3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

2019/5779 Winter­Spring Vol.1 Issue I

Limda Undergraduate Jewish Studies Journal ______

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 1/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 2

Letter from the Editor

Welcome to the first issue of Limda Undergraduate Jewish Studies Journal! We started this journal out of curiosity - curiosity over what our fellow undergraduate students are writing about and researching regarding Judaic topics. What new ideas are people proposing on and Tanakh, what observations are people making about , what arguments are people having regarding ? What is our generation thinking about ? In publishing undergraduates’ Judaically related essays and providing people with a forum to share their research with a broader community, we want to people talking. We want to empower students to share their ideas. We want to foster conversations between undergraduates with diverse perspectives with the hope of creating a broader understanding of Judaism as a whole. This 2019 Winter-Spring issue of Limda includes nine essays written on a variety of topics, ranging from Jewish history to language to philosophy to Halakha to Tanakh to Israel. We kick off with Pamela Brenner’s “K erakheym Ov Al Bonim: Tevye’s Quotations Revisited” in which we are taken on a journey of analysis through the character of Tevye the Dairyman and his improper - or proper? - use of Biblical quotations. We then feature Arielle Solomon’s “R ebecca: The Guardian of Bloodline and Covenant, ” which offers a refreshing and innovative commentary on the Biblical Rebecca’s role in the founding of the Jewish People. Jacob Weiner from the University of Leeds then addresses the question: “What role did gender play in shaping the experiences of those who lived within medieval Jewish communities?” in his essay “G ender and Medieval Jewish Communities” with a historical analysis that is both enlightening and fascinating. Next, Spencer Szwalbenest convincingly contrasts the viewpoints of Jewish philosophers Richard Rubenstein and Hermann Cohen in their “P assion and Pessimism: Richard Rubenstein as a Response to Hermann Cohen.” If you’re curious about the different halakhic approaches and opinions regarding women’s a liyot in modern-day Orthodoxy, Rivkah Pardue presents a clear exploration of just this in “K evod Ha-Tsibbur, Women’s Aliyot, and Modern Orthodoxy. ” Also included in this issue is “S aadya Gaon and

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 2/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 3

the Mu’tazila , ” in which Gilana Levavi compares and contrasts the Islamic speculative theology of the Mu’tazila kalam with Saadya Gaon’s beliefs in T he Book of Doctrines and Beliefs, and Baila Eisen’s “A Land That Devours Its Inhabitants: The Story Behind Hayyim Eleazar Shapira’s Demonization of the Holy Land, ” which addresses Rabbi Shapira’s demonization of Israel and the method through which he arrives at these beliefs. We then delve into the subjects of literature, philosophy, and medieval Sepharad in Leora Lupkin’s discussion of the p iyyutim o f Ibn Gabirol in “L anguage of the Soul: An Analysis of Select Poems by and Their Discussion of the Soul. ” Finally, we have a thorough investigation, analysis, and explanation of attitudes toward Moroccan Immigrants in Israel and where they stemmed from, in Eitan Meisel’s “F rom Marrakech to Ashdod: Early Attitudes Toward Moroccan Immigrants in Israel. ” We would like to offer our genuine thanks to everyone who shared their papers with us and provided us with the source material to make this journal. Additional thanks to every one of our wonderful editors for their hours of effort reading, editing, and discussing every submission. And, of course, thank you to our readers who are taking part in this continuous transmission of ideas and arguments and for helping us build this community of educated and interconnected Jewish thinkers. We would also like to thank Drisha Summer Kollel where our friendship and subsequent partnership on this Drisha Baderekh project was born. So far, we’ve had quite an enjoyable experience reading these papers and putting this journal together. We’ve certainly learned a lot. We hope you will as well. - Rivkah and Avigayil

Editorial Board: A vigayil Lev (Co­founder), Rivkah Pardue (Co­founder), Spencer Szwalbenest, Pamela Brenner, Chana T. Fisch, Leora Spitz.

Contact us: V isit us at our website limdajournal.org, follow us on Facebook @LimdaLearner, or send us an email at [email protected].

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 3/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 4

Table of Contents

Kerakheym Ov Al Bonim: Tevye’s Quotations Revisited Pamela Brenner 5

Rebecca: The Guardian of Bloodline and Covenant Arielle Solomon 1 5

Gender and Medieval Jewish Communities J acob Weiner 2 1

Passion and Pessimism: Richard Rubenstein as a Response to Hermann Cohen Spencer Szwalbenest 2 8

Kevod ha-Tsibbur, Women’s Aliyot, and Modern Orthodoxy R ivkah Pardue 4 1

Saadya Gaon and the Mu’tazila Kalam G ilana Levavi 5 2

“A Land that Devours its Inhabitants”: The Story Behind Rabbi Hayyim Eleazer Shapira’s Demonization of The Holy Land B aila Eisen 5 9

Language of the Soul: An Analysis of Select Poems by Solomon Ibn Gabirol and Their Discussion of the Soul L eora Lupkin 69

From Marrakech to Ashdod: Early Attitudes Towards Moroccan Immigrants in Israel E itan Meisels 82

Works Cited 97

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 4/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 5

Kerakheym Ov Al Bonim: Tevye’s often, as weapons in his verbal battle with God. Through his own Quotations Revisited comparisons with biblical personalities and in the light of his Pamela Brenner interpretations of classical Jewish sources, the quotations and glosses Barnard College 2020 enable the reader to understand how Sholem Aleichem, writer of the late Tevye sees himself, his family 19th­early 20th century, is most famous for members, and other persons with whom he deals. (79­80) his collected stories about Tevye the In an endeavor similar to Stern’s, this essay Dairyman. Written over the course of twenty will provide a glimpse into how Tevye uses years, the tales center around Tevye the quotations to understand his life’s milkman and his seven daughters. Tevye, a circumstances. Through specifically simple , has often been viewed as a man analyzing one of Tevye’s most common who does not really understand . phrases, the message at the heart of these Though he incessantly quotes from liturgy, stories will be brought to light. Tevye’s the Bible, and rabbinic tradition, his mastery over employing quotations is “quotations are often comically distorted Sholem Aleichem’s most clever tool to and even when they are correct, his illustrate a changing world, as seen through translations and interpretations of them are Tevye’s eyes. hilariously wrong. In any case, they never Over the course of the collected truly suit the context to which they are stories, Tevye employs more than one applied” (Miron 176). Michael Stern argues hundred Biblical and Talmudic phrases. in his “Tevye’s Art of Quotation” that While he repeats many lines, Tevye uses two contrary to the view of scholars such as quotations more than any other: kerakheym Miron, Tevye is fully in control of his ov al bonim , as a father has mercy on his quotations. Stern writes that children, and be’al korkhekho atoh khai , for all their humor, they are designed against your will you live. This essay will to do much more than elicit laughter. They are used by Tevye as a running focus on Tevye’s usage of the former. The commentary on the story itself and phrase originates in Psalms 103:13,

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 5/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 6

“ kerakheym ov al bonim, rikham Hashem al we say in the prayers,” (Sholem Aleichem yire’ov ”­ as a father has mercy on his 111) which presumes that he knows it from children, so God has mercy on those who prayer as opposed to from Psalms. This is fear Him. The implication of the verse is also consistent with the type of verses with that a father cannot help but have which Tevye is familiar, as Tevye is far compassion for his children, and this model more knowledgeable about the prayerbook of helpless love is how God will act towards than he is with Psalms. With only three those who have a relationship with Him. exceptions, every one of Tevye’s quotes Although this phrase originates in the from the Psalms is found in the prayerbook, Psalms, it is most well­known through its indicating that he only knows Psalms insofar 1 appearances in the Selikhos and High as they appear in prayer. Holiday prayers. Throughout the prayers it At one point, Tevye says to Golde, appears in various iterations, with the one “ et...Golde serdtse, faran a posek…’im most similar to the original verse formatted kevonim im ka’avodim’ ” “Eh, my dear as, “ kerakheym ov al bonim, keyn terakheym Golde, as the verse says, ‘whether as sons or Hashem oleynu ” ­ as a father has mercy on as servants’” (Sholem Aleichem 168). The his sons, so too should God have mercy on phrase im kevonim im ka’avodim also comes us. Tevye only quotes the first half of the from the High Holiday prayers, the full line line, which leaves it up for interpretation as of which reads: “ im kevonim, im ka’avodim. to where he is quoting from. The first time Im kevonim, rakhameynu kerakheym ov al he employs the quotation, he introduces it by bonim… ” ­ whether as sons or as servants. If 2 saying, “ vi mir zogn inem davenen ” ­ “as as sons, have mercy on us as a father has mercy on his children. Tevye’s usage here of 1 Selikhos are prayers said during the penitential a phrase which contains kerakheym ov al season starting in the final month of the Jewish calendar and continuing through the Day of bonim indicates that he may have been Atonement 2 A note on the translations throughout this referring to this specific quote in the other essay: I found all of the English translations lacking in some way, and therefore mostly used occasions throughout the story. Additionally, the Halkin translation, but occasionally Tevye introduces this quote by calling it a translated using both a combination of multiple translations and inserting translations of my “posek,” a [generally­Biblical] verse, even own, editing as I saw fit.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 6/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 7

though it’s from the prayers. His referring to because he sees that his daughter is happy it as a “posek” highlights a certain with Fefferel and cannot bring himself to colloquialism about Tevye, but also deprive her of that. In this scene, Hodl is emphasizes that even when he introduces anxiously awaiting a letter from her beloved, kerakheym ov al bonim as a “posek” later on and the fact that she cannot be with him in the stories, he does not mean that he is pains her. Despite Tevye’s humorous remark referring to its appearance in the Psalms. that “he’s your bit of bad luck, not mine,” he The first appearance of kerakheym cannot help but feel sorry for his daughter. ov al bonim is in “Hodl.” After Fefferel This type of uncontrollable love for Hodl is marries Hodl and leaves town, Tevye asks exactly what the phrase kerakheym ov al Hodl where he is and what he is up to. When bonim represents. The implicit second half she refuses to share any details with him, of the line, keyn terakheym Hashem oleynu , Tevye says to himself (or, more accurately, is Tevye’s way of beseeching God to fulfill to Sholem Aleichem), His side of the deal. Just as Tevye has Eyn Esther magedes ­ mum’s the compassion for Hodl, so too God should word! Well, I thought, if you don’t have compassion for both of them. want to talk, you don’t have to; he’s your bit of bad luck, not mine; may The only other appearances of the Lord have mercy on him!...My heart didn’t ache any less, though. kerakheym ov al bonim are in relation to After all, she was my daughter. You Chava. In the beginning of “Chava,” Tevye know what it says in the prayer book: kerakheym ov al bonim ­ a tells Sholem Aleichem about all of the trouble that befell him as a result of his ַא] …father can’t help being a father Lit. a father .פֿאָטער בלײַבט ַא פֿאָטער remains a father.] (Halkin 65) daughters. Before he begins to relate her Tevye’s use of kerakheym ov al bonim is tale, he says, “The good Lord gave us tsa’ar perfectly consistent with the meaning of the gidul bonim , which means in plain language phrase. Having been initially reluctant for that you can’t stop loving your children just the two of them to get married, and despite because they’re nothing but trouble” (Halkin thinking that a man should not marry a 69). Ts’ar gidul bonim literally means “the woman before departing for an unfamiliar trouble of raising children,” and Tevye’s destination, he gives them his blessing point is that despite how problematic one’s

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 7/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 8

child might be, a parent can never stop benevolent, then why is Tevye subject to loving her. This describes the inner turmoil such tragedy? that Tevye experiences as a result of Chava’s Before analyzing the theological decision to intermarry. On the one hand, he components of Tevye’s attempt to make can never stop loving her, as he mentioned, sense of this situation, an analysis of the but on the other hand, she betrayed her other instances of kerakheym ov al bonim is family and her faith in the most egregious needed. After finding out that Chava is way imaginable to Tevye. Despite his anger, marrying Chvedka, Tevye turns to his wife however, he cannot succeed in ridding Golde to discuss the moments leading up to Chava from his heart and mind, Chava’s departure from their home. When For a moment I forgot what she had Golde tells Tevye that she instructed their done, and then I missed her terribly. children to run to the priest’s house to look As soon as I remembered, though, for her, Tevye remarks, the blood rushed to my head and I ‘But how, Golde,’ I interrupted, ‘did you guess she was at the priest’s?’ began to rage like the Devil at her, ‘How did I guess she was at the and at Chvedka, and at the whole priest’s?’ she says. ‘So help me God! Do you think I’m not a mother? Do world, and at myself for not being you think I don’t have eyes in my able to forget her. Why couldn’t I get head?’ ‘If you have eyes and you’re a her out of my mind, tear her from my mother,’ I say, ‘what made you keep heart? It’s not as if she didn’t deserve so quiet? Why didn’t you say something to me?’ (Halkin 76) it! (Halkin 79­80) Golde’s rhetorical question of “do you think There are two primary elements in Tevye’s I’m not a mother” implies that mothers are inner conflict about Chava. The first is in inherently aware of their children’s behavior trying to make sense of his own feelings for and well­being. The fact that Golde her, which entails reconciling his love for understood what was going on with Chava, her with his loyalty to God. The other and Tevye “either do[es]sn’t understand her struggle is in understanding God’s hand in or else do[es]n’t want to understand,” this situation. If God is supposed to be (Halkin 74) is an affront to him. The only

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 8/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 9

way to respond to Golde’s motherly describing toughness, Proverbs 31:1 speaks of “a rebuke administered by advantage over him is by using the his mother.” The mother, being made quintessential masculine tool to reassert his of sterner stuff, admonishes instead of displaying pity. (Rabbeinu fatherly capabilities: the Bible. As such, Bachya, Genesis 2:23:2) Tevye replies to her, Although Tevye employs the quote to make Look here Golde. You’re angry at me a different comment than the early medieval for always quoting the Bible, but I Torah commentator, it is possible that Tevye have to quote it one more time. It says kerakheym ov al bonim ­ a was aware of this quote’s usage as a source father loves a child. Why doesn’t it of highlighting differences between male also say kerakheym eym al bonim ­ a and female parenting styles. Despite its עס שטעהט ַבײ] ?mother loves her child אונז געשריבען, זאָג איך, כרחם אָב על בנים precedent in Rabbeinu Bachya’s – ַא טאַטע האָט ליעב ַא קינד. פֿאַר וואָס commentary, the question remains as to why שטעהט ניט, זאָג איך, כרחם אם על בנים – [?אַז ַא מאַמע האָט ליעב אַיהר קינד Because a mother isn’t a father. A Tevye uses kerakheym ov al bonim to father speaks to his children respond to Golde. differently. Just you wait: tomorrow, God willing, I’m going to have a talk In quoting this line to Golde, Tevye with her. (cf. Halkin 76) makes some changes from the Hebrew to the

The first layer of Tevye’s response is his Yiddish; the Hebrew reads “ kerakheym ov al insistence that men are actually better at bonim ,” as a father has mercy on his sons, communicating with their children than are but when translating to the Yiddish, women, in contrast to Golde’s prior however, Tevye renders the phrase “ a tate assertion. But why does he use kerakheym hot lib a kind ,” a father loves his child. The ov al bonim to make this claim? Although original Hebrew line is clearly phrased in not well­versed in the more obscure parts of patriarchal terms, representing the fact that the Torah, his interpretation of the verse is in the tradition comes from a patriarchal world. line with the 13th­14th century scholar Tevye, as the representative of that world, is Rabbeinu Bachya, who writes, unable to maintain as tight a grip on the old Perhaps this is the reason that the world as things are changing around him. psalmist in Psalms 103:13 speaks of When he tells Golde that a mother is not a G­d being merciful to His “sons” as a father is merciful, whereas when father, and that he’ll have more success than

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 9/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 10

she had, the reader is left skeptical. While focused on emphasizing the role of the Tevye may believe what he’s saying, there is father in the relationship with his children, a layer of self­criticism in this line. He but in his retranslation from the Hebrew to resorts to the line as a defense­mechanism, the Yiddish, he actually feminizes the line. essentially asking himself, “Why didn’t I do While the original quote is about a father’s something?” The crisis of this period is the mercy for his sons, Tevye’s version to Golde loss of patriarchal authority, and at this is about a father’s love for a child. There is point, Tevye still thinks that he can protect an element of expanding the line to refer to that tradition. By claiming that the problem not just sons, but to daughters as well, and lies with the mother, not the father, he is by describing the phrase in such an illogical trying to portray that his role in the family manner, it highlights that the phrase applies has not been affected by the step away from to mothers as well as fathers. Furthermore, a the patriarchal tradition. crucial element of the change Tevye makes Although Tevye at this point is in translating rakhamim , “mercy,” as libe , genuinely engages in self­protective “love.” Rakhamim comes from the word behavior, Sholem Aleichem reveals the rekhem , which means womb. An essential absurdity of this kind of position. He forces component of the relationship between his readers to challenge Tevye’s parent and child is that there is rakhamim , understanding by highlighting the ways in which is fundamentally related to the which his own response reveals the feminine. Tevye, in his attempt to strip the impossibility of keeping the old ways. Tevye verse of its connection to the mother, changes the phrase to mean that a father changes the emotion to love. But by loves his child, and then makes the claim claiming that only a father has love for his that it only applies to fathers, not mothers. child, Tevye gives an unrealistic By having Tevye explain his position interpretation that only undermines his through this kind of logic, Sholem Aleichem retranslation. The connection between a winks at the reader, causing one to consider mother and child is just as strong as the the absurdity of a claim that only fathers father’s connection to his children, and love their children. Additionally, Tevye is through Tevye’s attempt to subvert the line,

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 10/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 11

ָנישטא] he unknowingly reiterates the central role no such thing as a bad child And I’m .[קיין שלעכט קינד ַבײ ַא טאַטען that women play in both child­rearing and tormenting myself, I’m saying that Judaism. Sholem Aleichem uses Tevye to I’m osur le­rakheym , that it’s forbidden to pity me, I don’t deserve portray an irony about the period of rapid to walk the earth. What? Why are change. Whereas Tevye is against the you making such a production of this, you stubborn lunatic? Why are erosion of patriarchal authority, he cannot you making a hubbub? Come on, escape the effects of the revolution that you sadist, turn your wagon around and make up with her ­ she’s your society is undergoing at this time. child, nobody else’s! (Howe and Soon after Chava’s intermarriage, Wisse 177, Frieden 86, Halkin 81) Tevye’s conflict about loving Chava versus Tevye finds himself once again referring to keeping the tradition reaches a climax in this kerakheym ov al bonim to understand his scene. Tevye’s retranslation of kerakheym ov life’s circumstances. One day, while al bonim is that there is no such thing as a traveling with his wagon, Tevye bad child, and as such, he of course still unexpectedly encounters Chava. Although loves Chava. While not denying his she approaches his wagon and begs Tevye to continued love for his daughter, Tevye listen to her, Tevye keeps on riding, without prevents himself from reaching out to her communicating with his daughter. because he is osur le­rakheym , because the Immediately after this scene, Tevye tells law forbids him from doing so. At this point Sholem Aleichem that, in time, Sholem Aleichem presents a Tevye All the way home I kept imagining that my Chava was running after me who is still latching on to the vestiges of the and screaming, ‘Oh, Papa, Papa…’ patriarchal tradition. Tevye still believes that Tevye, I said to myself, enough is enough! What harm would it do to the tradition is more important than anything stop for a minute and listen? Maybe else, and therefore, he is portrayed as she really has something important to say to you. Maybe she’s sorry and choosing to uphold the law over maintaining wants to come home. Maybe her life a relationship with his daughter. Despite the with him is such hell that she needs your help to run away...I thought of a precarious condition that the tradition is in, thousand such maybes, I pictured her Tevye, though weakened by the difficulty of again as a child, the words kerakheym ov al bonim kept running his reality, has sufficient faith in the system through my head­ to a father there is

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 11/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 12

אויף ַא מענטשען, ווי ַא טאַטע אויף ַא קינד״ that he overcomes his desire to reach out to Chava for the sake of the law. ”(Sholem Aleichem 217).] At this point, Although Tevye was able to keep a Tsaytl is using one of Tevye’s oft­repeated distance from Chava in the earlier stories, by lines to remind him that the most fitting “Lekh­Lekho,” everything changes. Written interpretation of this line assumes that Tevye in 1914, the world in which Sholem should forgive Chava, unlike his claim in the Aleichem finds himself writing is drastically forest that he is osur le­rakheymm , different from the society in which he began forbidden to forgive her because of the law. the Tevye stories in 1894. After witnessing a And then, upon seeing Chava, Tevye failed revolution, and brutal pogroms, remarks to Sholem Aleichem, Sholem Aleichem’s attitude shifts, and this Please don’t think any worse of me for having tears in my eyes now. If shift is reflected in Tevye’s new you suppose I shed any then, though, interpretation of kerakheym ov al bonim . or was the least bit sentimental, you have another guess coming. Of Tevye is informed that he is being expelled course, what I felt like inside was from his home, and is given three days to something else. You’re a father of children yourself, and you know as pack up and go. After telling Tsaytl that they well as I do the verse kerakheym ov must prepare to leave, she begins to cry that al bonim , and the meaning of it, that no matter what a child may have they are leaving one person behind, namely, done, when it stands there looking Chava. Seeing that Tevye is angry with her right through you and says ‘Papa’... well, go be a hero and tell it to איהר זענט דאָך אַליין אויך ַא] !for mentioning Chava, Tsaytl says to him, disappear טאַטע פֿון קינדער און איהר ווייסט גלײַך מיט .Father,’ she said, ‘don’t be angry with me‘“ מיר דעם פּשט פֿונ׳ם פּסוק ׳כרחם אָב על בנים׳ און דעם טעם פֿון דעם, בעת ַא קינד, Remember what you yourself told me many עם מעג זיך ווי פֿאַרזינדיגען, נאָר אַז סע קוקט times, that it is written that one human being אַײַך גלײַך אין דער נשמה אַרײַן און זאָגט אַײַך: ׳טאַטע!׳ – אַנו, זײַט דעמאָלט ַא בריה, must have pity on another the way a father Still, the [!אַדרבה, און טרײבט עס ָאפּ has pity on his child’” (Howe and Wisse blood went to my head when I thought of the fine trick my Chava טאַטע, מאַכט זי צו מיר, דו בייזער זיך נאָר“] .(190 had played on us... and of that ניט אַזוי שטאַרק און דערמאָן זיך בעסער, וואָס דו Chvedka Galagan, may he roast...and that damn priest...and all my אַליין, זאָגט זי, האָסט געזאָגט וויפֿיעל מאָל, אז סע grief...and my poor dead Golde... שטעהט געשריבן, אז ַא מענטש דאַרף האָבען רחמנות You tell me: how, how can you ever

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 12/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 13

forget such things? How can you represented Tevye’s faith in the continuity of forget? And yet on the other hand, the tradition, and the importance of how can you not? She was still my child, after all... kerakheym ov al maintaining his hold on the patriarchy over bonim… How could I be so heartless reconciling with his daughter. But when and drive her away when God Himself is an eyl erekh apoyim , a real­world events happen and things start long­suffering Lord and slow to changing, Sholem Aleichem portrays a פֿאָרט ַא קינד...כרחם אָב על] ?anger ,Tevye who is weaker, and more sentimental בנים...ווי טאָר ַא מענטש זײַן אַיין אכזר, אַז גאָט אַליין זאָגט אויף זיך, אַז ער איז אַיין And especially since and therefore he takes Chava back. In the [!א–ל ארך ַאפּים she was sorry for all she had done face of a changing world, and circumstances and wanted only to return to her father and her God… (Halkin 129, that remind a Jew that he is no longer Howe and Wisse 191, Sholem welcome or safe (as is reflected in the 1905 Aleichem 219­220) Tevye’s uses kerakheym ov al bonim in this pogrom that Sholem Aleichem witnessed, scene as a means to justify his reacceptance and in the narrative with Tevye’s expulsion of Chava. The fact that Tevye can utilize this from his home), the question becomes “what line as the reason to both reject and accept difference does it make to follow the Chava highlights the fact that his quotations tradition?” There are bigger issues that will are merely a vehicle through which he be valued, such as reconnecting with his expresses what he desires to do. Because the daughter, that supersede upholding the failed phrase can be employed for diametrically patriarchal system that doesn’t work with opposed interpretations, kerakheym ov al the new and changing times. bonim is merely Tevye’s tool to back up his In both scenes with Chava, Tevye decisions with religious authority. As such, uses God, and religious quotation, as his his use of quotations are not a return to anchor to justify what he wants to do. But as tradition, but are rather clever excuses for the world is changing around him, Tevye Tevye’s own needs. Earlier, when there was loses faith in the continuity of the tradition, still a vestige of the tradition’s viability, and ultimately undermines the very texts Tevye can reject Chava by means of a that he quotes in order to turn towards a quotation. Kerakheym ov al bonim rejection of the tradition for the sake of keeping with the changing times. Over the

