The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ population in fifteenth-century Poland, while the same was happening in the grand duchy of Lithuania, especially in her north-western territories. Information on climatic fluctuations in this part of Europe at that time is so sparse that we may have to rely upon general European weather conditions in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, supplemented by the data of dendro- chronology made available from excavations in Rus′. As we know from many places in Europe, the thirteenth century and the first half of the fourteenth underwent some cooling of the climate compared with the favourable condi- tions of preceding centuries. The probable improvement at the end of the century appears to have been only temporary; the fifteenth century again expe- rienced severe climatic conditions, although these were much less harsh than the little ice age which struck from well into the seventeenth century. Various types of weather and regional variation certainly afflicted a wide band of central and eastern European territory. From the itinerary of Wl-adysl-aw II Jagiel--lo (Jogaila), king of Poland and grand duke of Lithuania, we may deduce that winter began early in November when the king drove in his sled for his progress around Lithuania which would last several months. There were still hoar frosts at the end of May and the king fell victim to one of these.
Casimir III (the Great) had no male heir, and so the royal line of Piast died with him in . He provided for the transfer of the Polish crown after his death to his nephew, Louis of Anjou, king of Hungary. However, in his will he sought to secure the position of his grandson, Casimir of Sl-upsk (in Pomerania), by granting him significant territorial bequests, so that he might eventually succeed Louis, who also had only daughters to succeed him. Louis of Hungary did not mount the throne without incurring the opposition of the nobles of Great Poland (Polonia Maior) and Casimir of Sl-upsk. In this regard the terms of Casimir’s will were soon undermined and the duke of Sl-upsk sought compensation for being passed over, accepting the duchies of Dobrzyn´ and Bydgoszcz. The late king’s kinsman, Wl-adysl-aw the White, the rebel Piast duke of Kujawy, also pressed his claims to the crown. The Angevin period lasted sixteen years, maintaining the unity of the kingdom of Poland and its administration. Louis strengthened the urban trade networks and the privileges of the towns (including full staple law (ius stapuli) for Cracow, which compelled merchants travelling through that town to put their goods up for sale there). But Louis did not rule Poland personally. His mother, Queen Elizabeth, sister of Casimir III, formed a regency and, after her death in , another regency consisting of five nobles from Little Poland (Polonia Minor) led by Zawisza, bishop of Cracow, took over. Rus′ of Halicz,
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 which had been annexed to the Polish crown by Casimir III, was ruled by Duke Wl-adysl-aw of Opole, who attempted to strengthen the mission of the Catholic Church in south-west Rus′ and to create a loyal nexus of local and immigrant knights. The main problem facing the house of Anjou in Poland was how to secure the throne for Louis’s daughters. Louis fostered the good will of the larger cities with his commercial policies. In he granted all the nobility and gentry of the kingdom a charter at Koˇsice in Slovakia. This was an act of fundamental importance for the development of noble privileges. The king exonerated nobles from paying the plough tax as the signum summi dominii (service of two grossi per corn field (laneus/lan)). Depending on the quality of the soil, the Ian covered – hectares cultivated by peasants on noble estates. Henceforth, whenever the king required additional revenues, he could impose them only with the agreement of the nobles. Shortly after this Louis was to grant similar privileges to the clergy. The Angevin regime, in particular during the regency of the nobles from Little Poland, heightened the nobility’s sense of its political value. After Louis’s death in the nobility did not fully accept his wishes, refusing to consent to closer union with the Hungarian crown in the person of his daughter, Maria, who had been designated heir to the Polish throne and was engaged to Sigismund of Luxemburg, then margrave of Brandenburg. Two years of nego- tiations with the queen mother, Elizabeth of Bosnia, led to the accession of the younger daughter, ten-year-old Jadwiga (Hedwig) and her arrival in Cracow, where she was crowned king (rex) in . The controlling oligarchs consulted the opposition in Great Poland which was itself divided by the inter- necine strife between supporters of the two powerful clans. They also took account of the other pretender to the throne, Siemowit III, duke of Mazovia. The lords of Cracow rejected Jadwiga’s fiancé, the newly arrived William of Austria, and drove him out of the capital. They then turned their attention to the new partner in the international game in eastern Europe, the grand duchy of Lithuania. The web of motives which inclined them to turn to Lithuania included collaboration against a common enemy (the Teutonic Order), the need to settle affairs in southern Rus′, where Lithuanian and Polish interests came into conflict, and the threat posed to both countries by the Black Sea Tatars.
′ The Lithuanian state, which developed as a monarchy in the thirteenth century, had been consolidated by Grand Duke Gediminas (c. –), and was to reach the peak of its political power as an independent state in the second half
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ of the fourteenth century. Under the government of the sons of Gediminas, Grand Duke Algirdas and his ally, Prince Kestutis of Trakai, Lithuanian rulers continued to defend their lands against the attacks of the Teutonic Order, which was harrying the western borders of Lithuania in order to unite its lands in Prussia with the Letto-Estonian territories held by the Livonian branch of the Order. While Lithuania was defending its northern and western borders from Catholic crusaders, it took over a wide expanse of territory which stretched from its own original ethnic domains in Aukˇstatija (Upper Lithuania) and Zˇ emaitija (Lower, that is north-western, Lithuania) towards what became known later as Belorussia and Ukraine, as far as Smolensk, Briansk and the Black Sea steppes. Military successes strengthened the despotic authority of the grand duke. Whilst the Lithuanians, members of the Baltic family of Indo- European peoples, resisted Christianity despite repeated attempts to convert them to it, the Rus′ian population inhabiting the greater part of Lithuanian- controlled territory (not ethnic Lithuania but western Rus′) had been Christians of the eastern rite for several centuries. In the fourteenth century the Lithuanian state used Rus′ian written culture in the ruler’s chancery, but in order to preserve its political identity the Lithuanian nobility remained unwill- ing to convert to eastern Christianity, even though such a prospect was consid- ered. Jogaila (Jagiel--lo), son of Algirdas, became grand duke in . Five years later he drove his uncle, Kestutis, from his domain and established himself as sole head of the grand duchy, taking power into his own hands. His first act was to seek an understanding with the Teutonic Order with which he concluded peace in at the unacceptable price of the surrender of Zˇ emaitija. His second course of action was to effect a rapprochement with Moscow. In Jogaila sought a Muscovite alliance, arranged his marriage to the daughter of Dmitry Ivanovich Donskoi, and undertook to receive baptism in the eastern rite. However, these plans came to nought when a third way was offered him by the Polish nobility. This would involve Jogaila’s baptism in the Latin rite, his marriage to Queen Jadwiga and his coronation as king of Poland. Before Lithuania’s eyes spread the prospect of weakening the pressure from the Teutonic Order, initiating joint Lithuano-Polish efforts against the Tatars, and settling the disputed Lithuanian border in Galician Rus′ which was occupied by Poland. The personal union of the kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania was brought about by the Union of Krevo (). As patrimonial lord of Lithuania, when he became king of Poland Jogaila united his inheri- tance with Poland by the terms of this act. On the one hand the patrimonial and personal character of Jogaila’s power contrasted with the Polish crown’s
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 established autonomy from the person of the king. On the other, Polish nobles who wished to interpret the Union as the annexation of Lithuania to the crown encountered resistance from the grand duke’s kinsmen and counsellors who defended the separateness of the Lithuanian state. Jogaila accepted baptism in the Latin rite in Cracow, taking the name of Wl-adysl-aw. As a young man of twenty-three or twenty-four, he married Jadwiga in when she was thirteen. The royal couple henceforth acted together in the most important political affairs. Jadwiga was a figure of uncom- mon beauty and education, a person of deep religious sentiment who was endowed with diplomatic talents that became apparent over the years. She died giving birth to her only daughter in . Wl-adysl-aw II Jagiel--lo came to Cracow with the experience of government gained by his dynasty over several genera- tions and, above all, with personal skills tested in politics and war. He was to occupy the Polish throne for forty-eight years. The collective baptism of the Lithuanian population carried out in under the personal guidance of King Wl-adysl-aw began the conversion of the ethnically Lithuanian part of the grand duchy. At first there was compulsion from the authorities, followed by a feeling of obedience to ecclesiastical authority and of belonging to a wider Christendom. In a bishopric was established in Vilnius, a second following in Zˇ emaitija in . The numerical sparsity of the clergy, widely spread settlement and the powerful resistance put up by traditional culture meant that full acceptance of the new faith took several generations, embracing the upper social strata first. In addition to the Polish clergy, Lithuanian priests appeared early on. The leaders of the Lithuanian Church were educated at the University of Cracow which had been restored for this purpose, too, by Queen Jadwiga and King Wl-adysl-aw. The resistance of members of the Lithuanian dynasty to the Polish inter- pretation of the Union of Krevo led to opposition formulated by the king’s cousin, Vytautas (Vitold), son of Kestutis, who sought the support of the Teutonic Order. King Wl-adysl-aw,however, worked out a compromise between the Lithuanian and Polish positions. In he made Vytautas co-ruler of Lithuania, adopting for a few years the higher title of dux supremus while Vytautas was styled magnus dux. Over the years Grand Duke Vytautas became King Wl-adysl-aw’s partner, but conducted his own domestic and foreign poli- cies. He consolidated the grand duchy by removing several of his kinsmen from their own princely domains and turning them into grand-ducal govern- ors. He maintained his Volynian borders, too, despite the actions of Polish nobles. Vytautas sought to make the Golden Horde his dependant, but in , on the banks of the river Vorskla (which flows into the Dnieper), he suffered a defeat which fixed for three centuries the line of the Tatar threat to the south- ern borders of Lithuania and Poland. At the same time this setback illustrated
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ the indispensability of the alliance of the two nations if they were to maintain their international position. After the death of Queen Jadwiga, Wl-adysl-aw was acknowledged by the Polish nobility as king of Poland. This led to recognition of the equal political status of Lithuania and Poland by an act agreed by Wl-adysl-aw and Vytautas in .
′ ′′ The danger posed to the two realms by the Teutonic Order lent a particular value to the Lithuano-Polish alliance. For a couple of decades the Order had pursued aggressive policies towards Lithuania whilst seeking a reconciliation with Poland, counting on the rivalry of the two neighbours. They united in the face of the threat posed to Poland by the alliance of the Order with Sigismund of Luxemburg who, as margrave of Brandenburg, stood between Great Poland and Danzig, and in the face of border conflicts on the river Notec. Lithuania could not accept the loss of Zˇ emaitija forced upon Vytautas in , and in it supported a Zˇ emaitijan uprising against the Order. Similarly, the Order decided upon a recourse to military methods. The Knights concluded an alliance with Sigismund of Luxemburg, now king of Hungary, his brother King Vaclav of Bohemia and the dukes of Western Pomerania. The ‘Great War’ of – between Poland–Lithuania and the Order culminated in the battle of Grunwald (Tannenberg) in . This, one of the greatest battles of the late Middle Ages (it involved some , men), ended with the defeat of the Order’s forces. The grand master, Ulrich von Jungingen, and many Teutonic dignitaries were slain. But the peace settlement of satisfied only the war aims of Lithuania, which regained Zˇ emaitija. None the less the military and economic power of the Order was consider- ably weakened, to the advantage of the enhanced prestige of the allied peoples. From circles favouring church reform and from Jan Hus, who regarded the Order as an anachronism, there came letters of congratulations to King Wl-adysl-aw. A fresh act of union was drawn up in at Horodl-o on the river Bug, where forty-three Polish clans adopted a corresponding number of Lithuanian noble families, endowing them with Polish crests. King Wl-adysl-aw and Grand Duke Vytautas granted the Lithuanian nobles fiscal and legal privi- leges on the Polish model. The Polish delegation to the Council of Constance began to play an active role there in . Representatives from the recently converted Zˇ emaitijans attended the Council as witnesses of the success of Wl-adysl-aw and Vytautas in carrying out their Catholic mission, while the metropolitan of Kiev attended as a representative from the grand duchy. The Poles were to come to the defence
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 of Jan Hus. They presented the treatise of Paulus Vladimiri (of the University of Cracow) concerning papal and imperial power over the infidel. This canon- ist opposed conversion by the sword and defended the rights of pagans to own land, thereby provoking a bitter polemic with the supporters of the Teutonic Order. The Polish argument was backed by scholars from the University of Paris. Yet another war with the Order broke out in, but in the Knights were compelled to abandon Zˇ emaitija once and for all. The Order’s expansion in the Baltic region was contained, and Prussia and Livonia were separated from each other. The Polish–Lithuanian federation now became the great power of central and eastern Europe. Following the outbreak of the Hussite War in Bohemia in , Czech groups which supported ideas of national monarchy moderated by social policies endorsed the candidature of Wl-adysl-aw II Jagiel--lo as king of Bohemia. The king declined this proposal in the face of complications abroad and opposition at home from Polish nobles who were unwilling to support Hussite sympathies among the gentry. With the king’s knowledge Vytautas received a similar offer, but he nominated Wl-adysl-aw’s nephew, Prince Sigismund, son of Koributas, in his stead. Help for the Hussite rebellion was thwarted by the bishops and nobles headed by Zbigniew of Olesnica, bishop of Cracow, already a prominent political figure. The king had to recall Prince Sigismund and, in , he was compelled to issue an edict against the Hussites and their allies. Nevertheless, in the following year Sigismund was to assume the role of king-elect and lent his support to the uprising of radical Hussite- Taborites in Silesia. Following the birth of Crown Prince Wl-adysl-aw, whose mother was Wl-adysl-aw’s fourth and last wife, Sophia, from the Lithuanian ducal family of Alseniskis, the king entered discussions with the nobility concerning the succession to the Polish crown. The king’s son had an assured inheritance in Lithuania, for Vytautas had no heir, but in Poland the king had to secure his son’s right to succeed him by granting privileges, in particular to the nobility, which circumscribed royal power. Of several charters which defined the legal status of the nobility over the course of centuries, the most important was the Privilege of Brest (in Kujawy) of , known by its opening words as Neminem captivabimus nisi iure victum. This guaranteed that noble property would not be confiscated, nor would nobles be imprisoned, without due legal process. After the death in of Vytautas, who had spread his influence on the Lithuano-Rus′ian border deep into Muscovy and had even considered accept- ing the royal crown which Sigismund of Luxemburg offered him, King Wl-adysl-aw placed the last of his living brothers, Sˇvitrigaila, on the grand-ducal throne. He professed full independence from the kingdom of Poland, and allied himself with the Emperor Sigismund and the Teutonic Order which
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ carried out a destructive raid on northern Poland. In Polish leaders managed to foment opposition to him in Lithuania which led to the fall of Sˇvit- rigaila’s regime and the seizure of the grand-ducal throne by Vytautas’s brother, Sigismund, son of Kestutis, who resumed the policy of union with Poland. A lasting achievement of Sˇvitrigaila’s brief reign was the granting of equal rights to Catholic and Orthodox boyars – until that time only Catholics had enjoyed such privileges.
