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Diktator I Forkledning» Er En Debattbok Om En Av De Mest Kontroversielle Og Fascinerende Statslederne I Vår Tid

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Diktator I Forkledning» Er En Debattbok Om En Av De Mest Kontroversielle Og Fascinerende Statslederne I Vår Tid Kristian Tonning Riise Kristian Tonning «Comandante Hugo Chávez er ikke så mye forkledd som avkledd — en paranoid klovn og politisk bølle som har verdens nest største oljereserver å lage kvalm for. En bok i rett tid.» - Torgrim Eggen I Venezuela, Latin-Amerikas oljemekka, blir mer enn 50 DIKTATOR I FORKLE DIKTATOR mennesker drept hver dag. En firedoblet mordrate har ført til verre drapsstatistikker enn i noen av verdens verste krigssoner. Samtidig sliter landet med massiv korrupsjon, og hemningsløse innsprøytninger av oljepenger har ikke forhindret at infrastrukturen forvitrer. Dagens Venezuela er et dypt polarisert og splittet samfunn. I sentrum står president Hugo Chávez. «Diktator i forkledning» er en debattbok om en av de mest kontroversielle og fascinerende statslederne i vår tid. Det er historien om en kuppmaker som vant folkets tillit, ble valgt til president, og som siden har sementert stadig mer autoritære strukturer i et samfunn mer kaotisk og voldelig D enn noensinne. Det er historien om Latin-Amerikas gjensyn NING med den moderne «caudillo». DIKTATOR I FORKLEDNING Kristian Tonning Riise DIKTATOR I FORKLEDNING Hugo Chávez: Den bolivarianske revolusjonens skyggeside Av Kristian Tonning Riise 2013 © Civita AS Printed in Norway ISBN 978-82-92581-50-6 Utgiver: Civita, Akersgt. 20, 0158 Oslo Omslag: Therese Thomassen Omslagsfoto: Ariana Cubillos /AP/NTB SCANPIX Forfatterfoto side 284: Atle Richter Schie Sats: Veronica Sande Produksjon/trykk: F. J. Stenersen, Oslo www.civita.no INNHOLD FORORD 7 Ideologienes siste stillingskrig 7 Hvorfor Venezuela? 9 Om prosjektet 11 Utvalg 12 Takk til 13 INNLEDNING 15 Forkledd autokrati 17 Moderne «caudillo» 18 KAPITTEL 1: NYTT HÅP 19 Historisk bakteppe 27 Fra diktatur til nytt demokrati 28 Demokratisk konsolidering 29 Demokratisk tilbakeslag 31 Enter Chávez 35 President Chávez 37 KAPITTEL 2: PÅ LETING ETTER EN IDEOLOGISK PROFIL 40 Psykologisk profil 41 Heltedyrkelse 48 Skummelt idégrunnlag 54 Marta Harnecker 61 Sosialisme for det 21. århundret 63 Chavismo 65 KAPITTEL 3: TIDLIGE AUTORITÆRE SIGNALER 67 Juridisk kupp 69 Den gamle orden oppløst 74 Exit rettstat 76 Exit demokrati 79 4 | kristian tonning riise KAPITTEL 4: TIDLIG OPPOSISJON 83 Fra applaus til protest 86 11. april 89 Autokratens nye klær 104 KAPITTEL 5: DEN GLOBALE REVOLUSJONEN SOM FEILET 111 «Far» Castro 112 Forsøket på en anti-amerikansk maktblokk 116 Gjeldstynget inkompetanse 117 Valg av venner 123 «Iran for alltid» 125 Skyggebokser 132 KAPITTEL 6: FARCS UPÅLITELIGE «ENGEL» 133 En megler til besvær 135 Fra redningshelt til ydmykelse 139 Raúl Reyes hemmelige arkiv 144 Kontroversielle avsløringer 147 Et upålitelig partnerskap 151 Veiledet av paranoia 158 Ny helomvending 170 Et korrupt spindelvev 172 Politisk prestisjespill 178 Lovløshetens tragiske etterspill 183 KAPITTEL 7: POLITISKE FANGER 187 Fengslet for å følge grunnloven 191 Krev din rett, få din straff 195 KAPITTEL 8: «GIFTIGE» MEDIER 198 «Apokalypsens fire ryttere» 200 RCTVs comeback og