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 13/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 14

course of the Tevye stories’ twenty years, kerakheym ov al bonim in the collected the beloved protagonist changes quite Tevye stories, a new view of Tevye emerges. drastically. As Tevye himself comments, Sholem Aleichem artfully portrays, through Had I been twenty years younger, the use of Tevye’s quotations, the historical and still had my Golde ­ had I been, upheavals that he experiences. The that is, the Tevye I once was ­ oho, I wouldn’t have taken it lying down: confrontation between tradition and why, I would have settled his hash in a minute! But the way things stood… modernity is brilliantly captured through mah onu umeh khayeynu ­ just take a Tevye’s quotations in Sholem Aleichem’s look at me now: I’m a shadow of myself, a walking corpse, a decrepit tour de force . shell of a man! (Halkin 125) With the world changing around him, Tevye Works Cited on page 97. is no longer able to assert the vitality of the

patriarchal tradition, for himself or for his children. Whereas his interpretation of kerakheym ov al bonim in the 1904, pre­revolution­era “Hodl” was perfectly in line with the original meaning of the verse, the ways in which he stretches the quote to suit his needs later on in his life reinforces the notion that his explanations are merely the language through which he expresses his ultimate desires. Not only is Tevye in control of his use of quotations, contrary to the view of many scholars, but the ways in which he reinterprets biblical and talmudic phrases underscores the changing relationship that Tevye has with the tradition due to the shifting landscape around him. Through a close analysis of the trajectory of

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 14/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 15

Rebecca: The Guardian of Bloodline that his chosen son destined to transmit the and Covenant covenant, Isaac, will marry a Canaanite, who would impurify Abraham’s bloodline, Arielle Solomon endangering the future of covenant. In Columbia University and The Jewish accordance with this narrative beginning, Theological Seminary Joint Program 2020 Rebecca like Abraham guards the purity of

The biblical matriarch Rebecca has the bloodline to uphold the viability of the been deemed by many as fitting the covenant, which means she must reject her archetype of a devilish and plotting woman, firstborn son Esau as the inheritor of the who threatens the schema that men are the covenant, and ensure that her younger son sole “doers” of the world. However, the Jacob instead takes on this role as well as Torah in no way condemns Rebecca for her refrains from marrying a Canaanite woman. actions, but rather awards her special Rebecca’s birth is significant because narrative treatment that the other matriarchs of the fact that it is actually mentioned and do not receive. Rebecca, having limited the specific context in which it is power in the biblical world’s patriarchy, has announced. Rebecca’s birth is the only no other choice but to turn to, what some record of a female birth in the Tanach, may call, deception in order to preserve the giving her narrative attention that the other 4 purity of Abraham’s bloodline, chosen to matriarchs do not receive. Rebecca’s birth 3 transmit God’s covenant. Rebecca enters is mentioned in a genealogy following the the biblical narrative to address Abraham’s Akedah and God blessing Abraham with anxiety numerous descendants, who “shall seize the gates of their foes” (Gen 22:17). Abraham’s son Isaac, chosen to pass down the covenant, has not yet married or given 3 Susan Haddox, “Favoured Sons and Subordinate Masculinities,” in M en and Abraham grandchildren, which must happen Masculinity in the and Beyond, ed. Ovidiu Creangă, The Bible in the Modern World to fulfill God’s promise of progeny. 33 (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2010), 9; Tikva Simone Frymer­Kensky, R eading the Women of the Bible (New York: Schocken Books, 2002), 19. 4 Tikva Frymer­Kensky, R eading the Women, 5.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 15/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 16

Therefore, God’s blessing in verse 17 will be for my son from the daughters of the fulfilled by Isaac marrying and having Canaanites among whom I dwell, but will go children, and the text foreshadows that his to the land of my birth and get a wife for my wife will be Rebecca by mentioning her in son Isaac” (Gen 24:3­4). Abraham wants the genealogy at the end of this chapter. Isaac’s bloodline to be pure not just from Additionally, the blessing in 22:17 alludes to him and Sarah, but also on his daughter in basically the same blessing Rebecca law’s side. Therefore, Isaac must marry from receives from her family before departing to a woman from Abraham’s family in marry Isaac (Gen 24:60). This again Mesopotamia. Under no circumstance can confirms that Rebecca’s role as Isaac’s wife Eliezer bring Isaac with him to is established narratively from her birth, and Mesopotamia, so Abraham stipulates to that she is intimately connected with Eliezer that the chosen bride must be willing Abraham and the fulfillment of the to make the journey to Canaan. This is patriarchal blessing. Rebecca’s connection necessary because the covenantal promises to Abraham is more than just sharing the of progeny and property are intertwined and same blessing: they are also related to each dependent on each other. This bride can only other. Abraham’s brother Nahor and his wife bring Isaac progeny if she is willing to come 5 Milcah have eight sons including Bethuel, to the land God promised to Abraham. Rebecca’s father (Gen 22:23). This primes Moreover, a suitable bride for Isaac must be the reader to recognize these relatives of willing to leave her father’s home, and make Abraham in chapter 24 when Rebecca is the same arduous journey Abraham made in [מבית אביך] chosen to be Isaac’s wife. from his father’s home Chapter 24 retells how Rebecca Mesopotamia to Canaan. The language of came to be Isaac’s wife through human Abraham’s command to Eliezer “to go to אל ארצי ואל מולדתי] action and Divine will. Abraham, now ‘my land, my birth place elderly, sends his trusted senior servant, ]’ to find a wife for Isaac echoes the moment Eliezer, to find Isaac a wife to secure the in Genesis 12:1 when God commands covenant. Abraham commands Eliezer to swear to God that he “will not take a wife 5 T ikva Frymer­Kensky, R eading the Women, 7.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 16/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 17

Abraham to leave his homeland [ offspring seize the gates of their foes” (Gen ,and head to Israel. This 24:60) because her sons and their offspring [מארצך וממולדתך literary link conveys the magnitude of the Jacob (Israelites) and Esau (Edomites), are 6 moment.” This bride search is further foes themselves and only one prevails. This elevated in importance with the divine aid blessing by itself also foreshadows that Eliezer receives in immediately finding Rebecca will be fertile and there will be Rebecca, who meets Eliezer’s criteria and is some fighting involved with her offspring directly related to Abraham through her though not necessarily between them. 7 mother and father’s side. Through Eliezer’s This moves the narrative forward to search criteria, which he enumerates to Genesis 25:21 and to Rebecca’s brief Rebecca and her family and his journey to struggles with fertility like the other find a suitable bride for Isaac, Rebecca matriarchs. Verse 21 states “Isaac pleaded learns that a bride of a patriarch must have with the Lord on behalf of his wife, because close ties to his bloodline. She will put this she was barren; and the Lord responded to knowledge to good use later in her narrative. his plea, and his wife Rebecca conceived.” Before Rebecca leaves Mesopotamia Though the text does not mention what Isaac with Eliezer to marry Isaac, her brothers specifically says to God, Isaac acts on behalf bless her with progeny and that her offspring of his wife perhaps because God had 8 should overcome their enemies, echoing the promised Isaac great progeny. However, blessing Abraham receives in chapter 22. once struggling with a difficult pregnancy, However, it is a bit ironic if you know what Rebecca directly appeals to God for is to come in the narrative that her brothers assistance, and the text records her specific 9 bless her with the words “may your communication with the Divine. The text

8 Tikva Frymer­Kensky, R eading the Women, 16. 6 A my Kalmanofsky, G ender­Play in the Hebrew 9 P erhaps Rebecca feels uncomfortable Bible: The Ways the Bible Challenges Its speaking to her husband about this matter likely Gender Norms (New York: Routledge, 2017), foreign to him, or perhaps she has greater 143. self­confidence now that she is pregnant to 7 M oreover, Rebecca’s family appears to worship reach out to God. Her fertility is an indicator that God (Gen 24:31,50,51), which would suggest she was blessed by God, and it raises her that Rebecca has the same faith as Abraham station in her society. Jennie R. Ebeling, and Isaac. Tikva Frymer­Kensky, R eading the Women’s Lives in Biblical Times (New York: T & Women, 12. T Clark, 2010) 95­108.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 17/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 18

reports that the “children struggled in her with each other. She will need to act in the womb,” which prompts Rebecca to ask God, interests of her narrative counterpart “if so, why do I exist?” (Gen 25:22). It is Abraham in deciding which son is most unclear exactly what she asks of God, but in capable of inheriting the covenant. God context of the plot, I believe she asks ambiguously tells her in the second half of something to the effect of “why do I exist? the verse about her sons’ destiny, and now Am I just an incubator? If so, my identity one of her life purposes is to decipher what does not matter, so why did Eliezer seek me was predestined and enact it utilizing the out to be Isaac’s wife? Did I make the long knowledge that she has from Abraham, journey from Mesopotamia from my father’s Eliezer, and God with regard to her being house just to act as any generic woman with chosen specifically as Isaac’s bride. reproductive capabilities?” Underneath the But what do marriage customs have literal layer of God’s response to Rebecca, to do with Rebecca deciding who deserves God answers these questions. God the birthright? The clue to this question communicates directly to Rebecca as God comes by looking at verse later in Rebecca’s does with the patriarchs but not with the narrative along with her question to God in other matriarchs. God says: “Two nations 25:22. She asks what the purpose of her life are in your womb, two separate peoples would be if Jacob marries a native woman of shall issue from your body; one people shall Canaan, a Hittite (27:46) like her other son be mightier than the other, and the older Esau has done (26:34). One of her purposes shall serve the younger [or: the elder, the in life is to secure the purity of the bloodline younger will serve]” (25:23). God informs by ensuring that her younger unmarried son, Rebecca that this is not just any twin who God seems to suggest in the dominant pregnancy, but that of two feuding sons who reading of 25:23 will prevail over the older will be the fathers of two warring nations. son, marries a bride like herself. The God tells Rebecca that she was chosen to be purpose of Rebecca’s life is consistent from their mother not just in the reproductive the time she was chosen as a bride for Isaac sense, but also as a strong parent, who must to the moment Jacob is sent to marry a bride address her sons’ acrimonious relationship from her family in Mesopotamia. Of course,

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 18/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 19

her mission in life comes with challenges, parents and at least for Rebecca clearly takes but “with divine charge and divine Esau out of the running for the inheritance knowledge… [Rebecca] temper[s] paternal as it goes against what Rebecca has learned 10 authority to bring about God’s will” and about marriage. Isaac who was not present her life’s purpose. for his bride’s selection and the reasoning This requires some plotting and that went into it perhaps does not fully see deception because as a female she cannot the impossibility of a patriarch having a herself bestow the blessing of inheritance to Canaanite wife. However, he is still upset by her son. “Rebecca interprets God’s prophesy Esau’s actions and perhaps knows deep in Jacob’s favor. Seemingly ignorant of the down that his eldest son cannot receive the 11 prophecy, Isaac favors the firstborn, Esau.” inheritance, but Isaac may not have the However, the ambiguous prophesy Rebecca fortitude to deny Esau the birthright. receives is not the only factor in her decision This is why Rebecca must “secure that Jacob is deserving of the inheritance. the blessing for Jacob… Rebecca enables Verses 26:34­35 confirm the interpretation Isaac to do the essential patriarchal act she 14 of the prophesy that Esau is not destined to cannot – bless his son.” Rebecca stops the be the next patriarch. In verse 34, Esau takes blessing from going to Esau, but walking in 12 not one, but two Hittite women as wives. the footsteps of Abraham, she must also Verse 35 reports that these Hittite women ensure that Jacob finds a suitable bride of “were a source of bitterness to Isaac and kin in Mesopotamia. Esau, upset that he lost 13 Rebecca.” Esau’s actions deeply hurt his the birthright to deceiving Jacob, wishes to seek revenge, which means Rebecca must

10 Tikva Frymer­Kensky, R eading the Women, act to protect Jacob. “Esau’s anger is her 22. 11 Amy Kalmanofsky, G ender Play, 149. opportunity to send Jacob to Mesopotamia. 12 These Hiitie wives are seemingly unselected by Esau’s parents in contrast to Abraham basically selecting Isaac’s wife. Susan Haddox, connotation. See Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, “Favoured Sons,” 11. and Charles A. Briggs, T he Brown­Driver­Briggs 13 The phrase used in 26:35 for a “source of Hebrew and English Lexicon, (Peabody, Mass.: .literally meaning bitterness Hendrickson Publishers, 2015) 600­601 (מרת רוח) ”bitterness of spirit referring to “grief of mind” seems to 14 Amy Kalmanofsky, G ender Play, 149. Also, make only one appearance in the Tanach. see Genesis 27 to see how Rebecca However, when words with the same root orchestrates the circumstances necessary for appear they have a very severe and harmful Jacob to receive the birthright from Isaac.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 19/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 20

But she cannot send him, or arrange a 13). Rebecca’s acute anxiety over marriage for him. Jacob must want to go, intermarriage during a time of fragility when and his father must send him. So Rivka sets the descendants of Abraham have not even 15 out to persuade the two men.” Rebecca yet become a nation is particularly relevant prompts Isaac to command Jacob in the to the fragile Jewish community in exile and Abrahamic marriage prohibition and to go to their return to Canaan. Genesis says loud Mesopotamia (28:1­2) by reminding Isaac of and clear to the exilic community that their the anguish Esau’s Hittite wives have acts of intermarriage were sinful, and made caused, and by warning her husband that if it inviable for them to remain in Canaan. Jacob marries a Canaanite, she will fail at Therefore, if the exilic Jewish community her life’s purpose (27:46). has any chance of resettling in the Rebecca’s deep seated concern over covenantally promised land, they must maintaining the purity of the covenantal restore the purity of the bloodline (progeny), bloodline, specifically with regard to the and refrain from intermarrying in the future dangers female inhabitants of Canaan pose, to sustain the covenant and maintain their does not only stay true to Abraham’s will, right to property. but also foretells the Torah’s prohibition of Israelite intermarriage with native male and female inhabitants of Canaan (Deut 7:3). This issue of intermarriage posed a threat to the founding families of the covenant living in Canaan, and also plagues the Israelites once they settle in the Land of Canaan (Josh 23:12­13). It is the subject of many prophetic warnings (e.g. Mal 2:11), and is also a concern of the leaders overseeing the return to Canaan from exile (Ezra 9­10; Neh

15 Tikva Frymer­Kensky, R eading the Women, 20.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 20/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 21

Gender and Medieval Jewish of our evidence from the time shows literate Communities and liberated women, many of these were from an ‘elite’ and their experiences would Jacob Weiner have differed considerably from the poorer University of Leeds 2021 mass of women.

The experience of those living in medieval Jewish communities differed for men and Many Jewish women had a prominent women, but less so for better connected economic role in the medieval era, with women than others. While men were more sources suggesting that they were involved educated and likely to hold economic power, in business both in partnership with their there were a not insignificant number of husbands and as individuals, and had much 16 women involved in business and providing more freedom than Christian women . financial means for themselves and their Similarly to men, the main economic families. Similarly, while there was a much activity of women was money lending to clearer gender divide in experience of Christians. Whilst men tended to be the religious practice, the medieval era saw lenders of the biggest loans, women were some Jewish women taking on ‘male’ involved in smaller money lending to both obligations and challenging the in women and men, in England, Northern 17 new ways. This essay will compare the France and Germany . This role in business experiences of men and women in shows the capability of Jewish women at the education, the economy and the world of time, who would have needed to be literate Jewish law and practice, and seek to show in the local vernacular and educated in how women could be fairly liberated in business in order to take part in business some areas, but mostly restricted in others. However, the argument will also be made 16 Barrie Dobson, ‘The role of Jewish women in medieval England’, in C hristianity and Judaism : that the experiences of people differed as papers read at the 1991 summer meeting and the 1992 winter meeting of the Ecclesiastical much, if not more, based on their societal History Society, e d by Diana Wood. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 145­168 (p156). status than on their gender. Although much 17 Simha Goldin, J ewish women in Europe in the Middle Ages: A quiet revolution (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011), p223.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 21/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 22

dealings. Indeed, in England at least, women exaggerate her economic importance, but were taught from a young age how to run Dolce’s role as breadwinner and supporter of businesses, showing how ingrained the her family, and by extension her husband’s economic role was in Jewish women’s lives yeshiva seems clear. 18 . Whilst we see that women would tend to the family business in their husbands’ According to Halakha, men are generally 19 absence or after being widowed , women economically dominant, placed in charge of were also engaging in money lending in a woman’s property at the point of marriage, order to finance their own domestic and their inheritance going to directly to 20 expenses . This suggests that, while the their sons. Perhaps the clearest indication lives of medieval Jewish women were that this changes in medieval times is that mostly centred around their homes, and men men start writing their wills to bypass were centred more on the public sphere, inheritance law, allowing their wives to 22 women did have a fair degree of inherit their property . That men did this independence in that role. We see an despite the disapproval of Rabbis shows the example of this in Dolce of Worms, who trust they had in the ability of their wives to after being murdered was eulogised by her manage their property, and gives credence to husband saying “She supported me and my the assertion by Goldin and others that sons and my daughters by lending other women were viewed as “partners in the 23 people’s money [...] so that I and my son property” Although men would have 21 might study” . Being a eulogy this may remained more economically powerful than women, it seems clear that the sphere of

18 Reva Berman Brown, David of Oxford and business was not restricted by gender, with Licoricia of Winchester: glimpses into a Jewish Family in thirteenth­century England, J ewish many women taking an active role in money Historical Studies, 39 (2004), 1­37 (p7). 19 Avraham Grossman, P ious and Rebellious: lending, on their own or in partnership with Jewish women in Medieval Europe, trans by Jonathan Chipman (Waltham, Mass.: Brandeis University Press (2004), p123 20 Goldin, p224. Early Modern Period, ed. by Lawrence Fine 21 Judith R. Baskin, ‘Dolce of Worms: The Lives (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, and Deaths of an Exemplary Medieval Jewish 2001), 429­37 (p434) Woman and her Daughters’, in J udaism in 22 Grossman, p127 Practice: From the Middle Ages through the 23 Goldin, p228. Dobson, p156.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 22/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 23

their husbands. A more prominent division role of outward religiosity. Despite this may have been that of wealth; Berman distinction, the early medieval era saw Brown suggests that in medieval England, increasing assertiveness by women in only around 100 out of 600 families were attempts to start observing mitzvot usually involved in money lending and other such reserved for men. It is difficult to get an businesses, with the rest working inside the accurate picture of women’s religious 24 community . practice, since most of the sources are Rabbinic writings written by men, for men Where there is a greater distinction in the and mostly dictate normative Halakha, experiences of male and female medieval rather than describe contemporary practice. is the realm of Mitzvot, religious Nonetheless, Grossman argues the sharp commandments. In the , the Rabbis increase in discussion regarding the exempt women from any obligations which possibility of women practicing ‘male’ 25 are positive and time­bound ; in practice mitzvot is itself indicative of a response to this exemption meant that these obligations increased practice. This is seen in phrases became solely male practices. This group of used by Rabbis in their responsa such as mitzvot is particularly notable for being both “one does not prevent them” rather than 27 public and material, and therefore the saying ‘One may allow them’ . Similarly, traditional exclusion of women from these we see evidence of Jewish women taking practices restricted their taking part in part in communal prayer and attending meaningful public displays of religiosity; as , such as Dolce of Worms, of Baumgarten suggests “they resonated with whom her husband said she “came early to 28 those who sought additional ways to express the synagogue and stayed late” . As Goldin 26 their piety” , and therefore played into a notes: “women of this era were involved in division of genders, with men taking on the every facet of life and in every area of

24 Berman Brown, p8 25 Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin 29a 26 Elisheva Baumgarten, P racticing piety in 27 Grossman, p179. medieval Ashkenaz men, women, and everyday 28 Baskin, ‘Dolce of Worms: The Lives and religious observance (Philadelphia: University of Deaths if an Exemplary Medieval Jewish Pennsylvania, 2014), p141. Woman and her Daughters’, p436.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 23/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 24

Jewish community life, in the synagogue, society suggests that the economic and 29 and at home, as well as in commerce” . religious progression of women may have been linked. Baumgarten argues that time The increased independence that women bound positive Mitzvot gave Jews an enjoyed in the 11th and 12th centuries identity due to their tangibility, and this is economically and domestically may have why women wanted to take them on, and contributed to their increased assertiveness conversely why men, keen to preserve a 32 religiously. This may be deduced from the ‘male’ Jewish identity, objected . Rather reaction of Rabbis from the 13th century than be simply restricted from parts of onwards, as they start to limit the religious Jewish practice, women do seem to have freedom of women. For example, the 13th developed a separate Jewish identity from Century German work Sefer Chassidim the men. The grave of Urania of Worms justifies the exemption of women from time states that “she, too, with sweet tunefulness bound positive mitzvot in explicitly officiated before the women to whom she 33 patriarchal language, saying “A woman sang the hymnal portions” ; since women should serve her husband so he can study were forbidden to sing for men in Halakha, Torah. This is why men were given this implies the presence of women’s only 30 dominance” . Similarly, some Rabbis start prayer leaders. Separate prayer services are suggesting women who take on the also suggested by the layout of medieval obligation of wearing the Tzitzit garment are , which sometimes had a 31 ‘haughty’ . That the negative reaction of the women’s section in a building totally Rabbis to newfound religious assertiveness detached from the main sanctuary where the 34 by women is a more broad attack on men prayed . Moreover, women reclaimed women’s status and attitude in Jewish the notion of piety through being stringent on ‘purity’ when they were menstruating.

29 Goldin, p224. 30 Baumgarten, p163. 32 Baumgarten, p171. 31 Y ehora ­ haughtiness ­ is a concept used in 33 Emily Taitz, Sondra Henry, Cheryl Tallan, T he the Talmud, but first applied specifically to JPS Guide to Jewish Women: 600 B.C.E.to women in medieval times. See Rabbi Moshe 1900 C.E. ( Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Isserlis on , OC 17. Baumgarten, Society, 2003), p101 p169. 34 Grossman, p181.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 24/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 25

This gendered notion is used by Rabbis to specific ‘Rabbanit Bruna’ who wears tzitzit 37 justify prohibiting women from wearing in his town . Although as a later source, this 35 Tefillin , but women adopted the concept of may be unrepresentative of practice in impurity during menstruation and took it to earlier centuries, the fact that seemingly the extremes, such as not entering the only person in the Maharil’s town who 36 Synagogue, and not making any blessings . wears tzitzit is a ‘Rabbanit’ (Rabbi’s wife) Although these customs were sometimes suggests that the practice was limited to very opposed by the Rabbis, women developed few individuals and they were likely to be their own customs, further evidencing the those connected to the scholarly elite. We idea of a separate religious life forming for also see a responsa by 12th century authority women. Rabbeinu Tam, citing his female relatives’ custom on candle lighting as authoritative It is difficult to know the extent to which and his brother­in­law was known to have women’s religious assertiveness was consulted women in his family on questions 38 universal or restricted to a few cases, but I of keeping Kosher . Certainly in the would argue that it was a phenomenon families of sages it seems the women were limited to an elite of Jewish women, learned in Jewish law and custom; this is particularly those who were related or also true of Urania and Dolce. In fact, married to male scholars. Despite time­bound mitzvot more generally might Grossman’s argument (mentioned earlier) once have been restricted to elite men. that it must have been widespread enough to Baumgarten suggests that only after the 13th provoke a serious rabbinical discussion on century did Tefillin get popularised for all the matter, much of the evidence suggests males; before this it was the preserve of the 39 this was only in certain prominent cases. For most pious men . example, the Maharil complains about a

35 The Talmud requires those wearing Tefillin, to be G uf Naki ­ physically clean. The medieval Rabbis reinterpreted G uf Naki to refer to women being unclean due to menstruation. 37 Maharil, M inhagim, Hilkhot Tzitzit 10 Baumgarten, pp 160­1. 38 Goldin, p231 36 Grossman, p25. Baumgarten, p145. 39 Baumgarten, p155

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 25/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 26

A particularly demonstrable area of women in their households [...] would be 43 difference between elite women and the able to study properly ”. The existence of masses seems to have been in religious separate women’s prayer services would education. With men, religious literacy was have necessitated that some women were central to their upbringing; for example in literate in Hebrew and had good knowledge England boys were educated in Jewish of Jewish prayers, as seen in the record of schooling from ages 5 to 13, and only then women such as Guta Bat Natan, who 44 did they decide whether to pursue Talmud “prayed for the women with gentle prayers 40 study or go into business . Crucially, this . However, a number of sources indicate that seems to have been the case regardless of a large proportion of Jewish women could background. We see an example in a 13th not read or write Hebrew, a basic Century responsum discussing the case of a prerequisite for learning Torah. This is wealthy man who married off his daughter implicit in the ruling of Rabbeinu Yonah, a to a poor man with scholarly potential, 13th Century Spanish scholar, that women 45 regarding whether the daughter should be could pray in their own language , and the 41 forced to move to the husband’s city . This publication of guides to the laws of 46 case shows us not only that poorer men were menstruation in Yiddish and German . also well educated religiously, but that Perhaps the most telling source is a scholarly promise served as a status symbol comment in the Talmud commentary written for men to rival wealth. In some circles, by the Tosafot on a discussion regarding women seem to have been equally women’s participation in Grace after Meals. encouraged to learn Torah, particularly in The Tosafot state that women could not be 13th Century German community of compared to imbecilic men (for whom other 42 Chassidei Ashkenaz and Goldin finds that men could do the blessings on their behalf) “male sages were indeed concerned that the because even imbecilic men could understand something, but “women don’t

