Some companies have addressed the position of In fact, some reported that they had used leave women very seriously, and the results of a study of entitlement to attend, since they had difficulty the participation of women in Esso hold out some convincing their employers that the workshop hope for the career development prospects of would be beneficial for them, and managers did not women in the oil industry (Collins 1991:42). recognise the need to attend. Initially some ex­ pressed a degree of ambivalence about their participation, as they did not wish to misrepresent Conclusions to be drawn from the literature their employer's intentions, particularly as they A number of conclusions can be drawn from this occupied visible positions as women employed in review of women's participation in mining. Firstly, non-traditional occupations. this most important of Australian industries, the mining industry, employs fewer women than any They were predominantly a very young and enthu­ other industry in Australia. Secondly, the majority siastic group of women, who recognised the need of women who are employed are largely found in for organisational changes, and who were ready to administrative and support positions, rather than confront the issues directly. At the same time the technical/professional and management positions. picture they painted of their participation within Thirdly, those women who are employed within the the industry was clearly problematic. These women:

women Jln llemdltell"shJl]pl conJfe!l"ence ll992 97 " felt strongly the need to blend into the domi­ workforce. They spoke not from a perspective of a nant male culture by being less visible; disadvantaged group, to which they would not acknowledge themselves belonging, but rather in a " enjoyed the intrinsic aspects of their work matter-of-fact way about how they, as young enormously but felt under continuing pressure professionals, experienced the structures and by being a member of the minority group; and processes of the organisation. Many were quite • felt that they had no role models to demon­ surprised to learn that their experiences were strate whether or how it was possible to com­ shared by other women in the group. The follow­ bine work and family responsibilities success­ ing are some of the major problems they identified fully. from their working experience: " Poor communication skills of managers. This For many of these women the political and organ­ lack of skills was seen across all management isational messages of the women's movement in functions but was particularly evident in areas the 1970s and 1980s had not been significant. such as performance appraisal. It was exacer­ Most of the younger women, accepting the popular bated where male managers had to deal with rhetoric, firmly believed that equal employment women but did not feel comfortable to ap­ opportunity in the workforce and equity in condi­ proach them on a wide range of issues. tions had already been achieved, and were there­ fore not issues for consideration or concern. The " The lack of career pathways for women in the consequence of this was a belief that, if they were industry and hence a lack of role models for facing obstacles, this must be an individual and younger women new to the industry. not an organisational problem, and certainly not " The need to develop a "critical mass" ofyoung an issue related to gender. women in the industry such that the isolation of women is reduced, together with the feeling Despite the fact that these young women in some of being treated not as an individual but as a instances had been the only girls to complete representative of all women. maths and science in their high school class, and perhaps the only women in highly competitive " Poor skills of managers generally, particularly university classes, and despite the fact that they in dealing with women in non-traditional enjoyed their work a great deal, several were occupations. This was illustrated by women in considering leaving the industry. In spite of their one organisation effectively being excluded achievements, most were very humble about their from team-bonding activities, since they took own skills and abilities, and did not fully appreci­ place on a remote island with communal ate their own career potential or management sleeping and washing facilities. opportunities. " The need to be unfeminine, and to adopt stereotypically male behaviour. Participants described how they needed to be "coldly calcu­ Findings from the Workshop lating" rather than emotional, and "extra sure The workshop clearly indicated that little men­ of oneself', if they were to be accepted. taring was occurring in organisations, and that women did not perceive management as a career " Not fitting into the male-oriented organisa­ path. Consequently, they did not envisage pro­ tional culture, particularly on "men's junkets", gressing beyond a professional or technical posi­ which sometimes included "womanising" and tion in the field. They believed that they could not "boyish behaviour". easily sustain the combination of long periods of fieldwork with marriage and young children, and yet they could see no other place for them within Recommendations from the Workshop the mining industry. Several were considering A number of recommendations arose from the retraining as teachers. workshop. Some of these are, of course, already being implemented within the industry, albeit in This must be considered as an indictment of both only a very small number of companies: the education system and the mining industry, if these few women who have achieved high-level Encouraging the development of a critical mass professional qualifications in non-traditional areas of women within the industry: can then find no way of remaining in their chosen occupation during the very limited time, of ap­ • information should be made available to proximately five years, when Australian women students about the structures, culture and commonly disengage from the workforce to raise organisation of the mining industry; children. • placement of women students and/or gradu­ ates with women currently employed in non­ During the workshop women spoke freely, and in traditional areas; some instances for the first time, about the prob­ lems of being either the only one or one of very few • induction programmes which include bush women employees in a traditionally male skills, field practice, company organisation; to encourage retention of female employees;

