How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market: a Case Study on a Carpet Business in Rural Uzbekistan

JRCA Vol. 21, No. 1 (2020), pp.79-114 79

How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market: A Case Study on a Carpet Business in Rural Uzbekistan

Fumoto Sono University of Tsukuba

Abstract This paper clarifies a part of the process of the commoditization of Uzbek handicrafts for the global tourism market, focusing on one family’s carpet business in rural Uzbekistan. The family began selling carpets to foreign tourists in 1998 and has been successful in the business. This paper analyzes the factors leading to their success based on the author’s participant observation and reveals two major factors. First, they developed their business by building relationships with tour guides and conducting product development. Second, others in the settlement were hesitant to enter the carpet business because of the business’s association with poverty. The commoditization of traditional handicrafts does not exclude the local value of those handicrafts but instead is directly influenced by the local value.

Key words: Handicrafts, Commoditization, Market economy, Global tourism market, Entrepreneurship, Uzbekistan, Post-Soviet era

80 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 81

Acknowledgements USD). Compared with others in the settlement, Sharif’s family was I would like to express my gratitude to editors and anonymous earning an incredible amount of income at the time that this study referees of JRCA. I would also like to thank editage for English was conducted. Why was Sharif’s family so successful in the carpet proofreading. This paper was supported by KAKENHI Grant business? Number 18KK0022 and 18K18242. To examine this question, I clarify a part of the process of the commoditization of handicrafts for the global tourism market, Uzbek carpet seller, Sharif, and his family have been making a analyzing the factors of their success by focusing on not only their living from their carpet business for foreign tourists since 1998. Their knack for entrepreneurship but also the local values surrounding the house is located between Samarkand, the most famous tourist city in carpets. Sharif’s family’s case demonstrates that the commoditization Uzbekistan, and Shahrisabz, the United Nations Educational, of carpets is determined by the global tourism market and through a Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage variety of interlocking factors such as local consumption patterns. Site. Their business began when a tourist passed by their house and bought a carpet from Sharif. This event was just a coincidental The Situation of Handicrafts in Independent accident; ever since then, however, Sharif has been encouraging Uzbekistan and the Approach of This Paper tourists to buy his carpets. Sharif’s family has succeeded in the carpet business by building relationships with guides who bring tourists to The Handicraft Industry under the Handicraft Promotion Policy their business, conducting product development for foreign tourists, and Individual Economic Activity in the Post-Soviet Era and providing amenities for tourists such as tea services and toilet The Uzbek government promoted the market economy through facilities. I stayed with Sharif’s family in their home from May 2010 perestroika, which was spearheaded by Gorbachev in the mid-1980s to May 2011 for my field research, and during that time, specifically and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The collapse of the peak tourism season, they were earning around 4,600,000 som the division of labor between the Soviet republics caused economic (2,000 USD)1 a month from their carpet business. Uzbekistan’s stagnation, including the destabilization of material supply and average monthly salary at that time was about 345,000 som (150 product demand and a decline in domestic production and exports. The transition to the new market economy caused a level of 1 In 2010 and 2011, there was an official exchange rate and an unofficial confusion that shook the foundation of daily life in Uzbekistan, such exchange rate of Uzbek som to the US dollar. The official exchange rate was as unemployment resulting from the privatization of state-run around 1,600 som to the US dollar. The unofficial exchange rate was higher than the official exchange rate. The exchange rate in this paper is the unofficial enterprises, the decline of social welfare, and inflation of goods exchange rate because it is what people used in their daily lives. The figure used required for everyday life, transforming individuals’ economic activity. was 2,300 som to the US dollar, the average of the unofficial exchange rate People became migrant workers in Kazakhstan, Russia, or Korea. The from April 2010 to October 2011. In September 2017, the two exchange rates were unified to the current official exchange rate. salary and job opportunities for migrant workers depended on the 80 Fumoto Sono 81

USD). Compared with others in the settlement, Sharif’s family was earning an incredible amount of income at the time that this study was conducted. Why was Sharif’s family so successful in the carpet business? To examine this question, I clarify a part of the process of the commoditization of handicrafts for the global tourism market, analyzing the factors of their success by focusing on not only their knack for entrepreneurship but also the local values surrounding the carpets. Sharif’s family’s case demonstrates that the commoditization of carpets is determined by the global tourism market and through a variety of interlocking factors such as local consumption patterns.

The Situation of Handicrafts in Independent Uzbekistan and the Approach of This Paper

The Handicraft Industry under the Handicraft Promotion Policy and Individual Economic Activity in the Post-Soviet Era The Uzbek government promoted the market economy through perestroika, which was spearheaded by Gorbachev in the mid-1980s and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The collapse of the division of labor between the Soviet republics caused economic stagnation, including the destabilization of material supply and product demand and a decline in domestic production and exports. The transition to the new market economy caused a level of confusion that shook the foundation of daily life in Uzbekistan, such as unemployment resulting from the privatization of state-run enterprises, the decline of social welfare, and inflation of goods required for everyday life, transforming individuals’ economic activity. People became migrant workers in Kazakhstan, Russia, or Korea. The salary and job opportunities for migrant workers depended on the 82 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 83 economic situation in the host countries (Hasanov 2018: 6).2 The economy system (Jalilov, Annayev, and Mukhammedov 2018). Uzbek government encouraged and relied on entrepreneurs because However, Goto (2018), who researched entrepreneurship in the anyone could start a small enterprise with a small amount of capital, Sakha Republic in Siberia, has claimed that previous studies on and these enterprises solved the domestic unemployment problem entrepreneurship in the Post-Soviet area focused only on the role of and responded to market trends (Jalilov, Annayev, and entrepreneurs in the transition to a market economy in terms of their Mukhammedov 2018: 4). As a result of the legislated tax incentives talent or capital. Goto, by contrast, has insisted that their activities for entrepreneurs and small enterprises and the simplified registration are not only based on a market economy but also influenced by the procedure, the GDP of entrepreneurs and small enterprises harsh natural environment of Siberia, seasonal limitations on constituted 30 percent of the total GDP in 2000 and rose to 56.9 commodities, and the conflict between residents and resource percent in 2016 (The State Committee of Republic of Uzbekistan on companies. What we can understand from his research is that the Statistics 2017). entrepreneur is not a person who accurately understands the demands The post-independence handicraft industry in Uzbekistan was of the market economy, but one who finds his or her profits restricted supported by individuals and small enterprises with a background in by many local factors. However, amid many restrictions, post-Soviet businesses, including bankrupted state-run factories, entrepreneurs find a way to increase business and earn profits. promotion policies for entrepreneurs and small enterprises, the revival Subsequently, this paper analyzes how Sharif’s family transformed a of traditional culture, and the development of tourism. Previous local carpet into a coveted souvenir in the global handicrafts market, studies demonstrated that the commoditization of handicrafts for focusing on not only Sharif’s family’s knack for business but also the foreign tourists began after Uzbekistan’s independence and that some characteristics of carpets in the local society. artisans began to enter the global handicrafts market at that time (Kikuta 2005ab, 2013; Imahori 2006ab, 2008, 2018). The Approach of This Paper: The Discussion of Commoditization Studies on entrepreneurship in other post-Soviet republics noted in Material Culture Studies that individual economic activities that had been ignored under the The question of how a local handicraft transforms into a souvenir socialist regime became a critical engine for economic growth in the sold on the global tourism market is an important question for post-Soviet era (Berkowitz and DeJong 2005). Additionally, in tourism research. While the commoditization of handicrafts might Uzbekistan, individual economic activities are regarded as important cause the loss of local meaning and functionality, this has a variety of actors for solving economic stagnation and developing a market results: new designs and forms reflect the preferences of foreign tourists; old designs are revived; there is an increase in counterfeit copies that decreases the value of the original products; and 2 Many migrant workers were forced to return home because of the depression development opportunities for marginal areas are created (Swanson of the Russian economy due to the slump in oil prices after the collapse of Lehman in 2008. and Timothy 2012). However, these previous studies primarily focus 82 Fumoto Sono 83

economy system (Jalilov, Annayev, and Mukhammedov 2018). However, Goto (2018), who researched entrepreneurship in the Sakha Republic in Siberia, has claimed that previous studies on entrepreneurship in the Post-Soviet area focused only on the role of entrepreneurs in the transition to a market economy in terms of their talent or capital. Goto, by contrast, has insisted that their activities are not only based on a market economy but also influenced by the harsh natural environment of Siberia, seasonal limitations on commodities, and the conflict between residents and resource companies. What we can understand from his research is that the entrepreneur is not a person who accurately understands the demands of the market economy, but one who finds his or her profits restricted by many local factors. However, amid many restrictions, entrepreneurs find a way to increase business and earn profits. Subsequently, this paper analyzes how Sharif’s family transformed a local carpet into a coveted souvenir in the global handicrafts market, focusing on not only Sharif’s family’s knack for business but also the characteristics of carpets in the local society.