40 Berman Brown, p6­7 41 Judith R Baskin, ‘Mobility and Marriage in two 43 Goldin, p231 medieval societies’, J ewish History 22 (2008), 44 Taitz et al, p101 223­243, p235 45 Grossman, p182 42 Grossman, p171 46 Grossman, p165

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 26/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 27

47 understand anything” . This is revealing, discrepancy between women’s freedom to because the context is that of a blessing that do business and in the religious world, takes place regularly in the home, rather where there was a bigger separation between than in a male only space, and so for women the lives of men and women. In any case, to not understand even Grace after Meals much of the evidence showing the ability of suggests they had no Hebrew literacy women to progress in this man’s world is whatsoever. It seems therefore that while for guided by illustrations of women from the all men there was an importance attached to elite of society. The common examples of Jewish education and literacy, for women liberated women ­ be they economically this differed between an elite and an capable like Licoricia of Winchester, uneducated majority. religiously assertive like Rabbanit Bruna, or both, like Dolce of Worms ­ are from the It seems the difference between being a economic or scholarly elites. It seems likely Jewish man or a Jewish woman in medieval that a majority of women didn’t lend money, Europe was apparent but not always so couldn’t read Hebrew and were restricted considerable. For men, the sources suggest from important mitzvot suggesting that the there was rigorous education, the choice to experience of medieval Jews was affected pursue business or Torah learning, and a by status as well as gender. Jewish identity provided by a series of regular, tangible obligations. With women Works Cited on page 97. too, there was education, though not always religious literacy, the ability to engage in business, though not always to the same level as men, and a push by some women to take on ‘male’ religious obligations and roles, though not without Rabbinic disapproval. There seems to be a

47 Tosafot on Brachot 45b

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 27/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 28

Passion and Pessimism: Richard their successful life in the diaspora would 48 Rubenstein as a Response to mean an opportunity to help others . Hermann Cohen Sadly, Cohen’s optimism has been Spencer Szwalbenest proven incorrect. During ,

Columbia University and The Jewish which he never lived to see, German culture Theological Seminary Joint Program 2020 sided with the Romantic racialism that Cohen had once thought a fad, subordinate At the time that Hermann Cohen was to German universalism. The Holocaust also working on his Jewish writings, German frustrated Cohen’s notions of a transcendent Jewry had reason for some optimism. Even God who functions as an “archetype of all though antisemitism remained a present 49 human morality” . If God allowed the force in late 19 th and early 20 th century Holocaust, could He really be considered Germany, the Jews had been emancipated moral? It was not until some years after the for a couple of decades, and were among the Holocaust that Jewish theologians began to best assimilated of any Jews in the world. seriously engage with these issues. One of Moreover, Cohen had at his disposal a these thinkers, Richard Rubenstein, asserts philosophy that relied on universalistic that the belief in a God that interacts with reason, not Romantic constructs of ethnicity. history, specifically belief in a God that With the success of this philosophy of interacts with the history of the Jewish reason, he believed that Judaism could be people, entails a belief in God’s willing the recognized as a universal faith, and work 50 Holocaust . This difficulty, coupled with the with the world on a quest for universal peace distance from God created by the and equality. Cohen also believed that the increasingly scientific worldview of the German culture of his day provided superb

cultural resources for the furthering of such 48 Cohen, Hermann. R eason and Hope: universalistic thought, and that German Jews Selections from the Jewish Writings of Hermann Cohen, Tr. And Ed. Eva Jospe. Pittsburgh: HUC should be happy to remain Germans, for Press, 1993. 176­188. 49 Ibid, 58. 50 Rubenstein, Richard L. A fter Auschwitz: Radical Theology and Contemporary Judaism. New York: The Bobbs­Merrill Company, Inc., 1966. 52­3.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 28/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 29

Postwar Era, has brought about the “time of “‘define’ human actions as if he were 54 the ‘death of God’”, in which God as a treating of geometrical lines and planes” . transcendent historical actor is no longer Cohen is wary of this concept of pantheism, 51 feasible . In the wake of the Holocaust, for it denies the distinctions between God Rubenstein turned Cohenian theological and nature, and between ethics and nature. It assumptions on their head: where Cohen seems highly implausible that ethics could 55 believes in a transcendent God, Rubenstein be boiled down to nature . Rather, in a believes in the Death of God; where Cohen move similar to Kant’s assertion of the argues for a religion of reason, Rubenstein existence of God for the purpose of practical argues for a return of priestly, irrational reason, Cohen identifies God as an aspects of religion; and where Cohen is archetype of morality, one that is optimistic about the Jewish future in the unverifiable by mathematics, but which Diaspora and is critical of , offers a set of ideal moral teachings for man Rubenstein believes in limitations to Jewish to follow. This God is not merely an image advancement in the diaspora, and is much of an ideal man, but a set of moral teachings more positive towards Zionism. for all men to follow, actualized in a united 56 world . God, as the idea of the good, serves *** as the Thing that can “substantiate the being Cohen recognizes God as 57 of ethics” . This substantiation is transcendent. This does not mean that God necessitated by the difference between ethics exists entirely separate from earthly and nature. Further supporting this model of existence. Rather, God is simply behind God, a world with no grounding to ethics is 52 scientific comprehension , to be considered unthinkable. Certain ethical precepts are unique from the world rather than unified evident almost universally. Thus, ethics 53 with it . This belief in transcendence comes as a reaction against Spinoza’s pantheism, which in Cohen’s words, attempts to

54 Ibid. 51 Ibid, 151. 55 Ibid, 59­60. 52 Cohen, R eason and Hope, 58. 56 Ibid, 60. 2q 53 Ibid, 94. 57 Ibid, 57.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 29/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 30

must have a grounding, and God seems the Spinozan pantheism to have missed the most evident grounding available. mark so. If one denies the distinction between God and nature, one not only risks God reveals His grounded ethical misidentifying God or slipping into a knowledge to mankind in history. Indeed, it naturalistic atheism. One also risks is the “creative spirit of God which is at eliminating the grounds for all morality, and work in history as well as in the mind of 60 thus slipping into amorality . man” that allows for each religion to 58 develop . In historical time, God gave the While Cohen’s methods of Jewish people the revelation at Sinai, which, theological inquiry are based on God’s according to Cohen, represents “the creation connections to ‘moral science’, Rubenstein of moral reason”, but this reason also renews approaches questions of the nature of God 59 continually in the mind of man . Through from a far more anthropological perspective. this reason, each religion has the ability to He believes that the theology of his day work towards bettering the world. With this “reveals less about God than it does about 61 in mind, religion cannot be defined as mere the kind of men we are” . Rubenstein ethics. While ethics might stipulate what one asserts that all theology possesses an ought to do, religion also keeps the ultimate inherent subjectivity, and that a theologian grounds of ethics in mind and frames ethics conscious of this “has more in common with in a historical narrative. This requires an the poet and the creative artist than the 62 inquiry, both into the intrinsic nature of the metaphysician and the physical scientist” . Divine, as well as into the extrinsic actions Like Cohen, Rubenstein understands that the that God has done in the world, such as the Divine cannot be approached with the same progress of creative inspiration that inspires methods as mathematics, for instance. mankind to act religiously. Considering Unlike Cohen, Rubenstein places greater God’s role as an Actor in history, it is more stress on the events of his era, focusing on understandable why Cohen believes

58 Ibid, 51. 60 Ibid, 59. 59 Jospe, Eva. “Introduction” in Cohen, Hermann, 61 Rubenstein, A fter Auschwitz, x. Reason and Hope, 26­7. 62Ibid.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 30/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 31

how they influence his religious life and framework of meaning which deprives men those of the Jews and Christians around him. of even the consolation that suffering, though inevitable, is not entirely merited or It is because of this anthropological 65 earned” . A God of history, which serves as outlook that Rubenstein can begin his the grounds for morality, would necessarily Jewish take on “Death of God” theology. indict all victims of suffering, Holocaust or Whereas this largely Christian movement otherwise, as deserving the various torments often argued God’s literal death on the cross 63 that they have gone through. Evidence for as Christ , Rubenstein argues that man has rejection of the God of history goes beyond entered the time of the death of God, largely 64 the Holocaust, and may even extend to the as a result of the Holocaust . For man to be very fabric of our existence. He views in this time means that man can no longer creation itself as a “catastrophe” in which believe in a God that acts in history. If God “creatures are caught between a tendency were an actor in history, especially in the toward self­maintenance and reabsorption omnipotent way that many do conceive of 66 into the primal ground” . Life is a constant God, this would mean that the Holocaust struggle, one in which we are forever drawn was either God’s will, or that God was toward the immediate concerns of this complicit in allowing it to happen. world, but also toward some higher Rubenstein has no interest in placing a meaning, whether that live in ethics or a stamp of justice of any kind on the spiritual connection. Neither are often Holocaust. Rather, a follower of fulfilled entirely. A God of history would Rubenstein’s thought would “accept the have to willingly allow this constant tragedy, the inevitability, and the gratuitous suffering, this constant incompleteness, an absurdity of suffering, but he refuses to allowance that also seems to threaten the consent to its justice. He would rather… moral­archetype model that Cohen retain a measure of tragic integrity than see proposed. every last human event encased in a pitiless

63 Ibid, “Death of God Theology and Judaism”, 243­264. 65 Ibid, 67. 64 Ibid, 154. Also see note 2. 66 Ibid, 231.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 31/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 32

The death of God is no occasion for Rubenstein’s Death of God theology cannot celebration. Though some Death of God be said to be atheistic. theologians, such as Thomas Altizer, think Neither is the Death of God a move that the death of God will provide a sort of towards amorality. Though there is no apocalyptic freedom Rubenstein views the longer anything to “substantiate the being of loss of a conveniently coherent moral view 70 ethics” , man will always carry with him a 67 of God as a significant harm . The era of guilt that will help to develop the morals and the Death of God is not simply a statement taboos of his culture. Drawing inspiration of the immorality of some of God’s actions. from Freud, Rubenstein believes that It is a loss of the connection and comfort morality will persevere, with a transcendent that often come with God’s presence. God behind it or not. Even if there is Rubenstein thinks that the Jewish religious something of an anarchic desire in man’s tradition will have to do even more heavy subconscious, he realizes that he needs law lifting in order to help Jews to get through a to survive. When the sons kill their 68 world without this comfort . That being patriarchal father in Freud’s religious origin said, for Rubenstein, the Death of God is a story, the repression the father instituted is historical­cultural event, not a metaphysical left behind in the form of the needs of social fact. Rubenstein still acknowledges “the 71 reality . Much as Rubenstein breaks from Holy Nothingness known to mystics of all Cohen by drawing his theology from the ages, out of which we have come and to human condition, he also draws his morals 69 which we shall ultimately return” . There is from human needs. still a God to be reckoned with, and *** religious traditions are still a valid method with which to engage with the Divine. Thus, As stated earlier, Cohen values the contrary to what its name might imply, Divine relationship as a conceptual framework upon which to build ethics. To reach the concept of God necessary for this

67 Ibid, 152. 68 Ibid. 70 See note 9. 69 Ibid, 154. 71 Rubenstein, A fter Auschwitz. 254.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 32/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 33

framework, it is necessary to contemplate it progress of the future, and would have the through reason. Both creation and revelation potential to “gradually replace slogans represent products of the “awakening and appealing to superficial and fickle minds; 72 unfolding of divine reason in man” . and… will induce an attitude of reasoned Through these, we can discover the concept judgments dictated by the heart and nurtured 74 of God through which we can pursue an by a piety rooted in historical awareness” . ethical world. Indeed, this project of Here, we see reason acting in conjunction identifying the concepts of God is the main with the heart, and the heart submitting to justification for religious life in a modern, and being satisfied by ethical­religious scientific era. Cohen believes that “(a) reason. Cohen is faithful that this reason will religion’s right to exist is derived from its be able to “restrain those alarming elemental concept of God. And this concept must be forces which manifest themselves in 73 75 constantly reaffirmed and perfected” . hostilities and conflicts of nations” . Mere Given that progress continually gives us new differences in identity will also submit to and different knowledge, we must continue reason. If mankind is properly educated, our investigations into the concept of God. reason will enable them to work together, to We cannot be complacent to take old deal with struggle, and to end conflict. consensuses as given. Instead, theological Cohen’s emphasis on Judaism as a conceptualizing is also a process that needs religion of reason has implications beyond to be repeated and improved throughout ethical practice, affecting religious practice history, and will always be a necessary study as it is more traditionally conceived. As far going forward. as man’s interaction with God is concerned, Cohen is confident in the ability of a Cohen believes that, through contemplating religion of reason to improve the ethical God’s transcendent ever­presence, man can 76 condition of mankind, even to the point of always feel near to God . Of course, this messianic unity. This rational, theological progress would come with the scientific

74 Ibid, 61. 72 Cohen, R eason and Hope, 133. 75 Ibid. 73 Ibid, 45. 76 Ibid, 154.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 33/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 34

77 still depends on man’s attitude somewhat . criticism of sacrifice indicates that such Nonetheless, meaningful spiritual encounter rituals would have been abandoned, even if 79 can be achieved through the the Temple in was not destroyed conceptualization of God alone. In a move . No esoteric ritual is necessary when the ironically similar to Spinoza, Cohen also idea of God is accessible via reason and the believes that this conceptualization of the way to redemption accessible via universal Divine can enable one to supersede all ethics. particular troubles of this world. He asserts In contrast, Rubenstein does not that “(b)efore the idea of the One, the believe that reason is sufficient in providing spiritual God, all forces of nature and culture all that is needed in a religion. In fact, pale into insignificance, and all earthly Rubenstein believes that religion needs to being becomes incommensurable with the include some irrational, even aggressive 78 being of the spiritual God” . In behavior, all in order to provide a controlled, contemplation of transcendent ideas, one can pro­social way for the community to let out work around the faults that one’s conditions its aggression. In the scenario that a society have to offer, and be content to learn of God. lacks such an outlet for aggression, as was Cohen emphasizes the use of this the case in the rational German culture transcendence for world­historical goals, during the Weimar years, society risks “one namely, movement toward unified mankind. vast explosion of all of the repressed These ideas can also supersede cultural forces”, which in Germany took the form of difference, and unite mankind around a 80 the Nazi ‘Final Solution’ . In order to common symbol in God. Such a religion of avoid such a dangerous wave of aggression, reason, built on transcendent ideas and it is necessary to preserve the irrational in ethical concepts, has little room for the more some of the traditions and rituals of every physically rooted rituals of Judaism. Indeed, culture. In Judaism, Rubenstein says that Cohen describes all Biblical sacrifice as this need was fulfilled by the sacrificial cult. “pagan”, and believes that the prophetic The sacrifices practiced in the Temple

77 Ibid, 155. 79 Ibid, 222­3. 78 Ibid, 221. 80 Ibid, 17.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 34/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 35

allowed for the Jewish people, who, like all through which one can cope with these peoples, are victims of a suffering for which problems. God is culpable, to symbolically take out The rational universalist might their frustrations on the sacrifices. Though respond to this worldview by doubting the this event is cathartic, it is not meant to point of a religion that does not seek to fundamentally change the order of things. In redeem the world. Rubenstein answers that fact, the action of sacrifice also is a “(i)t is precisely because human existence is concession to God, in that the worshippers tragic, ultimately hopeless, and without “submit and recognize His inevitable meaning that we treasure our religious 81 victory” . 84 community” . Religion provides rituals that It is this pessimistic approach found ground us in time and help us to process the 85 in the sacrificial outlook that exemplifies the changes of life . Moreover, Jewish religion priestly outlook on life. It is one that is offers rituals that might not always appeal to grounded “ in the unspoken conviction that our cognitive sides. The sacrifices can hold a human beings are more likely to repeat their cathartic meaning for us that we are not 86 failings and their characteristic modes of immediately aware of , and prayer in the behavior… than they are to improve on foreign tongue of Hebrew can deliver 82 them ” . Homiletical ethics can do little to “drama, grandeur, and mystery” to assist the 87 remedy the human condition, as most of the subconscious aspects of our experience . conflicts of human existence are inescapable Religion thus should not be restricted 83 . Prophetic messages may successfully exclusively to ethical precepts, but should describe what is wrong with the political include the whole gambit of what ritual has 88 condition, but they often ignore the to offer . Rubenstein is thus critical of most inescapability of the human condition. of Liberal Judaism, which insists on Priestly religion offers a variety of rituals dichotomizing between ‘essential’ and

84 Ibid, 68. 85 Ibid, 222. 81 Ibid, 92. 86 Ibid, 92. 82 Ibid, 106. Author’s italics. 87 Ibid, 222. 83 Ibid, 92. 88 Ibid, 146.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 35/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 36

89 ‘inessential’ elements of the Torah . Cohenian and other liberal thought in that it Though it can readily be admitted that proclaims a “distrust of superordinate Liberal Jews are ashamed of certain aspects ideologies” as a result of their role in the 93 of the Torah, this shame is a shame relative death camps . Though Nazism could not be 90 to the time and place of its holder . Rather said to be universalistic, it certainly was than ignoring or forgetting these aspects of global, and had aspirations that would affect the Torah, it is the duty of each successive the whole of humanity if achieved. generation of Jews to preserve the tradition Rubenstein much prefers his American of Torah, so that each new generation can outlook to Cohen’s German outlook in that have the fullest set of choices regarding the American “lacks a talent for ideological 91 what is meaningful for it . All of this being consistency”. This lack is advantageous in said, Rubenstein holds with more Liberal that it stresses the “simple pragmatic perspectives of Judaism in that he believes concern to find a way to make a social 94 no one of the are situation work” . Though Cohen’s obligatory. Paradoxically, Rubenstein argues universalistic outlook might not have the that all of the commandments are binding, same implications as Nazism, it is the very yet we have total freedom before them. They approach of relying heavily on an ideology still must be preserved for the sake of the throughout life and politics that opens the future, but lacking a benevolent, omnipotent potential for a state­sanctioned atrocity such God that acts in history, there is no force that as the Holocaust. The moderate approach of 92 can compel us to observe any of them . controlled irrationality avoids many of these issues. Rubenstein’s introduction of priestly religious framework into his conception of *** Judaism is quite novel given his liberal The religion of reason influences Jewish background. It marks a break with Cohen in his views on the Jewish question, namely, what the future of Jews in diaspora

89 Ibid, 120. 90 Ibid, 121. 91 Ibid, 122. 93 Ibid, 70. 92 Ibid, 145. 94 Ibid, 75­6.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 36/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 37

ought to be. He emphasizes prophetic ethical the stamp of Divine favoritism that some messages as grounding his construction of religiously oriented Zionists might argue for, messianism. His messianic utopia would not since God is “the God of all mankind” and 97 be a simple return to the Jewish state, but “He cannot be the God of only one nation” rather an end to all states and a transition to . While Cohen downplays any 95 a federation of nations . This transition ethno­particular feelings in God, he also would not be brought about by some downplays the particularity of the Jewish Messianic personality. Rather, Cohen people, specifically that of German Jews. explains that throughout the prophetic era, Cohen asserts that German Jews differ from the persona of the Messiah transitioned from other Germans in religion and religion alone 98 one of a Davidic monarch to an image of the . Thus, German Jews should be loyal to humbler “Yahweh’s servant”, who their state in the same way that other 96 represents the remnant of Israel at large . Germans are. To advocate for a state of 99 Thus, it will not be through some magical Israel would be contrary to this loyalty . event of arrival that the changes Cohen Rather than work towards a future hopes for will be achieved. Rather, they will with a Jewish state, Cohen argues that be realized through the joint effort of the German Jews should utilize the Jewish people as advocates for a universalistic force of German culture, universalistic vision throughout the world. which is destined to achieve Messianic unity 100 Naturally, this global task of the . Moreover, in addition to engaging in Jewish people would be made much more reason, Jews should engage in hope. For difficult if all of the Jewish people were Cohen, hope is “the product as well as the 101 living in a new physical nation of Israel. expression of faith in divine providence” . This leads Cohen to criticize the Zionism of Faith in this providence, which is something his day, for it is a turning away from the universalistic mission of Judaism. He does not believe that any one nation can receive 97 Ibid, 47. 98 Ibid, 166. 99 Ibid, 186. 95 Cohen, R eason and Hope, 164. 100Ibid, 183. 96 Ibid, 121­2. 101Ibid, 123.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 37/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 38

102 that affects all of mankind , is the first step social norms and in­group tendencies in towards realizing a messianic destiny. In some respects, it can also lead to feelings of short, Cohen’s view of the outcome of the rootlessness, and alienation from community 106 Jewish question is one of a hopeful . Progress as such cannot be a goal for optimism. He is hopeful both that Germans religion, as this would frustrate some of the 103 will choose ethics by accepting the Jews , core goals of religion itself. and that the Jews will use their acceptance For Rubenstein, Zionism directly toward a universal improvement of follows from his distrust of universal mankind. mass­progress. Rather than accept and Unlike Hermann Cohen, Richard pursue Cohen’s messianic universalism, Rubenstein has far less faith in the progress Rubenstein believes that “ The goal of of mankind. He views it as an “objectified messianism… is the end of historical man ” 104 107 self­falsification” , and thus does not see . Rubenstein believes that Zionism the Jewish people as needing to take the lead actually provides an opportunity for the in a global progressive mission. The rational Jewish people to escape the linear history coldness of such progress, exemplified by that it had been carried through thus far. Life the secular, twentieth century “technopolis” in the would not end all world can turn dangerous. Rubenstein points out conflict. Rather, it would offer a different that it is the scientific and social progress of conception of time, a cyclical one that is the twentieth century that allowed for “such based in the necessities of nature rather than 108 expressions of contemporary technopolis as unreachable moral demands . A Cohenian Auschwitz” as well as for other oppressive might rebut that this is not by any means an acts, such as the segregation of American achievement of a messianic future, and that 105 People of Color into ghettos . Though Jews must strive endlessly to achieve world rational urban progress may ease oppressive peace. Rubenstein could answer with a second, much grimmer vision of the

102 Ibid. 103 Ibid, 188. 106 Ibid, 192. 104 Rubenstein, A fter Auschwitz, 132. 107 Ibid, 133. Author’s italics. 105 Ibid, 194. 108 Ibid, 135.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 38/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 39

messianic age that he includes later in his than this. Rubenstein feels that the book. Rubenstein believes that, if one wants Jews­as­chosen­people narrative is closely to escape “the irony, the travail, and the related to the Jews­as­Christ­killers limitations of human existence”, one can narrative, and that both are a source of deep 109 only do so through death . Moreover, envy towards the Jews on the part of unlike normal conceptions of the Messiah, Christians. The Christians must believe in which require some faith to be fully the Jews as chosen people, for it is through accepted, Rubenstein is quite sure that this this that Christ gains the legitimacy as the 110 Messiah will come . Of course, this is messiah not only of the Jews, but of the meant to serve as a reductio ad absurdum for world. Thus, Christians envy Jews as God’s messianism in general. For Rubenstein, the favorite children. At the same time, problems of this world are here to stay. Rubenstein agrees with the likes of Freud, Rather than denying this, it would benefit us Dostoevsky, and Sartre in their observations to accept this truth, and work with what that the murder of God is symbolic of a 112 traditions we have to find meaning in this subconscious desire for moral anarchy . world. Throwing off the Jews’ chosenness is the first step towards ending the Christ killer Though Rubenstein maintains some narrative, which is one of the main sources level of particularity in his Zionism, he of antisemitism to this very day. agrees with Cohen in his dislike of the chosen people narrative, but for different Rubenstein’s synthesis of the events reasons. On a more basic level, Rubenstein of the Holocaust and their effects on Jewish believes that maintaining the Jewish people theology provides a significant challenge to as God’s elect will allow others to see the Cohen’s optimism and universalism. Holocaust as Divine punishment of the However, they do not make it obsolete. One Jews. In this line of thinking, Hitler was the could easily rebut Rubenstein and say that 111 hand of God . However, it goes deeper the Zionism he engages in falls precisely into the nationalist trap that set up the

109 Ibid, 198. 110 Ibid. 111 Ibid, 58. 112 Ibid, 9.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 39/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 40

Holocaust in the first place. Moreover, able to help us cope with the struggles of Rubensteinian pessimism is not enough to life, and that we must be there for each other break the hope for a better future that is so as well. central to the Cohenian outlook. The mass Works Cited on page 97. failure of universalism in the form of the

Holocaust is not a permanent failure. The United Nations was created partly as a result of the Nazi atrocities around the world, and from here one could say that more significant progress towards world peace could be made.