′ - - After the death of Wl-adysl-aw II Jagiel--lo in June , his son, Wl-adysl-aw III, almost ten years old, succeeded to the throne with the agreement of the nobil- ity. Government was carried out by a regency headed by a strong political indi- vidual, Zbigniew, bishop of Cracow, with a royal council still formed mainly of nobles from Little Poland. The opposition signified its dissatisfaction with the regency and made contact with the Bohemian Hussites. From that quarter there came, after the death of the Emperor Sigismund of Luxemburg in , the proposal that Wl-adysl-aw II’s younger son, Casimir, should take the Bohemian crown. The royal widow, Sophia, supported the plan but Zbigniew objected to it. Despite Polish attacks on Bohemia and Silesia, the Polish candi- date lost to Albert of Habsburg. The bishop-regent helped Grand Duke Sigismund consolidate his position in Lithuania and defeat opposition from Sˇvitrigaila. In Little Poland, Zbigniew fought the Hussite opposition led by Spytko of Melsztyn which enjoyed noble and even peasant support. In at the battle of Grotniki on the Nida the revolt was put down. Spytko was slain and denounced as an enemy of the country. After the assassination of Grand Duke Sigismund at the hands of his boyars in , the young Casimir, then thirteen years old, was sent to Lithuania in Wl-adysl-aw III’s name as royal lieutenant. The Lithuanian nobles immediately acclaimed him as grand duke and renounced the personal union with the Polish crown. Without abandoning hope of renewing the Lithuanian alliance, the Polish nobles sought compensation in a union with Hungary. In , following the death of Albert of Habsburg who had been king of Bohemia and Hungary for a short time, the Hungarian nobles, in the face of the Turkish threat, turned to the court of Cracow and offered the crown of St Stephen to Wl-adysl-aw III and, despite pro-Habsburg opposition exhibited by certain magnates, he was crowned in Buda in . The young king set about defending his realm against the Turks, aided by a coalition established by Pope Eugenius IV. In victories were won in Bulgaria and a useful peace con- cluded which, in the following year, provoked the Holy See to insist on the
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 preparation of a new expedition aimed at reaching Constantinople. But the Venetian fleet failed to prevent a Turkish attack coming across the Bosphorus, and in the twenty-year-old Wl-adysl-aw III, along with many Polish and Hungarian knights and the papal legate, were killed at the battle of Varna. This defeat sealed the fate of the Byzantine Empire and the Balkan Slavs. The Ottoman threat now moved ever closer to central Europe. However, neither in Poland nor in Lithuania, where domestic problems predominated, was the importance of the role played by Wl-adysl-aw in the resistance against the Turks fully appreciated.
′ : ′ Because of the initial uncertainty regarding the fate of Wl-adysl-aw, and also because of disputes between Polish and Lithuanian nobles, the practical acces- sion of Casimir IV to the Polish throne was to take two years. The new king proved himself a consummate politician. He managed to secure the throne whilst acknowledging the equality of his two realms in a ‘fraternal union’ under his control. In Poland he faced the opposition of magnates headed by Bishop Zbigniew, but he was helped by the ‘young barons of the kingdom’ who had been summoned from Great Poland to lend support to the government of the king and his council. In the early years of his reign he also sought support from the cities. The king and the royal party successfully opposed the financial demands of the papal curia and countered clerical opposition to the royal nomination of bishops. The death of Cardinal Zbigniew in led to the defeat of the opposition from Little Poland. At the same time Casimir some- what belatedly confirmed the privileges granted to the nobility by his prede- cessors, and then established his position in the kingdom with regard to the constitutional nature of the crown. Moreover, by granting separate privileges for several territories in Nieszawa at the beginning of the decisive war with the Teutonic Order, Casimir ensured that no new taxes could be raised or military levies called without the agreement of conventions of nobles known as land diets. He thus opened the way for the creation of parliamentary forms of consultation between the king and the privileged classes. In Lithuania Casimir reigned with wide authority but not despotic power. He won the support of the Lithuanian lords with a charter granted in Vilnius in which endowed the boyars of the grand duchy with the same rights as those enjoyed by the Polish nobles, including individual freedoms, the right to hold their own courts and to trial by their peers, and the exemption of subject boyars from tribute for grand-ducal matters. He confirmed Lithuania’s borders as they had been during Vytautas’s reign and promised to give government
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ offices only to Lithuanians. The border dispute between Lithuania and Poland was settled with a compromise: the grand duchy retained Volyn′, and the kingdom kept Podolia. The war with Moscow was halted for a time by the peace of . This was a turning-point which ended Lithuanian expansion into Rus′; a brief period of equilibrium ensued, after which Muscovite expan- sion began in earnest. InPrussiaandPomeraniatheTeutonicOrdensstaat wasundergoingaperiodof internalcrisis.WealthycitiessuchasDanzig,Torun(Thorn)andElbl¸ag(Elbing), with their German-speaking populations, opposed fiscal exploitation at the hands of the Order. Similarly the Order’s vassals of knightly rank, whether they spoke German or Polish, combined to found the Lizard League (Eidechsengesellschaft). After the Prussian estates, the knights and the towns- folk joined together in the Prussian Union which, as representative of political society, conducted negotiations, mainly in matters of taxation, with the Order’s grandmaster.Therepressionof theUnionatthehandsof theOrderprovokeda revolt. In Casimir IV received a rebel delegation led by Hans von Baisen and, invoking the rights of the crown, he promulgated the incorporation of Prussia into the kingdom. A Thirteen Years War then erupted, to be waged without Lithuanian assistance. International opinion did not favour the aboli- tion of the Teutonic Order, and Popes Calixtus III and, after him, Pius II inter- venedbyplacingPolandunderaninterdictwhichthepeopleandclergypromptly ignored.ThewarendedinwiththePeaceof Torun.DanzigandPomerania, whichhadbeenlosttotheOrderin,andthewesternpartof Prussia,includ- ing Elbl¸ag and Malbork (Marienburg), were ceded to the kingdom of Poland to be known henceforth as Royal Prussia. The Order’s power was restricted to the remainder of Prussia, excluding Warmia (Ermland) which was held by the local bishop as a vassal of the Polish king. The grand master of the Order transferred his capital from the castle in Malbork to Königsberg and swore allegiance to the PolishkingwhomheacknowledgedastheOrder’ssovereign. In addition to this considerable restitution of crown lands, a little earlier Poland had made some territorial acquisitions on the Silesian border which were important because of their proximity to Cracow. In the king gained the duchy of Os´wie¸cim and sovereignty over the duchy of Zator which would become a crown possession in . The crown also received a part of the vassal duchy of Mazovia following the extinction of certain branches of the Mazovian Piasts (in and ).
′ In the second half of his reign, Casimir IV’s intention was to weave a network of alliances based on the several branches of the Jagiellonian dynasty. In spite
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 of the possibilities then opening up, he did not seek further restitution of Silesian lands to the Polish crown; rather he devoted every effort to place his sons born of Elizabeth of Austria (the daughter of Emperor Albert II) on the thrones of Bohemia, Hungary, Poland and Lithuania. In this he was successful. In Bohemian affairs Casimir IV did not allow himself to be drawn into the Catholic coalition against King George of Podeˇbrady; rather, he attempted to mediate between him, the emperor and King Mátyás Corvinus of Hungary. George agreed to recognise Casimir’s eldest son, Vladislav, as his heir to the Bohemian throne. After George’s death, the Bohemian Diet duly elected Vladislav in , although Mátyás Corvinus managed to establish himself in Silesia, Lusatia and Moravia. The conflict with the king of Hungary found its expression in military and diplomatic disputes. Mátyás’s death in opened the way for Vladislav to mount the Hungarian throne; with the aid of Hungarian magnates, he supplanted his younger brother, Jan Olbracht, the favourite of the gentry, who was compensated for his loss with the governor- ship of Silesia. Thus the Jagiellonian dynasty took control of a vast expanse of central and eastern Europe from the borders with Moscow and the Baltic to the Black Sea and the Adriatic coastlands. Yet Casimir IV’s diplomatic successes aroused no enthusiasm in Poland or Lithuania, since they brought no immediate advan- tages. The Habsburgs were to gather in the fruit of the king’s labour in the fol- lowing generation. The authority that Casimir IV created through the successes of the first decades of his reign was undermined by the onerous and, in noble eyes, unsuccessful military campaigns fought for dynastic interests. Important problems concerning the reform of the military and fiscal systems remained unsolved. Casimir IV rarely visited Lithuania, but he did not yield to the demands of the Lithuanian nobles for the establishment of a lieutenancy there. At that time there was a growth in the expansion of Moscow which snatched Novgorod from the Lithuanian sphere of influence () and followed a policy of gath- ering Rus′ian lands under its control at the expense of Lithuania. Casimir IV spent four years in Lithuania, entrusting the government of the kingdom to his second son, Casimir (later canonised), for two years. The king survived an attempt made on his life by Rus′ian princes with the connivance of the grand duke’s vassals, two of whom were sentenced by the grand-ducal council and beheaded. The counter-offensive against Moscow, which had captured several border duchies and inspired Tatar invasions of the southern regions, was unsuccessful. In the Turks took over the Genoese colony of Kaffa, on the northern coast of the Black Sea, a major centre of oriental trade, and in they seized Kilia (at the mouth of the Danube) and Akkerman (at the mouth of the
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ Dnestr), which belonged to Moldavia. In this situation Stephen, prince (voivode) of Moldavia, renewed his allegiance to the Polish crown, following the example of his predecessors. The immediate threat from the Turks and the Tatars was henceforth to become a constant feature of Lithuanian and Polish foreign policy.
′ After the death of Casimir IV in the Lithuanian lords elected his son, Alexander, as grand duke in accordance with his father’s wishes. Casimir had bequeathed the Polish crown to his eldest son, Jan Olbracht. The personal union was suspended during Jan Olbracht’s reign, although, like his grand- father, he used the title of supremus dux in Lithuania. He formed a plan for an anti-Turkish coalition which, instead of dealing with the Turkish threat, led to conflict with the Moldavian prince, Stephen, and defeat at his hands. An agree- ment was struck with the Turks which was to last many years. The king’s success was the incorporation of the duchy of Plock in Mazovia into the Polish crown. In domestic affairs he relied on the support of the parliamentary chamber of deputies against the magnates of the royal council or senate. The short reign of Jan Olbracht provoked a counter-attack from the magnates during the reign of his brother Alexander (from onwards). Alexander’s reign in Lithuania opened with the loss of Viaz′ma to Ivan III which led to a speedy strengthening of the alliance with Poland. The war with Moscow (–) brought Lithuania losses beyond the Dnieper and the begin- ning of the division of Belorussian and Ukrainian lands between Lithuania and Muscovy. After his election to the Polish throne, Alexander was compelled to consent to a change in the form of government which henceforth placed deci- sions of the highest importance for the state in the hands of the full council known, since the sixteenth century, as the senate. The government of the oli- garchy, which had control during the king’s absence on campaign against Moscow, provoked widespread opposition among the gentry. Relying on the advice of his chancellor, Jan Laski, the king renewed his collaboration with the chamber of deputies and introduced genuine fiscal and administrative reforms, including the law Nihil novi () which forbade the promulgation of new laws without the consent of the senators and the deputies of the region. This opened the way for a monarchia mixta on the Polish model with strong participation by the gentry. On Alexander’s death in the throne passed to his ‘only heir and successor’ in both Jagiellonian states, the last of the brothers, Zygmunt I (Sigismund) ‘the Old’.