The Approach of This Paper: The Discussion of Commoditization in Material Culture Studies The question of how a local handicraft transforms into a souvenir sold on the global tourism market is an important question for tourism research. While the commoditization of handicrafts might cause the loss of local meaning and functionality, this has a variety of results: new designs and forms reflect the preferences of foreign tourists; old designs are revived; there is an increase in counterfeit copies that decreases the value of the original products; and development opportunities for marginal areas are created (Swanson and Timothy 2012). However, these previous studies primarily focus 84 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 85 on the loss of the original local cultural meaning and the Tamura’s study. decontextualization of the local handicraft and do not raise or address Generally, women from the surrounding region and the settlement the following important question: What kind of impact does the local where Sharif’s family lives know how to weave carpets. Carpets are value of handicrafts have on the commoditization of handicrafts? I not woven with a definite purpose or immediate use, but rather are believe that the commoditization of handicrafts and the activities of kept for a period of time on an oblong chest, called a sandiq in Uzbek. entrepreneurs are actually influenced by several local societal factors. Afterward, the purpose for which the carpet will be used depends on Below, in answer to this question, I describe how Sharif’s family not the owner’s situation. The carpet might become part of a bride and only commoditized their carpets as souvenirs for foreign tourists but groom’s new household goods, be used as part of the daily necessities, also how the carpets are used for weddings, are a part of their daily or be sold at the bazaar to earn money for important rituals or a lives, and are sold at local bazaars. child’s medical treatment (Sono 2014b). I focus on the relationship An important text for reflecting on this question is The Social Life between carpets as the bride and groom’s household goods and of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspectives (Appadurai ed. 1986). carpets as a local commodity sold at the bazaar. A new couple’s In the book, Kopytoff argues that each thing has two aspects: carpets are, in part, prestige goods because the quantity and quality of “singularization” and “commoditization.” Some objects become these carpets indicate the economic power of their parents and their commodities, and others singularized, depending upon the exchange support for the marriage. Therefore, people do not usually sell their systems operating in the societies in which the object is exchanged carpets unless their livelihoods are affected. In this respect, carpets are (Kopytoff 1986). perceived as commodities sold by economically disadvantaged people Tamura, who conducted anthropological research on carpet with no other source of income. In this paper, I examine how the production in Turkey, drew on Kopytoff in pointing out that a carpet stigma that only poor people sell carpets impacts the Sharif’s family’s represents several types of consumption (Tamura 2013). According to carpet business. Tamura, carpets represent household, prestige, scarcity, cash An analysis of Sharif’s family’s success in the carpet business acquisition, and accumulation goods. These types of consumer goods demonstrates that local purchases of carpets strongly direct the are sold for cash or are considered prestige goods or scarcity goods. commoditization of carpets on the global market. This is one piece of Carpets that are acquired as prestige goods for weddings must be of evidence that handicraft production in the post-Soviet area is not high quality because they represent, for many locals, the economic only based on market principles but also decided by the local value of status of the bride’s family and the bride’s dexterity and diligence. objects and social relationships. Tamura’s study is a useful tool for analyzing the relationship between In addition, my analysis demonstrates the diversity of the Sharif’s family’s handiwork and the value of carpets to the society that commoditization of handicrafts in post-Soviet Uzbekistan. The produces them; consequently, I clarify how different patterns of carpets in rural Uzbekistan have not been produced merely as a consumption in my research area are determined in reference to commodity; the handicrafts produced in Uzbek cities have been 84 Fumoto Sono 85

Tamura’s study. Generally, women from the surrounding region and the settlement where Sharif’s family lives know how to weave carpets. Carpets are not woven with a definite purpose or immediate use, but rather are kept for a period of time on an oblong chest, called a sandiq in Uzbek. Afterward, the purpose for which the carpet will be used depends on the owner’s situation. The carpet might become part of a bride and groom’s new household goods, be used as part of the daily necessities, or be sold at the bazaar to earn money for important rituals or a child’s medical treatment (Sono 2014b). I focus on the relationship between carpets as the bride and groom’s household goods and carpets as a local commodity sold at the bazaar. A new couple’s carpets are, in part, prestige goods because the quantity and quality of these carpets indicate the economic power of their parents and their support for the marriage. Therefore, people do not usually sell their carpets unless their livelihoods are affected. In this respect, carpets are perceived as commodities sold by economically disadvantaged people with no other source of income. In this paper, I examine how the stigma that only poor people sell carpets impacts the Sharif’s family’s carpet business. An analysis of Sharif’s family’s success in the carpet business demonstrates that local purchases of carpets strongly direct the commoditization of carpets on the global market. This is one piece of evidence that handicraft production in the post-Soviet area is not only based on market principles but also decided by the local value of objects and social relationships. In addition, my analysis demonstrates the diversity of the commoditization of handicrafts in post-Soviet Uzbekistan. The carpets in rural Uzbekistan have not been produced merely as a commodity; the handicrafts produced in Uzbek cities have been 86 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 87 made by artisans with special production skills since at least the 15th Outline of the Research Field century. Artisans established craft associations, and powerful artisans actively intervened in the management of bazaars and the The region where I conducted field research is an area in north transactions that occurred there (Mukminova 1992). It seems that western Chiroqchi District, Kashkadarya Province, in southern they did not believe that selling handicrafts was an activity for poor Uzbekistan (Figure 1 and 2). I conducted field research while living people, and they had some strategies to derive as much profit as with Sharif’s family from 2010 to 2011. During this time, I possible from their sales. After the 1920s, urban handicraft factories conducted participant observations, interviews, a household survey in reorganized into national factories under the Soviet planned economy. the settlement, and collected administrative data. As mass production was promoted after the 1960s, people without The population of the Chiroqchi District is 323,200. Its urban any special handicraft skills entered the handicraft industry. However, population is 77,100, and its rural population is 246,100.3 The according to Kikuta (2013), some highly skilled potters continued primary industries in Chiroqchi are grain production, cotton farming, producing high-quality pottery, and after Uzbekistan’s independence, and livestock breeding. In the northwest area with limited water they were among the first to enter the global market. Kikuta did not resources, the main industries are livestock breeding and rain-fed explicitly make this claim, but I conjecture that the history and farming. Sharif’s family lives in a settlement called Q in the practices of the artisans have had an impact on the potters’ aggressive northwest area, which in 2010 consisted of 150 households. pursuit of the global market. According to Sharif, until the 1930s, many of the ancestors of the Carpets in rural pastoral areas are not produced merely to be sold people living in the settlement once lived elsewhere, five kilometres but are also handicrafts that women work on during breaks from north of the settlement. Before relocating, people lived either in a pit their housework. Women have not organized into weaver associations called a to‘la or a portable tent called a o‘tov and engaged in hunting, or developed a sense of professionalism in carpet production, as has livestock breeding, and small-scale farming. People moved to the been done with similar handicrafts in the cities. settlement when Andreev kolkhoz (collective farm) was established in I believe that the difference between the handicrafts produced in 1934, comprising two production departments. The first department cities and the carpets produced in the rural pastoral area result from encompassed the centre of the Chiroqchi District, where mostly raw differences in the producers, consumers, and places where they are cotton was produced. The second department covered the foot of the produced. In my analysis below, it will become clear why these Zeravshan Mountains, including the settlement where mostly grain differences yield a diversity of handicraft production in contemporary production and livestock breeding occurred due to a lack of water Uzbekistan. resources (Babushkin 1959: 183). In 1964, this kolkhoz was

3 The information is based on statistical materials provided by the Statistical Department of Kashkadarya Province. 86 Fumoto Sono 87