That being said, Rubenstein does raise significant grievances in terms of the harms of progress. Urbanized, rationalized life of the late 20 th and early 21 st centuries, though rich in many conveniences and successes, carries with it a loss of roots and feelings of alienation. Rubenstein’s thought, at the very least, forces the optimist to realize that all progress comes with a tradeoff of some sort. Also, Rubenstein offers something significant to Judaism in his reintroduction of a tragic, cyclical worldview. Even if one expresses faith in global progress, one must conclude that quotidian problems of the human condition will remain for most of one’s life. Rubenstein reminds us that religion must be

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 40/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 41

114 Kevod ha-Tsibbur, Women’s Aliyot, issue of mesora : "The fact that we have a and Modern Orthodoxy mesora , a tradition from each previous generation, to praise and how to praise God, Rivkah Avins Pardue enables us to proceed. Halakha and tradition enable us to engage within prayer. The Barnard College and The Jewish Theological Seminary Double Degree Program 2021 moment we deviate from these guidelines, our prayer loses its meaning, and more Introduction Before beginning my research for importantly, its justification." (Meiselman this paper I attended a Shiur by Zev Eleff, an 11), Meiselman writes in his essay American Jewish Historian, entitled “The explaining what he thinks Rabbi Joseph B. Curious Invention Named Modern Soloveitchik, an influential 20th century

Orthodoxy”. During the Shiur Eleff Orthodox rabbi, really felt about women’s suggested that a central conflict in prayer groups along with other issues. understanding Modern Orthodoxy is Women’s prayer groups are a relatively new whether Modern Orthodoxy is about practice and thus would be a violation of 113 115 continuity of traditional Jewish practice or mesora . Partnership minyanim , which innovation. This tension between continuity unlike women’s prayer groups include men, and innovation can be found especially in require a quorum of ten men and ten women issues pertaining to practicing Orthodox and attempt to allow women greater active women. For instance, the phenomenon of participation within the realms of halakhah , women’s prayer groups, which Avraham are an even more contentious issue within Weiss argues in his book, Women at Prayer: the Modern Orthodox community, with A Halakhic Analysis of Women’s Prayer , are some arguing “that the Partnership halakhically permissible, are for some an is in violation of the Spirit of the Law” (Kimche). As seen above, those who use

113 Continuity in the context of Judaism is about continuing to do what was done in the past when 114 The body of traditions, beliefs, and practices there were halakhic authorities who were that are passed down accepted across the Jewish community. In 115 Traditionally, a minyan is the quorum of 10 Jewish thought the older something is, and thus Jewish adult men (women are counted by closer to the Torah, the more important it is. movements outside of Orthodoxy) needed to say many of the prayers in the service.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 41/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 42

ת"ר הכל עולין למנין שבעה ואפילו קטן ואפילו אשה mesora and the spirit of the law, in their אבל אמרו חכמים אשה לא תקרא בתורה מפני כבוד arguments against any number of צבור innovations, are attempting to protect the continuity of Jewish practice and law. On Our rabbis taught: All are included the opposite end of the spectrum, those who among the seven [who are called to are arguing for these innovations use the the Torah on ], even a minor, letter of the law in order to create Jewish even a woman. But the Sages said: A practice that aligns itself more closely with woman should not read from the modern values. These halakhic debates place Torah on account of kevod innovation and continuity at odds. ha­tsibbur. (Sperber translation, page In this paper I will attempt to show 39). how the conflict between continuity and 118 innovation plays out in regards to a specific This baraita starts off by permitting 116 halakhic issue: that of kevod ha­tsibbur women to receive aliyot, and ends 117 and women’s aliyot . Whether or not forbidding women to receive aliyot on according to halakhah a woman may receive account of kevod ha­tsibbur , begging the an , and if so under what question: what exactly is kevod ha­tsibbur circumstances has been much debated in and what does this mean for women recent years among Modern Orthodox receiving aliyot ? There are many rabbis. The main issue with women commentaries on this issue, ranging from receiving aliyot can be found in tractate medieval to contemporary. However, in this Megillah 23a of the Talmud : essay I will deal only with contemporary commentaries on this issue, because these show the tension between continuity and innovation within Modern Orthodoxy.

116 Literally, dignity or honor of the congregation or community. What this term practically means 118 Additional commentary on Jewish law that is hotly debated. was not included in the Mishna and continued to 117 Being called up to the Torah. Typically this be passed down orally is known as baraita. involves reciting the blessings on the reading of These Baraitot (plural) were eventually recorded the Torah, and often involves the public reading within talmudic discussions and hold the same of the Torah to the congregation. legal weight as the Mishna.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 42/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 43

Contemporary explanations of kevod practices they defend to broader halakhic ha­tsibbur that argue for innovation use concepts. Once an old practice has been tied more textual and historical analysis, while to a broader halakhic concept, any contemporary explanations of kevod innovation can be seen as effectively ha­tsibbur that focus on maintaining breaking halakhah . Those defending continuity tend to connect kevod ha­tsibbur innovation therefore, often have the task of to other halakhic concepts. explaining how their innovations do not in fact break these broader halakhic concepts. This distinction makes sense given In order to do that, they again use the tools the nature of halakhah . In Judaism, it is of historical and textual analysis. Those assumed that the common practice of the defending continuity have to then explain people that has been passed down through why these new arguments do not make generations is halakhically acceptable. Thus, sense, and the cycle continues. This is the those defending continuity do not need to dynamic of halakhic debate between provide detailed explanations of how the continuity and innovation, and this is the practices they are defending meet the dynamic that can be seen in discussions requirements of halakhah . In contrast, those surrounding women’s aliyot . seeking to change these practices through new innovations do need to provide detailed But the Sages Said explanations of how these new practices Rabbi Professor Daniel Sperber’s meet the requirements of halakhah , because analysis of kevod ha­tsibbur in relation to all practice within halakhic Judaism needs to women’s aliyot in his article “Women and fit within the framework of halakhah . In Public : A Halakhic Study” reaction to these innovations, those reprinted in the anthology Women and Men defending continuity need to show that the in Communal Prayer , uses textual and practices they are defending are in the true historical analysis to “consider the spirit of the law, while the new innovations possibility of women’s receiving aliyot ” are completely outside the spirit of the law. (Sperber 35). Sperber makes clear in his Thus, those defending continuity tie the

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 43/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 44

forward that his “intention here has not been included among the seven, even a woman, to provide a halakhic ruling” (Sperber 27). even a minor” (Megillah 23a) represents the Therefore, that he even considers the first stage, and the second part of the baraita possibility of women receiving aliyot , and “But the Sages said: a woman should not does not attempt to prove that there is no read from the Torah on account of kevod possibility, implies that he is open to ha­tsibbur ” (Megillah 23a) represents the innovation. Sperber first focuses his analysis second historical stage. He is supported by Moroccan Rabbi, R. Josef Messas who אבל אמרו חכמים of the baraita on the phrase (but the sages said). He argues this phrase describes in detail under what circumstances implies that “one is dealing not with an women were originally allowed to read from actual edict prohibiting something, but the Torah, and how it was eventually rather with a matter of halakhic policy” deemed improper. Sperber also uses (Sperber 41), citing other instances where historical analysis to back up his point that this phrase is used in the . He thus kevod ha­tsibbur is more a matter of argues that despite kevod ha­tsibbur this “halakhic policy” and can be waived at least baraita leaves room open for the possibility under certain circumstances, citing various of women receiving aliyot . He goes on to examples of communities waiving kevod use historical analysis writing “from a ha­tsibbur to allow a woman to read Torah. historical viewpoint one may say that at Through his use of textual and historical some undefined time in antiquity, women analysis, Sperber is able to leave room for could go up to the Torah and read from it, the halakhic possibility of women receiving and perhaps even did so. Somewhat later on, aliyot . Earlier in his essay Sperber mentions for a reason not sufficiently clear to us but that “there clearly is...a ‘crying need’ among perhaps understandable in a historical and large segments of the Modern Orthodox” sociological context, it was decreed (Sperber 38) for women to “be allowed to inappropriate for them to do so” (Sperber have aliyyot ” (Sperber 38). Through textual 46). Rabbi Sperber sees the baraita as and historical analysis Sperber creates a “reflecting two historical phases” (48), possibility for innovation. where the first part of the baraita “All are

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 44/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 45

Kevod Shamayim damaging the dignity of the community before God. In their influential article on the topic of women’s aliyot “Women, Keri’at The second school of thought is that ha­Torah , and Aliyyot ” published in the because women are not obligated in reading journal Tradition, Rabbis Aryeh and Dov Torah, them having an aliyah would suggest Frimmer connect kevod ha­tsibbur to the either that the men of the community are halakhic concept of kevod shamayim , which shamefully uneducated, or that the men are can roughly be translated as honor, respect, choosing not to read despite being obligated. or dignity of heaven . The Frimmer brothers According to the Frimmer brothers men outline three basic schools of thought on the choosing not to read despite being obligated issue of what kevod ha­tsibbur means in “constitutes zilzul mitzva ­­belittling the 120 relation to women’s aliyot . importance of a mitsva , and demeans kevod Shamayyim ” (Frimmer 106). By The first school of thought is that “belittling the importance of a mitsva ” women’s aliyot would create a sexual (Frimmer 106) the community would distraction, because of the inherent mingling dishonour God, and thus damage the dignity of the sexes involved. The Frimmer brothers of the community before God. cite Rabbi Zvi Reisman as arguing that this “rationale in essence converts this kind of The third school of thought is similar kevod ha­tsibbur into a form of kevod to the second school of thought, but works Shamayyim ­­ which a community cannot set on a much broader scale. Instead of just aside according to the clear majority of dealing with women not being obligated in 119 posekim ” (Frimmer 106). Essentially, the reading Torah, this school of thought argues possibility of sexual thoughts during the that since women have a “lesser obligation Torah service would dishonour God, in public rituals as a whole” (Frimmer 100­101) they should not have aliyot for essentially the same reasons as those

120 Something that a Jew is commanded to do or 119 Halakhic authorities (posek is singular) not to do.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 45/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 46

presented by the second school of thought. perspective. He asks whether “In the cases In addition, the Frimmer brothers note Rabbi of the woman reading the Torah...are we Henkin’s “variation of this school” concerned for kevod ha­tsibbur or, rather, (Frimmer 106), writing that “He suggested for kevod shamayim ” (Shapiro 247). He then that the Rabbis ruled against women reading brings in a statement from Rav Yoel Sirkis, a lest the men become lazy about learning the halakhic authority from late 16th and early skills and preparing the reading” (Frimmer 17th century Poland that implies that kevod 106). Men being lazy about this mitsva ha­tsibbur is in this case connected to kevod would again be an issue of zilzul mitzva , shamayim : “‘The term kevod ha­tsibbur which would be an issue of kevod does not refer to the dignity of the shamayim , and thus damage the dignity of congregants...but [means] that it is not the community before God. dignified for the congregation to be represented and commended before the By connecting the concept of kevod Almighty by a person lacking in imposing ha­tsibbur to the halakhic concept of kevod appearance... Similarly, one would not send shamayim , the Frimmer brothers are able to a representative of unimposing appearance argue against women receiving aliyot. to commend the community before a mortal According to their argument, the innovation king, even if [the representative] were of women receiving aliyot is effectively a exceedingly wise...Similarly a woman may 121 chillul hashem , since they view kevod not read because it is a disgrace... to the ha­tsibbur as an issue of kevod shamayim , congregation’” (Shapiro 247). Shapiro making it totally outside the realms of argues that “This line of thought is out of halakhah. tune with modern perceptions, even those of most Orthodox circles” (Shapiro 249). He Rabbi Mendel Shapiro, also deals adds that “Orthodox organizations typically with the issue of kevod shamayim in his include women in delegations sent to argument for women to be able to have represent the community before world aliyot, but does so from a modern historical leaders” (Shapiro 249), implying that just as women are “sent to represent the community 121 Act that desecrates the name of God

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 46/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 47

before world leaders” so too should they be blessings and receiving an aliyah are one able “represent the community before” the and the same, Weiss is arguing here against King of kings. By placing arguments against women receiving aliyot in public settings. women having aliyot in a modern historical He is able to argue that women should not context, Shapiro is able to argue for the be allowed to do so by connecting the innovation of women being able to have concept of kevod ha­tsibbur to the other aliyot . halakhic concept of obligation, showing that women’s aliyot do not fit within the halakhic Kevod and Kaved framework.

In his book, Women at Prayer, Rabbi Me’arah Avraham Weiss argues against women receiving aliyot . He does this by connecting In his article “ Qeri­at ha­Torah by the word “ kevod ” in kevod ha­tsibbur to the Women: A Halakhic Analysis” reprinted in halakhic concept of obligation. He notes that the anthology Women and Men in “ kavod is linked etymologically to kaved . Communal Prayer, Rabbi Mendel Shapiro Kaved means ‘heavy’...in conceptual terms, argues for women’s aliyot through textual weight is determined by the degree of and historical analysis. One way he argues responsibility one has. The greater the for women’s aliyot is by analyzing textually responsibility ( kaved ), the greater the and historically the connection between the potential honor ( kavod ) once those halakhic concept of me’arah (cursed) and obligations are fulfilled” (Weiss 75). Thus, kevod ha­tsibbur . He brings in a statement 122 Weiss argues “Women do not read Torah from the Ritva on women reading publicly 123 publicly because of kevod ( kaved ) zibbur . from the Megillat Esther : “And since we Lacking the same obligation ( kaved ) as her hold like R. Yehoshua b. Levi that women male counterparts ( zibbur ), a woman is not are under obligation [the Megillah ], they permitted to recite the Torah blessings required for the public Torah reading” 122 Rabbi Yom Tov Ishbili, fourteenth century rabbi and talmudic commentator from Spain (Weiss 76). Since reading the Torah (https://www.sefaria.org/person/Ritva). 123 The Book of Esther, read every year on the holiday of Purim.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 47/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 48

also can fulfill [this religious duty on behalf all synagogue attendees, men, women, and of others], but this would be inconsistent youngsters” (Shapiro 246). The examples of with the dignity of the congregation and is me’arah he provides include instances subsumed within the class of things that are where it would be me’arah for a minor to do “cursed ( me’arah )” (Shapiro 244). The something, so he is arguing that since underlying logic here in using a source concerns of me’arah are often waived for about megillah reading is that if women minors, they should be waived for women as should not read something publicly they are well. By challenging the concept of me’arah obligated in reading ( Megillat Esther ) in regards to kevod ha­tsibbur , Shapiro is 124 because of me’arah, kal v’khomer they making space within halakhah for women to should not read something publicly they are have aliyot . not obligated in reading (the Torah). Shapiro Towards the end of his argument then uses textual analysis by providing other about kevod ha­tsibbur Shapiro writes “It is examples of me’arah to “show that kevod not surprising, therefore that a refurbished ha­tsibbur , defined by Ritva as me’arah , is version of kevod ha­tsibbur has been put not an essential halakhic category” (Shapiro forward. According to this theory, women 245), leaving the possibility open for reading the Torah would shame the women’s aliyot because of there being no unlettered men who were unable to read. formal prohibition. He then places the This ‘kinder,’more benign explanation, concept of me’arah in the modern historical based on Ritva’s interpretation of kevod context: “Most Orthodox synagogues ha­tsibbur as a means to avoid ‘cursed’ encourage the participation of youngsters in practices, presents as a model educated, the service….Perhaps it is time to consider self­effacing woman who forgoes her right whether, at least for some Orthodox groups, to read Torah to avoid embarrassing less the same approach should be extended to educated men” (Shapiro 249). In his women, and whether the dignity of the response to Shapiro’s article Rabbi Yehuda congregation should be defined to include Herzl Henkin defends the position that kevod ha­tsibbur is an issue of me’arah , in 124 How much more so.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 48/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 49

his essay in The Edah Journal , “ Qeri’at done so therefore indicates negligence or Ha­Torah by Women: Where We Stand lack of interest” (Henkin 105). Just as a man Today” writing “Since two prominent would be cursed for letting his wife or 125 126 rishonim clearly share this explanation children perform birkat hamazon for him, and other rishonim do not dispute them, it is so too would he be cursed for letting his strange to read...the author’s claim that it wife or children read Torah for him. Henkin represents an attempt to develop a defends the connection of kevod ha­tsibbur ‘refurbished...kinder, more benign’ to me’arah , showing that women should not explanation of kevod ha­tsibbur in place of read Torah in public under normative 127 inadequate ‘traditional’ (?) ones” (Henkin circumstances . 3). Henkin argues that “besides its Conclusion plausibility, their [that of R.Avarham Min ha­Har and the Ritva] explanation of kevod As I have shown in this paper, those ha­tsibbur as tied to male literacy is the only arguing for women’s aliyot use more textual one clearly elaborated in the rishonim ” and historical analysis, while those arguing (Henkin 4), showing that he views the against women having aliyot under implication of a lack in male literacy as tied normative circumstances create more to me’arah , which in turn is tied to kevod meta­halakhic connections. This distinction ha­tsibbur . He clarifies in his essay exists because of the tension between “Response to ‘Women’s Aliyot in continuity and innovation in Modern Contemporary Synoguages’” in his book Orthodoxy. Arguing for innovation requires Understanding : Modern an understanding of what exactly the law Controversies in the Jewish Community” really is, and was previously. Historical and that me’arah “applies specifically to one textual and analysis are excellent tools with whose wife and children read for him, this goal in mind. Defending continuity because he has close family members available to learn from, and his not having 126 Grace after meals 127 Henkin allows for women’s aliyot under special circumstances. Normative circumstances 125 Torah scholars from 1000­1500 CE refer to a normal synagogue setting.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 49/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 50

requires an understanding of what the law is Reform, Reconstructionist, Conservative really about. It makes perfect sense to and Orthodox Jews, there were just Jews. attempt to understand kevod ha­tsibbur Ever since Modern Orthodoxy came into through the lens of broad` halakhic concepts being people have wondered exactly what such as kevod hashamayim or me’arah , if the term meant: does Modern Orthodoxy this is the goal one has in mind. In the end, stand for innovation or continuity? I would there is not necessarily one right halakhic like to suggest that Modern Orthodoxy is not answer that fits within the halakhic necessarily about either of these things, framework, just a judgement call: is rather that what distinguishes Modern continuity more important than innovation? Orthodoxy from just plain Orthodoxy is Henkin suggests that in this case, the answer engagement with modernity. Engaging with is yes: “Women’s aliyot remain outside the modernity does not mean that one consensus, and a congregation that institutes necessarily agrees with or rejects a modern them is not Orthodox in name and will not concept. Rather, engaging with modernity is long remain Orthodox in practice” (Henkin the act of considering a modern concept. 6). Even if women’s aliyot are halakhically The issue of women receiving aliyot would permissible, Henkin sees them as outside the not even be an object of discussion among realm of Orthodox practice. Sperber Modern Orthodox rabbis if Modern questions this idea: “But is this in fact the Orthodoxy did not engage with modernity. manner in which halakhic issues are meant In today’s modern society women have a to be approached? Must we regard the much larger public role than they have halakhic dynamic as ‘that which was is what previously. Because women now have a shall always be’?” (Sperber 64). Sperber is more public role in today’s society the issue suggesting that engaging with halakhah of Orthodox women having a more public need not be only about understanding why role in Jewish ritual is being discussed by certain traditions are in place, but also about Modern Orthodox rabbis. In the end, opening up halakhic possibilities for Modern Orthodoxy is what Modern innovation. The existence of Orthodoxy Orthodox Jews make of it. Their itself is relatively new. Before there were engagement with modernity may lead them

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 50/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 51

to promote innovation like Sperber, or lead them to hold onto continuity like Henkin, both of which are approaches that may change depending upon the case.

Works Cited on pages 97­98.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 51/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 52

Saadya Gaon and the Mu’tazila Kalam “reward and punishment in the afterlife;” and “the obligation to advocate virtue and Gilana Levavi forbid sin” (Stroumsa 72).

Rutgers University 2019 In this philosophical milieu, Saadya (882­942 CE), who served as the gaon, or Medieval religious thinkers, head, of a rabbinic academy near , including Muslim and Jewish philosophers delineated his views on topics including and theologians, worked to reconcile two knowledge, God’s attributes, and religious sources of knowledge: human reason and law in his work The Book of Doctrines and divine revelation conveyed through Beliefs . Saadya Gaon employs many aspects scripture. The official doctrine and pervasive of the structure, methodology, and content of philosophical school of thought of the Mu’tazila philosophy, to the extent that his Abbasid caliphate, based in Baghdad during work has been categorized as Jewish kalam the eighth through thirteenth centuries, was (Stroumsa). Yet, examining Saadya’s ideas that of the Mu’tazila kalam. Kalam refers to in The Book of Doctrines and Beliefs as Islamic speculative theology, which asserts compared to Mu’tazila kalam philosophy the compatibility of reason and revelation. also reveals important distinctions between Kalam, often polemical, uses analytic the two. Epistemological ideas and ideas methods and a particular structure to argue about divine commandments in Saadya for the rationality of faith and for the value Gaon’s The Book of Doctrines and Beliefs of faith known through human reason over demonstrate the strong influence of the that of faith through revelation alone. The Mu’tazila kalam on his work. Distinctions in Mu’tazila, the first major school of kalam the aims of Saadya Gaon’s Book of theologians, emphasized five particular Doctrines and Beliefs and Mu’tazila ideas, which are described in the Book of the philosophy, though, help to explain the Five Principles by Mu’tazila theologian Abd distinctions in their views of sense al­Jabbar: God’s unity; God’s justice; the perception, epistemic limits, and divine Muslim sinner as having a middle status commandments. between that of the believer and the infidel;

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 52/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 53

Background Kalam began as a form of The philosophy of Saadya Gaon can apologetics, its purpose being to defend the be compared with Mu’tazila kalam by Islamic faith as rational, against the views of comparing passages from The Book of other faith groups of time (Hegedus 118). It Doctrines and Beliefs with passages from uses methods of argumentation that appeal ‘Abd al­Jabbar’s Book of the Five to reason, a more universal source of Principles. Though al­Jabbar lived slightly knowledge than revelation. Part of the aim later than Saadya, very few earlier Mu’tazila of Saadya Gaon’s The Book of Doctrines works have survived (Campanini 41). and Beliefs is also defensive. Its main Mu’tazila ideas were suppressed when the audience, though, is the Jewish community, Ash’ari school of kalam overtook the as Saadya seeks to provide a way for fellow Mu’tazila when the Abbasid caliphate fell Jews to be able to defend their faith through (Hegedus 121; Campanini 46). ‘Abd reason (Saadya Gaon 2­5). In this work, al­Jabbar’s Book of the Five Principles , Saadya Gaon presents rationalist arguments however, compiles earlier Mu’tazila ideas for basic tenets of Judaism. He seeks to (Campanini 41). Therefore, in addition to demonstrate that core principles, such as serving as a source for comparison, ‘Abd God’s unity, creation, and religious law, can al­Jabbar’s work can provide some evidence be explained and derived through reason for the influence of Mu’tazila ideas on independent of revelation. Revelation, Saadya, despite the chronology of the works though, ensures that humans do not reach themselves. Though we may not currently erroneous conclusions, and allows them to have access to all of the philosophical become aware of God’s will much more writings from this time, at that time, Jewish quickly than they would be able to through philosophers had access to Islamic the incremental process of human philosophical writings. The fact that both knowledge acquisition alone. groups spoke and wrote in made Both the preface to ‘Abd al­Jabbar’s interreligious philosophical influences work, and Saadya Gaon’s prolegomena, possible. have didactic elements. ‘Abd al­Jabbar’s preface is structured as a series of questions

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 53/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 54

that a person might ask, and instructions on the first of the four roots of knowledge in his how to respond to the questions with epistemic theory. The others include reason Mu’tazila ideas. Saadya Gaon states that the and inference, which, along with sense purpose of his Book of Doctrines and Beliefs perception, are universal, and reliable is to explain why people make errors in their tradition, which is particular to Judaism. reasoning, and to provide a way to eliminate Saadya says that “all ‘knowledge of Reason’ error and doubt. is based on knowledge from sense Kalam works follow a structure that perception” (Saadya Gaon 26). The objects begins with universal topics such as upon which one practices reason and epistemology, and then progresses to more inference are objects perceived by the particularistic issues. Saadya also follows senses. Saadya argues that as people learn, this structure, beginning with such topics as they proceed from concrete to increasingly reason, error, and knowledge, and then “abstract and subtle” knowledge (Saadya proceeds to topics like characteristics of Gaon 75). There are some topics, such as God, and the nature of divine how creation occurred, for which Saadya commandments in Judaism (Stroumsa 72). says that “we have no data from actual In addition to the five principles of observation or sense perception” (49). Mu’tazila kalam listed above, the Mu’tazila However, for all topics in which any also emphasize the freedom of human will, information may be derived from sense and express the controversial view that the perception, this information plays a crucial Quran was created at a moment in time, role as the concrete foundation from which rather than existing eternally (Campanini more subtle knowledge is gained through 44­45). reason. Knowledge gained through other Sense Perception faculties must not conflict with sense While both Mu’tazila kalam and perception data (For example, see Saadya Saadya Gaon emphasize the importance of Gaon p. 42). reason as a source of knowledge, they each Mu’tazila kalam, however, posit a different epistemic role for sense de­emphasizes the role of sense perception perception. For Saadya, sense perception is in favor of an epistemology based on human