98 women, communication and power .. graduate and apprentice intake programmes The measures described above would be expected including job rotation to develop a broad base to benefit not only women employees and potential of experience; entrants to the mining industry, but would serve to reduce attrition rates and career dislocations, .. vacation employment for women students . thereby enhancing labour productivity and indus­ try competitiveness. Providing development opportwlities for those women already in the industry: .. more effective performance and development Who's to blame? reviews in order to give women the necessary One must ask why such detailed measures should job feedback they currently lack; be needed to retain and ensure the effective par­ .. establishment of a mentor system including ticipation of such a visibly talented group of senior female mentors; employees within the mining industry. The early literature on equal employment opportunity for " annual career planning programme; women emphasised that women themselves should do more to avoid the "glass ceiling' and improve " encouragement of study leave for women career development. To enhance their own oppor­ employees; tunities women were encouraged to take measures fmancial support for study as a reward for such as assertiveness training, professional devel­ " examination passes (covering HECS fees, opment, networking, and to improve their political tuition fees paid, etc); skills. However, more recent literature has ac­ knowledged that the role of the employing organi­ " internal advertisement of all positions initially; sation is also critical. Hearn (1991) believes that this should extend to a recognition of the multi-skilling, job rotation and opportunities to "genderedness" of organisations, which has a " work on other company sites; number of important implications for management. " the opportunity to publicly represent the company, eg. at Careers Expos, the Perth Royal The role of the organisation is particularly impor­ Show, company promotions; tant, given the fact that the equal opportunity and affirmative action legislation places the responsibil­ " formal training covering technical as well as ity for change at the organisational level. The personal development issues; Affirmative Action Act 1986, for example, does not " productivity and training groups to help require employers to establish quotas or a fixed identifY training and career development needs percentage of women employees to achieve certain for award employees; levels and positions within the organisation. Employers, therefore, need only confine themselves • job sharing opportunities for professional to removing what they consider to be discrimina­ couples and women with children. tory policies and practices, and need not undertake positive strategies to compensate for past discrimi­ nation or to redistribute power and opportunity by Providing opportunities for industry-wide changing organisational culture and structures. development: • the development of an industry-wide network From the workshop it became evident that many supported by government, industry and rel­ managers within the mining industry do not have evant professional associations which would the human resource management training or skills include a skills data base and training oppor­ to identifY organisation-wide or industry-wide tunities; human resource needs. They have not realised that changing demographic patterns now mean • support for post-graduate education and that women are an important group of consumers, training through time release and financial workers and hence managers. assistance; • programme of visits for current and potential Many current managers appear not have the women in the industry, to other mine sites in interpersonal skills or training to carry out funda­ Australia and overseas to broaden their skills mental management tasks such as supervision, and more particularly their knowledge of the selection, performance appraisal, training and industry; career development. These deficiencies are high­ lighted when they are presented with a group who • the development of a management training obviously need the benefit of these skills, and who programme particularly focused on women cannot operate effectively within the organisation within the industry; without them. It is clearly the responsibility of the • the development of a management training organisation to provide these most basic of mana­ programme focused on team building and gerial competencies. effective communication between women and men at all levels of the industry, and manage­ There is also an unstated recognition, at a number ment in particular. of different levels in the organisation, that more

99 female managers must inevitably result in fewer While the number of women employed within male managers. It is, therefore, of no use to mining has been steadily increasing, the industry pretend that there will not be a redistribution of still lacks a sufficiently critical mass of women at power by bringing more women into the senior the middle and senior management levels. Re­ ranks. In the interests of equity, such a redistri­ search has shown that increased participation of bution must occur, and therefore the issue needs women at management levels will only occur when to be clearly placed on the organisational and explicit policies, processes and targets are in place political agenda. to ensure that this happens. If for no other rea­ son, organisations should consider the business One of the ways in which organisations avoid imperative of failure to take appropriate action to addressing the fundamental issues, of course, is to prevent labour turnover of a generation of potential keep the participation of women below a "critical managers for an increasingly diverse workforce mass". This means that, by definition, the few (Schwartz, 1992). women who are employed are marginalised, and hence the organisation loses access to their skills References and abilities. This contributes to a deterioration in Alban-Metcalfe, B. (1985), The Effects of Socialisa­ organisational "health" and may lead to a wide­ tion on Women's Management Careers, Manage­ spread demoralisation of employees, and sends ment Bibliographies and Reviews, 11, 1 - 50. clear messages to other minority groups that their participation is not valued or welcome. These Ashridge Management College (1980}. Employee feelings were obviously evident within the mining Potential: Issues in the development of women, industry, according to the views expressed by the London: Institute of Personnel Management/ participants. Manpower Services Commission.

Asplund, G. (1988) Women Managers -Changing Conclusions Organization Cultures. Wiley, Chichester. This paper set out to examine the reasons for a number of women considering leaving employment within the mining sector. In exploring these Australian Bureau of Statistics References: issues, the conclusions of the workshop partici­ pants independently confirmed those discussed " Prqjections of the Populations ofAustralia, within the research literature, which describes States and Territories, 1987-2021. (1988) Cat. women managers as "the untapped resource" 3222.0, Commonwealth of Australia. (National Economic Development Office/Royal " Women in WestemAustralta (1990). Common­ Institute of Public Administration, 1990). These wealth of Australia. February. valuable assets will be lost if organisations do not adopt deliberate corporate policies and practices " The Labour Force Australia (1991a) Cat. aimed at improving their opportunities to progress 6203.0, Commonwealth of Australia, May. into management positions. " Labour Force Estimates (1991b). Cat 6101.0, Commonwealth of Australia, May. Policies should include a code of practice outlining steps to be taken, and should be regularly audited • Labour Force Estimates (1991c). Cat. 6101.0, by ascertaining the occupancy rates at different Commonwealth of Australia, August. levels of the organisation, and the recruitment, promotion and wastage patterns of women com­ Bartol, K.M. (1979), The Sex Structuring of Organi­ pared with men. Periodic monitoring is also zations, Academy ofManagement Review, 3, essential to evaluate the effectiveness of particular 808-815. initiatives. Strategies and action plans need to be in place concerning the organisational culture Bass, B.M. (1981), Stodgill's Handbook ofLeader­ (both formal and informal), career development ship Research, New York: Free Press. and succession planning, including equal access to training and development, and the consideration of Bryson, L. (1987, Sept), Women and Management work and family issues, in view of their impact on in the Public Sector, Australian Journal of labour retention. Public Administration, XLVI, 3, 259-272.

While past reasons for the small numbers of Burton, C. (1988). Redefrning Merit, Monograph 2, women in mining could be attributed to the dearth Affirmative Action Agency, Monograph of highly qualified women entering the industry, Series. Canberra: AGPS. the challenge now lies not with women themselves, but with their employers. Organisations need Burton, C., Hag, R., & Thompson. G. (1987), commitment and ability to harness the talents and Women's Worth: pay equity andjob evalua­ potential of their female employees, who will tion in Australia, Canberra: AGPS. constitute an increasingly significant proportion of the labour force of the future.