Outline of the Research Field

The region where I conducted field research is an area in north western Chiroqchi District, Kashkadarya Province, in southern Uzbekistan (Figure 1 and 2). I conducted field research while living with Sharif’s family from 2010 to 2011. During this time, I conducted participant observations, interviews, a household survey in the settlement, and collected administrative data. The population of the Chiroqchi District is 323,200. Its urban population is 77,100, and its rural population is 246,100.3 The primary industries in Chiroqchi are grain production, cotton farming, and livestock breeding. In the northwest area with limited water resources, the main industries are livestock breeding and rain-fed farming. Sharif’s family lives in a settlement called Q in the northwest area, which in 2010 consisted of 150 households. According to Sharif, until the 1930s, many of the ancestors of the people living in the settlement once lived elsewhere, five kilometres north of the settlement. Before relocating, people lived either in a pit called a to‘la or a portable tent called a o‘tov and engaged in hunting, livestock breeding, and small-scale farming. People moved to the settlement when Andreev kolkhoz (collective farm) was established in 1934, comprising two production departments. The first department encompassed the centre of the Chiroqchi District, where mostly raw cotton was produced. The second department covered the foot of the Zeravshan Mountains, including the settlement where mostly grain production and livestock breeding occurred due to a lack of water resources (Babushkin 1959: 183). In 1964, this kolkhoz was

3 The information is based on statistical materials provided by the Statistical Department of Kashkadarya Province. 88 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 89

because they provided more meat. Aside from livestock breeding, people worked as laborers on private farms, as construction workers in Tashkent or other large cities, or travelled to Russia, Kazakhstan, or Korea for work. It was common for residents to migrate to make a living. My household research conducted at that time revealed the living conditions in the settlement. Many people bred livestock such as cattle, sheep, and goats, and almost every household had a private plot of land (tomorka). People produced crops on their tomorka, kept dairy cows for domestic consumption, and bought other food Kashkadarya Province products and daily goods at the periodic markets (bozor) around the in Uzbekistan settlement. The average family size was five or six people, and a Chiroqchi District family required approximately 150,000–200,000 Uzbek som (65–86 USD) per month to live. However, as people in this settlement did Figure 2. Map of Chiroqchi District in Kashkadarya Province not manage their budgets monthly, this amount is a rough estimate. Modified from https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E3%82%AB%E3%82%B7%E 3%83%A5%E3%82%AB%E3%83%80%E3%83%AA%E3%83%A4%E5%B Along with food and goods expenditures, families had irregular 7%9E#/media/File:Qashqadaryo_districts.png expenditures for holding and participating in rituals and buying 88 Fumoto Sono 89

reorganized and incorporated with Voshot Sovkhoz (state-run farm), which engaged in the herding of Karakul sheep, yielding high-quality wool and rain-fed grain production. People in the settlement came to work as shepherds and farmers in the sovkhoz and as staff for public facilities such as the hospital and the school. After Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, job shortages resulted in the reduction and privatization of the sovkhoz in the settlement, similar to situations in other rural areas. However, the restrictions on livestock ownership and individual economic activities were eliminated. Therefore, many people in the settlement turned to livestock breeding (cattle, sheep, and goats) or small businesses to earn a living. Karakul sheep, the main product in the sovkhoz during the Soviet period, were no longer raised except in rare cases. Instead of breeding Karakul sheep, people turned to bulls and Hissar sheep because they provided more meat. Aside from livestock breeding, people worked as laborers on private farms, as construction workers in Tashkent or other large cities, or travelled to Russia, Kazakhstan, or Korea for work. It was common for residents to migrate to make a living. My household research conducted at that time revealed the living conditions in the settlement. Many people bred livestock such as cattle, sheep, and goats, and almost every household had a private plot of land (tomorka). People produced crops on their tomorka, kept dairy cows for domestic consumption, and bought other food products and daily goods at the periodic markets (bozor) around the settlement. The average family size was five or six people, and a family required approximately 150,000–200,000 Uzbek som (65–86 USD) per month to live. However, as people in this settlement did not manage their budgets monthly, this amount is a rough estimate. Along with food and goods expenditures, families had irregular expenditures for holding and participating in rituals and buying 90 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 91 clothes. carpets in my research field, three of which were exclusively woven in In the settlement, there are two ways to earn cash. First, people the settlement: qattiq, terma, and qoqma. 5 Only women weave earn a living by securing multiple incomes; of the 143 households, carpets and work with yarns. Women in the settlement are expected 121 had more than two incomes. There were no job opportunities at to be skilled at carpet weaving and yarn spinning because girls in the factories or hospitals where many others living elsewhere find work. settlement learn these skills by observing and assisting their mothers Only people who had received specialized secondary education or and other female relatives. higher education could work at schools or hospitals and earn a salary. Women make yarn in the winter using wool that was sheared in However, the salary is only around 345,000 som (150 USD) per the spring and fall. People sometimes buy wool at bazaars, and after month. This amount is enough for subsistence living but not enough spinning, the wool is dyed with chemical dyes. After dyeing, the yarn for weddings or circumcision rituals. 4 Nearly every household is warped and weaving begins. The weaving is generally done outside supplemented their funds for daily living and important rituals by during the spring because the wool is too tight in the winter and securing multiple incomes, such as becoming a taxi driver or day there is no space in the house. A reciprocal labor exchange called laborer. Second, people earn money by selling their livestock, hashar is carried out during the weaving, and a person who primarily cattle, sheep, and goats. Of the 143 households, 98 had participates in hashar is called a hasharchi. Sisters, sisters-in-law, and livestock and earned money from them. People buy a calf or a lamb other female relatives by marriage perform hashar for the main weaver, at a bazaar, raise them, and when the livestock matures, people sell the person who owns the carpet. The number of days that a hasharchi them for cash. After selling the animals, they again buy livestock to engages in hashar is based on reciprocation: a hasharchi works for the raise. As livestock mature and breed, people regard households with main weaver for as long as the main weaver worked for the hasharchi much livestock as wealthy compared to those that earn their income previously. As hasharchi have no obligation to complete a carpet, the from wage work. Consequently, the amount of livestock in a days when the hasharchi help are not predetermined. Hasharchi do household is an index of economic power in the settlement. not receive wages for their labor but do receive meals. In the case of qattiq, three weavers working continuously can produce a carpet in The Production and Use of Carpets in the Local Society three days. However, in my experience, it usually took approximately The carpets in Chiroqchi are woven through a variety of techniques. Due to the different weaving techniques, there are 5 different names and prices for the carpets. There were seven types of Qattiq is a plain-woven carpet woven by using a horizontal loom. Its average size is 2 m x 3 m. Qoqma and terma are woven using a ground loom called uymaq in Uzbek. Weavers weave a carpet 35–40 cm wide and 20 m long using the uymaq. A carpet woven using uymaq is cut and sewn together into a 4 Some people went to Russia and Kazakhstan to earn money, but in 2010, rectangle to be spread out on the floor. Qoqma is a plain-woven striped carpet. many migrant works returned home because of the financial collapse of Ter ma is a carpet containing several designs based on a simple stripe. Ter ma Lehman’s. requires more yarn than qoqma to weave designs. 90 Fumoto Sono 91

carpets in my research field, three of which were exclusively woven in the settlement: qattiq, terma, and qoqma. 5 Only women weave carpets and work with yarns. Women in the settlement are expected to be skilled at carpet weaving and yarn spinning because girls in the settlement learn these skills by observing and assisting their mothers and other female relatives. Women make yarn in the winter using wool that was sheared in the spring and fall. People sometimes buy wool at bazaars, and after spinning, the wool is dyed with chemical dyes. After dyeing, the yarn is warped and weaving begins. The weaving is generally done outside during the spring because the wool is too tight in the winter and there is no space in the house. A reciprocal labor exchange called hashar is carried out during the weaving, and a person who participates in hashar is called a hasharchi. Sisters, sisters-in-law, and other female relatives by marriage perform hashar for the main weaver, the person who owns the carpet. The number of days that a hasharchi engages in hashar is based on reciprocation: a hasharchi works for the main weaver for as long as the main weaver worked for the hasharchi previously. As hasharchi have no obligation to complete a carpet, the days when the hasharchi help are not predetermined. Hasharchi do not receive wages for their labor but do receive meals. In the case of qattiq, three weavers working continuously can produce a carpet in three days. However, in my experience, it usually took approximately