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 54/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 55

reason alone. At the beginning of his work, differing aims. In the prolegomena, Saadya ‘Abd al­Jabbar says, “[God] is not known Gaon states that the purpose of The Book of intuitively nor by the senses,” but instead Doctrines and Beliefs is to explain why “must be known by reflection and people make errors, and to provide a method speculation.” (160). As a rationalist school for “how these errors can be removed so that of thought, the Mu’tazila emphasizes pure the object of their investigations may be reason rather than empirical observation as fully attained” (25). Saadya’s purpose is to the preferred epistemological method for provide practical guidance for individuals learning about God. Though ‘Abd al­Jabbar seeking to gain knowledge of the truth. An is speaking about knowledge of God epistemology that is based in sense specifically, and Saadya is outlining a perception is a more practical method that general epistemic theory, Saadya does not humans can apply. It would be more difficult specify that knowledge of God is a case in to ignore sense perceptions and use reason which no sense data is possible, in the way alone, as the Mu’tazila advocate. Mu’tazila that he does regarding creatio ex nihilo. He kalam, on the other hand, largely served to does, though, warn strongly against defend against other belief systems, anthropomorphism. It seems that Saadya and to demonstrate the rationality of Islam. holds that one may use sensory data as a This could be achieved through advocating a starting point for developing increasingly purely rationalist epistemology, fully subtle knowledge of God. characteristic of kalam. With its emphasis on pure reason, In terms of methodology, though, ‘Abd al­Jabbar’s Mu’tazila epistemology fits Saadya’s writings on epistemology seem the strictly rationalist kalam paradigm. more representative of kalam logic than Saadya Gaon’s epistemology, while drawing those of ‘Abd al­Jabbar. Unlike Saadya, Abd much influence from kalam, departs from al­Jabbar does not, in his preface, enumerate pure rationalism by advocating the use of various sources of knowledge that compose empiricism as the foundation upon which to a complete epistemological theory, or apply rationalist methods. The difference in provide examples of how to employ various their approaches can be explained by their sources of knowledge. In this case, Saadya,

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 55/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 56

in giving a numbered list of roots of people can obtain only very limited knowledge, employs a more developed knowledge of God, who is infinite. kalam logical methodology than ‘Abd The Mu’tazila, on the other hand, al­Jabbar (Stroumsa 82). This, too, seems to emphasize the power of human reason to correspond to Saadya’s aim to provide obtain knowledge about God. As Joel practical guidance for eliminating errors, by Kraemer writes in an article on “The Islamic providing an epistemological framework context of medieval Jewish philosophy,” that can be followed. In this way, Saadya “The Mu’tazilis believed that human beings adapts aspects of the kalam that serve his have the capacity to apprehend aims in The Book of Doctrines and Beliefs. God…through reason independently of revelation.” This view can be seen in the Epistemic Limits and Divine writings of ‘Abd al­Jabbar, who says that “it Commandments is obligatory for us to know [God] in order Another interesting difference to avoid disobedience and to perform between Saadya Gaon and Mu’tazila kalam obedient acts” (160). Speculative knowledge is their diverging conceptions of the limits of God, according to this Mu’tazila view, is of human knowledge. Saadya emphasizes a prerequisite for following God’s the limitedness of human knowledge. In commandments. In response to a another enumerated list, he describes three hypothetical person who questions why reasons why human nature is limited. First, “speculative reasoning [became] the first of since humans are finite, their faculties, the duties,” ‘Abd al­Jabbar states this idea “including the faculty of knowledge, are more explicitly, saying “…the rest of the also finite” (Saadya Gaon 76). Secondly, stipulates of revelation concerning what [we since it is possible for humans to obtain should] say and do are no good until after knowledge using their finite faculties, there is knowledge of God” (160). knowledge itself must be finite. Thirdly, Knowledge through reason is so important since sense perception, the root of all in this kalam school of thought that it is knowledge, is finite, knowledge must be given greater weight than traditional finite (Saadya Gaon 76­77). Given this, religious law.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 56/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 57

For Saadya, though, knowledge of thought pertains to their views of divine God to the extent that ‘Abd al­Jabbar seems commands. Saadya Gaon holds that “In to be discussing is beyond human faculties. regard to all the things which He commands This difference in perspective on the limits us to do, He has implanted approval of them of human knowledge may be partly in out Reason; and in regard to all the things explained by the differing purposes of these which He forbids us to do, He has implanted writings. It seems likely that Saadya, in disapproval of them in our Reason” (97). primarily addressing a Jewish audience, According to Saadya, God has given people would not want to risk discouraging his intuitions that correspond with the readers from following Jewish law by commandments. This departs from the asserting a prerequisite to following the objectivist Mu’tazila view, in which good commandments. Additionally, Saadya and evil are inherent in reality. According to rigorously employed the analytical method the Mu’tazila view, God wills inherently of the kalam, in part to provide a delineated good things, and people have free will to philosophy that others could follow to choose how to act (Kraemer 58). Saadya’s eliminate errors and doubts. It is through this view de­emphasizes free will in comparison analytical method that he derives the limits to Mu’tazila kalam. The notion that God of human reason. ‘Abd al­Jabbar, though, implants our preferences within us sought to emphasize the importance of diminishes human free will and the role of speculative reasoning, which he prioritized human reason. While the Mu’tazila aimed to over blindly following religious law. He assert the power of human reason and sought to defend the Mu’tazila view against therefore emphasized free will, part of other religious groups, including more Saadya’s purpose was to encourage orthodox Islamic schools of thought that members of the Jewish community to follow emphasized following divine Jewish law, so he advocated a view that commandments on the basis of revelation encouraged people to use their reason as a alone. tool to guide them in following the Another interesting point of contrast commandments. between Saadya Gaon and Mu’tazila

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 57/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 58

Conclusion Saadya Gaon’s The Book of Doctrines and Principles follows many aspects of Mu’tazila kalam philosophy, including its general structure, emphasis on human reason, and analytic methods. Distinctions between Saadya Gaon’s philosophy and the Mu’tazila, though, can be explained by their differing aims. Saadya wrote to a Jewish audience, and sought to guide his readers to eliminate errors and doubts, by using analytical kalam methodologies. Mu’tazila theologians like ‘Abd al­Jabbar sought to defend Islam and promote pure rationalism. Saadya incorporates aspects of Mu’tazila kalam that suit his aims, while departing from other aspects of kalam. For example, Saadya departs from the Mu’tazila devotion to human reason alone as the source of knowledge, by blending rationalism with an empiricist basis in sense perception. This provides a more practical guide for his readers to follow. While Saadya Gaon and Mu’tazila kalam have much in common, the distinctions in their views of epistemology and divine commands reflect the distinct goals of their works. Works Cited on page 98.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 58/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 59

“A Land that Devours its Inhabitants”: both his extremism and his creativity. The Story Behind Rabbi Hayyim Shapira is notable for his frequent Eleazer Shapira’s Demonization of The comparison of the Holy Land to Satan and Holy Land Hell. While choosing to demonize the Baila Eisen holiest feature of the Jewish religion may

Barnard College 2020 seem counterintuitive, Shapira’s demonization of the Holy Land actually has Rabbi Hayyim Eleazar Shapira is a its roots in earlier Jewish sources. By prominent figure in Hassidic history dipping into his vast knowledge of Jewish 128 (Ravitzky, 41­42). With many thousands tradition, Shapira deftly uses this unexpected of followers and a reputation for intellectual tactic to discourage Zionism while achievement, Shapira “represented the simultaneously defending his faith. prototypical teacher of the most As early as the Hebrew Bible, the conservative, radical wing of Land of Israel is paradoxically both the holy 129 ultra­Orthodoxy” (Ravitzky, 42). In this promised land and a demonic force that honored role, Shapira took it upon himself to attacks the Israelites. The title quote, “a land wage a righteous war against the Zionist that devours its inhabitants”, is from 130 movement. In the early twentieth century, Numbers (Numbers 13:32). In this with Zionism on the rise but not yet Biblical story, Moses sends spies to explore mainstream, Ravitzky produced a host of the Land of Israel. In their report, the spies letters, commentaries, and books using personify the land as a harsh beast that eats every ounce of religious knowledge he had the people who live in it. Although the spies to combat the Zionist agenda. Although are reprimanded for their negative reports of many if not most of his contemporaries were the land, Moses himself continues in a anti­Zionist as well, Shapira stands out for

130 " The Complete Tanakh (Tanach) ­ Hebrew 128 R avitzky, Aviezer. M essianism, Zionism and Bible ­ The Jewish Bible with a Modern English Jewish Religious Radicalism. Translated by Translation & Rashi's Commentary." Jewish Michael Swirsky and Jonathan Chipman. Traditions and Observances. Accessed Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, December 09, 2018. 1996, 41­42 https://www.chabad.org/library/bible, Numbers 129 R avitzky, M essianism, 42. 13:32.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 59/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 60

similar vein in Deuteronomy. If the children ideas have strongly influenced mainstream of Israel sin, “And the wrath of the Lord will Jewish thought. A verse in Leviticus reads, be kindled against you…and the ground will “And the land became defiled, and I visited not give its produce ” (Deuteronomy its sin upon it, and the land vomited out its 131 133 11:16­17). Here, too, the physical ground inhabitants” (Leviticus 18:25). In a typical of the Land of Israel is personified, as it is manner, the Bible personifies the land as a given the human ability to choose to living being that “vomit[s]” out sinners. In withhold its fruit from the sinful people. response to this verse, Nahmanides While the Land of Israel is the Israelites’ comments that, “the land that is the reward, it is also a demonic being that inheritance of the honorable God vomits out withholds food from them as punishment. all that defile it and it does not tolerate those An explanation of this paradox can be found that worship idols and engage in sexual in the same chapter: this is “a land the Lord, immorality…the land of Israel is not like your God, looks after; the eyes of the Lord other lands; it does not sustain worshippers 134 your God are always upon it, from the of idols” (18:25:1). The same paradox beginning of the year to the end of the year” emerges: the Land of Israel is special, a holy 132 (Deuteronomy 11:12). God’s presence is place – but in that holiness, it acts violently felt in the Land of Israel, and God is not towards evil people. While the Land of always benevolent. The Biblical terror of Israel is meant to be a reward for the just punishment for sin culminates in the Israelites, it is also personified as a terrifying land itself, which is portrayed as a being that creature that vomits out sinners. Early in metes out punishment to those who deserve Jewish canon, the seeds of potential for it. portraying the Land of Israel as a demonic Personification of the land as a force have been planted. punishing force is solidified as Jewish canon as early as the commentary of Nahmanides, 133 th “T he Complete Tanakh”, Leviticus 18:25. a 12 century Bible commentator whose 134 " Ramban on Leviticus." Sefaria: A Living Library of Jewish Texts Online. Accessed December 09, 2018. 131 I bid, Deuteronomy 11:16­17, emphasis mine. https://www.sefaria.org/Ramban_on_Leviticus.1 132 I bid, Deuteronomy 11:12. 8.25.1?lang=bi&with=all&lang2=en, 18:25:1.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 60/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 61

Rabbi Hayyim Eleazar Shapira, the bewails the fact that the righteous are Rebbe of Munkacs, is a respected and doomed to be constantly persecuted by the well­known Orthodox Rabbi living in the wicked, and ends by reassuring the reader 135 early twentieth century (Ravitzky 41). that God rewards the righteous and punishes Shapira, a strong anti­Zionist, makes the sinners. In this psalm, as is typical of the leap from the Biblical personification of the Bible, imagery of the Land of Israel flows Land of Israel to a modern­day Palestine naturally into a description of reward and possessed by the Evil Inclination. A punishment. compilation of his sermons, Divrei Torah , Picking up on this theme, Shapira showcases his clever reinterpretation of the questions why the psalm chooses to include 136 Holy Land as a demonic force. In one a metaphor about mountains surrounding sermon, he begins by quoting an entire Jerusalem. “If its main intention is to say psalm, Psalm 125 (Psalms 125, Shapira that God surrounds [protects] His people 137 4:22). Quoting an entire psalm rather than Israel, then what is the practical purpose of one relevant section is unusual for this style mentioning [that] Jerusalem is…surrounded of writing, and indicates that Shapira is by mountains? If Jerusalem weren’t undertaking an ambitious interpretation. The surrounded by mountains, would God not psalm begins with a description of Jerusalem surround [protect] His people?” (Shapira 138 as “surrounded by mountains, as God 4:22). surrounds His people [to protect them], now As is typical of the writing of and forever”. As the psalm continues, it Hassidic Rabbis, Shapira uses this seemingly innocuous academic question to

135 R avitzky, Aviezer. M essianism, Zionism and jump into a radical reinterpretation of the Jewish Religious Radicalism. Translated by Michael Swirsky and Jonathan Chipman. text. Shapira connects the Jerusalem Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1996. mountains mentioned in the psalm to a 136 S hapira, Hayyim Eleazar. D ivrei Torah. Compiled by Moshe Yehuda Leib Rabinowitz. tractate of Talmud that uses mountains as a Brooklyn, New York: Groyss Brothers Press, 1975. metaphor for the Evil Inclination. In context, 137 “ The Complete Tanakh”, Psalms 125; Shapira, D ivrei, 4:22. In order to fully understand Shapira’s commentary, I recommend opening up a Bible to follow along. 138 S hapira, D ivrei, 4:22, punctuation mine.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 61/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 62

the Talmudic mountain metaphor has against falling into the trap of Zionism’s evil nothing to do with the land of Israel – ways. according to the Talmud, the Evil Inclination While it is not unusual for a Hassidic is an immovable force that is difficult to Rabbi to insert prophecies of modern issues 139 overcome, like a mountain (Sukkah 52a). into ancient texts, Shapira’s conclusion is Yet Shapira leaps at the connection between remarkable for several reasons. First, physical attributes of the Land of Israel and Shapira’s interpretation of the Biblical verse the Evil Inclination. According to Shapira, is exactly the opposite of its original King David (in Jewish tradition believed to meaning. While in the psalm, the mountains be the author of Psalms) chose the metaphor represent God’s protection, Shapira’s of a mountain because: mountains are forces of Satan. Rather than his prophetic vision [enabled him to see choosing one of the many Biblical verses in that] many mountains [would] stand which the land is somewhat vilified, such as against us because of our great those brought above, Shapira deliberately sins…especially in the holy city of brings a psalm whose meaning he must twist Jerusalem, may it be built up in order to reach the interpretation he wants. speedily in our days. Because there Through this choice, Shapira sends a [in Jerusalem]…is the dwelling place message to his reader: the devilment of the of the Satan, Zionism, the heretics, land comes in disguise. Indeed, near the end may the name of the evil ones be of his sermon, Shapira worries that the 140 erased. Zionists “are the most dangerous to In a nutshell, King David prophetically believers”. Zionism presents itself as the foresaw the rise of Zionism and specifically holy mountain – it seems to represent Godly chose the mountain metaphor as a warning love of the Holy Land. Shapira warns that Zionism is the devil in disguise. Next, it is important to note that even

139 " Sukkah 52a." Sefaria: A Living Library of though Shapira presents the mountains of Jewish Texts Online. Accessed December 09, Jerusalem as the dwelling place of “the 2018. https://www.sefaria.org/Sukkah.52a?lang=bi. Satan, Zionism”, he still adds the usual 140 S hapira, D ivrei, 4:22.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 62/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 63

Messianic phrase “may it be built up reflects the Biblical description, but because speedily in our days” to the word people with new, foreign ideas come and “Jerusalem.” Although Shapira’s Jerusalem twist it into something unholy. represents Satanic forces, he still validates In another sermon, Shapira reacts to the holy status of Jerusalem as the future site some letters he has received from the Old of Messianic redemption. In this way, in Jerusalem. Referring to the Shapira continues the paradox that begins in Zionists, Shapira speaks about “the right (or the Bible: Jerusalem’s evil spirit does not obligation) [from] the Ba’al Peor to settle 142 negate its holiness, but rather is a the land” (Shapira 6:25). The Ba’al Peor consequence of it. is a non­Jewish god, a form of idolatry, Finally, Shapira’s sermon includes an which is arguably the worst sin in Jewish unusual number of non­Hebrew words. law. In contrast, the term “settle the land” is “Zionisten” (Zionism), “Aggudisten” a well­known term for the positive (Aggudism), and “Gymnasium”, among commandment to live in the land of Israel 143 others, appear transliterated into Hebrew (Numbers 33:53). Again, Shapira brings a letters. Shapira must use these German monster into traditional Jewish language to words because there is no Hebrew word for create an unsettling effect. The reader is concepts such as “Zionism.” However, this forced to wonder how a demon snuck its is also a symbolic choice. Shapira still way into the familiar text, and by extension reveres the old Jerusalem and “those good into the familiar Holy Land. people of Israel who are staying strong in Next, Shapira references a tractate of the Land of Israel in the way of our Talmud that discusses the characteristics of 144 forefathers…keeping the Hell (Eiruvin 19:1). According to this 141 strong”. The new words marring Shapira’s tractate, “There are three entrances to Hell: pure Hebrew represent the new ideas one in the wilderness, one in the sea, and marring his ideas of the Holy Land. The 142 I bid, 6:25. land becomes monstrous not because it 143 T he Complete Tanakh”, Numbers 33:53. 144 "Eruvin 19a." Sefaria: A Living Library of Jewish Texts Online. Accessed December 09, 2018. 141 I bid, 4:22. https://www.sefaria.org/Eruvin.19a?lang=bi.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 63/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 64

147 one in Jerusalem.” Explaining its placement their souls” (Shapira 6:25). He of a gateway to Hell in Jerusalem, the menacingly implies that the Zionists’ souls Talmud continues, quoting a verse in Isaiah: are doomed to damnation. Yet the very “‘Says the Lord, Whose fire is in Zion, and tractate of Talmud that he quotes brings up Whose furnace is in Jerusalem’. And it was the suggestion that Jewish sinners go to taught in the school of Rabbi Yishmael: Hell, and refutes it. The Talmud starts, “The ‘Whose fire is in Zion,’ this is Hell; and wicked do not repent, even at the entrance to 148 ‘Whose furnace is in Jerusalem,’ this is an Hell…they continue rebelling forever.” 145 entrance to Hell.’” This tractate points to a This perfectly supports Shapira’s wildness in Jerusalem that resembles the understanding of Zionists damned to Hell. turbulent natural expanses of wilderness and However, in the next line, the Talmud sea. Like the others, Jerusalem too is a refutes the previous statement: “With dangerous natural element: it is fire. Yet regards to the sinners of the Jewish people, Jerusalem’s fire is more than natural: it is the fire of Hell has no power over God’s fire. In a wild place of utter spiritual them…Those who are liable for power where God’s love abounds, spiritual [punishment in] Hell, our Father Abraham peril also lurks in dangerous quantities. In comes and raises them up and receives 149 that vein, Shapira dubs “the trial of the gate them.” There is one exception: a Jewish to Hell in Jerusalem…the weightiest and man who has sex with a non­Jewish woman heaviest [of the trials of gates to Hell]” is still damned. Other than that, no Jew ever 146 (Shapira, 6:25). Jerusalem pulls people enters Hell. As the Talmud does not bring a into Hell more efficiently than any other further contradiction to this idea, it is place in the world. considered to be conclusive. Shapira continues, “these wicked Shapira’s choice to ignore this part of people will never repent….all of Zionism the Talmud and continue to damn Zionists and its labors…woe unto them and woe unto indicates that he considers Zionism to be on

145 Ibid, Eruvin 19a; “The Complete Tanakh”, 147 I bid, 6:25. Isaiah 31:9. 148 “ Eruvin 19a”, Sefaria, Eruvin 19a. 146 S hapira, D ivrei, 6:25. 149 I bid, Eruvin 19a.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 64/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 65

par with having sex with a non­Jewish That is the gate of Hell that Shapira sees in woman. The choice to correlate these two Jerusalem. ideas has a broader significance than a The spark of hope latent in the simple indication of extreme sinfulness. Zionist idea of bringing about one’s own Intermarriage symbolizes a Jew’s desire to redemption is a powerful temptation to Jews leave the Jewish people and become accustomed to persecution and exile. accepted as a non­Jewish other. Zionism, Immediately after his sentence damning the too, poses a threat to what is fundamentally souls of the sinful Zionists, Shapira worries Jewish. Shapira often speaks disparagingly that the Zionists are “thinking to sway the of the Zionists’ “active work”, their hearts of the righteous Jewish people” 151 tendency to take fate out of God’s hands and (Shapira 6:25). The juxtaposition of build their own future. Ravitzky points out damnation with the spreading of Zionist that Shapira is deeply troubled by Zionists ideals shows that Shapira understands the who “subvert…the traditional Jew’s simple, contagion of empowerment – and, by passive yearning for divine salvation”, as extension, damnation (in his view). In a well as by “the false Zionist doctrine that nearly pleading tone, he tells the old Yishuv, Israel would inherit the land through its own “Believe me, truly, I love the Holy Land, physical efforts – aided by other nations – may it be built speedily in our days, and rather than through profound penitence and especially you, my beloveds, the righteous exclusive devotion to the study of Torah” people who cleave to God and His Torah 150 (Ravitzky 43­44). To Shapira, taking and His faith – a love with a weakness of the 152 active control of one’s dreams rather than soul” (Shapira 6:25). The passive Jews passively awaiting redemption is antithetical who sit and learn in the Holy Land, funded to the Jewish faith. The Zionist leap towards by outside money, without putting an ounce action is more than just a change of of effort into change Jewish fate – those are perspective – it is a destruction of Judaism. Shapira’s Jews, and they are in danger. Jerusalem, the site of new hope, is by

151 S hapira, D ivrei, 6:25. 150 R avitzky, M essianism, 43­44. 152 I bid, 6:25.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 65/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 66

definition the site of the death of the old. traveling state of the Jew, who must While Shapira attempts to turn Jerusalem’s constantly wander from place to place in characteristic of damnation on the Zionists, Exile until the time of the Redemption. In in actuality the Zionists are using Jerusalem Shapira’s eyes, wandering is the natural state to cause the damnation of him and his of the Jew, the only place where he can be society. free of the Evil Inclination. But where a Jew In the same section, Shapira tells a has settled, either in or out of the Holy Land, fable portraying Satan’s residence in the Satan must follow. Thus, attempts to rebuild 153 Holy Land (Shapira 6:25:2; Ravitzky 41). Zion do not revive the ideal Jew of the past, In the fable, before Shapira sets off for but chain him anew in a different place than Jerusalem, he tells Satan to choose: “either before. you go to the Holy Land, and I stay here…or In this fable, Shapira emphasizes the you stay here and I go alone to the Holy lack of distinction between the Holy Land 154 Land” (Ravitzky 41). Satan agrees to stay and Exile – both are equally home to Satan. behind. After passing a “joy[ful] boat ride”, At the same time, there is a notable Shapira arrives in the Holy Land, only to difference between them. In Exile, a Jew “immediately c[atch] sight of Satan standing anticipates Satan’s presence. As a Diaspora there”, upon which he “crie[s] out from the Jew, Shapira is able to successfully speak to depths of [his] heart” (Shapira 6:25:2). and even bargain with Satan. In the Holy Shapira describes two emotional reactions in Land, on the other hand, Shapira is shocked this fable: the joy of the boat ride when he to find Satan waiting for him. After all, this believes himself to be free of Satan, and his is the Holy Land. Why would Satan be anguished cry upon meeting Satan on the there? To Shapira, this shock and inability to shore. It is significant that between the two cope with Satan represents the struggle shores, Shapira is happily free of Satan. The every Jew faces upon arriving in the Holy boat ride can be seen as representing the Land. While Jews are accustomed to dealing with Diaspora temptation, they are unable to imagine or prepare for the Satan that haunts 153 S hapira, D ivrei, 6:25:1; translated in Ravitzky, Messianism, 41. Jerusalem. Satan’s final line – “It is here that 154 Ravitzky, M essianism, 41.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 66/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 67

I live in my permanent home, and who you their prayers, hopes, and dreams. With this spoke to was my emissary in Istanbul” – line, Satan reminds them that that they are 155 drives the point home. Not only are Jews not the rulers. However, Satan is not the unprepared for the evil forces that dwell in ruler, either. Although he claims the Land of the Holy Land, but this version of Satan is Israel as his “permanent home”, Satan never also far stronger than the evil forces they claims authority over the land or its 158 have faced at home. In short, Jews who inhabitants. Instead, Shapira reminds the immigrate to Israel are walking unawares reader that the “ruler” of the Holy Land is into a demon’s trap. God. By attempting to take control of the Next, Satan agrees to Shapira’s land and their own fate, the Jewish people terms, saying that he will stay behind in are attempting to usurp God. Satan speaks in 156 Istanbul (Shapira 6:25:2). Shapira, the third person here. He is not talking to innocent traveler, believes him. If Satan Shapira. Perhaps he is addressing God. If so, represents Zionism, Shapira is reminding Shapira is putting God and Satan in cahoots, readers that Satan is full of lies. Zionism laughing at the expense of foolish man, who seems appealing to a religious Jew. It is futilely attempting to control his own fate. promises the fulfillment of hundreds of Like the Land of Israel itself, this fable years of longing for a return to the Holy combines powerful good and evil forces to Land. In this story, Shapira reminds readers point unambiguously to the wrongdoing of that Satan can lie about Jerusalem as well as the Zionists. he can lie about anything else. Next, Shapira utilizes the ambiguity Finally, Satan scoffs at Shapira, of Hebrew grammar to radically reinterpret a saying, “The fellow came here as an alien, verse in Zechariah. A simple reading of the and already he acts as the ruler” (Ravitzky verse renders the following meaning: “The 157 41). Ravitzky knows that Jews may feel Lord shall rebuke you, O Satan; and the they have some ownership over the land of Lord shall rebuke you, He who chose 159 Jerusalem” (Zechariah 3:2). By changing