fall 202 Medielover og sensur 203 Politisk forfølging 204 Et stadig farligere yrke 207 Ungdomsopprøret 207 En ny opposisjon 208 diktator i forkledning | 5 KAPITTEL 9: KUNSTEN Å STJELE VALG 213 Å velge sine fiender 213 Dystert menneskerettighetsselskap 214 Valgseire til ingen nytte 215 Folkeavstemning uten konsekvenser 216 Manipulering av valgordningen 218 Midlertidig statskupp 222 Deltakende autokrati 223 El Comandante 225 KAPITTEL 10: ET SAMFUNN I OPPLØSNING 227 Venezuelas hverdagslige slagmarker 231 Konspirasjoner og krigsretorikk 236 Historisk fallitt 239 ETTERORD: KEISERENS NYE KLÆR 240 Djevelens ekskrement 243 Sofistikert autokrati 245 Demokrati etter hvilken standard? 251 Å definere fremtiden 253 NOTER 256 OM FORFATTEREN 284 FORORD Etter flere tiår med ideologiske dragkamper er det pragmatikk som preger dagens utenrikspolitikk. De tilspissede debattene om USA, NATO og intervensjonisme er lite til stede i den offentlige debat- ten. Norges mest radikale fløyparti i det etablerte politiske landska- pet, Sosialistisk Venstreparti, har sittet i regjering i mer enn syv år. I disse årene har regjeringen opprettholdt et forholdsvis godt forhold til USA, definert medlemskapet i NATO som en av hovedlinjene i norsk utenrikspolitikk, og sendt norske soldater til krigsoperasjoner i Afghanistan. Mye har skjedd siden SV dro på studietur til Nord- Korea, lot seg inspirere av Nicolae Ceau escus Romania, eller siden Berit Ås kalte Sovjet for en «fredspioner». Ingen lar seg fascinere av Sovjetunionen eller Hviterussland lenger. I Kina «spiller det ikke lenger noen rolle hvilken farge det er på katten, så lenge den fanger mus», for å parafrasere Deng Xiaoping. Kommunistiske idealer har veket til side for «pragma- tisk ettpartidiktatur». Gamle asiatiske kommuniststater som Viet- nam eller Laos har for lengst forsvunnet fra den revolusjonære radaren. Det samme gjelder afrikanske eksperimenter som Folke- republikkene Mosambik og Angola, eller gamle europeiske pro- sjekter som Enver Hoxas Albania eller Jugoslavia under Tito. Ideologienes siste stillingskrig Siden Berlinmurens fall har utenrikspolitikken gradvis blitt mer pragmatisk og realitetsorientert. Nyere begivenheter på et kontinent fremprovoserer imidlertid en stadig vedvarende 8 | diktator i forkledning antikapitalistisk dogmatisk tilnærming. I sitt syn på Latin-Ame- rika, «USAs bakgård», forfekter den samme venstresiden som langt på vei har akseptert markedsøkonomien som økonomisk rammeverk her hjemme, fortsatt gamle dogmer fra den kalde krigens tid. Latin-Amerika er på mange måter ideologienes siste stedfortrederkrig i verden. Her finner man venstresidens siste håp om å realisere «ekte sosialisme». Venstresidens fascinasjon for Latin-Amerika er ikke vanske- lig å forstå. For det første har Latin-Amerika relativt sett blitt spart for kommunismens grusomheter. Ifølge «Kommunismens svartebok» har kommunismen i Latin-Amerika «kun» 150.000 liv på samvittigheten (fortrinnsvis på Cuba), mens tallet raskt øker til millioner i Afrika, Europa og Asia. Forsvaret for sosialistiske prosjekter i Latin-Amerika unngår derfor den samme moralske indignasjonen som venstresiden blir møtt med i andre tilfeller. Samtidig er venstresidens sterke ønske om revolusjonære refor- mer i Latin-Amerika en opplagt motreaksjon til regionens trø- blete historie