5 Qattiq is a plain-woven carpet woven by using a horizontal loom. Its average size is 2 m x 3 m. Qoqma and terma are woven using a ground loom called uymaq in Uzbek. Weavers weave a carpet 35–40 cm wide and 20 m long using the uymaq. A carpet woven using uymaq is cut and sewn together into a rectangle to be spread out on the floor. Qoqma is a plain-woven striped carpet. Ter ma is a carpet containing several designs based on a simple stripe. Ter ma requires more yarn than qoqma to weave designs. 92 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 93 one or two weeks to finish a carpet because the main weaver would The third use of carpets is as a means for acquiring cash. If the have other housework and hasharchi only assisted irregularly. owner of a carpet requires cash, carpets can be sold at the bazaar Completed carpets are first kept on a sandiq with bedding and (Sono 2014b). Table 1 demonstrates the kinds and prices of the pillows. Afterward, how carpets are utilized depends on the owner’s carpets sold at two bazaars near the research field. Most of the carpets living conditions. Carpets have a variety of purposes, including sold at the bazaars were 3 m x 2 m. The prices differed depending on serving as part of a bride and groom’s new household goods, daily the type of carpet because of differences in the difficulties of the necessities, and a means for acquiring cash. Regarding the newlyweds’ weaving technique used or the quantity of wool required. A 3 m x 2 household goods, from the late 1960s, it was common for a bride’s m qattiq is made from ten kilograms of wool and three kilograms of family to prepare two carpets to give the couple as wedding presents. cotton yarn. A qoqma of the same size is made from five kilograms of As of 2010, the bride’s family had to prepare at least four carpets, and wool and is less durable than a qattiq. the groom’s family at least six. According to residents, as the standard How do people sell carpets at the bazaars? According to my of living improved, the number of carpets increased. The ten or more research, the sellers tend to be producers and the buyers tend to be carpets that the couple receive are used to cover the floor of the bride brokers or people who live near the bazaar. People in the settlement and groom’s room and to decorate the room with bedding and shared their reasons for selling their carpets. A woman in her fifties pillows on the sandiq. said, “I came to the bazaar to sell a carpet because I did not get my For daily use, in the rural area of Chiroqchi, the floors of houses pension this month” (October 2010). At that time, delays in pension are generally bare and not covered with wood. People can only live payments were common because the state’s pension fund was comfortably in a room after the floors are covered with carpets, and frequently short of funds. Another woman in her forties explained, so carpets were daily necessities in the area. “We sell carpets when our livestock cannot be sold at a good price. We sell them to buy foodstuffs, matches, and clothes.” She continued, Table 1: The carpets and other wool items prices at local bazaars “Last January, we sold a carpet for 60,000 som (26 USD)” (April S bazaar C bazaar Name Price Name Price 2011). Carpets were often sold to compensate for the absence of Qoqma 50～100 Qoqma 60～90 essential income streams, such as pensions or livestock, or to acquire Qattiq 100～150 Qattiq 80～150 Xurjun 15～20 Xurjun 15～20 funds to hold or participate in a ritual. In other words, carpets were Kanup 50～60 Julxurs 90～150 not the main source of income for these households but provided a Te rma 5 0～80 Bo‘g‘joma 150～250 Gajali 80～100 Bo‘g‘joma (old) 80～100 safety net for unexpected or extra expenses. *One thousand som. Roughly, the profit that might be expected from selling a qattiq at *The prices at S bazaar are based on the average on 1, 15, 22 and 29, Sep. and 6 and 13 Oct. 2011.The prices at C bazaar are based on the average on 4, 11, 18 and 25, Sep. and 2 and 16 Oct. 2011. a local bazaar is as follows. To produce a qattiq approximately 17,000 *The items are arranged in descending order. som worth of wool (ten kilograms), 22,500 som worth of cotton yarn *Xurjun is a saddle bag for horses and donkeys. Bo‘g‘joma is used in certain ceremonies. for the warp (three kilograms), and 10,000 som worth of dyes are 92 Fumoto Sono 93

The third use of carpets is as a means for acquiring cash. If the owner of a carpet requires cash, carpets can be sold at the bazaar (Sono 2014b). Table 1 demonstrates the kinds and prices of the carpets sold at two bazaars near the research field. Most of the carpets sold at the bazaars were 3 m x 2 m. The prices differed depending on the type of carpet because of differences in the difficulties of the weaving technique used or the quantity of wool required. A 3 m x 2 m qattiq is made from ten kilograms of wool and three kilograms of cotton yarn. A qoqma of the same size is made from five kilograms of wool and is less durable than a qattiq. How do people sell carpets at the bazaars? According to my research, the sellers tend to be producers and the buyers tend to be brokers or people who live near the bazaar. People in the settlement shared their reasons for selling their carpets. A woman in her fifties said, “I came to the bazaar to sell a carpet because I did not get my pension this month” (October 2010). At that time, delays in pension payments were common because the state’s pension fund was frequently short of funds. Another woman in her forties explained, “We sell carpets when our livestock cannot be sold at a good price. We sell them to buy foodstuffs, matches, and clothes.” She continued, “Last January, we sold a carpet for 60,000 som (26 USD)” (April 2011). Carpets were often sold to compensate for the absence of essential income streams, such as pensions or livestock, or to acquire funds to hold or participate in a ritual. In other words, carpets were not the main source of income for these households but provided a safety net for unexpected or extra expenses. Roughly, the profit that might be expected from selling a qattiq at a local bazaar is as follows. To produce a qattiq approximately 17,000 som worth of wool (ten kilograms), 22,500 som worth of cotton yarn for the warp (three kilograms), and 10,000 som worth of dyes are 94 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 95 required. The total material cost is 49,500 som, and so a qattiq sold Sharif ’s Family’s Carpet Business for 100,000 som at a bazaar yields approximately 50,000 som profit. If a person sells one qattiq at a bazaar every week for a month, this The Beginning of the Business generates an income of 200,000 som. This is sufficient to meet the Sharif’s family started their carpet business in 1998. According to needs of an average family in the settlement for a month. However, it Sharif, the business began when, one day, Malohat, his fourth eldest is not realistic to sell one carpet a week because carpets are not always daughter, born in 1978, was weaving a carpet for her wedding in the bought at bazaars. In addition, as the prices in Table 1 are the asking yard. A tour bus passed by, and a tourist asked for the bus to stop prices, the real price is lower; generally, carpet prices are fluid. In after seeing Malohat weaving the carpet. The tourist wanted to buy reality, people in the settlement rarely sell one carpet per week at the her carpet, and although Malohat did not want to sell it, Sharif sold local bazaars. It is more common for people to store their carpets on it to the tourist. Sharif then bought another carpet and shoes at the their sandiq and sell them only when unexpected or extra expenses bazaar for Malohat with the money obtained from selling her carpet arise. (June 2010). Although carpets are less critical as a source of income than Their carpet business began with a series of coincidences. The first livestock and salaries from other jobs, carpets have an advantage as a was the tourist seeing Malohat weaving the carpet. The following year, commodity. Once a carpet has been woven, it remains on the sandiq, the guide who had been working on that tour visited Sharif’s house. ready to be purchased by an owner that might want it. Carpets do Sharif described this visit: “At that time, Ilhom, his third son, was a not take much time or effort to convert into cash in comparison with student at the teacher’s college in Tashkent. We thought that we livestock, which requires not only much time and effort but also needed to sell some cattle to pay for Ilhom’s tuition, but after selling knowledge of the best timing to sell at a high price (Sono 2014b). the carpet to a tourist, we paid the tuition, and we were also able to While according to some carpet sellers, the value of the carpets has buy a souvenir in Tashkent” (June 2010). After that, tour guides and decreased since the end of the Soviet period, the reasons given above foreign tourists continued to visit Sharif’s house. Sharif’s family grew are why the carpet trade has continued at local bazaars. their carpet business step by step, taking advice from the tour guides Originally, carpets were mainly an economic safety net in the and foreign tourists. settlement, but ever since carpets have been sold as souvenirs for Why is it that foreign tourists passed in front of Sharif’s house? As foreign tourists, they have become the Sharif’s family’s main source of I already mentioned, the house was located on the main road household income. Therefore, people in the settlement assume that connecting Samarkand and Shahrisabz. Samarkand is the most Sharif’s family, which has succeeded in the carpet business, is the famous tourist city in Uzbekistan, with many historical structures exception to the rule. In the following section, I explain how they built during the Amir Timur dynasty. Shahrisabz, located near the conduct their carpet business. birthplace of Amir Timur, has several historical structures associated