100 women, communication and power collins, C. (1991). Esso's EEO Programme: A Case McMurchy, M. Oliver, M. & Thomley, J. (1983). For Study in E.M. Davis and V. Pratt (Eds.), Loue or Money: A pictorial history of women Making the link. Canberra: AGPS. and work in Australia. Sydney: Penguin.

commonwealth Public Service Board (1984) Miller, J. & Garrison, H.H. (1982), Sex Roles: The A.ffumatiue Action for Women, 1. Canberra: Division of Labor at Home and in the AGPS. Workplace, Annual Review of Sociology, 8, 237-262. Conroy, D. (1985), Women in Management in Australia: Home Secretary or O.ffJ.Ce Wife?, Mitchell, S. (1991). EEO at Woodside (Unpublished unpublished manuscript, Queensland: manuscript). Queensland Institute ofTechnology. National Economic Development Office/Royal Cooke, A & Stoessl, S. (1990, May). Women and Institute of Public Administration (1990). Training: 10 years on. Reported in !PM Women Managers: The Untapped Resource, Digest, (p.4). London: Kogan Page.

Crowley, M., Hutchinson, J. & Smith, C.R. (1992). Novak, M.J. & Ward, S. (1989). Determinants of Exploring the limits ofEqual Opportunity Women's Career Aspirations, Equal Opportu­ Legislation in Australia: A Case Study of nities International, 8 (6), 1-6. Argyle Diamonds, A.G.P.S. O'Leary, V (1974). Some Attitudinal Barriers to Davidson, M.J. (1987). Women and Employment. Occupational Aspirations in Women, Psycho­ In P. Warr (Ed.), Psychology at work. logical Bulletin, 81, 809-26. (pp.223-246). London: Penguin. Pazy, A (1978). Sex Differences in Responsiveness Davidson, M.J. & Cooper, C.L. (1983). Stress and to Organizational Career Management, the Woman Manager, Oxford: Martin Human Resource Management, Summer, Robertson. 26(2), 243-256.

Donnell, S.M. & Hall, J. (1980). Men and Women Povall, M. (1984). Overcoming Barriers to Women's Managers: A Significant Case of No Signifi­ Advancement in European Organizations, cant Difference, Organizational Dynamics, Personnel Review, 13(1). 8(4), 60-77. Powell, G.N. (1988). Women and Men in Manage­ Fitzgerald, L.F. & Betz, N. E. (1983). Issues in the ment. London: Sage. Vocational Psychology of Women. In W. B. Walsh & S. H. Osipow (Eds.), Handbook of Riger, S. & Galligan, P. (1980). Women in Manage­ Vocational Psychology, 1, Hillsdale, N.J.: ment: An Exploration of Competing Para­ Lawrence Erlbaum. digms, American Psychologist, 35 (9), 2- 10.

Gale, F. (1980), Academic Staffing: The Search for Rowland, K.M. (1980). Current Issues in Personnel Excellence, Vestes, 23(1), 3-8. Management, Massachusetts: Allyn and Bacon. Goldman, A. H. (1979). Justice and Reverse Dis­ crimination, Princeton: Princeton University Schwartz, F.N. (1992, March-April). Women as a Press. Business Imperative, Harvard Business Review, 105-113. Hearn, J" (1992) Changing Men and Changing Managements: A Review of Actions and Sekaran, U. (1982). An investigation of the career Issues, Women in Management Review, 7, salience of men and women in dual-career (1). 3-8. families. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 20(1), 32-36. Howard, W. (1986). Industrial Relations and Indus­ trial Democracy in the Mining Industry. Still, L.V. (1985). The Marginal Executive: Austra­ Canberra: AGPS. lian Women Managers, Women in Manage­ ment Series No. 1, Nepean College of Ad­ Hunt, A. (1975), Management attitudes and prac­ vanced Education New South Wales. tices towards women at work, London: HMSO. Still, L.V. (1986a), Women in Management: The Case of Australian Business, Human Re­ Kanter, R.M. (1977), Men and Women of the Corpo­ source Management Australia, 24 (1). 32-37. ration, New York: Basic Books.

101 Still, L.V. (l986b, May). Women Managers in Margaret Crowley is an Associate Professor in Advertising: An Exploratory Study. Media Policy & Administrative Studies within the Faculty Information Australia, 40, 24-30. of Education, Edith Cowan University. She has been director of a research and development Still, L.V. (1988). Women in management: A review, institute for the last five years, and has had signifi­ a reappraisal and a redirection, Women in cant public sector management experience at state Management Services, Paper No. 11., Nepean and national levels. College of Advanced Education, New South Wales. Jacquie Hutchinson is Deputy Director of Human Resources, Edith Cowan University. She has Still, L.V. (1990). Enterprising Women. London: worked in the area of industrial relations and Allen & Unwin. change management in both the private and public sectors. Still. L.V. &Jones, J.M. (1984). Perceptions of the Australian Woman Manager, Search, 15,9- 10.

Terborg, J.R. (1977). Women in Management: A Research Review, Journal ofApplied Psychol­ ogy, 62,647-664.

TerborgJ.R. (1979). Women as Managers Scale (WAMS), The 1979AnnualHandbookfor Group Facilitators, 8, 79-84.

Tharenou, P. & Conroy, D. (1988), Opportunities for, and Barriers to, Managerial Role Attain­ ment: A Comparison of Male and Female Managers. In G. Palmer, (Ed.), Australian Personnel Management -A Reader. Macmillan.

Thornton, M. (1990) The Liberal Promise. Oxford University Press.

Wilson, P. (1991), Women employees and senior management. Personnel Review, 20(1), 32- 36.

Yost, E. B. & Herbert. T. T. (1985), Attitudes towards Women as Managers, The 1985 Handbook for Group Facilitators, 117-27.