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′ In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the Polish kingdom assumed the form of a monarchy of privileged estates, whose rights stemmed from privi- leges granted to the nobles and gentry as a body and to the clergy as a whole. However, the towns did not enjoy any such uniform representation since royal privileges were bestowed on them individually. Similarly, villages were granted separate privileges for each village. The Corona Regni Poloniae was perceived as an institution separate from the person of the king, replacing what previously had been a patrimonial concept of royal or ducal power. Outside those areas under royal government, the crown held some lands in vassalage and was believed to have rights to others which had once belonged to it. In a period of interregnum or when no male heir existed, the crown was represented by the estates, with the nobility and gentry, the privileged classes, occupying first place. The Polish crown exercised a sense of sovereignty which was expressed in theory by the principle that the king is emperor in his own realm (rex imperator in regno suo) and, in practice, by the indivisible and inalienable nature of its territory. From the thirteenth century the emblem of the kingdom had been a white eagle on a red field; from the restoration of the kingdom in the eagle had worn a crown on its head. From the death of Louis of Hungary in royal power in Poland was based on the principle not of heredity but of election which, in the fifteenth century, limited candidacy to members of the Jagiellonian dynasty. At his coronation the king issued a general confirmation of the privileges enjoyed by the estates. Royal power extended widely in the administration of the kingdom which was regu- lated with the help of central palace officers (the marshal, the chancellor, the treasurerandothers).Intheprovinces,thekinghadhislieutenants,starosta,often called the ‘royal arm’ (brachium regale) who were responsible for administration, taxation, justice in criminal matters and policing. The king was the highest judge and commander in chief of the army. He conducted foreign policy whilst domestic affairs were run by both the king and the royal council, comprising the highest dignitaries of the crown, certain officials and the bishops. The full council,orsenateasitcametobeknownintheearlysixteenthcentury,numbered about seventy members, of whom the king often convened only a number. The ancient duchies incorporated into the kingdom survived as palatinates whose dignitaries were appointed by the king for life. These men retained some of their legal rights, but they lost their former powers as keepers of castles, while retaining the right to a place on the royal council. The holders of other ancient territorial offices preserved certain of their powers as local judges, but their titles were, above all, more an expression of their holders’ rank among the nobility.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ Each estate had its own judicature. The nobility had local courts in particular areas which acted on the principles of common law, besides adjudicating also in non-litigious matters such as the registering of property and credit transac- tions. The castle courts, under the control of the starostas, were important espe- cially in criminal cases. In the course of the fifteenth century the courts of the gentry and the starostas alike ceased hearing cases from the peasantry. Church courts judged cases involving canon law, and acted with the gentry in cases connected with spiritual matters such as heresy, marital problems and wills containing religious bequests. The urban judiciary acted in certain towns; in cases of appeal the king summoned a high court for Little Poland in Cracow castle. The village judicature lost its right of appeal beyond the village lord who could only be indicted before the local court for miscarriage of justice. The genesis of Polish parliamentarism may be traced from the colloquia or meetings of the nobles and gentry which, in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- turies, had been summoned by local lords in various regions of the country to deal with political matters and to fulfil their judicial functions. At the end of the fourteenth century these became more frequent in two forms. For the whole kingdom there was the sejm (general assembly) or conventio magna dominated by the magnates of the royal council, whilst in the provinces, in Great Poland or (separately) in Little Poland, there were conventiones generales (provincial assem- blies). The privileges granted by Casimir IV to the gentry in strengthened the hand of the third rank of the system of representation for the estates, the sejmiki (land diets) or conventiones particulares which numbered eighteen by the end of the fifteenth century. Local dignitaries and regional gentry took part in these. The king summoned them to approve additional royal taxation and to agree to the general mobilisation. The sejmiki pronounced on interpretations of the common law and elected two plenipotentiary deputies to attend assemblies summoned from all over the province or the kingdom. At the accession of Jan Olbracht, the sejm of the whole kingdom became the chief parliamentary form as provincial sessions were summoned less and less frequently. The Piotrkow sejm () was the first two-chamber sejm to consist of the royal council (called the senate shortly afterwards) and the chamber of deputies, formed by local representatives. Urban leaders were also invited to attend in an advisory capac- ity. The sejm was soon to witness political conflict between and within its cham- bers.
, , , ′′ The social influence of the aristocracy in the fourteenth century had been favoured by its clan structure which united, under a common crest and
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 clan/family name, a lord, his kin and client knightly families. Noble privileges embraced the whole of the clan and its members and hence, despite attempts to regulate it with laws, the nobility was not divided into upper and lower castes. Despite the great differences in property-owning between the lords, the middling and the poorer gentry, the noble estate was a single body in the fif- teenth century. It was, too, a large estate; in the sixteenth century (for which estimated figures are available) it may have amounted to or per cent of the population. The whole nobility enjoyed full allodial ownership of the land; there was no system of fiefs. The duty of loyalty to the king and crown of the kingdom of Poland bound it together. Urban and agricultural reform in the thirteenth century had followed the model of German law (ius teutonicum) founded on the strength of ducal privi- leges granted to towns and villages in the face of immigrant colonists and the large number of native settlers who had come to live within the jurisdiction of that law. This law had local variations such as the ius Culmense (in Chelmno, Prussia) and the ius Sredense, named after the town of Sroda (Neumarkt) in Silesia. The towns were governed by the wojt (Vogt, advocatus) whose position was hereditary. His power had often been superseded in the fourteenth century by the town council, formed from the higher ranks of the urban mercantile patriciate (which produced the burgomaster), along with some representation from the commons (communitas), mainly the artisans who also grouped them- selves into guilds. Towns paid additional taxes, every one of which was origin- ally imposed with consent; however, from the mid-fifteenth century, the sejmiki and sejms did not seek agreement, but imposed taxes on towns and noble prop- erties alike. Despite the growth of commerce and local exchange, and the participation of large towns in the trade which linked western, central and north-eastern Europe, and regardless of a significant rise in local artisan production and means of credit, only a handful of towns such as Danzig, Cracow, Poznan´ and Lwów had populations which could be counted in tens of thousands. On the other hand, the network of smaller towns was dense and rivalled those of central European countries. However, the lack of representation prevented the towns of the kingdom from taking their place in a wider political life. The position of villagers was varied. In the fifteenth century the majority lived under German law with local variations. The village paid the lord of the manor rent in coin, corn and modest services in labour dues. Custom regulated the right of a peasant to leave his village; the whole village could remove the lord if he raped the wife or daughter of a peasant, if he were excommunicated or if there were demands on the village to pay his debts. The headman of the village (soltys) inherited his status, held a greater parcel of land than the other villagers and had charge of the village court. In the fifteenth century lords of
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ the manor tended to buy up the headships to increase the size of the manorial farm with the lands of the soltys or the peasants. This led to peasants working on a lord’s farm one day a week for each lan (laneus, mansus) of – hectares owned by them. In the fifteenth century monasteries led the way towards raising grain production for the new and expanding markets across the Baltic into western Europe. In the fourteenth century a vigorous new settlement of villages had spread into the wooded foothills of Little Poland. In the following century Polish settlers appeared in the western parts of Halicz, and immigrants came from Mazovia to Podlasie and as far as the lake district in Prussia, which thenceforth became known as Mazury. Together with these a sufficiently inten- sive form of agriculture was introduced: the three-field system and livestock breeding. The Catholic Church organised its dioceses within two metropolitan sees: one had had its centre in Gniezno since AD , and included the two Lithuanian sees; the other was based first in Halicz (–) and later in Lwów.The archbishop of Gniezno (bearing the title of primate from ) led the whole episcopate, crowned the king and occupied the first place in the royal council, which he did not cede even to the bishop of Cracow, Zbigniew, the first Polish cardinal. Together the two ecclesiastical provinces contained seven- teen sees; the jurisdiction of Gniezno stretched into Wrocl-aw (Breslau), whilst Lwów had jurisdiction over a diocese in Moldavia. Church property (owned by bishops, chapters, religious orders and the parishes) made up about per cent of cultivated land. The nobles fought to change the tithe system and demanded the payment of taxation on ecclesiastical property. In Rus′ the Orthodox Church enjoyed complete toleration. After the collapse of the short-lived Orthodox metropolitan see of Halicz (), the bishops of this province were placed under the jurisdiction of Kiev, where a metropolitan, with authority over nine sees, was established in for the Orthodox in Poland and Lithuania. The colonies of Armenian merchants had their own church and cathedral in Lwów after ; the attempt to unite the Orthodox and Roman Churches at the Council of Florence in did not involve the Polish Armenians. However, the idea of uniting the Orthodox and Roman Churches was supported by some of the Rus′ian prelates and the kings of Poland. Although an Orthodox metropolitan (Isidore of Kiev) took part in the Council of Ferrara–Florence (), no formal union between the Churches came of it. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are marked by the further mass influx of Jews, the Yiddish-speaking Ashkenazim, from German-speaking lands. Thirteenth-century ducal privileges and those issued by the kings in the four- teenth and fifteenth centuries assured the Jews of a separate estate with their own autonomous organisation in particular towns, freedom of religion and
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 judicial rights along with protection of their persons and the right to trade. Despite attempts in some towns to restrict or banish the Jewish population, Jewish rights were preserved in their entirety.
′ State and political institutions evolved with increasing speed in the grand duchy of Lithuania throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In the four- teenth century the power of the grand duke was based on inheritance, in the sense that he gained it by being the son of his father generally acknowledged as most fit to rule. The members of the dynasty had the right to be endowed with their hereditary lands under the grand duke’s lordship. In the areas which were directly subject to him, the grand duke was absolute ruler and governed per- sonally as leader and judge, although he received help from his court and his lieutenants in particular territories. In regions granted as duchies to members of the dynasty, or in those duchies where Rus′ian princes were installed, the duke was likewise an absolute ruler. The boyar class comprised knights owing military service. It occupied lands distributed by the grand duke or regional duke which were heritable in the male line but subject to confiscation at the ruler’s will. The population of boyar vil- lages owed tribute and service to the grand duke on his lands or to the dukes on theirs. Apart from the free population of serfs subject to the boyars, there were also slaves, particularly enslaved prisoners of war. In the fifteenth century privileges, which sometimes reflected the influence of Polish law issued by the grand dukes both for the grand duchy as a whole and for particular lands within it, helped to achieve new models of social rela- tionships and institutions. There can be no doubt that the granting of such privileges resulted in the creation of a social structure more widely differentiated than before. In the course of the century, certainly by the time of the death of Vytautas, individual princes lost their lands to the grand duke who conferred them on a more limited basis. These princes were transformed from regional rulers into members of the upper class in which they joined the boyars who were termed lords and who formed a strong, propertied group. They were leaders with their own banners, and stood responsible only to the grand duke as judge. The remaining mass of boyars created a gentry differentiated by prop- erty. While a section of the gentry enjoyed the privileges granted to the boyar- lords (inherited property, no punishment without trial, the consolidation of tax and personal dues), there were also boyars of the second rank who were subject to a prince or lords. The peasant population consisted of those born as slaves who, as household servants, were deprived of all rights even when settled on manors and lands,
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ and of serfs, who did have a legal identity, although they were bound to the soil. At the same time a considerable number of freemen enjoyed personal freedom but lacked property rights. The towns in Lithuanian Rus′ maintained their old structures, having a free population with differentiation between the richer denizens, who owed cavalry service, and the rest. In legal matters the towns were dependent on the grand- ducal or ducal lieutenants and their judiciary. From the end of the fourteenth century, with ducal agreement, a few towns (Vilnius and Trakai) came under German law: but there were still only a few of these in the fifteenth century. The network of towns with either local or German law became very rare. This is typical of eastern Europe, but contrasts with the situation in central and Baltic Europe. Jews appeared in Lithuania by , and more came in the next century to occupy urban settlements. They received three local charters from Grand Duke Vytautas (–) which were confirmed as general privileges by King and Grand Duke Sigismund in . The small number of Tatar military settle- ments on the territory of the grand duchy (from the second half of the four- teenth century) enjoyed full recognition of their Islamic confessional allegiance. In Vytautas’s day, a small group of Karaites arrived in Lithuania to practise Judaism without Rabbinical or Talmudic teachings. From , when the Lithuanian lords elected Prince Casimir as their ruler, theofficeof granddukebecameelective,althoughalwayslimitedtodescendants of Wl-adysl-aw II Jagiel--lo. The grand duke exercised his authority with the help of court dignitaries of whom the chancellor (from always palatine of Vilnius at the same time) exercised wide authority in domestic and foreign affairs. Lieutenants controlled provincial administration and eventually, under Polish influence, these came to be called starostas, holding full financial and judicial powers. From onwards there were two voivodships, or palatinates: Vilnius and Trakai, with another centred on Kiev after , along with the castellanies of Vilnius and Trakai. At the district (powiat) level the leaders were the standard bearers, that is gentry captains summoned to regional mobilisation. Political society was constituted by the grand-ducal council. This included bishops, court and provincial officials, in total several dozen persons. Alongside this council was a more prescribed or secret council consisting of a handful of lords. These were advisory bodies with great political power which, from the mid-fifteenth century, were consulted regarding the levying of taxes. The summons of the grand-ducal council in , directing each province to send ten or more representatives to the election of the new grand duke, led to the establishment of a Lithuanian sejm. However, like that of the land diets, the full development of the sejm was to occur in the sixteenth century.