94 Fumoto Sono 95

Sharif ’s Family’s Carpet Business

The Beginning of the Business Sharif’s family started their carpet business in 1998. According to Sharif, the business began when, one day, Malohat, his fourth eldest daughter, born in 1978, was weaving a carpet for her wedding in the yard. A tour bus passed by, and a tourist asked for the bus to stop after seeing Malohat weaving the carpet. The tourist wanted to buy her carpet, and although Malohat did not want to sell it, Sharif sold it to the tourist. Sharif then bought another carpet and shoes at the bazaar for Malohat with the money obtained from selling her carpet (June 2010). Their carpet business began with a series of coincidences. The first was the tourist seeing Malohat weaving the carpet. The following year, the guide who had been working on that tour visited Sharif’s house. Sharif described this visit: “At that time, Ilhom, his third son, was a student at the teacher’s college in Tashkent. We thought that we needed to sell some cattle to pay for Ilhom’s tuition, but after selling the carpet to a tourist, we paid the tuition, and we were also able to buy a souvenir in Tashkent” (June 2010). After that, tour guides and foreign tourists continued to visit Sharif’s house. Sharif’s family grew their carpet business step by step, taking advice from the tour guides and foreign tourists. Why is it that foreign tourists passed in front of Sharif’s house? As I already mentioned, the house was located on the main road connecting Samarkand and Shahrisabz. Samarkand is the most famous tourist city in Uzbekistan, with many historical structures built during the Amir Timur dynasty. Shahrisabz, located near the birthplace of Amir Timur, has several historical structures associated 96 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 97 with him.6 After the independence of Uzbekistan, foreign tourists Table 2: The members of Sharif’s family (2010-2011) Role in the carpet began to pass along this road frequently. Uzbekistan has several Name Relationship Sex Year of birth Status business tourist cities that were once thriving Silk Road trade cities, such as Sharif Head of household M 1945 Retired Business owner Samarkand, Shahrisabz, Bukhara, and Khiva. The Uzbek government Chinni Wife F 1948 Retired started developing tourism in these places, taking advantage of Ilhom Son M 1974 School teacher Manager for accounts Manager for labor and Saltanat Daughter-in-law F 1980 Homemaker tourists’ resources to acquire foreign currency in the mid-1990s. In designer 1994, an international conference held by the World Tourism Ikrom Grandson M 1998 Schoolchild Organization and UNESCO took place in Samarkand. At the end of Dinora Granddaughter F 2000 Schoolchild Abror Grandson M 2002 Schoolchild the conference, the Samarkand Declaration inaugurated the tourism Akobir Grandson M 2004 Preschool child Helper with housework development of the Silk Road, and this conference led to tourism Hafiza Niece of Chinni F 1985 Weaver (Until July 2010) development in Uzbekistan. This series of developments in tourism Schoolchild and Helper after Uzbekistan’s independence brought many foreign tourists past Gulbahor Grandniece of Sharif F 1996 with housework Weaver (From August 2010) Sharif’s house as they explored the Silk Road.

nieces lived in the house to help with weaving and Saltanat’s Outline of the Business housework. Hafiza, who was Chinni’s niece, quit in July 2010 In 2010, Sharif’s household had ten members (Table 2). Sharif is because she got married. Gulbahor, who was Sharif’s grandniece, the head of the family, and he has worked as an Uzbek language replaced Hafiza in Sharif’s house in August 2010. Apart from the teacher for more than three decades at the school in the settlement. income from the carpet business, the other sources of income Many people in the settlement respect him and address him as included Sharif’s and Chinni’s pensions, Ilhom’s salary, and livestock. “teacher.” He and his wife, Chinni, have eleven children: three sons Without their carpet business, the family’s economic power would and eight daughters. When I lived in Sharif’s house, their third son have remained roughly average in the settlement. Ilhom, his wife Saltanat, and four grandchildren were also living there. In August 2010, Sharif’s family had six looms,8 and five to six girls Ilhom is an Uzbek language teacher, and Saltanat helps manage the from the settlement wove in the factory in the yard. Sharif began to family’s carpet factory.7 In addition to Sharif’s immediate family, two hire weavers around 2006. If a father or mother of one weaver

6 Amir Timur originally built the palace and the castle walls in Shahrisabz near design, procurement of materials, the management of the weavers working at his birthplace to establish it as the capital. However, he decided to establish the the factory, and negotiation with foreign tourists. However, Sharif and Ilhom actual capital in Samarkand because of Shahrisabz’s undesirable location. The managed the salaries of the weavers and the sales accounts. buildings in Shahrisabz were registered as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 8 One loom is used for a maximum carpet size of 3 m x 2 m for weaving qattiq, 2000. four looms can manage a maximum size of 1 m x 80 cm for weaving qattiq, and 7 Saltanat was a central person in the business. She was in charge of the carpet one loom called uymaq is used for weaving qoqma and terma. 96 Fumoto Sono 97

Table 2: The members of Sharif’s family (2010-2011) Role in the carpet Name Relationship Sex Year of birth Status business Sharif Head of household M 1945 Retired Business owner Chinni Wife F 1948 Retired Ilhom Son M 1974 School teacher Manager for accounts Manager for labor and Saltanat Daughter-in-law F 1980 Homemaker designer Ikrom Grandson M 1998 Schoolchild Dinora Granddaughter F 2000 Schoolchild Abror Grandson M 2002 Schoolchild Akobir Grandson M 2004 Preschool child Helper with housework Hafiza Niece of Chinni F 1985 Weaver (Until July 2010) Schoolchild and Helper Gulbahor Grandniece of Sharif F 1996 with housework Weaver (From August 2010)

nieces lived in the house to help with weaving and Saltanat’s housework. Hafiza, who was Chinni’s niece, quit in July 2010 because she got married. Gulbahor, who was Sharif’s grandniece, replaced Hafiza in Sharif’s house in August 2010. Apart from the income from the carpet business, the other sources of income included Sharif’s and Chinni’s pensions, Ilhom’s salary, and livestock. Without their carpet business, the family’s economic power would have remained roughly average in the settlement. In August 2010, Sharif’s family had six looms,8 and five to six girls from the settlement wove in the factory in the yard. Sharif began to hire weavers around 2006. If a father or mother of one weaver

design, procurement of materials, the management of the weavers working at the factory, and negotiation with foreign tourists. However, Sharif and Ilhom managed the salaries of the weavers and the sales accounts. 8 One loom is used for a maximum carpet size of 3 m x 2 m for weaving qattiq, four looms can manage a maximum size of 1 m x 80 cm for weaving qattiq, and one loom called uymaq is used for weaving qoqma and terma. 98 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 99 requested to Ilhom and Saltanat that their daughter work at Sharif’s these. In addition, when Saltanat discovered an unfamiliar weaving carpet factory, they would allow her to do so if there were available technique, she tried to learn the technique and commercialize it. looms at the time and she could weave well. The weavers usually According to her, she could understand the outline of the weaving work every day except Sunday from eight in the morning until before technique by observing its texture. sunset. Their wages are paid based on piecework. They receive 2,000 som for weaving a 45 cm x 45 cm carpet. According to Saltanat, they Ilhom's house Workshop can weave two 45 cm x 45 cm carpets per day, but it did seem Garage difficult to weave in earnest all day. They often got excited, started Livestock area in summer talking, and stopped their work. Aside from the weavers working at the factory, women in the neighborhood sometimes come to the house to sell carpets they have woven themselves. Display area Bathroom Toilet Table 3: The prices and types of carpets sold by Sharif’s family (June, 2010） Type Size Prices (USD) Prices (UZS) Display and stock room 45cm x 45cm 3-5 6,900-11,500 Kitchen Qattiq 45cm x 1m 12-15 27,600-34,500 Oven space 2m x 3m 100-200 230,000-460,000 Sharif's house Livestock shed in winter Te rma/Qoqma 45cm x 45cm 3-5 6,900-11,500

50cm x 1m 40 92,000 Vine trellis Julxurs Toilet for tourists 2m x 4m 100 230,000 Shoulder bag 10 23,000 Samarkand * Sharif’s family sold them to foreign tourists priced by USD. Parking space for tourist bus

The types and approximate prices of carpets sold by Sharif’s family Stairs are illustrated in Table 3. The main items are 45 cm x 45 cm and 45 cm x 1 m size carpets. It is notable that these types of carpet are Asphalt road seldom sold at local bazaars. In fact, they started to weave small ★: Weaver : Loom carpets (45 cm x 45 cm) so that tourists could easily pack them in : Tree their luggage, based on a tour guide’s advice. Ilhom often buys 3 m x Shahrisabz 2 m size carpets at local bazaars, and Sharif’s family sell the carpets at a higher price than the prices at the local bazaars (Table 1). They also Figure 3. Sketch of Sharif’s family make carpets using undyed wool because Japanese tourists prefer 98 Fumoto Sono 99

these. In addition, when Saltanat discovered an unfamiliar weaving technique, she tried to learn the technique and commercialize it. According to her, she could understand the outline of the weaving technique by observing its texture.