Ziller, A (1980). Affumative Action Handbook, Sydney, Government of New South Wales.

Acknowledgements The authors gratefully acknowledge the generous funding of the Women's Research and Employment Initiatives Program of the Department of Employ­ ment, Education and Training, and of Edith Cowan University, Perth.

Biographical Note Catherine Smith is a Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Business, Edith Cowan University, and is currently undertaking doctoral research on Dual-Career Couples. Her industrial experience was gained in the oil, engineering, and retail sectors in England, and she has lectured exten­ sively in Great Britain and in Australia.

102 women, communication and power Hidden Criteria which Contribute to your tion in the Workplace

Guillemin

tempts to address particular instances of discrimi­ Affirmative Action (Equal Employment Oppor­ natory treatment by providing remedies to individ­ for Women) (AA/EEO) Act has operated ual complainants (2). Although this type of legisla­ October 1986. Many critiques and reviews of tion is required as a compensatory measure, it Act have since emerged. However, what is the does not directly address systemic discrimination. nf>1rcention of women workers on its effects in their In contrast to the sex discrimination legislation, In a recent study of 25 professional the AA/EEO Act is proactive and addresses struc­ women microbiologists exploring issues of career tural discrimination within organisations. The AA/ pathways and their positions within their profes­ EEO Act emphasises review of employment policies sion, the women were asked to reflect on their and practices in light of potential discrimination of perceptions of gender inequities in their workplace. women, and promotes the reform of policies and The majority of the women responded that since practices to provide equal opportunities for women the implementation of the AA Act, gender inequi­ (3). ties were no longer possible and they denied being the victims of gender discrimination. However, as Critiques of the legislation in Australia are begin­ the women told their stories and issues were ning to emerge. Of particular benefit within the explored in individual and group interviews, it Australian context, has been the critiques of became apparent (both to themselves and to me) Burton and Poiner and Wills (4). Poiner and Wills that systemic discrimination against women was differentiate between affirmative action (AA) as a truly rooted within their organisations. Hidden corrective measure for particular instances of criteria were in force which reinforced the marginal discrimination and AA as a means of resolving positions which these women occupied within their systemic inequality. Although these authors agree profession. The culture, the genderisation of work, that corrective action is necessary to deal with the grooming of men for senior positions were individual discriminatory behaviour, it is only by among some of the factors which contributed to focussing proactively at systemic discrimination the discrimination which the women faced. Once that the problem can be adequately addressed. made aware, most of the women acknowledged Systemic discrimination goes beyond overt and that their poor status was being reinforced through intended unfair treatment in the workplace. discriminatory practices within their largely patri­ Rather, it encompasses the often indirect and archal organisations. Taking the experiences of unintended discrimination which is deeply rooted the women in this study as an example, I wish to in the fibre of the organisation and the social prompt a discussion of the existence of systemic structures which form organisations. Bacchi discrimination in the workplace and its effect on claims that systemic or structural discrimination is women's position. Some of the issues raised will more serious and more entrenched than other include the need for awareness of often indirect forms of discrimination (5). Strategies can be more and subtle discriminatory practices against women easily targeted at direct and overt means of dis­ workers, the ideologies which govern these prac­ crimination, but discrimination which stems from tices and measures used that have proved success­ structural inequities is far more difficult to ad­ ful in combating these discriminatory forces. dress. However, it is at this level where the focus must be placed.

Lees and Scott discuss equal opportunity (EO) Paper legislation in Britain within higher educational institutions (6). Although they conclude that there Introduction has been little fundamental change, they acknowl­ edge that EO is now on the agenda of many insti­ Following the passing of two major pieces of tutions. Achievements within British higher legislative reform directed at in the education institutions have mainly been in cur­ 80's, it is timely to ask if gender discrimination in riculum reform and EO training with little improve­ the workplace still exists. Although the Sex ment in the appointment and promotion of women. Discrimination Act 1984 and the Affirmative Action However, the general conclusion from this and (Equal Employment Opportunity for Women) (AA/ other critiques is that although overt discrimina­ EEO) Act 1986 deal with the unequal treatment of tory practices are no longer prevalent in many women, the two acts have different approaches to workplaces, hidden practices which reinforce inequality (1). The Sex Discrimination Act at- women's marginal positions still continue.

103 A challenging paradox, highlighted by Poiner and couraged during the individual and group inter­ Wills is that EEO, which is initiated by the state, is views. The group sessions also provided an oppor­ integrally constructed from masculine values and tunity for networking for the women. Feminist interests. In primarily focussing on paid work, methodology, advocated by Oakley in maintaining Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) uninten­ dialogue and subject positioning, was employed tionally (or perhaps intentionally) devalues the throughout all the interactive phases of the study importance of unpaid work and the private sphere. (10). This was to ensure that the resulting analy­ This focus refuses to acknowledge the complex sis was both meaningful and mindful of the women intermeshing of private and work domains which, from whom the study originated. for women, is the root of many of their problems.