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- -′ ′ In particular after , life at the courts of the king and leading secular and religious officers, as in the large towns of the kingdom of Poland, came close to the level of that of other central European countries at the end of the Middle Ages. Court celebrations and entertainments, tournaments, feasts and ostentatious decoration contrasted, as they did everywhere, even in the major towns, with the squalor and the poverty found in many towns. The higher nobility lived in contact with the urban patriciate and eagerly adopted foreign customs imported into the country or encountered on journeys abroad. None the less, there were regional variations. Silesia and Little Poland were the leaders in cultural matters; then came Royal Prussia, Great Poland and Mazovia. In the south-east, the new developments spread unevenly. In Lithuania, which still belonged culturally to eastern Europe, the first wave of westernisation was to affect the princes, nobles and the Catholic elements of the population in particular. From the mid-fourteenth century Poland developed a network of cathedral, parish and town schools. This was to affect both the numbers of those who pursued studies in order to enter the Church and others, often sons of the nobility and townspeople, who did so with the aim of working in local courts and chanceries. Such schools also prepared men for university study in Italy (especially Bologna), France and at Prague. The University of Cracow, the second after Prague to be established in central Europe, had been founded by Casimir III in on the Bolognese model to concentrate on law as a subject necessary to the administration of Church and state. Renewed by a foundation charter of Wl-adysl-aw II Jagiel--lo in , the university came under the influence of Paris and established a faculty of theology. Maintaining contact with other universities, it influenced neigh- bouring lands, especially Lithuania. In philosophy, it tended towards nominal- ism and taught ethics and politics, spread conciliar doctrine within the Polish Church and maintained religious orthodoxy. From among the theologians, Matthew of Cracow and Iacobus de Paradiso stand out, while the lawyer Stanislaw de Scarbimiria developed the doctrine of the just war (). The school of astronomy led by Adalbert of Brudzewo and others produced the university’s most famous alumnus, Nicholas Copernicus, who studied there between and . The study of literature and Italian humanism reached the university later in the century. Gregory of Sanok, archbishop of Lwów (d. ), patronised writers seeking new literary forms and secular subject matter. About a new circle grew up in Cracow around Filippo Buonaccorsi-Callimachus, and at the end of the century the ‘Sodalitas litteraria Vistulana’ was formed by Conrad
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, ′′ Celtis. Latin remained the major form of literary expression in many areas. In history, Jan Dl-ugosz (Longinus), canon of Cracow, teacher of the royal chil- dren and a diplomat, composed his Annales seu cronicae inclyti regni Poloniae, an extensive account of Polish history from the beginning to , written in the style of Livy. The Polish language was used for biblical translations, statutes of common law and both religious and secular poetry. The first presses appeared in Cracow in /; the first Polish-language book was printed in Wrocl-aw in , and the first Cyrillic book was produced in Cracow in . The fine arts were represented by guilds of painters, sculptors and gold- smiths patronised by the royal and magnate courts, the Church and the towns. Gothic style common throughout central Europe had three provincial artistic centres: Silesia, Little Poland and Prussia which influenced one another, the kingdom and the grand duchy. The spread of western European art in the age of the Romanesque had reached the Vistula; in the Gothic period western influence spread as far as Vilnius and Lwów. From the other direction, Rus′ian art of the Novgorod and Volyn′ schools reached Cracow and Lublin as a result of the personal ‘ecumenism’ of Wl-adysl-aw III and Casimir IV. The nations within the Jagiellonian state, open to cultural interchange, were held together by loyalty to the kingdom or the grand duchy. Such was the legacy bequeathed to the age which followed.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′
RUSSIA
Nancy Shields Kollmann
‘’ is the state descended from the grand principality that coalesced around Moscow in the fourteenth century and began the historical continuum that extended to the Russian Empire (–), the Soviet Union (–) and modern Russia. The fifteenth century was one of the most significant, and underappreciated, centuries in Russian history. At the century’s beginning the grand principality of Muscovy stretched from Mozhaisk (about miles to Moscow’s west) eastward to the Suzdal′-Nizhnii Novgorod grand principality (subject in part to Moscow since ), from Riazan′ in the south-east to the northern forests of Beloozero, Vologda and Ustiug. But its power was more tenuous than this geographical expanse would suggest. Moscow’s hold in the north and in Suzdal′ was superficial; surrounding Moscow lay myriad principalities ranging from the weak Rostov and Iaroslavl′ to the more potent grand principalities of Riazan′ and Tver′. Powerful rivals included the city republics of Novgorod and Pskov, not forgetting the grand duchy of Lithuania. Yet by the end of the century Moscow had achieved clear domi- nance in this area often called north-east Rus′ (in reference to the Kiev Rus′ state that flourished from the tenth to the twelfth centuries and bequeathed to Muscovy some important heritages). The key to Moscow’s success lay in the means, both institutional and symbolic, that it devised to consolidate its authority and to exploit and mobilise social resources. Those means of govern- ance and ideological constructions endured for at least the next two centuries, and resonated beyond.
Sources for fifteenth-century Russia are by no means abundant, but in some areas, such as politics and diplomacy, they are remarkably rich. Chronicles flourished, with codices being compiled in the grand duchy (Smolensk), Ukraine, Moscow, Tver′, Rostov, Vologda, Perm, Novgorod and Pskov. Jan Dl-ugosz’s history reflects on the grand duchy; travellers to the grand duchy and the north-east oer interesting accounts (Gilbert de Lannoy, Josafo Barbaro,
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia
Map Russia
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl Ambrogio Contarini and others). Treaties survive from Novgorod, Pskov, Moscow, Tver′ and the grand duchy with neighbouring powers and appanage kinsmen. Muscovite princely wills also survive. For social and economic history, extant sources are much weaker. Secular and ecclesiastical lawcodes from the Kiev era (the Nomocanon, or Kormchaia kniga; the Just Measure, or Meriolo pravednoe; the Charters of Vladimir and Iaroslav; the Russian Law, or Russkaia pravda) continued to be copied, edited and applied in the grand duchy, Novgorod and the north-east. Codifications of law and judicial procedure also appear: Pskov, ; the grand duchy, ; Novgorod, the s; Moscow, . The Lithuanian state chancellery records, collected in the ‘Metrika’, are rich, while for Muscovy only military muster rolls and some diplomatic records were produced at court. For north-east Rus′, there survive documents of land transfer, wills, genealogies, some litigation over land, a few Novgorod and Tver′ cadastres and a charter of local government (to Beloozero, ). Finally, saints’ lives oer details of daily life. The chronicle of Muscovy’s regional expansion and geopolitical interaction displays vividly Moscow’s successes. The dynamics of geopolitics in this century were structured by Moscow’s rivalry with the grand duchy of Lithuania. The Kipchak khanate (or so-called Golden Horde) – westernmost outpost of the Mongol Empire, populated primarily by Tatars – had disin- tegrated by the early decades of the century and its splinter groups played only supporting roles in the regional balance of power: the khanate of Kazan′ existed by the s, producing a khanate in Kasimov in that generally acted as a Muscovite pawn; the Crimean khanate was controlled by the Girey clan by ; the Great Horde on the lower Volga coalesced in the wake of the destruction of Sarai by Timur (Tamerlane) in the first years of the century. The arenas of geopolitics focused on the region’s two spheres of commercial activ- ity, the Baltic and the Volga. From the mid-fifteenth century the Baltic wit- nessed a trading boom that lasted until the early seventeenth. It focused on grain exports from the Polish, Ukrainian and Belarus’an hinterlands, shipped at Stettin, Danzig, Königsberg and Memel. Ports and trade centres farther north – the Livonian towns of Riga, Dorpat (Tartu) and Reval (Tallinn), as well as Novgorod and Pskov – continued to export forest products, primarily furs and wax. A prominent casualty of the heated competition on the Baltic was the Hanseatic League, whose monopoly on Baltic trade disintegrated from the pressure of various forces: national governments anxious to capture income from the Hansa towns; the competition of Dutch, English, southern German and Swedish merchants; and a breakdown of discipline within the League itself. By the second half of the century Novgorod’s economy also declined precipitously. Novgorod became embroiled in self-destructive conflicts with the Hansa; it suered from competition in Pskov, Smolensk, Polotsk, Moscow
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia and Kazan′ (which was taking over the middle Volga and Kama basin from the Volga Bulgar khanate, which had been decimated by the collapse of the Mongol Empire at the end of the fourteenth century); Novgorod’s trade empire proved to be inflexible, for it remained based on squirrel fur when European demand shifted to luxury fur by mid-century. The Baltic trade enhanced inland routes extending from Moscow and Tver′ westward to Novgorod and Pskov or to centres in the grand duchy such as Velikie Luki, Toropets, Vitebsk and Polotsk (both on the western Dvina), Smolensk and Vilnius. With trade on the Volga river eclipsed by Tatar strife, the Dnieper returned to its Kievan-era glory. Towns of the grand duchy on the Dnieper route, such as Chernihiv (on the Desna), Smolensk, Pereiaslav and Kiev (all on the Dnieper), Turov (on the Pripet) and Volodymyr in Volhynia flourished, while north-east Rus′ merchants developed trade routes through Kolomna and Riazan′ (on the Oka) to the upper Oka basin and on to the head- waters of the Desna, Dnieper and Don, and across the steppe to the Black Sea. The transit of goods to and from Europe and the east – once traversing the Mongol ‘silk road’ across the steppe through an axis at the Caspian Sea – now pivoted around the Black Sea. Genoese colonies at Soldaia (Sudak, Surozh) and Kaa not only received annual expeditions of northern merchants from towns in the grand duchy and north-east Rus′, but sent their own merchants (Italians, Tatars, Greeks, Armenians, Jews) in return. The Crimean Horde’s trading centres at Ochakov and Perekop also prospered, even after Turkish conquest in . It is thus no coincidence that the principal objects of contention between the grand duchy and Moscow lay on these routes: Novgorod, Pskov, Tver′, Smolensk and the upper Oka basin. The rivalry between the grand duchy and Moscow simmered throughout the first half of the century. In the first third of the century the towering figure of Grand Duke Vytautas (–) overshadowed the relationship. Driven by a desire to assert his control from the Vistula to the Volga and to safeguard the integrity of the grand duchy in its dynastic union with Poland (), Vytautas was the most important political figure of his generation in eastern Europe. Having failed in the first when defeated by the Great Horde at the Vorskla river in , he none the less succeeded in the second goal through the Union of Horodl-o (). By virtue of the marriage, in , of his daughter, Sofiia, to Grand Prince Vasilii I Dmitrievich (–) and Vasilii I’s naming him guardian of his underage son, Vytautas exerted influence in Moscow. He refrained from taking over Muscovy in when the ten-year-old Vasilii II (–) inherited the throne. Instead, in the late s Vytautas acted on other fronts, pursuing campaigns against Pskov () and Novgorod () and securing treaties of subordination from the still independent princes of Pronsk, Riazan′ and Tver′. In Vytautas agreed to accept a king’s crown
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl from the Holy Roman Emperor, but he died in while the crown was en route, blocked from reaching him by Vytautas’s anxious rivals in Poland, the Papacy and the Teutonic and Livonian Orders. Vytautas’s death set o a succession struggle in the grand duchy which pre- vented it from playing an active role in north-east Rus′ politics. In the s and s the grand principality of Moscow was similarly embroiled, the issues being dynastic succession and regional tensions. When the deaths of Vytautas and of Metropolitan Fotii () deprived Vasilii II of eective patronage and mediators, the young ruler’s uncle, Iurii of Galich (with a capital at Zvenigorod), challenged him for the throne. Since early in the four- teenth century the Daniilovich dynasty had been practising de facto primogeni- ture (despite traditions of collateral succession in the Riurikide dynasty from which it stemmed), because heirs were few and mortality high. Prince Iurii’s claim threatened in the main the boyar clans, who had flourished under the predictability of linear succession; support for the young heir was therefore strong. The dynastic struggles flared for almost twenty years, in two phases. Prince Iurii won the Kremlin briefly in , but died later that year. His son, Vasilii Kosoi, continued the challenge, but was blinded in , temporarily ending the hostilities. These were renewed in , when the defeat and tem- porary capture of Vasilii II by the Kazan′ Tatars opened opportunity for Prince Iurii’s second son, Dmitrii Shemiaka. Shemiaka seized the Kremlin and Vasilii II in , blinding him in retaliation for Kosoi’s mutilation. The war ended later that year with the expulsion of Shemiaka from the Kremlin and a victory for Vasilii II, his boyars and the principles of linear succession and central control. The failure of the opposition can be attributed to its incoherence. The most consistent supporters of the Galich princes were trading centres of the upper Volga and northern territories rich in furs: Kostroma, Galich, Vologda, Beloozero and the city republic of Viatka (with its capital at Khlynov). Prince Ivan of Mozhaisk, whose lands approached the border with the grand duchy, also threw in his lot, as did Suzdal′-Nizhnii Novgorod. Although an in-law of Prince Iurii, the Lithuanian Grand Duke Sˇvitrigaila (–) was too embroiled in his own struggles for the throne in the grand duchy to help; dis- array among the Tatars prevented them from playing a consistent role. Novgorod and Tver′ feared Moscow too much to mount eective opposition. Novgorod tried to play both sides by sheltering both Vasilii II and Prince Vasilii Kosoi in , but by the s it openly supported Prince Dmitrii Shemiaka, oering him sanctuary in . He died there in , poisoned perhaps on Vasilii II’s orders. Tver′ initially supported the opposition, but in allied with Vasilii II, arming the alliance with the betrothal of the future Ivan III (–) to Grand Prince Mikhail’s daughter, Mariia. Finally, in the
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia grand duchy agreed not to intervene, and renounced its designs on Novgorod and Tver′. Thus, the opposition to Vasilii II was diuse and tentative. One loser in the dynastic war was the Moscow Daniilovich dynasty itself, since the principle of linear succession proved to be costly. Ivan III forbade and delayed the marriages of several of his brothers, so that Iurii and Andrei the Younger died unmarried, Andrei of Uglich was arrested in with his two sons and died in captivity, and Boris of Volok Lamskii lived in constant tension with Ivan III. The majority of Vasilii II’s remaining kinsmen were per- secuted after the dynastic war: two descendants of Dmitrii Shemiaka and Ivan of Mozhaisk, who had fled to the grand duchy in the s, were enticed back to Muscovy in and one, Shemiaka’s grandson, was arrested with his son in (both died in prison). The loyal Prince Vasilii Iaroslavich of Borovsk was also arrested with most of his sons in and died soon thereafter. This strin- gent policy continued until Ivan IV (–) was left with no direct or collat- eral male kin and the dynasty died out with his last surviving son, Fedor, in . There were two clear winners in the struggle, of which one was the Moscow boyar elite. That body’s origins can be traced to the late fourteenth century in a core of families that founded hereditarily privileged military clans whose senior members had the hereditary right to serve as boyars.1 That dignity gave them access to power, status, land and other largesse from the grand prince. Surviving the dynastic war, this core retained pre-eminence into the sixteenth century. The second victor in the dynastic war was the grand principality of Moscow itself. In the s and s Moscow consolidated its control of the remaining independent north-east Rus′ principalities: Riazan′, through complex marital connections from to ; Iaroslavl′, in ; and Rostov Velikii, in and . From the s Moscow embarked on a concerted military and missionary eort to consolidate control on lands where Muscovite authority had been claimed since the s: Vychegda Perm′ and Perm Velikaia on the upper Kama. By the conquest of Viatka and that of the Iugra and Voguly tribes of the Urals in , Moscow came to dominate these fur-rich lands. The defeats of Novgorod and Tver′ constituted Moscow’s greatest achievements in the wake of the dynastic war. Novgorod held obstinately throughout the fifteenth century to a myopic foreign policy, the product of its ruling boyar oligarchy. Reforms from the first third of the fifteenth century increased the collective mayoralty (posadnichestvo) from six to eight- een; the number rose to twenty-four and eventually to thirty-four by the end of the century. The council of lords (sovet gospod, composed of all current
1 Kollmann (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl and past mayors and thousandmen, chaired by the archbishop), became larger still (fifty or sixty members), representing almost all of the city’s boyar families. This was a decisive turn to oligarchy, marking the mayoralty’s trans- formation from a political oce to a corporate estate, symbolised by the use on coins of an image modelled on the seal of oligarchic Venice.2 After these reforms the famed town council (veche) of Novgorod became a rubber stamp.