Ilhom's house Workshop

Garage

Livestock area in summer

Display area Bathroom Toilet

Display and stock room Kitchen

Oven space

Sharif's house Livestock shed in winter

Vine trellis Toilet for tourists

Samarkand

Parking space for tourist bus

Stairs

Asphalt road ★: Weaver : Loom : Tree

Shahrisabz

Figure 3. Sketch of Sharif’s family

100 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 101

Figure 3 is an illustration of the layout of Sharif’s house. During the value of carpets as souvenirs to foreign tourists. the daytime in the peak season, Sharif stays at the white star in Figure 3 and watches the traffic on the asphalt road. When a tour bus stops The Conflict in front of Sharif’s house, he announces this to Saltanat and the Today, Sharif’s family has succeeded in the carpet business, but weavers. As the tourists enter the house, they quickly place the carpets when they began in 1998, they experienced conflicts. Ilhom said, kept inside the house on a display space; the carpets are damaged if “When we started to sell carpets to foreign tourists, I had an they remain outside all day. Saltanat and the weavers set out tables unpleasant feeling because my colleague asked contemptuously, ‘You and chairs as well as tea, sweets, and bread for the tourists. sell carpets?’” (December 2012). The living conditions in Uzbekistan Sharif’s family tries to pique tourists’ interest in buying their during the 1990s were worse than the conditions during the Soviet carpets by informing tourists that they do product development and period because of increasing unemployment, insufficient social beautifully decorate their products in their yard; then, they welfare, and inflation. The only source of income for Sharif’s family demonstrate the weaving process and how the wool is spun. In was Sharif’s pension, and like many people in Uzbekistan, they addition, Saltanat has been able to learn how to negotiate in English, experienced financial difficulties. In addition to the extremely French, Spanish, Italian, and Japanese by listening to tour guides and difficulty of supporting a family of nine with only his pension, Sharif tourists speaking. had to raise funds for the marriages of his six daughters. Their strategies consist of product development, beautiful displays, After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the restrictions on private Saltanat’s negotiation skills in various languages, and the amenities ownership of livestock were eliminated. Livestock became the main they provide encourage tourists to visit their house often. These source of income that allowed people in the settlement to withstand amenities, including toilet facilities, are available regardless of hardships. In around 2010, the economic confusion after the collapse whether the foreign tourists buy carpets or not. The trip from of the Soviet Union settled. The price of livestock was rising because Samarkand to Shahrisabz by bus takes two hours, and there is no of the growing demand for meat in urban areas as a result of place to stop along the way. The services Sharif’s family provides are economic development. Bulls were trading at the highest price among precious commodities to the tourists, guides, and drivers. all livestock, at an average of 500 USD. Livestock breeding required a Furthermore, the family focuses on strengthening their relationship lot of work, and it was said to be challenging to sell livestock at a high with the tour guides and bus drivers who bring foreign tourists to price. However, since numbers of livestock increase naturally through their house. Whenever tourists spend over 50 USD, Sharif gives ten reproduction, people regarded livestock as their most valuable percent of the sales to the guide or driver, and at times, Sharif property, and having more livestock became the mark of a presents them with a carpet. Building relationships with tour guides household’s economic power. Families that had someone working as a who are familiar with tourists’ preferences not only plays a role in herdsman on the sovkhoz tended to own more livestock, as they used sustaining their business but also leads to a better understanding of the breeding skills they developed on the sovkhoz to benefit their 100 Fumoto Sono 101

the value of carpets as souvenirs to foreign tourists.

The Conflict Today, Sharif’s family has succeeded in the carpet business, but when they began in 1998, they experienced conflicts. Ilhom said, “When we started to sell carpets to foreign tourists, I had an unpleasant feeling because my colleague asked contemptuously, ‘You sell carpets?’” (December 2012). The living conditions in Uzbekistan during the 1990s were worse than the conditions during the Soviet period because of increasing unemployment, insufficient social welfare, and inflation. The only source of income for Sharif’s family was Sharif’s pension, and like many people in Uzbekistan, they experienced financial difficulties. In addition to the extremely difficulty of supporting a family of nine with only his pension, Sharif had to raise funds for the marriages of his six daughters. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the restrictions on private ownership of livestock were eliminated. Livestock became the main source of income that allowed people in the settlement to withstand hardships. In around 2010, the economic confusion after the collapse of the Soviet Union settled. The price of livestock was rising because of the growing demand for meat in urban areas as a result of economic development. Bulls were trading at the highest price among all livestock, at an average of 500 USD. Livestock breeding required a lot of work, and it was said to be challenging to sell livestock at a high price. However, since numbers of livestock increase naturally through reproduction, people regarded livestock as their most valuable property, and having more livestock became the mark of a household’s economic power. Families that had someone working as a herdsman on the sovkhoz tended to own more livestock, as they used the breeding skills they developed on the sovkhoz to benefit their 102 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 103 own families. In the case of Sharif’s family, Sharif was a schoolteacher, no relatives in the settlement where her family lived, she did not and his father was an agricultural instructor on the sovkhoz, and so participate in many weddings. Therefore, she was ignorant of the way they were less familiar with livestock breeding. Lacking experience, to evaluate the goods provided for a wedding. From her remark, we Sharif’s family did not try earnestly to engage in livestock breeding, can understand how the hosts should count the number of goods leaving them no choice but to rely on Sharif’s pension to survive. prepared for the wedding. Saltanat married Ilhom in 1997. Looking back on those days she A woman in her fifties who was weaving a carpet for her daughter’s reminisced, “My sisters-in-law had no tidy clothes [i.e., their clothes wedding complained, “I have a lot of work. So, I cannot weave four were tattered]. I used to lend them my clothes.9 Everyday meals were carpets for my daughter. We are poor! I always say to my daughter, simple. A soup without meat10 was a typical meal” (November 2011). ‘Two carpets are enough for your wedding’” (July 2010). As I Sharif’s family had no choice but to start the carpet business to make mentioned in the first section, in 2010, a bride’s family had to a living and raise funds for the marriages of their daughters; poverty prepare at least four carpets and a groom’s family had to prepare at compelled them. least six. From her remark, we see that carpets are prestige goods that Why did Sharif’s family have conflicts when they started the carpet illustrate the economic power of the bride and groom’s families. business? A carpet’s main purpose as a bride and groom’s household What does it mean to sell carpets as prestige goods in the local goods provides a clue. One day, Saltanat and I attended the wedding context? The following is a conversation that I had with two women of a neighbor. When we entered the room for the bride and groom, about the carpets and bedding on the sandiq. Saltanat saw the goods presented there, such as carpets and bedding, and then told me their number. While I did not understand the meaning of the number, Saltanat confirmed the amount of bedding and carpets with a woman sitting next to her. Then Saltanat said to the woman, “Recently, I have begun to understand how to see Carpets, bedding, and pillows weddings” (August 2010). Saltanat lived in Tashkent because of her father’s job until the age of twelve. After that, she and her family returned to the settlement, near her father’s birthplace. Since they had

9 Since brides in the settlement must buy all of their clothes when starting their married lives, Saltanat, who was recently married, had new and tidy clothes. 10 Around the settlement, the index of the economic power of the household is Sandiq the amount of meat bought at the bazaar for a week and whether the dish eaten for dinner every day contains meat or not. This causes distress for households in which meatless dishes are served for dinner. Figure 4. Carpets on sandiq with two brides 102 Fumoto Sono 103

no relatives in the settlement where her family lived, she did not participate in many weddings. Therefore, she was ignorant of the way to evaluate the goods provided for a wedding. From her remark, we can understand how the hosts should count the number of goods prepared for the wedding. A woman in her fifties who was weaving a carpet for her daughter’s wedding complained, “I have a lot of work. So, I cannot weave four carpets for my daughter. We are poor! I always say to my daughter, ‘Two carpets are enough for your wedding’” (July 2010). As I mentioned in the first section, in 2010, a bride’s family had to prepare at least four carpets and a groom’s family had to prepare at least six. From her remark, we see that carpets are prestige goods that illustrate the economic power of the bride and groom’s families. What does it mean to sell carpets as prestige goods in the local context? The following is a conversation that I had with two women about the carpets and bedding on the sandiq.