med militære høyrediktaturer, ofte med støtte fra USA. Latin-Amerika og Karibien er også den regionen i verden der ulikhetene er aller størst.1 Cuba har i lang tid vært revolusjonæres kjæledegge i Latin-Ame- rika. At mange så positivt på opprøret mot diktatoren Fulgencio Batista i 1959 er lett å forstå. Det samme gjelder ikke engasjemen- tet for den cubanske revolusjonen i dag. Så sent som i 2004 uttalte SVs Hallgeir Langeland at: «Jeg mener fortsatt at Cuba er et eksem- pel på at en annen og bedre verden er mulig».2 Det var angivelig Castro-regimets engasjement for fattigdomsbekjempelse og gratis velferdstjenester som la grunnlaget for manges fascinasjon. At Cuba, før Castro, pleide å være et land av de rikeste og mest velutviklede landene i Latin-Amerika, er for disse et uinteressant faktum. At feil- og underernæring, grunnet matmangel, er en av de viktigste dødsårsakene på øya i dag, mens Cuba før 1960 var like rikt som Italia, rikere enn Spania, og hadde bedre tilgang til mat enn alle land i Latin-Amerika, unntatt Argentina, synes heller ikke å gjøre noe særlig inntrykk. Ei heller at Castro-regimet har myrdet mer enn 70.000 av sine egne innbyggere av politiske årsaker, ifølge estimatene til professor Rudolph J. Rummel ved Universitetet i forord | 9 Hawaii.3 Så sterk har «drømmen om Cuba» vært at propagandaen har overskygget regimets grusomme realiteter. Hvorfor Venezuela? Min interesse for Latin-Amerika ble vekket etter et møte med flere eksil-cubanere på besøk i Norge for mange år siden. Jeg hadde lest en del om den politiske situasjonen, men visste lite om landets gene- relt elendige forfatning. «Det er kanskje ikke full ytringsfrihet på Cuba, men de har i det minste gratis helsevesen for alle,» var det etablerte credoet. Det var nærmest opplest og vedtatt at Cuba hadde ett forbilledlig helsevesen til eksempel for resten av verden. Det var imidlertid inntil bilder av de egentlige forholdene begynte å lekke ut. Takket være fotografer som har risikert livet for å dokumentere tilstanden på sykehusene den jevne cubaner må ta til takke med, har myten om Cuba gradvis sprukket til det punkt at få innflytelses- rike stemmer vil forsvare landet lenger.4 I dag er det få som mener at Cuba er noe godt eksempel på at «en annen og bedre verden». Samtidig som Cubas anseelse har stupt, har flere latt seg inspi- rere av Venezuela som et nytt «alternativ til kapitalismen». I Norge har særlig SV latt seg inspirere av Hugo Chávez. Da SV-politiker Kirsti Bergstø5 var leder i SU, var hun ikke mindre beskjeden enn at hun utropte Hugo Chávez til «den beste statslederen i verden.»6 I 2004 sendte landsstyret i SV et gratulasjonstelegram til Chávez etter at han vant en omstridt seier i en folkeavstemning om presi- dentens tillit. I telegrammet sto det: «Til MVR - Movimento Quinta Republica (den femte republikkens bevegelse, det viktigste regjeringspartiet i Venezuela) Kjære kamerater, Sosialistisk Venstreparti har med glede lagt merke til Nei-sidens seier i folkeavstemninga i Venezuela. Vi gratulerer med President Chávez og Den Bolivarianske Revolusjonens fortsatte mandat fra det venezuelanske folk! SV har sterke bånd til venstrekref- ter i Latin-Amerika, og vi håper å kunne styrke båndene også til Venezuela Med hilsen SV»7 10 | diktator
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