155Shapira, D ivrei, 6:25:2. 156 I bid, 6:25:2. 158 Ib id, 41. 157 R avitzky, M essianism, 41. 159 “The Complete Tanakh”, Zechariah 3:2.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 67/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 68

the vowels, Shapira changes the meaning to: the Land’s great power. Shapira’s tactic “The Lord shall rebuke you, Satan who effectively conveys his point to a religious chooses Jerusalem, the Lord shall rebuke audience, while simultaneously reflecting you.” According to Shapira, this is “the true, his own deeply­felt fear for his religion’s correct, and clear simple meaning” (Shapira future. His creativity reaches across the 160 6:25:3). Switching the vowels to create generations and strikes a chord in today’s new meanings is a common tactic of readers. Rabbinic commentary; however, most do Works Cited on page 99. not claim that it is the simple meaning, or

pshat, a special term reserved for the most obvious reading of the text. By claiming that Satan’s inhabitance of Jerusalem is the most correct reading of Biblical texts, Shapira emphasizes what is not the correct reading of the texts: the Zionist reading. Even Shapira’s reading, as stretched as it is, fits into Jewish tradition of reinterpretation and does not change significant points in Jewish philosophy. In contrast, Zionist ideology completely counters the meaning of the Torah. The shock factor of calling Satan’s placement in Jerusalem a correct and natural read of Biblical texts calls attention to Zionism’s truly shocking reinterpretation. Shapira’s usage of demonic imagery in relation to the Holy Land draws on a history of ambivalence about the status of

160 S hapira, D ivrei, 6:25:3

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 68/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 69

164 Language of the Soul: An Analysis of by other poets of this literary era. Dunash 165 Select Poems by Solomon Ibn Gabirol Ben Labrat’s model of piyyut drew from 166 and Their Discussion of the Soul Arabic poetic structure and meter, as well 167 as certain thematic motifs and images. Leora Lupkin Of the poets who continued adapting the piyyut model established by Dunash Ben Barnard College 2020 Labrat, scholars consider Solomon Ibn 168 Gabirol, a prominent paytan of the Introduction 169 eleventh century, to be a major contributor From approximately 912 CE to 1140 161 to the development of the genre of the CE, the Jews living under the Umayyad 170 Andalusian piyyut . Solomon Ibn Gabirol, rule in Spain lived in a literary and academic a philosopher and poet, lived from c.1021 to renaissance. This renaissance was host to the production of important works in Hebrew, 162 Arabic, and Judeo­Arabic. During this 163 time, the form of the piyyut was adapted from its “classical form” into the “Andalusian” model of piyyut as

popularized by Dunash Ben Labrat and then 164 Isabelle Levy, “Language and Grammar in al­Andalus” (lecture, Columbia University, New York, NY, September 14, 2016). 165 At the time in which Dunash ben Labrat was 161 Mercedes García­Arenal, “The Jews of developing this model of p iyyut, he received al­Andalus,” in A History of Jewish­Muslim criticism from other members of the Jewish Relations : From the Origins to the Present Day, academic elite such as Menahem Ibn Saruq ed. Abdelwahab Meddeb and Benjamin Stora (Ibid). (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 166 An example of this is the way in which 2013), 111. medieval Andalusi p iyyutim adapt the Arabic 162 Arabic written using Hebrew letters. Many of form of s aj‘ into a central structural component the Arabic texts written by Jews during this era (in Hebrew) of many of the p iyyutim. were written using Judeo­Arabic. 167 Ibid. 163 P iyyut ( pl. p iyyutim) refers to “Hebrew 168 (s. p aytan) W riter of p iyyutim. liturgical poetry.” (Raymond P. Scheindlin, “The 169 Scheindlin, T he Gazelle, 26. Piyyut Tradition,” in T he Gazelle: Medieval 170 Joseph Tobi, “Appendix Two: ShӘlomo B. Hebrew Poems on God, Israel, and the Soul Gabirol and Baḥye B. Paqūda: Philosophical (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1991), Ideas in Spanish Liturgical Poetry,” in P roximity 13.). For history of the genre of p iyyut from its and Distance: M edieval Hebrew and Arabic classical form to its iteration in the Golden Age Poetry, ( Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, of Spain, see Ibid, 13­25. 2004), 359.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 69/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 70

171 c.1057. Not much is known about specific of philosophy in Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s events or dates regarding his life, as, poetry extends beyond Keter Malkhut to his “A number of details can be found in piyyutim in which he addresses the body and the works of *Ibn Saʿīd and in the soul and the complex nature of God’s the Kitab al­Muhadara wal­Mudhakara by Moses *Ibn relationship with each. Ezra (published by A. Halkin (1975), 36b, 37a, etc.), and some information can be deduced from Ibn Gabirol's Contextualizing “Soul Poetry” introduction to his ethical work, Tikkun Middot Central to many of Solomon Ibn ha­Nefesh (Constantinople, 1550).” 172 Gabirol’s poems is a discussion that involves

the body and soul. Many of these piyyutim 175 Other works by Solomon Ibn Gabirol fall into the category of reshūyot, which, include his philosophical treatise, Mekor “in general are poetic introductions to the 176 177 Ḥayyīm , (“Source of Life”), which, although fixed prayers of nishmāt, qādish, and 178 179 initially written in Judeo­Arabic, is best barekhū . ” Regarding this common 173 known in its Latin translation, Fons Vitae . trope, scholars debate the sources to which Beyond his piyyutim , Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s

other famous work was Keter Malkhut , a 175 s. r eshūt 176 The prayer that directly precedes the start of “lengthy penitential prose­poem the morning service on Shabbat and holidays. 177 contain[ing] a philosophical meditation on “A doxology, most of it in Aramaic, recited with congregational responses at the close of the Divine Attributes and Creation together individual sections of the public service and at the conclusion of the service itself” (Avenary, 174 with a hymn to the Creator.” The presence Hanoch, and Rochelle L. Millen. "Kaddish." In Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, vol. 11 (Detroit, MI: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), 171 Angel Sáenz­Badillos and , Gale Virtual Reference Library, 695­698.). "Gabirol, Solomon ben Judah, Ibn," in 178 “Call to worship by the s heli'aḥ ẓibbur [prayer Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., ed. Michael leader]at the formal beginning of the daily Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, vol. 7 (Detroit, MI: morning and evening services” (Herman Kieval, Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), 321, G ale “Barekhu,” in E ncyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., Virtual Reference Library. edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 172 Ibid. vol. 3 (Detroit, MI: Macmillan Reference USA, 173 Ibid, 323. 2007), 149. 174 M.J. Cano, “Ibn Gabirol, Solomon,” in 179 Raymond P. Scheindlin, "Contrasting Encylclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, ed. Religious Experience in the Liturgical Poems of Norman A. Stillman (Leiden, The Netherlands: Ibn Gabirol and ," Prooftexts13, no. Brill, 2010), BrillOnline Reference Works. 2 (1993), 159 (Note 1).

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 70/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 71

182 Solomon Ibn Gabirol would have had access contemporary Byzantium were translated 183 and which, in turn, may have influenced his into Arabic.” poetry and other philosophical works. This relationship between Solomon Joseph Tobi explores this debate in an Ibn Gabirol’s writing (as well as the works appendix to Proximity and Distance: of his contemporaries) and translated Medieval Hebrew and Arabic Poetry . He Neoplatonist texts that had been circulating writes, “one of the greatest innovations of at the time, takes the form of addressing “the the Hebrew poetry in Spain… is the question of the relationship between Body 184 introduction of philosophical ideas and and Soul.” T obi comments on the content, chiefly from the Neo­Platonic manifestation of the relationship between school. These new subjects, common to the Neoplatonist texts and Solomon Ibn Muslim and literature, took Gabirol’s writing, noting that “the 180 hold… in the sacred liturgical poetry.” Neo­Platonic concept regarding the soul’s The infusion of Neoplatonist ideas into these supremacy to the body became firmly types of is a result of the planted in religious Spanish poetry, 185 numerous Greek texts circulating in Arabic especially the type of liturgy called rešut. ” translation at the time in which Solomon Ibn While some attribute the 181 Gabriol wrote his works. The translations philosophical ideas present in Solomon Ibn of these Neoplatonist works from Greek into Gabirol’s works to these translations, Arabic was a project of the Abbasid caliph, scholars such as Aharon Mirsky argued that al­Ma’mun, who, “established the Bayt perhaps his philosophical works were al­Hikma , or House of Wisdom, in which documents from ancient Greece and 182 Al­Ma’mun lived from 786­833 (“Greek Texts Translated into Arabic,” in Science and Its Times, ed. Neil Schlager and Josh Lauer, vol. 2 (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group, 2001), 253.) 183 Ibid. 180 Tobi, “Appendix Two,” 357. 184 Joseph Tobi, “Body and Soul in Spanish 181 Sarah Pessin, “Jewish Neoplatonism: Being Hebrew Poetry,” in B etween Hebrew and Arabic above Being and divine emanation in Solomon Poetry: Studies in Spanish Medieval Hebrew Ibn Gabirol and Isaac Israeli,” in T he Cambridge Poetry (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2010), Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy, ed. 297. Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leaman (Cambridge, 185 Ibid, 303. The transliteration here differs from UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 92­93. the transliteration used in the rest of the paper.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 71/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 72

inspired by the work, “Directions to the between [Judah] Halevi’s liturgical poetry 190 Duties of the Heart,” written by Bahya Ibn and early Sufi poetry.” 186 Paquda. Mirsky’ s claim was contested by In addition to sources external to the many scholars who argue that this would not Jewish community, the genre of piyyut also have been possible given that they believe draws from earlier texts, the most common 191 Solomon Ibn Gabirol predates Bahya Ibn of which is the Hebrew Bible. W ithin 187 Paquda. piyyutim , the paytan frequently weaves in at Israel Levin, another scholar in the least one allusion to a biblical verse or 192 debate regarding material that may have concept. In doing so, does the paytan influenced Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s poetry, draw a connection with the larger Jewish claims that there is a direct connection textual corpus to which his work is between his poetry and certain pieces of Sufi eventually added. Scheindlin, in 188 poetry. Raymond Scheindlin, in commenting on the use of biblical references examining Levin’s argument through an in piyyutim and the importance of analysis of Sufi works that he believes understanding those references, writes “the Solomon Ibn Gabirol would have had access biblical contexts from which a word was to at the time in which he was writing, taken and the word’s traditional rabbinic refutes Levin’s claims, arguing that, “the interpretation were all part of its semantic influence of Sufism cannot account for Ibn range; to neglect them is to miss the effect.” 193 Gabirol’s innovations in the sphere of The way in which the paytanim included Hebrew liturgical poetry, and the presence of these references (they can be one word or a themes of love and asceticism in his poetry short phrase) is a testament to their 189 does not link his poetry to Sufism.” While knowledge of and command of the biblical this is the case, Scheindlin notes a “kinship texts, as well as a testament to the

186 Tobi, “Appendix Two,” 357. 187 Ibid, 359­360. 190 Ibid, 128. 188 Raymond P. Scheindlin, “Ibn Gabirol’s 191 See Jefim Schirmann, H ebrew Poetry in Religious Poetry and Sufi Poetry, ” Sefarad, 5 4, Spain and Provence, 2nd ed., (Jerusalem, Israel: no.1 (1994), 110. Bialik Institute, 1960). 189 Scheindlin, “Ibn Gabirol’s Religious Poetry 192 Ibid. and Sufi Poetry,” 142. 193 Scheindlin, T he Gazelle, 20.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 72/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 73

knowledge­base of biblical texts of their Language of the Soul 194 intended audience. Linguistically, while a translation of Two of Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s a piyyut may have the word, “soul,” this piyyutim that discuss the soul, “ Sh’ḥī La’El English word takes many forms in Hebrew, Yeḥīda” (“Submit to God, my celebrated each carrying with it a different connotation. 195 soul” ) and Sh’ḥartīkh B’Khol Shaḥrī “At In “Submit to God, my celebrated soul,” as 196 morning and at evening I seek you” seem well as his piyyut , “What keeps You sitting, 198 to capture the many elements that suggest oh, my soul,” the word which gets 199 Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s piyyutim as a translated as “soul,” yeḥīdah carries with microcosm for the larger corpus of his it both the literal meaning of the word, as religious and philosophical works, which meaning “alone,” or “one,” in addition to its stand as part of the larger Jewish textual meaning through its context in Psalms corpus of Medieval Spain. This is clear 22:21, to which Solomon Ibn Gabirol makes 197 200 through incorporation of philosophy, the reference in both piyyutim . Other piyyutim interaction of the piyyut as a genre with the refer to the soul with the words, “ nefesh ” Arabic literature around which it emerged, and “ neshamah .” Unlike yeḥīdah , these and the ways in which these piyyutim terms more directly translate to “soul,” engage with other Jewish texts such as the without the necessary knowledge of Psalms Hebrew Bible. 22:21 that one would need to possess in order to fully understand the term beyond its literal meaning. In discussing the terms “ nefesh ” and “ neshamah ,” A.M. Habermann notes that these terms refer to “a type of 194 Ibid. 201 195Solomon Ibn Gabirol and Raymond P figure, even though it does not have a Scheindlin, V ulture in a Cage: Poems by Solomon Ibn Gabirol, t rans. Raymond P. 198 Scheindlin (Brookyn, NY: Archipelago Books, Ibid, 103­111. 199 For background on the usage of this term in 2016), 304­305. In this paper, the translation of piyyutim, see, Raymond P. Scheindlin, the names of the p iyyutim will be as they appear "Redemption of the Soul in Golden Age in Scheindlin’s translations in V ulture in a Cage: Religious Poetry,” P rooftexts 10, no. 1 (1990), Poems by Solomon Ibn Gabirol. 65­66 (Note 11). 196 Ibid, 308­309. 200 Schirmann, 210, 238. 197 See Tobi “Body and Soul,” 303­305. 201 The implication is that it is a physical figure.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 73/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 74

202 body.” From Habermann’ s gloss of these Why, why so bent on chasing empty breath? terms, there is a clear semantic separation

between the soul and the body, an idea For you, like God, have everlasting life, and He, like you, is hidden from the which perhaps connects to what scholars eye. perceive to be a Neoplatonist influence in And if your Maker is immaculate and pure, you too are pure, you too are Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s reshūyot . innocent. The Mighty One bears heaven on His arm, just as you bear the mute and mortal “Submit to God, my celebrated soul” clay. ְשׁ ִח ָי ל ֵאל, יְ ִח ָידה My soul, greet God, you Rock, with gifts of ְשׁ ִח ָי ל ֵאל, יְ ִח ָיד ַה ה ֲח ָכ ָמה, praise, for nothing has He put on earth like ְו ִרוּצ ַי ל ֲעב ֹ ְד אוֹתוֹ בּ ֵא ָימה, .you ְל ָעוֹל ֵמ ְ פנֵ ֵי ל ֵיל ְ ו ֵיוֹמ, My body, bless your Rock forevermore, To Whom the soul of All ְו ָל ָמּ ִה ת ְר ְד ִפ ֶי ה ֶב ְל ו ָל ָמּה? 203 ”.sings ever praise ְמ ָשׁוּל ַה א ְתּ ְ בּ ַח ֵיּוּת ְ ל ֵא ַל חי,

This piyyut is an acrostic that, upon ֲא ֶשׁר נֶ ְע ָל ְם כּ ַמוֹ א ְתּ נֶ ֱע ָל ָמה. ֲה ִא א ְם יוֹצ ֵר ָ ט ְהוֹר ונָ ִקי – looking at the first letter of every other line, ְדּ ִע ִי כּ ֵי כ ְן ט ָהוֹר ַה א ְתּ ְ ו ַת ָמּה. reads Shlomo Ḥazak (“Solomon is strong”). ֲח ִסין יִ ָשּׂ ְא שׁ ָח ִק ַים על זְר ֹעוֹ – For medieval Andalusian piyyutim , it is ְכּ ִמוֹ ת ְשׂ ִא ְי גּ ִויָּה נֶ ֱא ָל ָמה. common for the author to form an acrostic זְ ִמ ַירוֹת ק ְדּ ִמי, נַ ְפ ִשׁ ְי, ל ֵצוּר of their name as structural element of the ֲא ֶשׁ ָר א שׂ ְם דּ ֵמוּת ָ בּ ֲא ָד ָמה. 204 piece. As this piyyut, in its function as a ְק ָר ַב ָי, בּ ֲר ָכוּ ת ִמ ְיד ל ְצוּר ֶכם ,reshūt , is to introduce specific prayers ֲא ֶשׁ ִר ל ְשׁ ְמוֹ ת ַה ֵלּל כּ ֹל נְ ָשׁ ָמה! perhaps the addition of the word, ḥazak in “Submit to God, my celebrated soul, this piyyut is meant to serve as an additional and run to worship Him in holy dread. Devote your nights and days to your true world.

203 Ibn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 305. 202 Habermann, A. M.,"Body and Spirit in the 204 See Dunash Ben Labrat’s “D ’ror Yikrah, ” and ”,Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s “At Dawn I Come to You גוף ורוח בשירת ספרד / Hebrew Poetry of Spain ," R eport (World Congress of Jewish Studies: (among other poems by Solomon Ibn Gabirol, (1961)), 137­138. Author translation. Judah Halevi, and other p aytanim) .

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 74/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 75

prayer from paytan before the prayer that line, Schirmann notes a potential 205 this piyyut precedes. Aristotelian influence with regard to the 212 This piyyut begins with a command term, haḥakhamah , about which he writes 206 for the soul to “submit to God.” Here, the that it refers to “the hierarchy that exists word that Solomon Ibn Gabirol uses to for between the three types of living souls the soul, yeḥīda is an allusion to Psalms according to Aristotle’s theory (the other 213 22:21, which Jefim Schirmann notes is a two being animals and plants).” If this is 207 reference to one’s soul. W ithin the first the case, it would provide direct evidence of verse, the speaker establishes both the power Solomon Ibn Gabirols’ access to these dynamic between the soul and God, and the Greek texts, which, in Spain at this time, way in which the time of day ties into this would have been circulating in its Arabic relationship. Here, the relationship between translation. 208 the soul and God is a submissive one, the In the following stanza, Solomon Ibn manifestations of which are clear, in part, at Gabirol writes couplets in which he draws the times of day in which the soul is parallels between the soul and God. He 209 commanded by the speaker to “devote” describes the soul as godly in that it is 210 214 215 216 itself to “Your world.” Regarding the “hidden” and “everlasting,” “pure,” 217 phrase, “Your world,” Schirmann provides “innocent,” and as one that “bear[s] the 218 an explanatory gloss that this refers to “the mute and mortal clay” in the same way 211 219 heavenly world.” At the end of the first that God “bears heaven on His arm.” This series of parallels between God and the soul,

205 Scheindlin, in his discussion of r eshūyot according to Schirmann, is a reference to a notes that they can be read “not as didactic series of parallel statements that talk about poems but as prayers and as poetry” (Scheindlin, “Contrasting Religious Experience,” 142). 206 I bn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 304­305. 207 Schirmann, 237. 212 This literally translates to “wise.” 208 H ere, the word that gets translated as 213 Schirmann, 237 (Author translation). “submit” can also mean “to bow.” It is clear in the 214 Ibn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 305. next line that this is tied to worship. 215 Ibid. 209 Scheindlin, 305. 216 Ibid. 210 Author translation of Ibn Gabirol and 217 Ibid. Scheindlin, 304. 218 I bid. 211 Schirmann, 237 (Author translation). 219 Ibid.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 75/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 76

220 the soul as godly in Talmud Berakhot 10a. “At morning and evening I seek You” ְשׁ ַח ְר ִתּ ְי בּ ָכ ַל שׁ ְח ִרי The Neoplatonist idea that “the soul of man ְשׁ ַח ְר ִתּ ְי בּ ָכ ַל­שׁ ְח ִר ְי ונִ ְשׁ ִפּי is actually part of the divine world…[is] not ָוּפ ַר ְשׂ ִת ְי ל ַ כּ ַפּ ְי ו ִאַפי. at all unique to Ibn Gabirol. In one form or ְל ֶ א ְה ֶמ ְה בּ ֵל ָב צ ֵמ ְא, ו ֶא ְד ֶמה another they were shared by all the major ְל ַד ֵל שׁוֹא ֲל ע ֵל ִי פ ְת ִח ְי ו ִס ִפּי. 221 thinkers of the period.” ְמרוֹמוֹת א יְ ִכ ְילוּ ל ִשׁ ְב ָתּ – Solomon Ibn Gabirol, in the last ְו ָאוּלם יֵ ְשׁ מ ְקוֹמ ְ תּוֹ ס ִע ִפּי! stanza, brings the purpose of the piyyut as a ֲה ְא אצפּ ֹ ְן בּ ִל ִבּ ֵי שׁ ְם כּ ְבוֹד reshūt that introduces a prayer into focus ְו ַגָב ִר ח ְש ְק ַ עד יַ ֲע ָב ִר­פּי: through the commands to “greet God…with ֲאנִ ַי ע ֵל כּ ֲן א ֶהוֹד ֵה שׁ ֲם אד ֹנָי 222 gifts of praise.” Here, the tone set leading ְבּעוֹד נִ ְשׁ ַמ ֱת א ִה ַים ח ְי בּ ַא ִפּי . into the prayer which this reshūt serves as an “At morning and at evening I seek You. introduction is that of praise. It is interesting I offer You my face and my to note that in this piyyut there are two outspread palms. 223 For You I yearn, to You I turn, Y our grace commands given: one to the soul and one to to earn, the body. This explicit distinction between Like someone at my door 224 who asks for alms. the command for the body and the command

for the soul, thereby separating the two, The heavens do not have room for You to dwell, hints at the Neoplatonist ideas that scholars and yet you have a place in my mind. speculate played a role in his poetic and For in my heart, I hide your Holy Name; Your love spills over, cannot be philosophical works. With regard to the confined.

relationship between the soul and God and 225 And so I praise God [with my poetry], the body and God, the speaker uses the same word, “ tzur ” (“Rock”) in referring to God as 223 Peter Cole translates this as “with a thirsty part of each of the commands. spirit for you I moan” (Solomon Ibn Gabirol, “Haven’t I Hidden Your Name,” in S elected Poems of Solomon Ibn Gabirol, trans. Peter Cole (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 130). 224 Here, Scheindlin’s translation deviates from 220 Schirmann, 237­238. the literal translation in an attempt to preserve 221 Scheindlin, “Redemption of the Soul,” 51. the rhyme found in the Hebrew. 222 Ibn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 305. 225 Brackets added.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 76/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 77

while yet He breathes the living soul as Jewish prayers are often tied to specific 226 in me.” 228 time periods within the day.