Recognising the rising power of Moscow, Novgorod enlisted Lithuanian and Suzdal′ (Shuiskii) princes as defenders of the town and developed ever stronger pro-Lithuanian parties ( although some groups advocated compro- mise with Moscow). After Shemiaka’s death in in Novgorod, Moscow attacked the city and exacted harsh retribution. By the Treaty of Iazhelbitsy, Moscow ostensibly agreed to maintain Novgorodian ‘tradition’ (starina, posh- lina), but restricted political associations, exacted a huge fine, claimed territory in the Beloozero lands and, worst of all, imposed the grand prince’s court as highest court of appeal. In , still defiant, the boyars of Novgorod agreed to accept Casimir, king of Poland and grand duke of Lithuania, as their sove- reign. This apostasy prompted Moscow to mount a coalition with Tver′ and Pskov against Novgorod; failing to receive help from Casimir, Novgorod fell in a bloody defeat at the Shelon′ river. The Treaty of Korostyn′ rearmed the Iazhelbitsy terms, claimed Vologda and Volok Lamskii, forbade Novgorod to consort with the grand duchy and forced the city to issue a new judicial charter in Ivan III’s name. It has been persuasively argued that Moscow’s goals in Novgorod were merely to establish a loyal government; it was the intransigence of the pro- Lithuanian factions which drove Ivan III to more radical measures.3 In , after an abortive military campaign, Novgorod capitulated. Ivan III took over its hinterland, dismantled the urban government, installed Moscow viceger- ents (namestniki) and, over the next decade, exiled hundreds of Novgorod mer- chant, boyar and lesser landholding families to lands in central Muscovy, confiscating all boyar-owned property, almost all of the archbishop’s lands and about three-quarters of monastic estates, about per cent of seignorial prop- erties in all. On about half of these, Moscow introduced conditional land tenure (pomest′e). The northern Dvina lands and most of the Obonezhskaia fifth were not distributed as pomestiia because their land was inhospitable for farming and too sparsely settled. The rest were reserved for the grand prince and tax-paying communes. Finally, Ivan III summarily closed down the German Hansa neighbourhood in Novgorod in for twenty years, giving
2 Ianin (), pp. –. 3 Bernadskii (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia preferential treatment to his newly founded () fortress and trade depot at Ivangorod on the Gulf of Finland. Clearly, both lack of military preparedness and political mismanagement played a role in Novgorod’s defeat. It had failed to make eective alliances or to compromise with Moscow. Its intransigence is well characterised by Archbishop Evfimii (–). Under him three major chronicle codices and five lesser redactions were compiled, providing an alternative vision to Muscovite all-Rus′ compendia. In he initiated cults associated with the victory of the Novgorodians against the Suzdalians in (an allegory for Novgorod’s rivalry with Moscow), a victory commemorated in icons and in tales and saints’ lives, the latter commissioned from the Serbian writer, Pakhomii Logofet. In Evfimii also canonised nine Novgorod arch- bishops and several eleventh- and twelfth-century princes, all revered for espousing Novgorodian liberties. The most spectacular of the anti-Muscovite Novgorodian compositions of the fifteenth century was the legendary ‘Tale of the White Cowl’, which linked Novgorod with Byzantium and Kiev Rus′ as the recipient of the white cowl, given by the Roman Emperor Constantine the Great to Pope Sylvester, and miraculously transported from Rome to Constantinople and then to Novgorod as emblem of the city’s claim to univer- sal political authority.4 Archbishop Evfimii also evoked Novgorod’s past in architecture, rebuilding several churches according to their original twelfth-century designs. At the same time, Novgorodian icon painting reached a zenith, continuing traditions of austere composition and subject matter, bright palette and emotional direct- ness. Other realms of culture flourished: the Novgorodian Archbishop Gennadii (–) assembled translators and writers to make the first full Slav translation of the Bible, and to compose polemics against Moscow’s pre- tensions on Novgorodian church property and ecclesiastical autonomy, as well as against the Judaisers. This group of free-thinkers in Novgorod and Moscow was accused of Jewish practices and anti-Trinitarianism, but their full beliefs are dicult to ascertain due to a paucity of non-tendentious sources. In the climate of oligarchy, Archbishop Evfimii’s activities had no galvanising eect on the populace. Rather, they epitomised the stubborn wilfulness of Novgorod’s boyars, who met every victorious Muscovite embassy in , and with proposals based on thirteenth-century treaties that pre- served ‘tradition’ and restricted princely authority to a minimum. As Muscovy subjugated Novgorod, tensions continued between the grand duchy and Moscow. King/Grand Duke Casimir allied with the Great Horde in the late s; in consequence Moscow turned to the Crimean khanate, an
4 Labunka ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl alliance that endured until . Expecting Lithuanian aid that never came, the Great Horde mounted a major campaign against Moscow in , but was easily pushed back, presaging its final conquest by Moscow in . The ‘stand on the Ugra river’ was immortalised beyond all real significance by Bishop Vassian Rylo of Rostov Velikii in the late fifteenth century and has come to signify the ‘throwing o of the Mongol yoke’,5 although eective authority of the Kipchak khanate over north-east Rus′ had already disintegrated in the first half of the century. Disappointed that his earlier alliances with Moscow had not yielded territor- ial gain in Novgorod, Grand Prince Mikhail Borisovich of Tver′ allied with Casimir in , securing the pact by marrying one of Casimir’s kinswomen. Ivan III responded by conquering Tver′ in . Since the fourteenth century Tver′ had remained an ambitious and powerful centre. Its striking school of icon painting testifies to the city’s cultural achievements, paralleled by its rulers’ ambitions. Tver′ Grand Prince Boris Aleksandrovich (–) sponsored building projects; under him in an ambitious chronicle was compiled that placed Tver′ at the centre of Christian history; it would be followed by another in . He commissioned panegyrics to three ancestors locally venerated as saints for their historical greatness and enmity with Moscow. In a panegyric written sometime before 1453 by the elder Foma, Grand Prince Boris Aleksandrovich himself was exalted as ‘tsar’ and ‘sovereign’ (gosudar′), titles which implied universal authority.6 In the first decades after conquest, Moscow accorded Tver′ special respect: it was awarded as a ‘grand principality’ to Ivan III’s heir, and its administrative structure remained largely intact for a genera- tion.7 Some members of its elite were welcomed into the Moscow elite, and no wholesale deportations took place. Tver′’s landed cavalrymen became a local gentry, a policy that in the long run marginalised them politically, but which at the time may have been a concession to Tverian traditions. Meanwhile, Moscow and the grand duchy engaged in repeated border skir- mishes in the s to s. Upper Oka princes increasingly shifted allegiance to Moscow from the grand duchy, arguing that they had suered discrimina- tion because of their Orthodox religion. At the death of King/Grand Duke Casimir in , the grand duchy accepted peace conditions advantageous to Moscow, cementing the arrangement with the marriage of Ivan III’s daughter Elena to Grand Duke Alexander in . By Ivan III, in alliance with the Crimea and Denmark (which was seeking gains in Livonia), launched war against the grand duchy and its allies, the Livonian Order and the Great Horde. That conflict ended in with no lasting territorial changes, but it initiated a
5 Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. Vtoraia polovina XV veka, pp. –. 6 Likhachev (ed.), ‘Inoka Fomy “Slovo pokhval′noe o blagovernom velikom kniaze Borise Aleksandroviche”’; Lur′e (). 7 Floria ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia century of nearly continual war, alternating with shaky armistices, between Moscow and the grand duchy. Completing its aims of territorial expansion initiated in the fifteenth century, Moscow conquered and annexed Pskov in . Pskov had continued to follow a Novgorodian political path, expanding its collective mayoralty to six or seven mayors and maintaining an exclusive council of lords dominated by fewer than ten families. The city flourished, particularly as its trading part- ners, the three Livonian towns, rose to dominate Baltic trade. Pskov’s vibrant architecture and icon painting testify to its prosperity. Throughout the fif- teenth century Pskov developed close ties with Moscow and in the city compromised to avoid a full-scale conquest. Only secular, not ecclesiastical, land was confiscated. Nevertheless, Pskov’s town council and mayoralty were dismantled, families were exiled to Moscow, while many others were dis- possessed and Muscovite vicegerents assumed control in the city.