Carpets, bedding, and pillows

Sandiq

Figure 4. Carpets on sandiq with two brides 104 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 105

S (Author): How do you use the carpets you brought into your handful of people in the settlement entered the business. In 2011, marriage? only two households besides Sharif’s family sold carpets to foreign Woman 1: We sell them when we need money. Other than that, we tourists. The carpet business in those two households was a side use them as everyday items or give them to our sons and daughters, business because fewer tourists visited their homes than Sharif’s. and so on. People in the settlement regard Sharif’s family as exceptional, calling S: However, there are always carpets on a sandiq. Are those carpets their home “the house where the tourist bus stops” and “a carpet never used? museum.” Although their daughters work in the factory and their Woman 1: Ah ... After we sell a carpet, we buy wool, spin yarn, and wives weave carpets to sell to Sharif’s family, they do not start a carpet weave carpets because local women have no way to earn money here. business themselves. We keep woven carpets on the sandiq again. Carpets have to be kept there. Finding the New Value of Carpets S: Do you all sell your carpets? The carpet business was started by coincidental events, but Sharif’s Woman 2: Some people do not sell them. Rich people do not sell family succeeded in the carpet business by employing various them because they do not need to sell them. Even when they are older, strategies to attract foreign tourists. As a result of these efforts, their carpets remain on the sandiq. Sharif’s family found the value of carpets as souvenirs in the global S: Should carpets be kept on a sandiq? tourism market and the carpets became the main source of income Woman 2: In the end, we keep the carpets on a sandiq because it is for their household. beautiful. (Women 2 sees the carpets and beddings on the sandiq, The Hunarmand Association was established based on a which the bride brought them last November.) It is very much part of presidential decree to promote traditional handicrafts issued in 1997. the property. The association aims to revive the traditional handicraft techniques (February 2011) that declined with mass production under industrialization during the Soviet period, evaluate the activity and production of the artisans, This conversation demonstrates that carpets are prestige and valued and introduce the traditional handicrafts of Uzbekistan to those goods. Furthermore, the women recognize that people who sell living abroad and potential foreign market (Hunarmand Uyushmasi). carpets are not rich. The reason Sharif’s family faced issues when they If an artisan joins the association, they receive various forms of started the carpet business was this common perception that only support, such as an eight-year income tax exemption, material poor people sold carpets. supplies, market development, and participation in exhibitions. People should recognize that selling carpets could be very However, they have to pay a membership fee (Kikuta 2013). profitable, as Sharif’s family became relatively well-off by selling carpets to foreign tourists. However, it is interesting that only a 104 Fumoto Sono 105

handful of people in the settlement entered the business. In 2011, only two households besides Sharif’s family sold carpets to foreign tourists. The carpet business in those two households was a side business because fewer tourists visited their homes than Sharif’s. People in the settlement regard Sharif’s family as exceptional, calling their home “the house where the tourist bus stops” and “a carpet museum.” Although their daughters work in the factory and their wives weave carpets to sell to Sharif’s family, they do not start a carpet business themselves.

Finding the New Value of Carpets The carpet business was started by coincidental events, but Sharif’s family succeeded in the carpet business by employing various strategies to attract foreign tourists. As a result of these efforts, Sharif’s family found the value of carpets as souvenirs in the global tourism market and the carpets became the main source of income for their household. The Hunarmand Association was established based on a presidential decree to promote traditional handicrafts issued in 1997. The association aims to revive the traditional handicraft techniques that declined with mass production under industrialization during the Soviet period, evaluate the activity and production of the artisans, and introduce the traditional handicrafts of Uzbekistan to those living abroad and potential foreign market (Hunarmand Uyushmasi). If an artisan joins the association, they receive various forms of support, such as an eight-year income tax exemption, material supplies, market development, and participation in exhibitions. However, they have to pay a membership fee (Kikuta 2013). 106 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 107

Sharif’s family joined the Hunarmand11 Association in 2010, and reputation by participating in the exhibitions and contests. They they began to participate in the exhibitions and contests held in connected their membership activities to the revival of the traditional various places. Through these activities, they found that the value of culture of Uzbekistan. the carpet business is not only in making a living but also in Sharif’s family demonstrated that they understood the value of contributing to the revival of traditional Uzbek culture. After Sharif’s carpets as souvenirs in the global tourism market by building family joined the association, they developed relationships with relationships with tour guides and drivers who were familiar with the artisans by participating in exhibitions and contests. In 2010, preferences of foreign tourists, conducting product development, and although it was their first time participating at the national level participating in the exhibitions and contests through membership in Tashabbus12 competition among entrepreneurs, farmers, and artisans, the Hunarmand Association. Finally, they overcame their conflict they won third place. Tashabbus rewards entrepreneurs who produce with society’s stigma and understood the new value of the carpets by high-quality products in Uzbekistan. At Tashabbus the following year, achieving economic success in the carpet business and building a they did not advance to the national convention, but they received social reputation as a family engaged in the revival of traditional the “Best Family Business Award” at the provincial convention. As culture. the convention was reported on television and in newspapers, many people learned of the family’s successful business. Why Did Sharif ’s Family Succeed in the Carpet However, the Hunarmand Association’s membership activities did Business? not directly lead to an increase in carpet sales. The Hunarmand Association only offers opportunities to participate in the exhibitions; In this section, I analyze the reasons why Sharif’s family succeeded thus whether the artisan can find a new market or not depends on in the carpet business. The factors that led to their success in the their own efforts. It required capital and effort for Sharif’s family to carpet business follow two points. The first is that they devised their participate in these membership activities, and the expenses for the business by building relationships with tour guides and conducting trip (gasoline and hotels) for Sharif’s family, who live 500 km from product development. The second is that many people in the Tashkent, were high. Their purpose of being members of the settlement hesitated to enter the carpet business. I will clarify the association was not to expand their market but to build a social reasons for Sharif’s family’s success by focusing on these two factors.

11 The Business Strategies of Sharif ’s Family in the Carpet Business Hunarmand means “artisan” in the Uzbek language. 12 Tashabbus means “initiative” and “pioneer” in the Uzbek language. Tashabbus When they started their carpet business, Sharif’s family viewed competitions are held at the district, provincial, and national conventions. The carpets as personal property that was valuable in a variety of ways. winner at the district convention can advance to the provincial convention, and However, Sharif’s family came to understand that carpets had an the winner at the provincial convention can advance to the national convention. additional value in the eyes of foreign tourists—as a reminder of 106 Fumoto Sono 107

reputation by participating in the exhibitions and contests. They connected their membership activities to the revival of the traditional culture of Uzbekistan. Sharif’s family demonstrated that they understood the value of carpets as souvenirs in the global tourism market by building relationships with tour guides and drivers who were familiar with the preferences of foreign tourists, conducting product development, and participating in the exhibitions and contests through membership in the Hunarmand Association. Finally, they overcame their conflict with society’s stigma and understood the new value of the carpets by achieving economic success in the carpet business and building a social reputation as a family engaged in the revival of traditional culture.

Why Did Sharif ’s Family Succeed in the Carpet Business?

In this section, I analyze the reasons why Sharif’s family succeeded in the carpet business. The factors that led to their success in the carpet business follow two points. The first is that they devised their business by building relationships with tour guides and conducting product development. The second is that many people in the settlement hesitated to enter the carpet business. I will clarify the reasons for Sharif’s family’s success by focusing on these two factors.