Following the establishment of time, In this piyyut , Solomon Ibn Gabirol the speaker in the following three lines, addresses man (and his soul’s) relationship begins defining what he perceives to be the with God and the role of prayer within that one facet of the relationship between man relationship. Structurally, this piyyut and God. He writes, “my face and palms contains an acrostic of the poet’s name at the turned up to you; with a thirsty [heart]…for beginning of every other line. The piyyut , you I moan, like a beggar come to my door.” like in “Submit to God, my celebrated soul,” 229 Here, the speaker in the poem presents an has in its beginning a clear establishment of image suggesting a submissive nature to his time of day. Solomon Ibn Gabirol relationship with God (“my face and palms accomplishes this through word­play, as the 230 turned up to you” ). Through In the image word he uses for the verb, “to seek” of the beggar, the speaker presents the kind ( Sh’ḥartīkh) and the word that he uses for of relationship between man and God in “morning” ( Shaḥrī ) are derived from the 227 which man depends on God. In the third same root. Perhaps the reason that this line, of the piyyut , the speaker describes his piyyut and “Submit to God, my celebrated thirsty/yearning heart for God. Here, the soul” have a clear establishment of a time of yearning of the heart seems to be more of a day is to tie it back to one of the purposes of yearning of the body than of the soul, as the the reshūt subgenre into which it fits. If one adjective used to describe the heart, tzameh , of the purposes of the reshūyot is to serve as typically refers to a bodily thirst. an introduction to specific prayers, the In the second verse of this piyyut , the inclusion of times of the day is significant, speaker again invokes the language of the

228 In , the importance of time and time of day is stressed in the rabbis’ discussions regarding when one can and cannot perform certain commandments or pray specific 226 Ibn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 309. prayers. See B. Berakhot 2a­2b. 227 Unfortunately, the cleverness of Solomon Ibn 229 Cole, 130. Here, I have substituted “heart” in Gabirol’s word choice gets lost when translated brackets where Cole translates l ev as “spirit.” into English. 230 Ibid.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 77/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 78

“heart.” In addition to highlighting the Here, Solomon Ibn Gabirol seems perceived body­soul separation, perhaps this accomplish a call to prayer in two ways. In 232 shared motif of the heart between these making a reference to Psalms 27:8, stanzas is meant to serve as a way of perhaps the paytan is drawing the piyyut connecting them within the piyyut . back into its context as a reshūt that will 233 The first and second stanzas of the introduce prayers. The last stanza of the piyyut present the speaker’s relationship to poem seems to pull into focus the purpose of God as part of what appears to be a larger the genre of reshūt as it relates to the earlier power dynamic. In the first stanza, the two stanzas. speaker is presented as a being both Structurally, the piyyut seems to fall dependent on God and entirely ready to into three distinct sections regarding the submit to Him. The second stanza seeks to multi­faceted nature of man’s relationship provide a description of nature and the with God. The first of these sections power that comes from it. In presenting describes the relationship between man and juxtaposing images of the more “lowly,” God as one of dependence; the second submissive speaker with the vast, royal section talks about the relationship between nature of God, perhaps the paytan wishes to man and God as it relates to man’s love for give greater magnitude to the kind of power God; the final section of the piyyut seems to that God has over man. pose an answer to the reconciliation of the In the third stanza, the speaker says first two sections. “and so I praise God [with my poetry], while 231 yet He breathes the living soul in me.” song” (Psalms 27:8 (JPS)). In the Hebrew of the piyyut, “with my poetry,” as Scheindlin translates it, does not exist. It is only in looking at the verse 231 Ibn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 305. The brackets in which “s hīr” is tied with the word for “I will have been added for the purpose of isolating the praise” that Scheindlin’s translation makes literal meaning of the text from the translation sense. S hīr, the second to last word in the verse that Scheindlin provides. In guiding his to which Solomon Ibn Gabirol makes reference translation, Scheindlin seems to be drawing means both “song” and “poem” in Hebrew. upon the textual reference that Schirmann 232 Schiemann, 238. makes note of, namely that “I will praise” is a 233 In , Psalms are often read early reference to Psalms 27:8 (Schirmann, 238). The on in the service before the prayers which verse reads, “The LORD is my strength and my reshūyot p recede (Scheindlin, "Contrasting shield; my heart trusts in Him. I was helped, and Religious Experience in the Liturgical Poems of my heart exulted, so I will glorify Him with my Ibn Gabirol and Judah Halevi," 159 (Note 1)).

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 78/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 79

Between Two Piyyutim and their Contexts Here, there is no control over when, how, or In examining these two piyyutim , why God is hidden. By contrast, in “At there are certain common tropes that appear. morning and at evening I seek You,” the Both of these piyyutim open by establishing speaker seems to have control over the both specific times of day. In addition to the hiding of God’s name, as made clear from establishment of specific times of day within the affirmative first person verb that the the first stanza of each of these piyyutim , the speaker evokes in talking about hiding 238 first stanza in each of these piyyutim serves God’s name. to establish a clear power dynamic between Both of these piyyutim also share the 234 235 God and man or the soul. While God is quality of a reference to the soul in the last clearly defined as the being to whom man line of the piyyut . Schirmann, in his gloss on and his soul submit out of obligation, there this reference in both of the piyyutim notes 239 is also the notion of praise associated with that use of the term, neshamah , is a way in the body or soul that is submitting to God. which Solomon Ibn Gabirol hints at goal of 240 The similarity of the way in which Solomon the poem as reshūt of the soul. In both of Ibn Gabirol frames the last stanza in each of these piyyutim , the lines surrounding the these piyyutim in order to tie the piece as a image of the neshamah that closes the piyyut whole to its purpose as a reshūt is also worth involves the speaker either commanding the noting. Within the discussion of the nature body and soul to praise God, as in “Submit 241 of God within each of these piyyutim , there to God, my celebrating soul,” or the is also the shared notion that God (or part of acknowledgement of body’s action of 236 God) is “hidden,” but the contexts in praising “while yet he breathes the living 242 which this notion appears is different. In soul in me,” as in “At morning and at 243 “Submit to God, my celebrating soul,” this evening I seek You.” is part of the parallelism Solomon Ibn 237 Gabirol draws between God and the soul. 238 Ibid, 309. 239 In one case, it is part of a possessive noun construction, so it appears as “n ishmat.” 234 In “At morning and evening I seek You.” 240 Schirmann 238. 235 In “Submit to God, my celebrating soul.” 241 Ibn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 305. 236 Ibn Gabirol and Scheindlin, 305, 309. 242 Ibid, 309. 237 Ibid, 305. 243 Ibid.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 79/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 80

Noting the similarities between these Gabirol’s writings. By contextualizing two piyyutim enables the reader to better Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s poetry through an understand Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s piyyutim understanding of potential sources that may on the soul, specifically those under the have influenced his work, as well as the way subcategory of reshūyot . Understanding the in which the reshūyot fit into the medieval ways in which these piyyutim relate to one Andalusian literary tradition, and (through another through shared motifs, some of its ties to the Hebrew Bible and 244 which are also discussed in works such as development of the form of the piyyut from Keter Malkhut and Mekor Ḥayyīm , to the its classical form) the larger Jewish textual understanding of the ways in which tradition, it is clear that Solomon Ibn Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s piyyutim fit into the Gabirol left a distinct mark on the literary larger corpus of his works, which, in turn are and philosophical corpuses from which he a part of a larger Jewish textual corpus from emerged and to which contributions are still the Golden Age of Al­Andalus, which in made. turn, is nested in the larger, continually Without a clear understanding of the growing Jewish textual tradition. factors at play in the composition of From the references to Neoplatonist Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s piyyutim , his ideas about topics such as relationship piyyutim arguably cannot be understood in a between the body and the soul and the way way that comes close to the way in which that the piyyutim are nestled within the they were intended to be understood with academic discussion regarding Solomon Ibn the careful attention to detail paid to Gabirol’s sources of inspiration for his elements such as the rhyme, short textual piyyutim, the complexity of his poetry is allusions to the Hebrew Bible, and other clear both from its structural components, as Jewish texts. The immense level of artistry well as the way in which it is in with which Solomon Ibn Gabirol wove conversation with sources both preceding together different facets of the culture that and contemporary with Solomon Ibn he was a part of is a microcosm for much of the genre of piyyutim written in the Golden Age of Al­Andalus. Despite the impressive 244 Specifically with regard to the philosophy.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 80/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 81

skills displayed, piyyutim , in large part, have disappeared from the popular Jewish canon, with the exception of the few piyyutim that have made their way into specific prayer services. Unfortunately, there is no longer a presence in Jewish prayer of reshūyot , the likes of which, as demonstrated, put into discussion the complex relationship between man, his soul, and God.

Works Cited on pages 99­100.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 81/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 82

From Marrakech to Ashdod: Early others, Israeli sociologist André Levy argues Attitudes Towards Moroccan that a more sinister phenomenon has taken Immigrants in Israel hold. Levy suggests that the cultural reframing of Mimouna as an Israeli, rather Eitan Meisels than uniquely Moroccan, event erases the distinct connection between Moroccans and Columbia University 2020 248 this festivity. Only after the Mimouna During a 2014 academic conference sheds, or at least dilutes, its undeniably entitled “East, West, North and South: Moroccan heritage can the celebration gain Images and Reality in Israeli Media,” the acceptance by mainstream Israelis, argues mayor of Ashdod, Yehiel Lasri, discussed Levy. This negative attitude harbored by the importance of the Mimouna within Israelis toward Moroccan Jews, however 245 Israeli culture. The Mimouna , traditionally latent, elicits an exploration of the causes celebrated by Jewish Moroccans after behind such biases. Passover, is marked by the baking of The immigration of Arab Jews, or moufleta (a thin pancake) that are normally mizrahim , to Israel presented a unique prohibited for consumption during the challenge for the primarily bourgeois 246 Jewish holiday. Lasri noted the European Jews who had emigrated to Israel widespread celebration of Mimouna across prior to 1948. The customs and religious Israel when he quipped “[ Mimouna ] has tendencies of these Eastern Jews differed become part of the Israeli calendar of Holy widely from the more secular Jews of 247 249 Days.” While the celebration of Mimouna Eastern Europe. While David Ben Gurion by non­Moroccan Israelis suggests the and the Jewish Agency understood the innocent embrace of one cultural practice by national need to populate the young country, questions arose about the ability of these 245 A ndré Levy, “Happy Mimouna: On a Mechanism for Marginalizing Moroccan Israelis,” Israel Studies 23, no. 2 (Summer 2018): 2. 248 A ndré Levy, “Happy Mimouna: On a 246 Z afrani, Haïm. T wo Thousand Years of Jewish Mechanism for Marginalizing Moroccan Israelis,” Life in Morocco, (Jersey City: KTAV, 2005), 243. Israel Studies 23, no. 2 (Summer 2018): 3. 247 A ndré Levy, “Happy Mimouna: On a Mechanism for Marginalizing Moroccan Israelis,” 249 A nita Shapira, I srael: A History, (New Israel Studies 23, no. 2 (Summer 2018): 2. England, Brandeis University Press, 2012), 224.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 82/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 83

Eastern Jews to integrate into Israeli society. exploration of the poor socioeconomic Efforts to cultivate a “new Jew" through circumstances that contributed to damaging state building efforts met resistance by views of Moroccan immigrants, this paper who were hesitant to forgo the argues that stereotypes about Moroccans are 250 traditions of their ancestors. Aside from products of the formative first decade after surface level differences between these Israeli independence. Eastern and Western Jews, like dress and Jews had inhabited Morocco for over language, more prejudiced attitudes 2,000 years before their mass migration to pervaded the nascent state and contributed to countries like Israel, France, and Canada in 253 the characterization of the mizrahi Jews as the twentieth century. Despite their 251 backward and uneducated. While many technically inferior status and forced mizrahi groups fell victim to these dwelling within Jewish ghettos, or mellahs , poisonous sentiments, Moroccan Jews often the Jews of Morocco flourished socially and received the worst treatment upon their economically. While Moroccan Jews had arrival to Israel. Labelled hot­headed and been emigrating to Palestine for centuries to resistant to change, Moroccan Jews suffered attend religious educational institutions, they 252 discrimination economically and socially. only emigrated to Israel en masse after Despite the much­improved status of Israeli violence aimed at their communities Moroccans, stereotypes of these Jews endure increased following the Israeli War of in subcultural labels like Morokai sakin Independence. However, the Alliance (Morocco knife) and freha (slut). This paper Israélite Universelle, a Jewish organization seeks to unpack the racist sentiments that founded many religious schools and harbored by Israelis toward Moroccan Jews Jewish communal bodies within Morocco, from 1948 to 1960. Aside from an initially opposed the Zionist dream. A 1923 Alliance report presented to French 250 M ichael Stanislawski, “Religion, Politics, and Society 1948­1956,” Lecture, Columbia President Alexandre Millerand discusses University, New York, New York, October 4. 2018. 251 A nita Shapira, I srael: A History, (New England, Brandeis University Press, 2012), 228. 253 Z afrani, Haïm. T wo Thousand Years of Jewish 252 A nita Shapira, I srael: A History, (New Life in Morocco, (Jersey City: KTAV, 2005), 2. England, Brandeis University Press, 2012), 228

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 83/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 84

256 potential methods to stem Jewish emigration emigrated to France or Canada. Cities like 254 from Morocco. While most Jews did not Paris and Montreal could offer these leave Morocco until later, the report blames emigrants a prosperous and comfortable the proliferation of Zionist ideas within future that contrasted with the unpredictable mellahs as the catalyst for the slow increase and largely squalid conditions waiting for in emigration. This sentiment reflects the immigrants to Israel. While emigration from important idea that the Moroccan Jewish Morocco may have appeared community did not perceive itself as inconsequential prior to 1948, the temporary or fragile, but concrete and establishment of Israel would put additional crucial to the wider Moroccan social fabric. pressure on local Jewish communities that Despite the perceived threat of Zionism, the lost members to the Zionist dream. new movement appealed to many Moroccan The desire to leave Morocco Jews. In fact, a 1903 letter from the Safi manifested itself through various push and Jewish community to “President of God” pull factors that likely also constructed an Theodor Herzl, notes that Zionism “throbs idyllic, albeit inaccurate, vision of the 255 257 within the hearts of some of us.” While Jewish state. While violence and poor Zionism became more popular, or at least economic circumstances motivated detectable, in Moroccan Jewish Moroccan Jews to leave, messianic zeal and communities, many Moroccan emigrants the ability to live autonomously enticed 258 opted not to move to Israel. The earliest Moroccans ready to abandon the mellahs . Jewish emigrants to Israel hailed from When calls for violence against the Jewish smaller agricultural towns at the base of the community intensified after 1948, thousands Atlas Mountains, while wealthier Moroccan of Moroccan Jews boarded ships bound for Jews from metropolitan areas often the Haifa port. An appeal by the Moroccan Sultan to Jewish citizens at the outbreak of

256 254 N orman Stillman, T he Jews of Arab Lands in Anita Shapira, I srael: A History, (New Modern Times, ( New York: JPS Publishing, England, Brandeis University Press, 2012), 239. 1991), 317. 257 Alex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, 255 N orman Stillman, T he Jews of Arab Lands in Cornell University Press, 1966), 28. Modern Times, ( New York: JPS Publishing, 258 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, 1991), 312. Cornell University Press, 1966), 28.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 84/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 85

260 the 1948 war decried Zionism and warned within that time span. The sheer number Jews that any allegiance to Zionism would of immigrants that arrived forced Moroccan constitute a renunciation of Moroccan Jews to contend with other immigrant 259 identity. However, the Sultan also communities from the Middle East and reaffirmed his commitment to the defense of Europe for rapidly depleting resources. Jews as a protected minority. This hostility Furthermore, the availability for work also toward Zionism, which had become more decreased as more and more immigrants aggressive and ubiquitous, burdened Jews entered the country. This was particularly with doubts about their future in Morocco. problematic for Moroccan immigrants, the What many of these Jews did not know, majority of whom arrived with limited however, was that the trans­Mediterranean education and planned to continue working 261 journey to Israel only marked the beginning as peddlers and shopkeepers. This of a long and arduous process of expectation would soon fade, however, immigration and integration. because these unskilled occupations could The settlement process for Moroccan not contribute much to the state­building 262 immigrants was heavily impacted by the projects that characterized the young state. political climate fomented by the 1948 war. Therefore, many Moroccan immigrants Ben Gurion implemented new state­building found themselves forced to take up manual measures to guarantee state security. He labor to earn money. That most recognized the importance of immigration as first­generation Moroccan immigrants came the fastest means to build a solvent army and with few resources and limited skills meant sizeable workforce. MAPAI, Ben Gurion’s that these newcomers were already dominant socialist­Zionist political party, disadvantaged relative to their European drafted an absorption plan that capped counterparts who often held academic immigration numbers at 150,000 people by 1950, but over 400,000 immigrants arrived 260 T om Segev, T he First Israelis, (New York, Macmillan Press, 1986), 96. 261 Alex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, 259 N orman Stillman, T he Jews of Arab Lands in Cornell University Press, 1966), 31. Modern Times, ( New York: JPS Publishing, 262 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, 1991), 513. Cornell University Press, 1966), 28.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 85/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 86

263 degrees and professional jobs. However, efforts. These officials encouraged these factors alone do not account for the Moroccans to make aliyah but failed to negative treatment of Moroccans in Israel. mention the overcrowded transit camps, or To better understand how Moroccans ma’abarot , that would become home to new became more susceptible to Ashkenazi immigrants. However, during the later notions of ethnic superiority, we must first waves of Moroccan immigration to Israel, examine Moroccan settlement patterns and Jewish Agency authorities sought to curb life within the ma’abarot . ma’abarot overcrowding by warning While Zionism and socialism potential immigrants about the rough comprised the predominant ideologies of the circumstances that they would have to 264 new state, the need to cultivate land endure before settling permanently. launched the pioneering spirit that The packed ma’abarot became influenced new Israelis. While the rural and nearly uninhabitable by 1950 because of the agrarian lifestyle of Israeli kibbutz­dwellers immigrant surge during the first two years was familiar to many Moroccan immigrants, since Israel’s founding. Initially, many early the chiefly Western ideologies that guided Moroccan immigrants inhabited homes life within the new state isolated Moroccan abandoned by Palestinians who fled or were immigrants unfamiliar with concepts such as exiled during the 1948 War, but immigrants socialism. Even Moroccans who were that arrived later were taken to the familiar with Zionism due to the efforts of ma’abarot due to the lack of availability for kibbutz emissaries may not have fully housing and the slow construction of new 265 understood the philosophical underpinnings communities. The ma’abarot , initially of the movement. These representatives intended as temporary immigration were sent by the Jewish Agency to recruit processing centers, became less than young Moroccans to work on the rural temporary residences where immigrants cooperative farms that generated the capital

and cultural ethos that supported early state 264 A nita Shapira, I srael: A History, (New England, Brandeis University Press, 2012), 236. 265 H aim Zafrani, T wo Thousand Years of Jewish 263 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, Life in Morocco, (Jersey City, Ktav Publishing, Cornell University Press, 1966), 31. 2005), 300.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 86/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 87

waited for government allocated apartments. The preference for skilled and educated By 1952, there were eleven major ma’abarot workers might explain this disparity, but the 266 that housed over 250,000 people. Within Jewish Agency never formally adopted any the ma’abarot , immigrants suffered from meritocratic system to decide relocation food shortages and cramped quarters, both timelines for immigrants from the 269 of which were reflective of statewide issues ma’abarot . Furthermore, while forty three that also included poor education and the percent of Romanian immigrants were given 267 lack of adequate social programs. a choice of their preferred towns for Moroccan immigrants also arrived with relocation, only twelve percent of Moroccan large families, and continued to have more immigrants were afforded the same choice. children than European immigrants, which Increased waiting times and the lack of stretched family­allocated resources thin and choice regarding final settlement location contributed to ethnic rifts that would only suggests the differential treatment of become further exacerbated with time. Moroccan immigrants. However, these While relocation out of the ma’abarot was statistical deductions explain institutional intended to corresponded to immigrant shortcomings. The ideological or social arrival times, immigration authorities often differences between Moroccans and other prioritized some groups over others. For immigrant communities emerged more example, between 1948­1956, Romanian concretely once Moroccans settled immigrants spent an average of two months permanently and the new “ship to village” living in the ma’abarot , but Moroccan program began. immigrants waited an average of four and When Morocco regained 268 half months before relocating elsewhere. independence from France in 1956, another round of Moroccan Jews immigrated to

266 Haim Zafrani, T wo Thousand Years of Jewish Israel. The close relationship between Jews Life in Morocco, (Jersey City, Ktav Publishing, 2005), 300. and the French colonial authorities, now 267 Michael Inbar and Chaim Adler, E thnic Integration in I srael, (New Brunswick, Transaction Books, 1977), 67. 268 Michael Inbar and Chaim Adler, E thnic 269 Michael Inbar and Chaim Adler, E thnic Integration in I srael, (New Brunswick, Integration in I srael, (New Brunswick, Transaction Books, 1977), 77. Transaction Books, 1977), 73.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 87/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 88

irrelevant following Moroccan Negev desert, where most Moroccan independence, likely contributed to this immigrants were transferred. The trucks second wave of emigration. Although the arrived in Tzemach, where the immigrants, pressures of the first aliyah had subsided, discouraged by the dusty landscape and the Jewish population in Israel doubled small shacks, initially refused to disembark. 270 between 1948­1956. The ma’abarot had Although the immigrants later agreed to become completely dilapidated by this time, settle in Tzemach, their reception by the so the young government devised a new Hungarian immigrants who settled there “ship to village” program that sought to years earlier was anything but pleasant. deliver immigrants directly to their new Although the Moroccan immigrants to 271 communities. Before the “ship to village” Tzemach found homes and work, complaints program, immigrants from different ethnic about discrimination by their European 272 groups were settled together consistent with neighbors abounded. Accusations that Ben Gurion’s notion of “ Mizug Ha’galuyot” local store owners served Hungarians before (intermixing of ethnicities). However, this Moroccans became a particularly painful 273 naïve hope that immigrants from vastly point of contention. Furthermore, many different countries could live alongside one Moroccans who practiced a more traditional another without strife proved false, and the form of Judaism were made to feel Jewish Agency began a process of chain insufficient by the Orthodox Hungarians migration from the ma’abarot to villages nearby. A similar phenomenon existed in the that allowed people from similar city of Shlomi, which was founded in 1950 274 backgrounds to form communities together. to absorb Yugoslavian immigrants. In 1954, a boat full of Jews from Morocco However, the Yugoslavian locals moved arrived in Israel, where immigrant away when Moroccan settlement to Shlomi authorities quickly processed the newcomers

and loaded them onto trucks bound for the 272 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1966), 54. 273 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, 270 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1966), 55. Cornell University Press, 1966), 39. 274 Haya Bar­Itzhak and Aliza Shenhar, J ewish 271 A nita Shapira, I srael: A History, (New Moroccan Folk Narratives from Israel, (Detroit, England, Brandeis University Press, 2012), 237. Wayne State University Press, 1989), 13.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 88/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 89

swelled following the immigration waves of connection to Judaism created a sense of 1954 and 1956. The “ship to village” mystique and fascination around the program succeeded because immigrants no practices of these Jews who were often 276 longer had to reside within the miserable viewed as relics of a distant past. In this ma’abarot , but the program also had several way, the Moroccan Jews became both shortcomings. Namely, that this model of spectacles and outsiders to the largely population dispersion made unwary irreligious and European­Israeli public. The Moroccan immigrants unsuspecting pioneers simultaneous aversion and enthrallment of who suddenly found themselves on the secular Israelis toward Moroccans caused margins of Israeli society with limited what historian Yehouda Shenhav has 277 means to succeed. labelled “Jewish Orientalism.” This Moroccans had little to no formal concept, predicated on Edward Said’s notion education, few industrial skills, and lived far of Orientalism as the patronization of “the from the coast, but these factors can only East” by “the West,” informed many of the describe the humble status of Moroccan negative relationships between Moroccans 278 immigrants when paired with Ashkenazi and their neighbors. Still, one cannot perceptions of these Arab Jews. Because reduce the mistreatment of Moroccans in they spoke Arabic, dressed differently, and Israel to an unfortunate theoretic paradigm. practiced more traditional Judaism, In fact, the socioeconomic factors that Moroccans became more closely aligned reinforced Moroccan poverty, such as with the Arabs in the eyes of the more relocation to underdeveloped areas, likely 275 secular Jews who established Israel. The carry more weight when considering how Moroccans could not be true Zionists with the earliest Moroccans were seen negatively their ancient forms of dress, strict gender by veteran Israelis. However, further roles, and propensity for large families, analysis of life within Moroccan argued many early Zionists. Conversely, the 276 Y ehouda Shenhav, T he Arab Jews, (Stanford: Moroccans’ historic and unwavering Stanford University Press, 2006), 70. 277 Y ehouda Shenhav, T he Arab Jews, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), 76. 275 Y ehouda Shenhav, T he Arab Jews, (Stanford: 278 E dward Said, O rientalism (New York: Vintage Stanford University Press, 2006), 70. Books, 1979), 20.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 89/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 90

communities will reveal the extent to which madrichim consistently tried to weaken his ideas of ethnic superiority influenced leadership until they succeeded by treatment of Moroccans over time. supporting one of Sephardi’s opponents. The Once Moroccans settled within their condescension exhibited by Jewish Agency communities, most of which were officials sowed discontent among the cooperative farming villages called immigrants who sought to live their lives moshavim , representatives from the Jewish unsupervised. Still, the madrichim had agency came to teach them how to farm and considerable impact on the Moroccan establish the mechanisms for immigrants. The cultural views of the self­government. These officials, called madrichim permeated the towns that they madrichim , acted as local counselors who administered, and many Moroccans oversaw life within the moshavim and made acquiesced to the integration tactics 282 important decisions on behalf of the local presented by the madrichim. Whether they 279 populations. The Moroccan immigrants accepted Hebrew names or attended often viewed the madrichim as elite synagogue less often, the Moroccan European residents of major cities who immigrants certainly emulated their 283 cared little about their welfare. When madrichim to resemble “normal” Israelis. Moroccans tried to take control of their own Settlement authority actions had nastier communities, the madrichim often resisted effects than the assimilation of foreigners, or argued that the immigrants were not however. The madrichim often referred to 280 prepared to make their own decisions. Moroccan immigrants as primitivim Chaim Sephardi, an influential and popular (primitives), and different degrees of Moroccan truck driver, insisted that he draft primitivism existed for different types of policy for the Moroccan Jews living in the Moroccans. For example, Moroccans from 281 village of Oren. However, the local more metropolitan areas were called “ casablancim ,” while those from more rural 279 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1966), 63. 280 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, 282 A nita Shapira, I srael: A History, (New Cornell University Press, 1966), 64. England, Brandeis University Press, 2012), 235. 281 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, 283 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1966), 63. Cornell University Press, 1966), 136.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 90/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 91

or remote areas were called “Atlas bar. When police arrived to arrest him, he 284 Mountaineers.” Therefore, the madrichim became violent and was shot and wounded not only exposed Moroccans to secular by the patrol officers on duty. Rumors Israeli society, but they also quietly spread that Elkarif was killed exercised unchecked power by curbing the indiscriminately by the officers. The next authority of local leaders and imposing their day, hundreds of Moroccan rioters took to own external stereotypes on the new the street chanting “there is no law in the immigrants. land” and proceeded to hurl rocks at the As the 1950’s progressed, the main police officers tasked with scattering the 286 issues facing Moroccan immigrants shifted protesters. The riots escalated as angry from settlement­related problems to local Moroccan demonstrators smashed storefront and communal conflicts. Israel was more windows and unleashed general mayhem politically and economically sound, and across the neighborhood. When the police most immigrant communities had already finally arrested the main provocateurs, a found their place within the new state. Still, statement disseminated throughout the the poverty experienced by Moroccan community read: “this past day has etched communities, combined with maltreatment on our memory what lies in store for us in from government authorities, created an future from these neighbors who get rich on atmosphere of resentment. These negative our account and then move into luxurious 287 sentiments exploded in the summer of 1959, dwellings.” The author refers to the when Ya’akov Elkarif, a Moroccan man Ashkenazi residents of Hadar ha­Carmel, a from the Wadi Salib neighborhood of Haifa, wealthy neighborhood adjacent to Wadi 285 was shot by an Ashkenazi police sergeant. Salib. The economic disparity between these Elkarif, intoxicated after several hours of two communities had become a drinking, began throwing bottles across the controversial topic during the summer of