Because the harsh climate of north-east Rus′ imposed limits on productivity and population growth, a discussion of its environment will serve as appropri- ate background to a discussion of governance. Three fundamental features shaped the physical environment, the first being northern latitude. Moscow, at ° ′ north latitude, is farther north than London and all major American and Canadian cities save those of Alaska. Among major cities in the British Isles, only Edinburgh and Glasgow are marginally farther north, but their cli- mates are moderated by ocean currents. No natural obstacles prevent cold Arctic air from sweeping across the flat lands of north-east Rus′, which consti- tute an extension of the European plain. A third formative feature is lakes and rivers that, with portages, form an intricate transportation network from the Baltic to the Black and Caspian Seas. Major north- or south-flowing rivers are the Dnieper, Don, middle and lower Volga, northern Dvina and Kama; east- or west-flowing waterways include the Niemen and western Dvina, upper Volga, Moskva, Kliaz′ma and Oka Rivers. Soil and vegetation proceed south in belts of increasing fertility. Covering virtually all the Novgorod lands is the coniferous forest, or taiga. Covering Belarus’ and Muscovy, and north to Novgorod, is a belt of mixed evergreen and deciduous vegetation with brown podzolic soil; south of Moscow runs a very narrow belt of broad-leaf decidu- ous trees with slightly better grey forest soil. Marsh and fen are common throughout. There is one very significant patch of fertile loess soil around Vladimir and Suzdal′. Temperatures in Moscow average about ′ degrees C (. degrees F) in January; the growing season is only five months per year at Moscow, with snow cover for at least five months and limited precipitation. The relative weakness, then, of soil, heat and moisture produced subsistence farming.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl Certain essential factors have been seen as leading to Moscow’s spectacular rise. Attention has been drawn to its favourable geographical position; its dynasty’s system of de facto primogeniture; the military and political support obtained from the Kipchak khanate and the financial benefits related thereto; and the eect of the metropolitan see being located in Moscow from .8 These factors are significant but, by themselves, insucient to account for Moscow’s success: Tver′ and Novgorod enjoyed some of these same, or comparable, attributes and yet they still fell to Moscow. Russian scholars have traditionally explained Moscow’s success in terms of an inevitable march of the Russian people towards unity under the banner of the Muscovite princes. But modern Russian nationalism weighs too heavily on this interpretation for it to be a satisfactory explanation. For additional insights into its success, one can look at Moscow’s responses to the challenges of the fifteenth century. For example, Moscow capitalised on the vulnerabilities of its neighbours: as the Volga Bulgars and Novgorod weakened, so it pressed its expansion into the Novgorodian north, the Kama basin and the Urals; among Orthodox princes in the upper Oka area, it fomented anti-Catholic sentiment. More importantly, Moscow devised dynamic and eective means of governance that allowed it to consolidate its authority over human and natural resources. Fifteenth-century Muscovite society and politics were grounded in personal relationships among family, community, clients and lords. The majority of the population was juridically free and lived in communes, either urban (posady) or rural (volosti). To the grand prince’s tribute collectors (dan′shchiki), tax-paying (tiaglye) people paid the Mongol and princely tributes (the vykhod and dan′) in cash or kind. To his vicegerents in towns and district administrators in the countryside (namestniki and volosteli), tax payers rendered horses and services, paid sales taxes, customs duties and other small levies, and mustered for infantry service. To specialised ocials, putnye boyars, tax payers paid goods in kind: furs, honey, wax, game; for urban fortification chiefs (gorodchiki), they repaired and fortified towns; they paid the upkeep (korm) of the prince’s ocials, whether resident or circuit; they were subject to the judicial authority of the vicegerent or district administrator for important crimes, although com- munes maintained jurisdiction over most civil issues.9 By and large peasants farmed their own closed fields, sowing rye, barley and oats, supplementing their diets with berries, nuts and mushrooms and small amounts of root vegetables, fish, meat and dairy products. Taxable people shared communal meadows, forests and ponds. They rarely achieved better than a three-to-one yield on their crops. Ruin was a constant threat from crop
8 Kliuchevskii (), pp. –. 9 On tax obligations, see Veselovskii (), pp. –; Gorskii (), pp. –; Alekseev (), pp. –; Blum (), pp. –; Kashtanov (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia failure, epidemic, natural disaster and the ravages of war, accounting for the fact that a substantial minority of the peasant populace was dependent on landlords as renters, indentured servants or even as slaves. Although some became dependent when their communes were awarded by the prince to a lord, and some when they fell into arrears on debt obligations, most chose the status voluntarily because of advantageous terms, in return for military or fiscal pro- tection or if their holdings were devastated by some natural disaster. Landlords as a rule enjoyed immunities on their lands: they and their people paid few taxes, tolls or services to the grand prince, with the exception of dan′ and vykhod; landlords judged their own people independently of the prince’s judi- cial network. Owners rarely maintained a large consolidated demesne; they exploited their holdings as ‘upkeep’ (kormlenie), just as princely ocials exploited their subject populations. The social stratum of landholders was large and various. It ranged from very small holders, such as peasants who had acquired a bit of land or families whose holdings had been reduced by partible inheritance, to wealthy princes, boyars, bishops and monasteries. The average owner was a smallholder: for example, two-thirds of over , Novgorod lay landholders recorded at the end of the fifteenth century held only per cent of the land, while just twenty-seven men owned over one third of it.10 Both men and women could acquire land; landownership did not require service, and some did not serve, judging by a Tver′ cadastre of the s in which many landholders were listed as serving no one. As a rule, lay landholders served princes or boyars, retaining the right to move to another lord without loss of land or other punishment. Many smallholders received their land as grants from such patrons and in return performed various services: some served in the military retinue of the boyar, prince, metropolitan or bishop (monasteries generally did not field mili- tary retinues); some were bailis and major-domos; some were specialised arti- sans and workers such as fishermen, falconers, fur collectors, dogkeepers, equerries, cooks and bakers.11 The Tver′ cadastre identifies about a third of its landholders as retainers of the bishops of Tver′ or Riazan′, of local monaster- ies, of large landholders or of princes who maintained some sovereign rights (the others served the Moscow grand prince or no one at all).12 The most eminent of such dependants were the boyars, the grand prince’s counsellors, who led his retinue (dvor) in war, served in major administrative positions and supported their own retinues on portions of their lands. Thus the army in any
10 Blum (), p. . 11 On dependent relations, see Eck (), pp. –; Veselovskii (), pp. –,(), pp. –, and (), pp. –, –; Alekseev (), pp. –; Blum (), pp. –, –; Pavlov-Sil′vanskii (), pp. –, –. 12 Lappo (), pp. –; Blum (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl of the principalities was comprised of privately maintained retinues loyal to lords who themselves stood in a hierarchy of personal loyalty from humble retainer to boyar and prince. Administration was similarly grounded in personal relationships. Local ocials were awarded their posts as sources of income by the local prince. The boyars who judged the prince’s elite were themselves his dependants and servi- tors. Such a highly personalised governing structure functioned well in polit- ically fragmented north-east Rus′, but it could not oer rulers great wealth or military might. As long as land and service were not linked, as long as immun- ities were common, and as long as private retinues comprised the army, the ambitions of princes would be thwarted. Not surprisingly, the rise of Muscovy rested not only on the political victories described above, but also on adminis- trative innovation. Although chronologically not the first, the most prominent administrative measure was the expansion of the retinue (dvor) of the grand prince at the expense of those of private landlords, achieved by granting land in conditional tenure (pomest′e). The large-scale use of pomest′e began in Novgorod: over , pomestiia were assigned to men transferred from the centre, while the Novgorodian deportees received pomestiia in the centre (Moscow, Vladimir, Murom, Nizhnii Novgorod, Pereiaslavl′ Zalesskii, Iur′ev Polskoi, Rostov Velikii, Kostroma, etc.). Such mass confiscations were exceptional. In other conquered territorities, such as Viaz′ma (), Toropets (), Pskov () and Smolensk (), confiscations took place on a lesser scale. Gradually over the sixteenth century, pomest′e grants – from court (dvortsovye) lands, confiscated appanages and free peasant communes – brought most available lands under conditional status.13 It has been argued that the pomest′e system broke the back of the boyar elite by destroying its retinues and creating a new social force, the pomeshchiki (service landholders).14 Pomest′e distribution in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, however, shows no strict delineation between holders of conditional and allodial (votchina) land. From the very beginning in Novgorod, pomestiia were granted to princes (mainly from Iaroslavl′ and Rostov), to boyars and lesser non-princely families, and also to clients of such families (who constituted per cent of pomest′e recipients in Novgorod). But the pomest′e system did not thereby destroy the practice of keeping private ret- inues. Not only did ‘service princes’ (who retained sovereign rights) and eminent boyars continue to maintain retinues into the sixteenth century, but so also did lesser holders. The structure of military service itself supported ret- inues by requiring that landholders bring to battle armed cavalrymen in pro-
13 Bazilevich (); Veselovskii (), pp. –; Zimin (); Alekseev (), pp. –; Blum (), pp. –. 14 Zimin ( and ) and Kobrin () pp. – summarise and criticise this position.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia portion to the land they held, whether that land was allodial or conditional. By , standards for such supplementary soldiers were set. Even the lawcode tacitly recognised private retinues by setting ‘dishonour’ payments for the dependants of boyars (liudi).15 Thus, the pomest′e system enriched and expanded the landholding elite as a whole; the idea of class struggle between pomest′e ‘gentry’ and votchina ‘aristo- cracy’ in this period has rightly been termed a ‘myth’.16 Rather, political groups focused on clans and their factions, formed by dependency, friendship and marriage. The pomest′e system was a brilliant strategy because it used rather than challenged the fundamental structuring principle of society – personal depen- dency. It co-opted the landed elite and oriented most ties of personal loyalty – previously intricately networked in individual relationships among princes, members of ecclesiastical hierarchies or boyars – towards the grand prince himself. The pomest′e system complemented the transformation of local administra- tion towards more private and local centres of control. As most tax-paying peasant communes were shifted to private jurisdiction, the traditional authority of landlords to police and judge their people provided the centre with a ready- made local administration. Vicegerents and district administrators gradually became superfluous, all the more so since they were prone to corruption. Their judicial autonomy was infringed by the requirement that representatives of the local populace and city administrators should oversee their courts.17 Some of their fiscal authority was transferred during the period s–s to city administrators (gorodovye prikashchiki), probably chosen from among local land- holders. Their police and remaining fiscal authority were conclusively elim- inated in the ‘brigandage’ and ‘land’ reforms of the late s to s, which transferred these duties to locally selected boards.18 The grand prince’s boyar courts, and later prikaz courts, handled the highest ranking social groups and cases of murder, arson, theft with material evidence, land disputes, false accusation, dishonour, brigandage and other high crimes. Similarly, from the late fifteenth century, the Kremlin government captured revenues increasingly being lost from the privatisation of peasant communes by narrowing fiscal immunities. New taxes were introduced: a fee in place of service for the postal network; taxes for the ransoming of war captives, for border and town fortifications, for new military units. Fiscal immunities were granted increas-
15 Rossiiskoe zakonodatel′stvo, II, p. ; Zakonodatel′nye akty Russkogo gosudarstva vtoroi poloviny XVI–pervoi poloviny XVII veka, no. . 16 Zimin (), pp. –; Kobrin (), pp. –. 17 Rossiiskoe zakonodatel′stvo, II (the Beloozero charter and the lawcode). 18 Pamiatniki russkogo prava, IV; Rossiiskoe zakonodatel′stvo, II; Zakonodatel′nye akty Russkogo gosudarstva vtoroi poloviny XVI–pervoi poloviny XVII veka, nos. , .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl ingly rarely from the mid-fifteenth century on, and were generally limited in time; from the s to the middle of the sixteenth century virtually no char- ters of fiscal immunities were issued. Thus all peasants became liable for all the major taxes. Legislation on the alienation of land issued under Ivan III and Vasilii III (–) and armed in decrees between and pursued another goal implicit in the preceding reforms, that of turning local cavalrymen into regional corporations.19 The inheritance laws limited the sphere of potential recipients of land through sale, gift or inheritance to kinsmen or in some cases to men of the same district, thus safeguarding the integrity of serving families and communities. Landholders were also forbidden to alienate property to the Church, and the right of women to own and dispose of land was curtailed, although these provisions had only limited success. In the integration of con- quered territories, regional elite formation was also promoted: regional autonomies were widely tolerated (Tver′, Beloozero); the grand prince’s court (dvortsovye) lands in Tver′, Novgorod, Riazan′ and Dmitrov were administered through local major-domos (dvoretskie). Finally, the lawcodes of and reflect a limited centralising policy: only the familiar major crimes – murder, brigandage, theft with material evidence, verbal insult, false accusation, dis- putes over loans – are mentioned, as well as the proper registration of slaves and limitations on the mobility of peasants.20 These last two social phenomena tended to drain the tax and military service base. Remaining crimes were implicitly left to landlords’ and communal courts. Just as it nurtured provincial ‘corporations’ of landholding cavalrymen, the Kremlin also cultivated a central elite. From the late fifteenth century it inte- grated newly arrived or newly elevated clans into the highest ranks of service, at the same time protecting the status of established boyar families by compil- ing muster rolls (razriadnye knigi) that named major commanders from (chronicle excerpts were used as evidence for the period until ). An appar- ently private genealogy listing the established Muscovite clans, mostly non- princely, was drawn up at the end of the century, followed by ocial editions in the s and s which added new families, mainly princely clans from north-east Rus′ and some émigré lines from the grand duchy.21 The goal of such ocial codifications was social stability, and the result was a consolidated elite representing Muscovy’s newly acquired territories and newly structured military forces. The court’s willingness to integrate new clans and consolidate a central elite
19 Zakonadatel′nye akty Russkogo gosudarstva vtoroi poloviny XVI – pervoi poloviny XVII veka, , , , , ; Veselovskii (), pp. –; Kobrin (), pp. –. 20 Rossiiskoe zakonodatel′stvo, II. 21 Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, XXIV, pp. –; Buganov (ed.), Razriadnaia kniga ′–′ gg.; Bychkova (ed.), Novye rodoslovnye knigi XVI v.; Razriadnaia kniga ′–′ gg.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia can be seen in the changing composition of the grand prince’s council of boyars. Under Ivan III the group numbered nine to thirteen, mostly from old non-princely families. Under Vasilii III the group ranged from five to twelve and included new families such as the Shuiskii princes from Suzdal′ and the Bel′skii princes from the grand duchy. After Ivan IV’s minority, from to about , new clans from all sides of the conflict were brought into the boyar elite in a process of reconciliation. The number of boyars more than tripled, reaching about forty. The culmination of this process – perhaps not fully carried out – was the plan, announced in the s, to create a central elite dis- tinct from the provincial cavalrymen by resettling , elite families around Moscow. The policies surveyed above generally avoided coercive measures in their pursuit of military preparedness, elite formation and regional integration. Yet the Kremlin did resort to force when expedient. An illustration is the gradual abrogation, from at least on, of the right of a landholder to choose his lord freely and to leave service without punishment. Disgrace (opala), accom- panied by confiscation of property, was frequent, although usually short-lived; they served as tools of discipline, even terror, among the elite. Less draconian measures included surety guarantees (poruchnye gramoty) imposed on individuals suspected of divided loyalties, often obliging hundreds of others to pay indem- nity should the man in question flee Muscovy.22 Limiting the peasants’ ability to change masters was also a decisive step in creating a viable landed service elite. Limitations on peasant movement are noted sporadically beginning under Vasilii II and were fixed in the lawcode of , although it is wise to caution against exaggerating the degree of peasant enserfment in the fifteenth century.23 Such restrictions reflect increased competition for populated land and manpower, as do changes in agrarian life observed from the s on. Landlords began replacing rent with labour demands, prompting peasants to seek new masters. Large landholders in the most populous areas (primarily the immediate environs of Moscow and Novgorod) consolidated their holdings and introduced three-field crop rota- tion (although some scholars claim that these trends started much earlier and were more widespread). Disputes between peasant communes and landlords over boundaries and possession rights multiplied. In sum, landlords gradually ceased regarding their holdings as autonomous sources of revenues and began to take more direct control. The reign of Ivan III, then, was seminal in establishing institutions and poli- cies that increased Moscow’s armed might, that enhanced its ability to exploit
22 Zimin (), p. ; Kleimola (a) and (b); Alef ( and ); Dewey (). 23 Zimin (), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl natural and human resources, and that integrated its disparate territories and populations. One should not exaggerate, however, the degree of centralisation achieved in the fifteenth or even sixteenth centuries. Muscovite grand princes tolerated divided sovereignty well into the sixteenth century: Ivan III, Vasilii III and Ivan IV all maintained appanage principalities for their sons and collateral kin (the Staritskii line), although they kept these princes on a tight rein. They allowed the so-called ‘service princes’ – men from the most eminent Gediminide or Riurikide lines – to keep some sovereignty well into the six- teenth century; they continued to grant fiscal and judicial immunities in the face of the policy restricting them; they tolerated boyar and princely retinues; they delegated local administrative, judicial and police authority to brigandage and land elders. However eclectic these policies seem to our modern eyes, they admirably enhanced Moscow’s power, might and wealth.