In its emphasis on masculine values, it is not Women's position in microbiology surprising that EEO policies place such impor­ Typical of many other biological and health sci­ tance on quantitative measures (7). The legislation ences, microbiology is dominated by women (11). demands quantitative 'proof of organisations' However, this dominance is in numbers alone. A implementation of EEO policies. Employers are pyramidal structure exists within microbiology required to submit to the governmental AA agency with women concentrated at the base and men both a statistical analysis of employment profile of forming the power-yielding apex. Within the 12 the organisation together with a report outlining laboratories represented in the study, women made the objectives set for the forthcoming year (8). up 92/152 (60%) of the total number of scientists. Measurement of the organisation's affirmative However, only 13 of the 92 women (13%) occupied action outcomes is determined by the organisa­ senior level positions in contrast to 33 of the 60 tion's statistical review which is seen to provide men (53%). This power structure exists despite scientific and objective data. However, statistical many of the women having fulfilled their em­ analysis omits the often much more valuable and ployer's promotional objectives in having acquired relevant data available through qualitative analy­ post-graduate qualifications and many years of ses. This emphasis on numbers can be misleading experience (12). in not making visible underlying practices and hidden agendas which may pervade the organisa­ Although many of the women were seeking promo­ tion. tions, interestingly, none were aiming to fill the current top positions in their laboratories. The To adequately determine the achievements of the women insisted that they were not interested in the AA/EEO legislation, we must look beyond the work involved in these senior positions, nor were statistical measures and examine the structural they willing to become involved in the politicking features - the features which govern how an considered to be essential in these positions. organisation functions and the implications this These positions are largely administrative and has for its members. In light of this, this study managerial and the women considered that the examined the work practices of microbiologists work and cultural practices enmeshed in these from the perceptions ofwomen microbiologists in posts were contrary to their personal professional an effort to determine how these practices contrib­ interests and ambitions. Burton similarly claims ute to systemic discrimination in the microbiology that women are reluctant to take on positions of workplace. Although this study specifically ex­ authority on the grounds that (13): plores the work practices within microbiology, many of the issues are relevant to other profes­ ... they (women) believe it to be a bit on the sions where women's professional and personal ugly side and they do not want to be part of positions have been marginalised. an environment where decision-making seems more to do with point-scoring and the protection of existing status d![ferences than Methodology with reasonable policy-making and imple­ The study sample comprised 25 women microbiolo­ mentation. gists from a total of 12 public hospital, private and State Health laboratories (9). The method used in In their rejection of the top positions, the women the study consisted of the completion of a brief are refusing to partake in the masculine cultural questionnaire and individual interviews, in which practices which envelop tliese posts. all the women participated. In addition, the women were invited to form and attend groups of interested participants. The purpose of these Promotional requirements group sessions was multi-fold. The groups pro­ Within microbiology laboratories, in particular vided an opportunity to feed back to the women public hospital laboratories, increased emphasis is their collective data, my interpretations of their being placed on clear, defined promotional objec­ responses, together with providing a means of tives. Attempts are currently being made to validating my interpretations of the preliminary standardise these objectives within the microbiol­ results. Critique and reflection of both the study's ogy profession. Within the public sector in micro- and the women's personal experiences were en-

104 women, communication and power biology, post-graduate qualifications, research and when they were criticised by their employers for development and associated publications, and being too meticulous and not taking enough risks management skills are perceived to be important in their work. Characteristics considered by the requirements for promotion. However, despite women to be of merit in the position were not attempts to clearly define these criteria, hidden affirmed by their employers. criteria are still in force which influence promotion. It is within these covert areas that gender inequi­ ties are enacted. The look In addition to the stated promotional objectives of the laboratories, many of the women commented Merit principle that other factors were at play; these factors were Burton discusses the problematic issue of merit often subsumed under the vague term of 'leader­ within the context of EEO policies (14). As most ship qualities'. The women felt that the display of appointments and promotions are made on the these qualities was often an unstated contributory basis of merit, its definition is paramount. Burton factor in the award of promotions. In describing attempts to define 'merit' in terms of the relation­ these qualities, one woman succinctly termed it ship between the qualifications of a person and the "the look": requirements of the position or organisation. I think my only career barrier is me as an However, the decision to appoint often hinges on individual- my personality in the way that subjective opinions of the appropriateness of the they don't think I'm quite suited to being qualifications and abilities of the person in meeting Level3 material- level 2 OK., because I think the position. Decisions based on 'merit' are there­ you have to have a certain look as well, and fore prone to stereotypic definitions as well as certain body language; I think that's really having elements introduced which contradict the important. I think you have to look the part principles of EEO. Some of the problems associ­ basically. If you don't, I don't care what ated with merit are exemplified within the context anybody says, it's not only experience and of this study. When responding to what they natural flair for being a good technologist, but thought was required of a good microbiologist, you have to have the look. You have to look many of the women named good organisation like you can dominate for a start and you skills, thoroughness in work practices and close have to look like you're a leader and that you attention to detail. can't be pushed around, and you have to look I pay a fair degree of attention to detail and like you can command respect as well from microbiology requires some nitpicking, so people above you because there are a lot of that's good. if you didn't see those nitty people in our department who are a lot older gritty things, then you wouldn't be very good than say me, or level 1 technologists; we've at microbiology. had problems in the past with them actually wanting to take orders from us, because they (Wilma, Public Hospital Level 1 Scientist} think why should we, we're older; they just (15}. don't like the idea and it causes a lot of problems whereas there are some people, In contrast to this, the women perceived their male who might be younger, but they just com­ colleagues often taking short cuts in methods and mand respect because of the way they carry taking more risks in their daily work practices. themselves and their personality and their Although a few of the women admired their male height and everything; they look the part and peers for being innovative, they felt that the men so people just naturally automatically listen were often too quick to draw conclusions. to them and obey them in a way, and I think Some people who are very innovative and that's really important. I've noticed it; I'm not have a lot of energy tend to think of bright just making it up, it's notjust my own opin­ ideas all the time and are itching to try them ion; I've noticed it happening. out, these tend to be males actually, but they {Brenda, Public Hospital Levell scientist}. also seem to be a little like a bull at the gate and launch in too quickly and draw conclu­ The characteristics described by Brenda of domi­ sions too soon. I myself take a slower, safer nation, 'can't be pushed around', demanding approach which is possibly viewed as being obedience, are generally associated with masculin­ less decisive. I tend to be a bit of a perfec­ ity. Translating Brenda's statement reveals that tionist. what her employers are asking of her is to be more (Fran, Public Hospital Level 2 Scientist}. masculine and to conform to an organisational structure govemed by masculine-oriented prac­ Many of the women prided themselves on being tices. A comment from Fran affirms this as she methodical and on their accuracy and attention to describes a job interview for which she was not detail. Not only were these considered to be successful: worthy personal attributes, the women regarded In this particular case, this male was more them as essential in a microbiologist. The women outspoken than me, more forceful in getting were therefore confused by the apparent paradox his thoughts, getting his point across ..... you