286 Yfaat Weiss. A Confiscated Memory: Wadi 284 A lex Weingrod, R eluctant Pioneers, (Ithaca, Salib and Haifa’s Lost Heritage, ( New York: Cornell University Press, 1966), 134. Columbia University Press, 2011), 5. 285 Y faat Weiss, A Confiscated Memory: Wadi 287 Y faat Weiss. A Confiscated Memory: Wadi Salib and Haifa’s Lost Heritage, ( New York: Salib and Haifa’s Lost Heritage, ( New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 3. Columbia University Press, 2011), 7.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 91/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 92

1959, when the time for local elections had culmination of multiple grievances by the arrived. The Wadi Salib riots had little to do Moroccan community. However, the nature with the injury of one man, but the Elkarif of these various grievances requires further scuffle gave dissatisfied Moroccans the exploration. The riots marked the first time chance to display their frustrations about that problems of both socioeconomic status their poor circumstances. Knesset members, and ideological treatment of Moroccans had writers, and activists vocalized their come to the fore together. Moroccans had opinions on the matter, and many lamented their lesser treatment within the acknowledged the weak relationship ma’abarot and moshavim , and they 288 between Ashkenazi and Moroccan Jews. criticized the population dispersion tactics The Wadi Salib riots had dual consequences, imposed on them by the Jewish Agency. however. On the one hand, they epitomized Similarly, they pointed to the prioritization a major issue within Israeli society, but they of Europeans for work and education. also contributed to the stereotypical Separately, Moroccans underwent ridicule characterization of Moroccans as dangerous and differential treatment based on ethnic and violent. While slurs like Morokai sakin stereotypes that cast them as dirty and (Morocco knife) had been used against confrontational. The Wadi Salib rioters Moroccans before the riots, the stereotype combined their anger toward poor economic took on a particularly noxious connotation circumstances with antagonism about afterward. This more potent perception of discrimination by their Ashkenazi Moroccans as violent and high­tempered neighbors. Ultimately, the riots revealed that lends credence to Shenhav’s concept of several years of government­endowed 289 “Jewish Orientalism.” integrative practices had failed. MAPAI The Wadi Salib riots hold historical attempts to cultivate a nation of secular Jews importance because they marked the based on socialist­Zionist ideals inevitably demanded the erasure of ethnic heritage.

288 Y faat Weiss. A Confiscated Memory: Wadi Immigrants from Morocco, however willing Salib and Haifa’s Lost Heritage, ( New York: they were to integrate, could still not avoid Columbia University Press, 2011), 9. 289 Y ehouda Shenhav, T he Arab Jews, (Stanford: the derogatory characterizations of their own Stanford University Press, 2006), 70.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 92/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 93

community. Combined with differential for Israeli sociologists. While this study treatment, the economic complications that considers the origins of discrimination resulted when immigrants arrived without against Moroccans over the course of one the skills needed to assemble the new state decade, further examination of this issue led to the frustrations voiced by the will demonstrate how attitudes toward Moroccans of Wadi Salib. The riots exposed Moroccans changed over a longer period of the ugly underbelly of ethnic relations time. within Israel. Although stereotypes Debates persist over the extent to cultivated during the first decade of Israel’s which circumstances have changed for existence would inform Israeli attitudes Israeli­Moroccans. Some experts maintain toward Moroccans for decades, the worst that Moroccans have attained near­equality, moments of this tenuous relationship had but others argue that early ethnic divides passed. have hardened, and that later generations The period between 1950­1960 still suffer from the initial treatment of 290 generated the social baggage that Moroccans Moroccan immigrants. The scholarship of carry as North African immigrants to Israel. sociologists Beverly Mizrachi and Meir The residual damage caused by both their Yaish will guide this analysis of the fragile weak education and economic status, paired relationship between Moroccans and other, with stereotypes cultivated by “Jewish primarily European, Israelis since 1960. Orientalism” and the Wadi Salib riots, had Mizrachi, who focuses on feminist lasting impact on Israeli­Moroccan Jews. sociology, examines the changes between The historiography of Israeli­Moroccan first and second­generation middle­class relations does not adequately address how Israeli­Moroccan women. Yaish, who this narrative has unfolded since 1960. This focuses on Marxist sociology, assesses caveat must be noted before undertaking any divisions of labor within Israeli society to further investigation of the subject at hand. find the determinants of ethnic stratification. Still, the issues between Moroccan 290 immigrants and their Israeli neighbors have B everly Mizrachi, P aths to Middle­Class Mobility among Second Generation Moroccan remained an important subject of research Immigrant Women in Israel, (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2013), 13

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 93/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 94

291 Mizrachi chose to study Moroccans Shas, the ethnically Moroccan right­wing because they comprised the largest ethnic party in the Israeli Knesset. Colette argued group that migrated to Israel following that the formation of political parties based independence. Furthermore, her focus on on the negative experiences of one group gender allows her to compare the only casts supporters of that group as 293 experiences of different Moroccan women perpetual underdogs. Mizrachi finds that working toward higher social status. One of economic insecurity and social immobility Mizrachi’s study subjects, a kindergarten have persisted in second­generation teaching assistant named Miriam, discusses Moroccan women, but mainly as the the pressures she feels to maintain her hangovers of state circumstances and norms 294 newfound middle­class position. Miriam that have changed. Mizrachi argues that attributes much of her anxiety to her third­generation Moroccan women may first­generation Moroccan parents, who report experiences very different from the refused to let her serve in the army in fear of ones described by women like Miriam and their daughter’s assimilation into secular Colette. 292 Israeli society. Another Moroccan Meir Yaish focuses on the shifting educator interviewed by Mizrachi, Colette, causes of social stratification within Israeli earned MA and teaching degrees, but was society. While immigration had once been unsatisfied with her work as a high school the primary cause for the inferior social teacher. Colette notes that she has tried to standing of Israeli­Moroccans, it no longer relinquish her Moroccan identity because of determines the class position of ethnic 295 negative experiences she endured while groups within the country. Yaish supports growing up. Most importantly, however, Colette is outspoken about her rejection of 293 B everly Mizrachi, P aths to Middle­Class Mobility among Second Generation Moroccan Immigrant Women in Israel, (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2013), 118 291 M eir Yaish, C lass Mobility Trends in Israeli 294 Beverly Mizrachi, P aths to Middle­Class Society 1974­1991, (New York, Edwin Mellen Mobility among Second Generation Moroccan Press, 2004), 140. Immigrant Women in Israel, (Detroit: Wayne 292 B everly Mizrachi, P aths to Middle­Class State University Press, 2013), 146. Mobility among Second Generation Moroccan 295 M eir Yaish, C lass Mobility Trends in Israeli Immigrant Women in Israel, (Detroit: Wayne Society 1974­1991, (New York, Edwin Mellen State University Press, 2013), 36 Press, 2004), 201.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 94/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 95

298 this argument with statistical evidence community. Yaish and Mizrachi offer two demonstrating that each successive wave of different, yet related, narratives of the immigrants has seen higher and higher Moroccan immigrant experience following 296 degrees of social mobility. Furthermore, 1960. Despite increased class and economic Yaish finds that downward mobility from mobility, stereotypes informed by early the middle class toward the unskilled labor immigration circumstances impacted later 297 class has decreased since 1974. Although generations and also elicited political and Yaish does not focus on Moroccan religious mobilization. immigrants exclusively, his comparison The exact origins of discrimination between Ashkenazi and Mizrachi Israelis against Moroccan immigrants to Israel still validates the improved class position of remains somewhat opaque despite the Moroccan immigrants over time. Although various factors discussed here. While Israeli they extend beyond the immediate scope of perceptions of Moroccan Jews formed this paper, several events may account for during the first few years after this upward mobility. As referenced by independence, the root causes of particular Mizrachi’s interviewee, Colette, increased biases remain imprecise. Perhaps the participation by Moroccans within the amalgamation of poor circumstances, bad Israeli political system has certainly decisions, and instances of discrimination influenced the public perception of faced by Moroccans construct a narrative Moroccan and other Mizrachi communities. that is difficult to trace, let alone pinpoint to Some historians have even argued that one primary cause. However, attempts to Moroccan Israelis became more unravel the complicated dynamics behind traditionalist to find a voice in Israeli the prickly relations between Moroccans and politics, which might explain higher rates of their Ashkenazi neighbors cannot be religious observance within the Moroccan ignored. The development of particular stereotypes against Moroccan immigrants 296 M eir Yaish, C lass Mobility Trends in Israeli Society 1974­1991, (New York, Edwin Mellen remains an important subject for research Press, 2004), 209. 297 M eir Yaish, C lass Mobility Trends in Israeli Society 1974­1991, (New York, Edwin Mellen 298 Y ehouda Shenhav, T he Arab Jews, (Stanford: Press, 2004), 159. Stanford University Press, 2006), 77.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 95/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 96

because racial divides continue to haunt Israel. While the mistreatment of Moroccan immigrants may have stemmed from various unfortunate circumstances, like economic

dislocation and forced settlement far from

Israel’s main cities, Shenhav’s notion of “Jewish Orientalism” cannot be overlooked.

All their major contributions to Israeli society notwithstanding, Moroccan Jews

still face ridicule for their ethnic and

religious background. While this treatment has come to resemble Mayor Lasri’s

misplaced joke more than acute bigotry, the development of these detrimental

perceptions remains important for any

understanding of race relations within Israel.

Works Cited on page 100.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 96/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 97

Berman Brown, Reva. David of Oxford and Licoricia Works Cited of Winchester: glimpses into a Jewish Family in thirteenth­century England, Jewish Historical Studies, Kerakehym Av Al Bonim: Tevye’s Quotations 39 (2004), 1­37. Revisited Dobson, Barrie. ‘The role of Jewish women in Pamela Brenner medieval England’, in Christianity and Judaism : papers read at the 1991 summer meeting and the Aleichem, Sholem. Ale Verk Fun Sholem Aleykhem. 1992 winter meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Sholem Aleykhem Folksfond Oysgabe, Society, ed by Diana Wood. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1920. 1992), 145­168.

Aleichem, Sholem. Tevye the Dairyman and The Goldin, Simha. Jewish women in Europe in the Railroad Stories. Translated by Hillel Halkin, Middle Ages: A quiet revolution (Manchester: Schocken Books, 1987. Manchester University Press, 2011).

Frieden, Ken, et al., translators. Classic Yiddish Grossman, Avraham. Pious and Rebellious: Jewish Stories of S. Y. Abramovitsh, Sholem Aleichem, women in Medieval Europe, trans by Jonathan and I. L. Peretz. Edited by Ken Frieden, Syracuse Chipman (Waltham, Mass.: Brandeis University Press University Press, 2004. (2004).

Howe, Irving, and Ruth R. Wisse, editors. The Best of Taitz, Emily, Sondra Henry, Cheryl Tallan. The JPS Sholom Aleichem. Simon and Schuster, Guide to Jewish Women: 600 B.C.E.to 1900 C.E. 1979. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2003).

Miron, Dan, and Ken Frieden. A Traveler Disguised: Passion and Pessimism: Richard Rubenstein the Rise of Modern Yiddish Fiction in the as a Response to Hermann Cohen Nineteenth Century. Syracuse University Press, 1996. Spencer Szwalbenest Stern, Michael. “Tevye's Art of Quotation.” Prooftexts, vol. 6, no. 1, Jan. 1986, pp. 79–96., www.jstor.org/stable/20689142. Cohen, Hermann. Reason and Hope: Selections from the Jewish Writings of Hermann Cohen. Ed., Tr., and introduction by Eva Jospe, Hebrew Union College Gender and Medieval Jewish Communities Press, 1993. Jacob Weiner Rubenstein, Richard L. After Auschwitz; Radical Baskin, Judith R. Dolce of Worms: The Lives and Theology and Contemporary Judaism. Bobbs­Merrill, Deaths of an Exemplary Medieval Jewish Woman 1966. and her Daughters’, in Judaism in Practice: From the Middle Ages through the Early Modern Period, ed. by Lawrence Fine (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Kevod ha-Tsibbur, Women’s Aliyot, and University Press, 2001), 429­37 Modern Orthodoxy

Baskin, Judith R. ‘Mobility and Marriage in two Rivkah Pardue medieval societies’, Jewish History 22 (2008), 223­243 Works Cited Within the Body of the Paper

Frimer, Aryeh. “Women, ‘Keri'at Ha­Torah," and Baumgarten, Elisheva. Practicing piety in medieval ‘Aliyyot.’” Tradition: A Journal of Orthodox Jewish Ashkenaz men, women, and everyday religious Thought, vol. 46, no. 4, 1 Dec. 2013, pp. 67–238. observance (Philadelphia: University of JSTOR, Pennsylvania, 2014).

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 97/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 98

www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/43832687?ref=search­g ‘Allama al­Hilli. “Hilli’s Twelver Shi’i/Mu’tazili ateway:a18305b7cf3fb90155e830600482820e Creed”. Translated by W. Montgomery Watt. Islamic Theological Themes: A Primary Source Henkin, Yehuda Herzl. “Qeri'at Ha­Torah by Women: Reader. Ed. John Renard. Oakland: Where We Stand Today.” The Edah Journal, 2001. University of California Press, 2014. 116­120. Print. Henkin, Yehuda Herzl. Understanding Tzniut: Modern Controversies in the Jewish Community. Campanini, Massimo. "The Mu'tazila In Islamic Urum Publications, 2008. History And Thought." R eligion Compass 6.1 (2012): 41. Publisher Provided Full Text Kimche, Alan. “Partnership Minyanim.” Rabbi Searching File. Web. 14 Nov. 2016. Kimche, 26 Feb. 2014,

rabbikimche.com/partnership­minyanim/. Efros, Israel. "Saadia's Theory of Knowledge." The “Megillah 23a.” Sefaria: a Living Library of Jewish Jewish Quarterly Review 1942: 133. J STOR Texts Online, w ww.sefaria.org/Megillah.23a?lang=bi. Journals. Web. 16 Dec. 2016.

Meiselman, Moshe. “The Rav, Feminism and Public Hegedus, Gyongyi (Ginger). Études sur le Judaïsme Policy: An Insider’s Overview. Tradition: A Journal Médiéval : Saadya Gaon : The Double Path of Orthodox Jewish Thought. Vol. 33, No. 1 (Fall of the Mystic and the Rationalist (1). Leiden, NL: 1998), pp. 5­ 30. Rabbinical Council of America Brill, 2013. ProQuest ebrary. Web. 15 (RCA). December 2016.

Sperber, Daniel. “Congregational Dignity and Human Kraemer, Joel L. “The Islamic context of medieval Dignity: Women and Public Torah Reading”. Women Jewish philosophy.” T he Cambridge and Men in Communal Prayer: Halakhic Perspectives. Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy. Ed. Ktav Pub. House, 2010. Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leaman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Shapiro, Mendel. “Qeri’at ha­Torah by Women: A 2003. 38­68. Print. Halakhic Analysis”. Women and Men in Communal Prayer: Halakhic Perspectives. Ktav Pub. House, Lasker, Daniel J. "Saadya Gaon On Christianity And 2010. Islam." T he Jews Of Medieval Islam (1995): 165. R AMBI. Web. 14 Nov. 2016. Weiss, Avraham. Women at Prayer: a Halakhic

Analysis of Women's Preyer Groups. KTAV, 2003. Saadya Gaon. The Book of Doctrines and Beliefs. Works Cited Within the Footnotes Translated and abridged by Alexander Altman, Introduction by Daniel H. Frank, .Ritva , w ww.sefaria.org/person/Ritva. Hackett Publishing Company, 2002. Print ”.ריטב‘א Ritva“

Stroumsa, Sarah Sarah. “Saadya and Jewish kalam. ” The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Saadya Gaon and the Mu’tazila Kalam Jewish Philosophy. Ed. Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leaman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Gilana Levavi Press, 2003. 71­90. Print.

‘Abd al­Jabbar. “’Adb al­Jabbar’s Mu’tazila Five Principles”. Translated by Richard Martin.

Islamic Theological Themes: A Primary Source Reader. Ed. John Renard. Oakland: University of California Press, 2014. 160­164. Print.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 98/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 99

“A Land That Devours Its Inhabitants:” The 11. Detroit, MI: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007. Story Behind Rabbi Hayyim Eleazar Shapira’s Gale Virtual Reference Library (accessed February Demonization of the Holy Land 15, 2019).

Baila Eisen Frank, Daniel H., and Oliver Leaman, eds. T he Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish "Chaim Elazar Spira." Wikipedia. November 23, Philosophy. Cambridge Companions to Philosophy. 2018. Accessed December 09, 2018. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chaim_Elazar_Spira. "Ramban on Leviticus." Sefaria: A Living Library of “Greek Texts Translated into Arabic,” in Science and Jewish Texts Online. Accessed December 09, 2018. Its Times, ed. Neil Schlager and Josh Lauer, vol. 2. https://www.sefaria.org/Ramban_on_Leviticus.18.25. Farmington Hills, MI. Gale Group, 2001. 1?lang=bi&with=all&lang2=en. García­Arenal, Mercedes. “The Jews of al­Andalus.” Ravitzky, Aviezer. Messianism, Zionism and Jewish In A History of Jewish­Muslim Relations:From the Religious Radicalism. Translated by Michael Swirsky Origins to the Present Day, ed. Abdelwahab Meddeb and Jonathan Chipman. Chicago & London: and Benjamin Stora. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University of Chicago Press, 1996. University Press, 2013.

Shapira, Hayyim Eleazar. D ivrei Torah. Compiled by Ibn Gabirol, Solomon and Raymond P. Scheindlin. Moshe Yehuda Leib Rabinowitz. Brooklyn, New Vulture in a Cage: Poems by Solomon Ibn Gabirol. York: Groyss Brothers Press, 1975. Translated by Raymond P. Scheindlin. Brooklyn, NY: 2016. "Sukkah 52a." Sefaria: A Living Library of Jewish Texts Online. Accessed December 09, 2018. Habermann, A. M. "Body and Spirit in the Hebrew R eport ".גוף ורוח בשירת ספרד / https://www.sefaria.org/Sukkah.52a?lang=bi. Poetry of Spain "Eruvin 19a." Sefaria: A Living Library of Jewish (World Congress of Jewish Studies: (1961)), 137­138. Texts Online. Accessed December 09, 2018. https://www.sefaria.org/Eruvin.19a?lang=bi. Kieval, Herman. "Barekhu." In Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., edited by Michael Berenbaum "The Complete Tanakh (Tanach) ­ Hebrew Bible ­ and Fred Skolnik, 149. Vol. 3. Detroit, MI: The Jewish Bible with a Modern English Macmillan Reference USA, 2007. G ale Virtual Translation & Rashi's Commentary." Jewish Reference Library. Traditions and Mitzvah Observances. Accessed December 09, 2018. Levy, Isabelle. “Language and Grammar in https://www.chabad.org/library/bible. al­Andalus.” Lecture at Columbia University, New York, NY, September 14, 2016. Free Morfix ­ מורפיקס ­ מילון עברי אנגלי חינם" ,Accessed December Sáenz­Badillos, Angel, and Shlomo Pines. "Gabirol .מורפיקס ­ Dictionary." Morfix 10, 2018. h ttp://www.morfix.co.il/. Solomon ben Judah, Ibn." In E ncyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, ,Accessed December 10, 2018. vol. 7. Detroit, MI: Macmillan Reference USA .ראשי תיבות וקיצורים http://www.kizur.co.il/home.php. 2007.G ale Virtual Reference Library.

Language of the Soul: An Analysis of Scheindlin, Raymond P. "Redemption of the Soul in Select Poems by Solomon Ibn Gabirol Golden Age Religious Poetry.”P rooftexts 10, no. 1 and Their Discussion of the Soul (1990): 49­67. Leora Lupkin Scheindlin, Raymond P. T he Gazelle: Medieval Hebrew Poems on God, Israel, and the Soul. Avenary, Hanoch, and Rochelle L. Millen. "Kaddish." New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1991. In E ncyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., edited by

Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 695­698. Vol.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 99/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 100

Scheindlin, Raymond P. "Contrasting Religious in Israel. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Experience in the Liturgical Poems of Ibn Gabirol Books, 1977. and Judah Halevi." P rooftexts1 3, no. 2 (1993): Mizrachi, Beverly. Paths to Middle­Class Mobility 141­62. among Second­Generation Moroccan Immigrant Women in Israel. Detroit: Wayne State University Scheindlin, Raymond P. I bn Gabirol’s Religious Press, 2013. Poetry and Sufi Poetry. Sefarad, 54, no.1 (1994), 109­142. Segev, Tom. 1949, the First Israelis. New York: Henry Holt, 1998. Schirmann, Jefim. H ebrew Poetry in Spain and Provence. 2nd ed. Jerusalem, Israel: Bialik Institute, Shapira, Anita. Israel: A History. Waltham: Brandeis 1960. University Press, 2012.

Tobi, Joseph. “Body and Soul in Spanish Hebrew Shenhar, Aliza. Jewish Moroccan Folk Narratives Poetry Against the Background of Muslim­ Arabic from Israel. Detroit: Wayne State University Culture.” In B etween Hebrew and Arabic Poetry: Press, 2018. Studies in Spanish Medieval Hebrew Poetry, 293­320. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2010. Shenhav, Yehouda. The Arab Jews: A Postcolonial Reading of Nationalism, Religion, and Tobi, Joseph. In P roximity and Distance: Medieval Ethnicity. Stanford: Stanford University Press, Hebrew and Arabic Poetry. L eiden: Brill 2006. Academic Publishers, 2004. Accessed November 26, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central Weingrod, Alex. Reluctant Pioneers: Village Development in Israel. New York: Kennikat From Marrakech to Ashdod: Early Press, 1972.

Attitudes Toward Moroccan Immigrants Yaish, Meir. Class Mobility Trends in Israeli Society, in Israel 1974­1991. New York: Edwin Mellen Press, Eitan Meisels 2004.

Abitbol, Michel. The Jews of North Africa during the Zafrani, Haim. Two Thousand Years of Jewish Life in Second World War. Detroit: Wayne State Morocco. Jersey City: KTAV Publishing, 2005. University Press, 1989. Said, Edward W. Orientalism. 1st Vintage Books ed. Elazar, Daniel Judah. The Other Jews: The New York: Vintage Books, 1979. Sephardim Today. New York: Basic Books, 1989. Weiss, Yfaat. A Confiscated Memory: Wadi Salib and Haifa’s Lost Heritage. New York: Columbia Eyal, Gil. The Disenchantment of the Orient: University Press, 2011. Expertise in Arab Affairs and the Israeli State. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, André Levy. “Happy Mimouna: On a Mechanism for 2006. Marginalizing Moroccan Israelis.” Israel Studies 23, no. 2 (2018): 1–24. Goldstein, Keith. “Subcultural Stereotypes of the https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.23.2.01. Israeli Youth: An Exploratory Study of the Causes, Consequences, and Implications of Post­Modern Social Categories.” The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2014.

Inbar, Michael and Chaim Adler. Ethnic Integration in Israel: A Comparative Case Study of Moroccan Brothers Who Settled in France and

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 100/101

3/7/2019 Limda Vol.1 2019/5779 Winter-Spring - Google Docs

Limda Vol.1 Issue I 101

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1F_RR_AQ1hsI72cIVV9wNK2dCS7fXEXxHLB8mXe0B5Pw/edit 101/101