Moscow’s pursuit of its power was as single-minded in the realm of ideas as it was in the complex realm of land, administration and social engineering. Grounding the ideological construction of Muscovy was the metropolitanate, a symbolic centre and a propagator of centralising ideas. The very presence of the metropolitan’s see exalted the grand principality. In the grand prince and local bishops themselves appointed Riazan′ Bishop Iona as metropolitan of Moscow, or ‘metropolitan of Kiev and all-Rus′,’ as the title read, without consulting Constantinople. When Iona died in , his successor took the title simply of ‘metropolitan of all Rus′’ because a see including the grand duchy had been created in Kiev in . Moscow finally broke with Constantinople in reaction to three issues: the abortive union of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches sanctioned in by some members of the Orthodox hierarchy, including Moscow’s Isidore; the grand duchy’s persistent campaign for a met- ropolitanate, most notably the appointment of Grigorii Tsamblak as metro- politan by a council of bishops from the grand duchy in ; and the Turkish conquest of Constantinople in . The metropolitan’s court in the Kremlin became the centre of writings that exalted Moscow and established a pantheon of historical figures and associa- tions depicting Moscow as supreme regional ruler. A Moscow compendium of c. and its successor, the even more comprehensive Trinity chronicle, com- piled in at the metropolitan’s court, exemplified his ‘all-Rus′’ responsibil- ities. The Trinity chronicle drew on sources from Tver′, Nizhnii Novgorod, Novgorod, Rostov Velikii, Riazan′, Smolensk and Moscow, and began with the Kievan primary chronicle, in its Vladimir-based Laurentian version, thus implicitly linking Moscow with the Kievan heritage.24 Further ‘all-Rus′’
24 Priselkov (ed.), Troitskaia letopis′.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia Muscovite codices, all drawn up under the metropolitan’s direction, followed in , as well as in the s or (the dating is disputed), while others fol- lowed at various stages of Moscow’s battles with Novgorod (, , , ) and the grand duchy (, –, ).25 At the same time, other political centres were also turning chronicle writing to their own purposes.26 Novgorod and Tver′ continued chronicle compilations,27 Pskov produced a codex in the s or s, as the Vologda and Perm lands did in the late fif- teenth century. The court of the bishops of Rostov was active throughout the century.28 After Vytautas’s death in , a codex was compiled in Smolensk chronicling the Gediminide dynasty. The grand duchy’s first claim to ‘all-Rus′’ authority came in the s, when the episcopal workshop at Smolensk reworked a Muscovite all-Rus′ codex. In the early sixteenth century the Gediminide and Smolensk chronicles were combined into a bolder claim of regional authority.29 The fifteenth century also saw the construction of pantheons of local heroes, secular and saintly. Panegyrics and canonisations in Tver′ and Novgorod have been mentioned. In Evfimii of Suzdal′, founder of Monastery of the Saviour, was venerated as a local saint, followed by two other semi-mythical Suzdal′ personages. In Iaroslavl′, in , the revered thirteenth- century Prince Fedor Rostislavich and two of his sons were made saints; in several clerics from Rostov were also elevated. Most interesting were legends and cults, written after Moscow’s conquest of Novgorod, depicting Moscow–Novgorod relations in a favourable light: one rewrote Pakhomii Logofet’s Life of the twelfth-century Archbishop Ioann/Il′ia to make this fierce defender of Novgorod into a partisan of Moscow. Over the course of the fifteenth century Muscovite liturgical calendars greatly expanded the number of feasts by including local saints and revivals of cults from the Kievan era. In Moscow fully incorporated into the ‘all-Rus′’ hagiographical pan-
25 Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, V–VI, XVIII, XXV, XXVII and XXVIII; Priselkov (ed.), Troitskaia letopis′; Lur′e, ‘K probleme svoda g.’, ‘Eshche raz o svode g.’ and Dve istorii Rusi XV veka. 26 Shakhmatov, Razyskaniia o drevneishikh russkikh letopisnykh svodakh and Obozrenie russkikh letopisnykh svodov XIV–XVI vv. ; Nasonov, ‘Letopisnye pamiatniki Tverskogo kniazhestva’ and Istoriia russkogo letopisaniia XI–nachala XVIII veka; Priselkov, Istoriia russkogo letopisaniia XI–XV vv., ‘Letopisanie Zapadnoi Ukrainy i Belorussii’ and Troitskaia letopis′; Likhachev, Russkie letopsi i ikh kul′turno-istorich- eskoe znachenie; Kuzmin, Riazanskoe letopisanie; Lur′e, Obshcherusskie letopisi XIV–XV vv. and Dve istorii Rusi XV veka; Murav′eva, Letopisanie severo-vostochnoi Rusi kontsa XIII–nachala XV veka. 27 Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, IV, pt , pt , fasc. –, XVI, pts –; Nasonov and Tikhomirov (eds.) Novgorodskaia pervaia letopis′ starshego i mladshego izvoclov; Nasonov, ‘Letopisnye pamiatniki Tverskogo kniazhestva’; Likhachev, Russkie letopisi i ikh kul′turno-istoricheskoe znachenie; Lur′e, Obshcherusskie letopisi XIV–XV vv. 28 Nasonov, Pskovskie letopisi; Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, XX, XXIII, XXIV and XXVI. 29 Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, XVI, XVII, XXXII and XXXV; Priselkov, ‘Letopisanie Zapadnoi Ukrainy i Belorussii’.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl theon most of the locally revered Novgorod, Iaroslavl′, Rostov and Suzdal′ saints, illustrating how eectively and single-mindedly the grand princes used non-coercive, symbolic tools to consolidate power.30 Moscow also took deliberate steps to build its own pantheon. Through the medium of a secular saint’s life (dated by some to the s, but more likely written in the late s),31 Dmitrii Donskoi was raised to the level of patron prince-saint of Moscow, although he was never ocially canonised. In / Metropolitan Iona presided over the canonisation of three or four key figures: Metropolitan Aleksii (–, instrumental at Dmitrii Donskoi’s court), Kirill of Beloozero, Sergii of Radonezh and perhaps Dmitrii Prilutskii (all of whom had founded influential monasteries in the fourteenth century). From the s to the s, Pakhomii Logofet composed lives, canons and liturgies in honour of some of these figures. He wrote a Life of Kirill of Beloozero, and reworked a Life of Aleksii written in / and one of Sergii composed in the early fifteenth century by Epifanii ‘the Wise’. Sergii began to be depicted in icons, becoming the central figure in an icon with scenes of his life by the end of the century; Dmitrii Prilutskii was also so honoured (an icon of him c. , attributed to Dionisii, survives). The cult of Metropolitan Peter (–) is particularly interesting. It had been nurtured since his death in Moscow in ; by the end of the fourteenth century Metropolitan Kiprian (–) had re-edited Peter’s Life; already in and in the early fifteenth century Peter was being depicted on ecclesiasti- cal garments, and in the early to mid-fifteenth century he was depicted as the central figure on an icon. That icon may have been painted in Tver′. Peter’s cult was widespread: churches were dedicated to him in Novgorod and Tver′ in the fifteenth century; a mid-century icon cloth from Tver′ depicts him and Metropolitan Aleksii alongside Saints Vladimir, Boris and Gleb. But by the late fifteenth century Peter was clearly co-opted by Moscow. A document of arming Iona as the first independently selected metropolitan calls Peter a ‘miracle-worker’, and the Moscow codex under the year depicts Ivan III on the eve of a campaign to Novgorod making a prayerful procession to the graves of Peter, Aleksii and Iona, called ‘miracle-workers’. When the Cathedral of the Dormition in the Kremlin was rebuilt between and , Metropolitan Peter’s remains were removed and replaced with great ceremony, commemorated by canons to Peter composed by Pakhomii Logofet. Similar pomp and honour attended Metropolitan Aleksii: a new church was built to house his remains in the monastery of the Miracles in , and another in ; a new redaction of his Life was written in . Sometime in the last
30 Khoroshev (); Bushkovitch (), pp. –. 31 Salmina (); Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. XIV–seredina XV veka, pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia decades of the fifteenth or early sixteenth century, matching icons of Peter and Aleksii, with scenes from their lives, attributed to the workshop of Dionisii, were painted for the Cathedral of the Dormition in the Kremlin. Metropolitan Iona himself was canonised in , expanding the cult of the ‘Moscow miracle-workers’ (in the late sixteenth century Metropolitan Filipp joined the group). These metropolitans were revered for their patronage of Moscow and its dynasty and, as has been pointed out,32 for their loyalty to the Church as well. The choice of these saints was not casual: Peter first linked Moscow with the universal authority of the Church; Aleksii was associated with Dmitrii Donskoi, whose reign was being elevated into a founding moment of Russian history; while Iona marked Moscow’s ecclesiastical independence. Architecture joined literature and icons in embellishing Moscow. New stone palaces and churches for the metropolitans were built in , and . The Cathedral of the Dormition was rebuilt by Aristotele Rodolfi Fioravanti from to , and that of the Annunciation by Pskov masters in . The Kremlin walls and towers were redone in brick from to by Italian engineers. Several new buildings were erected: the Treasury in by Marco Ruo, the Faceted Palace in – by Ruo and Pietro-Antonio Solari, and a stone grand-princely palace from to by an Italian architect named Alvisio. The Cathedral of the Archangel Michael was rebuilt from to by a second Alvisio (‘Novyi’). Important monasteries also built new stone edi- fices in the Kremlin: the monastery of Simonov in ; that of Trinity and St Sergii in and , and that of the Miracles in –. Boyars are recorded as constructing stone palaces or churches in their Kremlin courts in , , and . Such building gave opportunity for artistic decoration which could carry political themes or simply demonstrate Moscow’s glory. The celebrated Russian artist, Dionisii, adorned the walls and iconostases of major buildings in the Kremlin and leading monasteries. From a political perspective, the fres- coes done after (not by Dionisii’s workshop) in the Cathedral of the Archangel Michael are interesting; they portray life-size images of each member of the grand-princely dynasty buried in that cathedral. The Cathedral of the Dormition, finally, became a repository of Moscow’s past and future pretensions. Its iconostasis included revered icons such as the Vladimir Mother of God: a twelfth-century Byzantine work, it had been brought to Kiev in , to Vladimir in , to Moscow temporarily in , and was now perma- nently installed in Moscow. Here, too, were located revered fourteenth-century icons: an image of the Saviour that had stood at Metropolitan Peter’s grave, an icon of the Trinity, an image of the ‘Saviour with the Fiery Eye’. Several newly
32 Stökl ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl painted icons also adorned the cathedral, including the previously mentioned hagiographical icons of Peter and Aleksii. Finally, the cathedral was the reposi- tory of the graves of all the metropolitans of Moscow from Peter on (except Aleksii). Thus the Cathedral of the Dormition symbolically depicted God’s blessing on Moscow, its antiquity and eminence and its ties to Constantinople, Kiev and Vladimir. Moscow’s cults of saints and architectural ensembles created a ‘usable past’ that claimed succession from the grand princes of Vladimir. The claim was implicit in the modelling of the Cathedral of the Dormition () after its counterpart in Vladimir, and in the reverence accorded to the Vladimir Mother of God icon. It could also be seen in genealogical consciousness: the Trinity codex () traced Prince Daniil of Moscow (c. –) to Vsevolod ‘Big Nest’ (–) and Ivan Kalita (–) to his son Iaroslav (–). The codex often dated to in the first chronicle of Sofiia began the genealogy of the Muscovite dynasty with the generation of Iurii Dolgorukii (–). On the other hand, in the second half of the century, broader claims began to appear, claims that Moscow was the direct and exclusive descendant of the Kiev Rus′ state, and that the Muscovite princes enjoyed universal political authority as ‘emperor’ (tsar), a title traditionally reserved for Byzantine emper- ors and Mongol khans.33 The grand princes of Moscow used the title gosudar vsei Rusi, or ‘sovereign of all Rus′’, on coins and in treatises from the s on, in relations with Novgorod in and in diplomacy. The grand duchy con- ceded the title in a treaty of , even though Moscow had applied the ‘all- Rus′’ phrase to King/Grand Duke Casimir as recently as .34 In the last decades of the fifteenth century the Moscow court also adopted the double- head eagle as a symbol, according to one theory,35 from the Habsburg model. In tales about the ecclesiastical council held at Ferrara/Florence in , Vasilii II was frequently called tsar, and in reworkings of chronicle tales about Dmitrii Donskoi’s victory over the Tatars in and in the panegyrical Life of Donskoi, explicit links between Moscow and Kiev Rus′ were asserted. Dmitrii Donskoi was associated with Saints Vladimir (himself called a ‘new Constantine’), Boris and Gleb; his rival, Mamai, was called ‘a second Sviatopolk’ (a Kievan prince reviled as traitor and killer of his brothers Boris and Gleb). Dmitrii Donskoi was called tsar, thus exceeding the limits of the Kiev Rus′ analogy, and the Muscovite state was equated with the ‘Russian land’, a term in Kievan-era sources which referred to the Kievan heartland or to all the territory ruled by the Riurikide dynasty.36 Clearly, the goal in these compositions was to discredit the grand duchy’s claim on Rus′ lands (Smolensk