105 couldn't overlook him, sort of pushed himself promotion. In the balance of their overall life forward I guess, whereas I tend not to push priorities, for some of these women, meeting myselfforward enough. promotional requirements is not an especially high priority; they resented having to become more (Fran, Public Hospital Level2 Scientist). 'masculine' in their behaviour to do so. The women who were aware of these factors gave mixed responses as to whether they would choose to assume these characteristics for the benefit of a Homosociabllity argwnent promotion: Burton uses the homosociability argument to explain the maintenance of the status quo in the I think I'm a bit of a softie really; my nature is workplace (16). Burton argues that it is the that way ... .I don't want to change. This is masculine characteristics of particular types of my personality, I don't want to become some work that attract men to it. If women show that monster, you know what I mean. I've noticed they can do the work, then the work becomes a lot of women in our department like they go devalued. This argument is extended to to these self-assertive courses; I think they're homosocial reproduction which suggests that men really good and I'd like to; I actually put my confirm and reproduce their masculine attitudes name down to go but something happened and values by empowering those like themselves. and it didn't actually come about, but I think These strategies are designed to protect the men's they get a bit carried away too, like they positions and ensure the continuation of the status start, I've noticed happening, they become quo. Within the context of this study, the women more arrogant and sort of overdo it; to be perceived that certain areas ofwork, such as assertive, they become arrogant.... I don't management, were imbued with strong masculine want to be like that, that's just not my nature. characteristics. In addition, the women recognised (Beth, Public Hospital Level 1 Scientist). that the practices played within these management positions were similarly fraught with masculine However, Anne claims that she has decided that to characteristics. Not feeling comfortable with the gain a promotion, she must develop and express value placed on this, the women chose not to apply these characteristics: for these positions and in so doing, maintain the status quo. The perceptions from the women of With the meetings we have, I try and make a the younger men being groomed for senior posi­ point of really contributing to the meeting by tions, together with having to have 'a certain look' saying something or making my feelings felt; are clear examples of homosocial reproduction if somebody says something, I'll say I agree within the laboratory. The patriarchal hierarchy is with that or something rather than just sitting maintained through the reproduction by the there and listening and not saying anything. younger men of the values deemed to be important I have started to change in that way. It's not resulting in their promotion and empowerment. the sort of thing I find easy because I'm not really .flamboyant, whereas some of the men in the department are; no problems at all in Gendered work standing up and saying what they think, cracking a few jokes, they're almost enter­ Contributing to gender inequities in microbiology laboratories is the genderisation of work. Both tainers. It's just something you have to try and work towards. between different areas of work and within the same areas in laboratories, work was clearly (Anne, Public Hospital Level2 Scientist). gendered. In addition, work was perceived to have different status. For example, in one laboratory, It is clear from these comments that in addition to research and development (R&D) was seen as a the more overt promotional requirements are more 'plum job', while computing, safety and staff subtle factors. The characteristics required are education assumed less status: those upheld by the male senior decision makers. None of the chaps, quite honestly, wanted the These masculine characteristics of dominance and computing position. Computing is looked force do not sit comfortably with the women in down on a bit in our department. It's not seen laboratories; they are characteristics which they do as microbiology. It's seen as another area; it's not possess and must acquire and develop if they also not seen as a long term area because are to meet the requirements of their male manag­ once the computer is up and running, what ers. For the women who expressed concern can you do? Also none of the chaps really regarding competing with men for promotions, wanted to get involved in safety. They didn't their concern was due to their perceived inability see that as a microbiology area and also in expressing these masculine characteristics. funnily enough, staff education. They didn't They were not confident in competing and felt see that either as being important; scientists threatened by the 'male drive' demonstrated in already know what they need to know and their male colleagues. The decision whether to why bother to educate the laboratory assist­ develop these characteristics is difficult for many of ants. Those were the areas that quite hon­ these women, as they feel that they are forsaking estly, none of the men wanted. Other than personal feminine traits merely for the benefit of a