The Business Strategies of Sharif ’s Family in the Carpet Business When they started their carpet business, Sharif’s family viewed carpets as personal property that was valuable in a variety of ways. However, Sharif’s family came to understand that carpets had an additional value in the eyes of foreign tourists—as a reminder of 108 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 109 travels on the Silk Road. After they joined the Hunarmand demonstration sales, the amenities provided for the tourists, and the Association and started to participate in the exhibitions, they built building of relationships with tour guides. Others were unfamiliar relationships outside of their settlement through interactions with with the details of Sharif’s family’s business operations because they artisans who had succeeded in Uzbekistan and abroad, as bearers of sometimes asked me about the prices of the carpets and whether Uzbek culture. They became proud of their engagement in the carpet tourists still visited Sharif’s family. In addition, people in the business because their business was not only an activity to stave off settlement did not understand how much profit Sharif’s family made hunger but also a contribution to the revival of traditional Uzbek from the carpet business. Therefore, they did not investigate a way to culture. enter the business. The third reason is the importance of livestock. As mentioned above, livestock is a reliable source of income for people The Connection between Selling Carpets and Poverty in the in the settlement. Additionally, livestock are a symbol of wealth Settlement because of their ability to reproduce. A business strategy is one factor of success, but I cannot claim that Aside from these reasons, the variety of consumption patterns with Sharif’s family’s success was only due to their skills and efforts. The the carpets is another factor why people in the settlement are hesitant fact that many people in the settlement refused to enter the carpet to enter the carpet business. As I already mentioned, once a carpet is business is also an essential factor in the singular success of Sharif’s woven, it is kept on a sandiq as personal property. Then, carpets are family. utilized as goods for marriage, daily necessities, or a source of cash. There are several reasons why many people hesitate to enter the According to Tamura (2013: 178), “plural potential uses are woven carpet business. The first reason is geographical conditions. It is not into a carpet.” As the carpets woven throughout the settlement have a easy for people who do not live along the asphalt road that the tour plurality of potential uses, the owners choose the particular use buses use to transport carpets and sell them along the road. The depending on their situation. In exploring the success of Sharif’s second reason is the invisibility of the success of the people in the family, it is essential to note that several aspects of carpet carpet business. Although Sharif’s family is highly successful, even in consumption are connected. In previous sections, I mentioned that peak tourism season, only two or three tour buses visit a day. Outside poor people in the settlement tend to sell carpets and that Sharif’s of these months, tourists seldom visit. I have suggested to people that family had encountered financial difficulties in the past. Local they should sell their carpets on commission at the souvenir shops in residents believe that selling carpets is reserved for poor people. This Samarkand or Bukhara to increase their sales. However, they answer perception is closely tied to a carpet’s purpose as a household good for that they do not trust people in Samarkand, and they have never tried newlyweds. The groom’s side regards the quality and quantity of a to sell carpets at shops elsewhere. Their attitude is that they must wait bride’s household goods, including her carpets, as representative of for the tourists to come to them. This attitude is also oblivious to her parent’s enthusiasm for the marriage, a symbol of their affection some of Sharif’s family’s strategies, such as the pricing of the carpets, for their daughter, and an index of their economic power. The 108 Fumoto Sono 109

demonstration sales, the amenities provided for the tourists, and the building of relationships with tour guides. Others were unfamiliar with the details of Sharif’s family’s business operations because they sometimes asked me about the prices of the carpets and whether tourists still visited Sharif’s family. In addition, people in the settlement did not understand how much profit Sharif’s family made from the carpet business. Therefore, they did not investigate a way to enter the business. The third reason is the importance of livestock. As mentioned above, livestock is a reliable source of income for people in the settlement. Additionally, livestock are a symbol of wealth because of their ability to reproduce. Aside from these reasons, the variety of consumption patterns with the carpets is another factor why people in the settlement are hesitant to enter the carpet business. As I already mentioned, once a carpet is woven, it is kept on a sandiq as personal property. Then, carpets are utilized as goods for marriage, daily necessities, or a source of cash. According to Tamura (2013: 178), “plural potential uses are woven into a carpet.” As the carpets woven throughout the settlement have a plurality of potential uses, the owners choose the particular use depending on their situation. In exploring the success of Sharif’s family, it is essential to note that several aspects of carpet consumption are connected. In previous sections, I mentioned that poor people in the settlement tend to sell carpets and that Sharif’s family had encountered financial difficulties in the past. Local residents believe that selling carpets is reserved for poor people. This perception is closely tied to a carpet’s purpose as a household good for newlyweds. The groom’s side regards the quality and quantity of a bride’s household goods, including her carpets, as representative of her parent’s enthusiasm for the marriage, a symbol of their affection for their daughter, and an index of their economic power. The 110 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 111 household goods prepared by the groom’s side are regarded similarly. the invisibility of Sharif’s family’s success, and the importance of Carpets are prestige goods. On the other hand, people who sell livestock as a reliable source of income and symbol of economic carpets at the bazaars said that they sell carpets when they do not power. Besides these reasons, I also argue that people perceive selling have any other income. In other words, people do not sell their carpets as too closely associated with poverty. carpets easily, because selling carpets demonstrates that a family does Although carpets have proven to be a profitable handicraft, the not have any other income such as livestock or salary that secure perception that selling carpets is an activity for the poor is shared by livelihood. Carpets have the potential of being a commodity and of most people in the settlement. This is because carpets have several being kept on the sandiq as prestige goods as long as possible. Selling consumption patterns and each influences the other. In other words, carpets for financial reasons is connected to a feeling of as long as carpets have several consumption patterns—as prestige embarrassment and considered as lowering one’s social reputation. goods and commodities sold at local bazaars—this influence will The carpets came to be associated with a new aspect of continue. Although carpets are now sold as souvenirs, the stigma consumption as “souvenirs for foreign tourists” that yield substantial attached to them remains. Therefore, the Sharif family’s success in the profits through Sharif’s family’s success. Yet, people still hesitate to carpet business is not only a result of their entrepreneur skills that enter the business. They cannot set aside the notion that only the helped them successfully determine the demands of the global poor sell carpets because the different consumption patterns influence tourism market but also the characteristics of the consumption each other. Additionally, this led to the Sharif’s family’s singular patterns of carpets in the local society. In addition, this case clarifies success in the settlement. that the commoditization of traditional handicrafts to the global tourism market cannot be explained by decontextualization as it Conclusion develops with influence from the local context. I visited Sharif’s house once more in 2018. According to Sharif, This paper clarifies part of the process of the commoditization of the number of people engaged in the carpet business has gradually handicrafts as souvenirs under the influence of tourism development increased in the settlement. Some households employed strategies and the global market economy, focusing on the carpet business of such as decorating carpets along the main road to attract foreign one Uzbek family. Sharif’s family succeeded in the carpet business by tourists. This paper could not focus on the expansion of the carpet seizing an opportunity and expending considerable effort. Based on business after 2011 and the people who emulated Sharif’s family. My this, we can understand that Sharif’s family succeed with their further research will focus on the transformation of consumption of business because they are talented entrepreneurs. However, other carpets in the local context as carpets as souvenirs for foreign tourists people in their settlement hesitate to enter the carpet business, become more popular. I believe that although many entrepreneurs despite the fact that it has led to the family’s success. There are promote the production of carpets as a souvenir, the carpets will not various reasons for this hesitancy, such as geographical restrictions, be a commodity that is produced only for the demand of the global 110 Fumoto Sono 111

the invisibility of Sharif’s family’s success, and the importance of livestock as a reliable source of income and symbol of economic power. Besides these reasons, I also argue that people perceive selling carpets as too closely associated with poverty. Although carpets have proven to be a profitable handicraft, the perception that selling carpets is an activity for the poor is shared by most people in the settlement. This is because carpets have several consumption patterns and each influences the other. In other words, as long as carpets have several consumption patterns—as prestige goods and commodities sold at local bazaars—this influence will continue. Although carpets are now sold as souvenirs, the stigma attached to them remains. Therefore, the Sharif family’s success in the carpet business is not only a result of their entrepreneur skills that helped them successfully determine the demands of the global tourism market but also the characteristics of the consumption patterns of carpets in the local society. In addition, this case clarifies that the commoditization of traditional handicrafts to the global tourism market cannot be explained by decontextualization as it develops with influence from the local context. I visited Sharif’s house once more in 2018. According to Sharif, the number of people engaged in the carpet business has gradually increased in the settlement. Some households employed strategies such as decorating carpets along the main road to attract foreign tourists. This paper could not focus on the expansion of the carpet business after 2011 and the people who emulated Sharif’s family. My further research will focus on the transformation of consumption of carpets in the local context as carpets as souvenirs for foreign tourists become more popular. I believe that although many entrepreneurs promote the production of carpets as a souvenir, the carpets will not be a commodity that is produced only for the demand of the global 112 How Local Handicrafts Enter the Global Tourism Market Fumoto Sono 113 tourist market. The commoditization of some handicrafts is not 中東学会年報』(Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies) immune to the influence of their local value but is instead directly 21(2), 113-140. 「市場経済におけるカシュタチ（刺繍屋）事業の誕生―ウズ influenced by the value of these handicrafts in their local context, as 2006b ベキスタン・ショーフィルコーン地区の事例から」(The Birth of is the case with carpets made and sold in rural Uzbekistan. the Kashtachi Business: The Case from Shofirkon District, Bukhoro Province, Uzbekistan).『社会人類学年報』(Annual Report of Social Anthropology) 32, 57-84. 「持参財を飾る刺繍、販売する刺繍―ウズベキスタン・ショ References 2008 ーフィルコーン地区のカシュタ制作を事例に」(Embroidery for

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