106 women, communication and power that, the really plwn role went to a man, and the time but now there are postgraduate that was research. students doing my projects under him [Re­ search scientific o.ffJCer] So I've given it away. (Connie, Public Hospital Level 2 Scientist). (Cathy, Public Hospital Level 2 Scientist). Historically, science (and microbiology) gained its status through Its search for knowledge; this As the R&D work in the laboratories is largely knowledge was acquired largely through research initiated by the male scientific officers, it is not and development (R&D). The perceived importance surprising to find that the majority of the women ofR&D is bound within masculinlst scientific who have published in professional journals have Ideology. In contrast, areas such as safety and done so as co-authors rather than as primary education are relative newcomers on the scientific authors. Many of the women recounted incidents scene and do not carry with them much status, of having been largely responsible for the execution although their importance could not be disputed. of R&D projects without having received official It appears that within this particular laboratory at acknowledgments. This combination of factors least, work ascribed high status (R&D) was actively contributes in reducing the promotional opportuni­ sought by the men in the laboratories, while work ties for the women microbiologists, whilst providing such as safety, education and computing, deemed effective 'helpers' for the male scientists. to be of less importance, was largely disregarded by the men and awarded to the women as 'second rate' jobs. Domestic tasks Within the laboratories, work perceived to be of high status, such as (the design of) research and Research and Development (R&D) development was largely a male domain. In con­ In addition to the genderlsation ofwork between trast, work perceived of low status, such as labora­ different areas of laboratory work and within some tory domestic tasks was predominantly done by areas, such as research and development, the work women. The majority of women stated that they, is itself gendered. It was clear that the design and and their female colleagues, performed more initiation of the R&D was done by males while the domestic tasks in the laboratory compared with execution of the R&D work was primarily the their male peers, irrespective of position. domain of the women. In a few of the laboratories, In our laboratory, well it's always the females the execution was deemed to be the responsibility that clean the .freezers, check on the stock, of the most appropriate person (male or female) tidying up, that sort of thing. Occasionally a currently working in the area of the R&D project. male will do it and surprise us all and then Some of the women commented that within their we'll comment. laboratories, women were perceived to be better suited to performing the routine work: (Tess, Public Hospital Level l Scientist). Men are more likely. to be involved in the design of R&D. It's almost like males are In relation to domestic tasks, the women com­ seen to be in the mathematical, analytical mented that 'it was easier to just do it' rather than area, whereas females are seen more in the, ask a laboratory assistant (whose job duties for want of a better word, in the home eco­ include cleaning) to do it. Women spent a dispro­ nomics area- the routine; .from a design point portionate time performing domestic tasks, while of view, they're seen as better at it ... they men in the laboratory spent more time attending think that females are better at doing some­ meetings and doing administrative work. thing routine which requires consistency. But In our lab, it seems that the men put things I'm not sure that's necessarily true. like meetings and administrative type things (Betty, Public Hospital Level l Scientist). before the actual routine work, and they'll take shortcuts in the routine work or just leave things whereas the females, who are There are serious implications to the gendered the lower levels, will tend to get the routine work in laboratories in terms of both promotion work done before doing other things. and professional fulfilment. In the laboratories which performed R&D work, it was the designated (Sally, Public Hospital Level l Scientist). scientific officers (all males with one exception) who are responsible for approving the R&D work Homans, in her study of British clinical chemists, performed in the laboratory. This can pose diffi­ similarly describes laboratory work as gendered culties for having proposals for R&D accepted, as (17). Overall, Homans found that irrespective of indicated by an account told by one of the women: grade, men spent more time on research, staff We have our research person now, and he management and administration; women, however, more or less peruses everything that someone spent more time on clearing up, clerical work and comes up with. I had a couple of things diagnostic work. For many of the women, the which we came up with that I particularly domestic situation in their laboratories was wanted done. They were knocked back at equated to that of their homes.

107 When I first went to [Lab P] I was the only Di~;;cussion female in the lab, and it was really filthy. The quantitative data presented in this study With basic house cleaning tasks, the guys shows that women are disproportionately repre­ just don't see the dust, that's at home as sented in the lower positions within the microbiol­ well. They don't think like that and I think ogy profession. Given this data alone, it could be that's the male way of thinking. I don't know argued that by implementing positive discrimina­ if you can really change that unless you tory measures in moving women into senior posi­ change their upbringing. tions, the problem could easily be solved. How­ (Karen, Private Laboratmy Level 2 Scien­ ever, the insight provided by the qualitative data tist). reveals a different picture. It is clear that the women are not interested in occupying the top For many of these women, it was difficult not to positions in their laboratories as they currently transfer their domestic role from their private exist. The women are consciously rejecting the domain to the professional setting. The profes­ masculine attributes associated with these posi­ sional and promotional implications of this gross tions. Instead, the women are seeking positions discrepancy in performing domestic tasks is where they could fulfil their professional goals and obvious, for after all, who gets promoted for regu­ personal ethos rather than fulfil the career ambi­ larly cleaning out the laboratory freezer? Many of tions and goals set by their male counterparts. In the women participating in the study were not terms of the EEO policy's redistribution ofwomen consciously aware of the implications of their across hierarchical levels in which they are poorly acceptance of these apparent discrepancies. Most represented, the legislation would in fact be doing were unaware that they were reproducing the the women a disservice in terms of their profes­ expectation of female domesticity within their sional self-fulfilment. laboratories, and in so doing, providing opportuni­ ties for the men to fulfil both their professional and Within the context of EEO policies is the difficult promotional ambitions, while negating their own issue of promotion based on merit. As Burton professional goals. points out, defining merit is problematic. Although criteria such as post-graduate qualifications and research record are being used to determine Laboratory culture: Uniforms promotions, there continues to be more subjective criteria on which promotions are based. Sub­ A contributing factor to the culture of an environ­ sumed under the term of 'leadership qualities' are ment is the mode of dress of its constituents. characteristics emphasising domination, power Within many cultures uniforms act as a symbol of and self assertiveness. This emphasis refuses to conformity and loss of individuality. In all the acknowledge feminine traits of co-operation, team laboratories examined wearing of uniforms was work and participation as being legitimate for optional. With the exception of one man, only the leadership. The women are then faced with the women chose to wear uniforms. In three laborato­ dilemma of whether to acquire and express these ries all the female scientific staffwore uniforms. In traits and forsake their own feminine traits for the most cases the uniform consisted of a white sake of promotion. nurse's uniform. Work within the microbiology laboratories was Many of the women holding more senior posts gave clearly gendered. Work deemed to be of high anecdotes of being overlooked by visitors seeking status, such as R&D was generally chosen by men the senior person, if they were wearing a uniform. and was seen to be important in terms of promo­ These same women commented that they always tional criteria. However, the routine diagnostic changed out of their uniforms to give lectures or work and necessary domestic tasks was perceived attend meetings so as to appear 'more profes­ to be of much lower status and was generally the sional'. The women gave reasons of convenience domain of the women scientists. and safety for their choosing to wear uniforms, but were uncertain when asked why they thought men The gendered work evidenced in this study is not chose to remain in their civilian clothes in labora­ unique to microbiology or any other scientific tories. Nurses have a long history of being the profession. Harding claims that the root of gender submissive assistants within the hospital hierar­ inequity within science is to be found, not within chy. Female medical microbiologists wearing the science, but within the gendered division of labour nurse's uniform reproduce this deference to male within society (18). This is applicable to the dominance existing within laboratories. Sub­ workplace generally. A revaluing of the division merged under reasons of convenience is an appar­ between 'men's work' and 'women's work' in society ent lack of awareness on the part of the women is necessary before this can be translated to the wearing uniforms that they are in fact reinforcing division of labour in the workplace. Poiner and the structure which locks them in their submissive Wills argue that moving women into 'men's jobs' position. reinforces the high value ascribed to 'men's work'

108 women, communication and power and low value of 'women's work' (19). In the ment Opportunity for Women) Act was passed context of this study, the division of labour fails to by the Australian Commonwealth Parliament acknowledge the value and importance of work in August 1986 and has operated since 1 carried out by women scientists and instead October 1986. promotes that work which the men have adopted as their domain. 2. Chris Ronalds,(l991), Affirmative Action & Sex Discrimination. A Handbook on legal Rights for The culture of an organisation influences the Women. (pp.8-13). Sydney: Pluto Press perceptions and behaviour of its members. The women discerned their position to be of less status 3. Chris Ronalds, (1991), AffumativeAction & Sex and less power than that of the men in their Discrimination. A Handbook on legal Rights for workplace. In choosing to wear uniforms, the Women. (pp.28-69). Sydney: Pluto Press., women expressed the devaluing messages given by provides a thorough analysis of the contents of the laboratory culture and in so doing, continued an affirmative action programme, as outlined to reinforce this message. in the AA/EEO Act.

4. Clare Burton, (199). The promise and the price. Conclusion The struggle for equal opportunity in women's What this study offers is an insight into the work employment Sydney: Allen and Unwin. practices of microbiology laboratories and how these practices contribute to the systemic discrimi­ 5. Carol Lee Bacchi, (1990). Same difference: nation within these organisations. Burton, and Feminism and sexual difference. Sydney: Allen Poiner and Wills agree that although implementa­ and Unwin. tion of EEO policies has resulted in some beneficial changes for women, mainly regarding income, 6. Sue Lees and Maria Scott, (1990). Equal there is still little acknowledgment of the systemic opportunities, Gender and Education, 2(3), discrimination which occurs in workplaces. Sys­ 333-43. temic discrimination goes beyond compensation for instances of individual discrimination: it is much 7. Gretchen Poiner and Sue Wills, (1991). The more subtle and pervades the culture of an organi­ gifthorse. A critical look at Equal Employment sation. Bacchi argues that women's behaviour is Opportunity in Australia. (pp. 53-5). Sydney: influenced by the messages they internalise from Allen and Unwin. the organisation's culture. If these messages portray women's skills and knowing as less valued 8. Ronalds, Affumative Action & Sex Discrimina­ and not legitimate within a particular work setting, tion. A Handbook on legal Rights for Women , then Bacchi argues, women's behaviour will reflect (pp.79-82). this message. This work culture therefore results in women lacking confidence in their abilities and 9. The study sample was distributed as follows: not willing to compete for the decision making 18 women were represented from 6 public positions. Bacchi continues by saying that it is hospital microbiology laboratories: 3 women this type of covert discrimination which must be from 3 State Health microbiology laboratories addressed in dealing with women's structural and 4 women from 3 private microbiology positions (20). I would argue that this form of laboratories servicing the general community. address is beyond the scope of the existing AA/ EEO legislation. The AA/EEO legislation has been 10. Ann Oakley, (1981). Subject women. Oxford: the initiating factor for many organisations' ad­ Martin Robertson. dress of equal opportunity issues, but the legisla­ tion has not, and will not, provide all the solutions. 11. Sylvia Kirov. Women in medical research and The responsibility for this redress within the academia: what future? The Australian Univer­ workplace must lie within individual organisations. sities' Review, 31(1), 38-43; A work culture must be created which is non­ Margaret, W. Rossiter, (1987). Sexual segrega­ threatening and supportive. Essential to this tion in the sciences: Some data and a model. process are the perceptions of women within these In Sandra Harding and Jean O'Barr (Eds.), organisations of their particular work cultures. Sex and scientifiC inquiry. Chicago: University More qualitative studies are required which legiti­ of Chicago Press. mate women's experiences and attitudes. It is only by increased awareness of these hidden factors 12. Marilys Guillemin, (1992), 'Gender structuring that systemic discrimination can be addressed. in microbiology', M.Ed. thesis, Murdoch University (pp.41-6). Notes 13. Burton, The promise and the price. The strug­ 1. The Sex Discrimination Act was passed by the gle for equal opportunity in women's employ­ Australian Commonwealth Parliament in ment, p. 10. March 1984 and has operated from 1 August 1984. The Affirmative A~tion (Equal Employ-

109 14. Burton, The promise and the price. The strug­ gle for equal opportunity in women's employ­ ment, p. 39-51.

15. The professional levels which the women participating in the study occupied were arbitrarily classified as levels 1 to 5 to account for the different industrial awards of the various laboratories. Of these, Level 4 was the highest represented level and Level 1 the lowest.

16. Burton, The promise and the price. The strug­ gle for equal opportunity in women's employ­ ment, p. 4-5.

17. Hilary Homans, 'Man-made myths: The reality of being a woman scientist in the NHS' in Anne Spencer and David Podmore (eds), A man's world: Essays on women in a male­ dominated profession, (Tavistock) London, 1987, pp. 103-4.

18. Sandra Harding, The science question in feminism, (Cornell University Press) Ithaca, 1986, pp. 247-8.

19. Poiner and Wills, The g!fihorse. A critical look at Equal Employment Opportunity in Australia, pp. 103-4.

20. Bacchi, Same difference. Feminism and sexual difference, pp. 241-2.

no women, communication and power