33 Gol′dberg (); Pelenski () and (). 34 Szeftel (). 35 Alef (). 36 Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. XIV–seredina XV veka, pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Russia and the upper Oka were Moscow’s primary concern) by painting Moscow as the historically ordained ‘gatherer of the Rus′ lands’ (this epithet was explicitly applied to Ivan Kalita in Dmitrii Donskoi’s Life). Moscow reached even beyond Kiev to classical Antiquity to assert its status, a step paralleling Renaissance-era historiography throughout Europe. Significantly, one available ecclesiastical example was not used. In Metropolitan Zosima had called Moscow the ‘second Constantinople,’ presag- ing the theory of ‘Moscow, the Third Rome’ of the early sixteenth-century monk, Filofei, which linked Moscow with Rome ecclesiastically. The signifi- cance of this has been exaggerated; it later became influential only in Muscovite Church circles, not in secular ideology and policy formation.37 Rather, late fifteenth-century ideologues turned to a secular legend of classical heritage to legitimise their rule. The ideas were contained in the sixteenth- century ‘Tale of the Princes of Vladimir’, whose early redactions can be dated to the s or the s.38 This composition traced the descent of the Moscow grand princes from the Roman Emperor, Caesar Augustus, and described the transfer of symbols of sovereignty – crown, mantle, gifts – from the Byzantine emperor to the Kievan Grand Prince Vladimir Monomakh (ruled –), whence they moved to the grand princes of Vladimir, and then Moscow. The tale was generally accompanied by a derogatory genealogy of the Gediminide dynasty of Lithuania, indicating clearly the geopolitical context in which the composition was intended to play a role. The choice of this particular version of the Byzantine inheritance is significant; Ivan III’s marriage to Sophia Palaiologa, niece of the last Byzantine emperor, in provided a claim to universal political authority but, as has been pointed out,39 that connection was sullied by the Palaiologan dynasty having presided over the fall of Constantinople in . All these efforts make clear the concerted desire in Moscow to construct a historical myth, a pantheon of national heroes and a contemporary image that would legitimise its power. One is struck by the diversity and dissonance of these discourses. Rome, Byzantium and Kiev are all proered as historical antecedents, while many sources focus narrowly on Vladimir-Suzdal′. Heroes like Dmitrii Donskoi and Metropolitans Peter and Aleksii focus attention on the fourteenth century, a formative era for Moscow. The overt politicisation of these discourses, each striving to suit the needs of a particular conflict and of a broadened definition of Moscow’s ambitions, should make us sceptical of the widely held assertion of direct historical continuity in Russian history from
37 Gol′dberg (), () and (); Goldfrank (); Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. Konets XV–pervaia polovina XVI veka, pp. –. 38 Zimin (b); Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. Konets XV–pervaia polovina XVI veka, pp. –. 39 Nitsche ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ff ffl Kiev to Moscow. Moscow was not the sole continuation of Kievan history nor a privileged bearer of ‘Rus′’ ethnic identity or national pride, although many generations of ideologues have so argued, and although Muscovy itself used such artifices as explanatory devices. Moscow’s consolidation of power in the fifteenth century was structured by immediate circumstances and opportuni- ties grounded in the patterns of international trade, geopolitics and regional development at the eastern extreme of the European plain.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′
BYZANTIUM: THE ROMAN ORTHODOX WORLD, –
Anthony Bryer
′ ff were perhaps more concerned than most medieval people with the insecure business of measuring time and defining authority. There was not much they could do about either, but naming is a taming of the forces of nature and anarchy, and placed the humblest in relation to the stability of God. Byzantines called this order ‘taxis’. They craved taxis all the more in the fifteenth-century Anno Domini, because for Orthodox Christians, who counted by the Anno Mundi, it was, quite simply, the end of the secular world. For sub- jects of either, or both, emperor and patriarch in Constantinople the New Rome, the world was created on September fflffl BC. Gennadios II Scholarios, Sultan Mehemmed II’s first patriarch after the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks on May ffl, put matters in cosmic proportion by foretelling doomsday on September , the end of the seventh millennium AM. In , the first year of the last century of the world, Patriarch Antonios IV (–) had put matters in taxis. Grand Prince Vasilii I of Moscow (–ffl) had complained that while there was a Church, there did not seem to be a credible emperor in Constantinople, to which the patri- arch replied that ‘it is not possible to have a Church without an emperor. Yea, even if, by the permission of God, the nations [i.e. the Turks] now encircle the government and residence of the emperor . . . he is still emperor and autocrat of the Romans – that is to say of all Christians.’1 ThetruthwasthatintheOttomanSultanBayazidI,whohadinwon his throne and the vassalage of Serbia on the battlefield of Kosovo, annexed Bulgaria and was preparing to encircle the government and residence of the Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos (–ffl) in Constantinople, a blockade which was only broken when the sultan was captured by Timur at Ankara in
1 Acta patriarchatus Constantinopolitani, II pp. –; cf. Obolensky (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 772 ANTHONY BRYER Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, 1303—1402 773
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Map 20 T h e Roman Orthodox and Ottoman worlds in the fifteenth century Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 .2 The Mongols, however, soon left Anatolia, but not before reviving the nexus of emirates from which the Ottomans had sprung in what is now Turkey. Thrown into civil war until the emergence of Mehemmed I (–), the Ottomans regrouped in their most recent Balkan conquests, giving Byzantium a half-century’s respite. By ffl the city was far from being a bulwark of the west against the hordes of Asia: indeed, the reverse. In secular terms the Ottoman state already ruled far more Orthodox Christians than did the Byzantine emperor. It was as a European ruler, based in the Balkans, that Sultan MehemmedII(–,ffl–)finallytookConstantinopleasapreliminaryto his conquest and reconquest of Anatolia, which occupied the rest of his reign. The Ottomans were not a people but a dynasty; nor did their Muslim sub- jects then call themselves ‘Turks’. Patriarch Antonios used the term ‘nation’ (Greek ethnos, Latin natio) pejoratively to describe such barbarians – but he did not call himself ‘Greek’ either, let alone ‘Hellene’, which meant an ancient pagan. He signed himself, in Greek, as ‘Our Moderation, Antonios, elect of God, archbishop of Constantinople the New Rome, and ecumenical patri- arch’. Today we call his flock ‘Byzantines’. But this is as helpful as calling the French ‘Lutetians’, after the classical name of their capital in Paris. So far as Antonios was concerned, he and his flock were Christian subjects of the first Constantine’s New Rome. Hence use is made of their own self-denominator of ‘Roman Orthodox’ to describe them in this chapter. In the fifteenth century, ‘Byzantines’ still called themselves ‘Romans’ (Greek Romaioi), synonymous with ‘Christians’; in Greek their Church was Catholic, or ecumenical. But Emperor John VIII Palaiologos (ffl–) had to appeal for support to an older Rome and another catholic Church against the encircling Ottomans. John would have been surprised to find himself described in the Latin version of the subsequent decree of the Union of the Churches as ‘emperor of the Greeks’, for he had actually subscribed to it in purple in Florence on July as ‘in Christ God faithful emperor and autocrat of the Romans’ – his sprawling signature is in Greek.3 But the emperor was emphat- ically Roman and his people soon confirmed their Orthodox identity too – by generally rejecting the Council of Florence. This discussion of time and title may sound antiquarian today, but is vital to an understanding of the identity of the Roman Orthodox in the fifteenth century. It coincided roughly with the ninth century of the Muslim era, when it was the Ottomans who first named Byzantines for what they were: subjects of a Church which had survived an empire, called ‘Rum’, or Roman. The defini- tion holds to this day, most vividly when a villager in north-eastern Turkey explains that ‘This was Roman country; they spoke Christian here.’
2 Matschke (), pp. –. 3 Gill (), p. ffl; Buckton (), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ ffl If this chapter were limited to the Byzantine Empire in the fifteenth century, it would be halved by the fall of Constantinople in ffl which indeed resounded in the west, where historians have made that date one to remember, without quite explaining why. In truth, the change of municipal government in Constantinople was important, not so much in the west as to those whom it principally involved: the Roman Orthodox. The arrangements made between sultan and patriarch in ffl may have been shadowy, but they introduced a new order, or taxis, which ensured the future of Roman Orthodox incorporated in later conquests of the Morea and the Pontos. Their internal politics still depended on who said what at Florence in , but Roman Orthodox bonds which survived the conquest were older and simpler: those of patronage and patris – homeland. This chapter therefore concentrates on the Roman Orthodox in the last century of their world: AM –, or AD –. It concentrates on four homelands, based on Salonica, Mistra, Constantinople and Trebizond. It must exclude other Orthodox, Greek-speaking or not, under Venetian, Hospitaller or local ‘Latin’ or ‘Frankish’ (mostly what would now be termed Italian) rule along the Adriatic coast, in the Aegean and (until ffl) the Dodecanese, or (until ffl) Cyprus. It excludes Albania (conquered from to ), Bulgaria (), Serbia (from to ffl) and Herzegovina and southern Bosnia (–ffl). It excludes the lands north of the Danube which emerged from the fourteenth century as posthumous Byzantine states (and were to adopt the very name of ‘Romania’), being Wallachia (eventually incor- porated as tributary from to ) and Moldavia (from fflffl to ffl). It must even exclude the peoples of the Crimea, whom Mehemmed II made trib- utary in ffl, turning the Black Sea into an Ottoman lake: Khazars, Armenians and Karaite Jews ruled by Crim-Tatar khans, Roman Orthodox princes of Gotthia and Genoese consuls in Kaa.4 By the end of the century only two eastern Christian rulers survived wholly independent of the Ottoman Empire. Ethiopia had subscribed to the Union of Florence, but its Solomonic king, the negus Na′od (–ffl) had an Orthodoxy of his own. Moscow had rejected Florence, so was Orthodox enough; Grand Prince Ivan III (–fflffl) had even married the niece of Constantine XI Palaiologos, last emperor in Constantinople (–ffl). But New Rome did not grant Russia its patriarchate until ffl, on the grounds that Old Rome had forfeited the title, and Moscow could enter the bottom of the list as Third Rome.5 At the end of the seventh millennium in Constantinople, Patriarch Maximos
4 Vasiliev () pp. –ffl; Ducellier (), pp. –ffl; Nicol (), pp. ffl–; Imber (), pp. ffl–ffl. 5 Jones and Monroe (), p. ffl; Runciman (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 IV (–) was spared the embarrassment which faces all who foretell a Day of Judgement which comes and goes without incident, for by AM most Roman Orthodox had adopted the western computation of AD . Instead, he could say with more conviction than had his predecessor, Antonios, a century before, that while since ffl it was demonstrably possible to have a Church without an emperor, it was now possible to have a Church with a sultan – indeed for Orthodox a sultan was preferable to a doge or pope. Patriarch Maximos urged the Republic of Venice to grant rights and freedom of worship to Roman Orthodox in the Ionian Islands which they enjoyed in the Ottoman Empire, while the Roman Orthodox Church in Cyprus had to wait until ffl for the Ottoman conquest of the island to restore its autonomy.6 Under Sultan Bayazid II in , the identity, survival and even prosperity of the Roman Orthodox were more assured than they had seemed to be in , when Bayazid I had threatened an emperor in Constantinople.
′ ′ The city of Salonica has many names: Greek Thessalonike, Roman Thessalonica, Slav Solun, Venetian Saloniccho, Turkish Selanik and Hebrew Slonki. For all these peoples it appeared to be the strategic or commercial key to the Balkans. The city stands close to where the Axios (Vardar) river is crossed by the Via Egnatia before it debouches into the Aegean Sea. The river, which rises deep in the Balkans, brought Slav traders to the annual fair of St Demetrios, patron of Salonica and (through their Salonican evangelists, Sts Cyril and Methodios) of all Slavs, each October. The Egnatian highway runs from the Adriatic coast to Constantinople, so linking Old and New Rome at Salonica. The Slavs found Salonica was a key which they could not turn. Even the most aggressive of Serbian tsars, Stefan Urosh IV, surnamed Dushan (–fflffl), was unable to take the long-desired city of St Demetrios. By con- trast its shallow harbour and October fair were not particularly attractive to Italian traders even when they were actually oered its key in . By then Salonica had developed another reputation. As the second city of the Byzantine and (eventually) Ottoman Empire, its relationship with the capital in Constantinople was always uneasy. Even when ruled by a secondary member of the imperial family, it gained a local identity as a sort of city-state of its own, with a recognisable if inchoate local leadership, often headed by its archbishop. The fourteenth-century urban and peasant uprisings of western Europe were paralleled in Byzantium. In western terms, revolutionary Salonica became
6 Runciman (), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ a ‘commune’ from to ffl. In truth, its urban and artisanal mass was only just critical enough to claim local self-determination behind the great walls of the city, with a still shadowy political ideology called ‘Zealot’. But Salonica did not forget those heady days. Its ‘commune’ was a hardly surprising response to outside pressures: civil war in Byzantium (–), the Ottoman entry into Europe (ffl–ffl) and the threat of Dushan (ffl), all compounded by the Black Death (–). Yet in Salonica these years are marked by some of the finest surviving late Byzantine decorated churches and by the career of the last great Father of the Roman Orthodox Church: St Gregory Palamas. Palamas was archbishop of Salonica from to ffl. His doctrines were confirmed by the Roman Orthodox Church in the next century and remain the vital spiri- tual ideology of the Slav Orthodox in particular. The essentially mystical the- ology of Palamas maintained that the unknowable essence of God could be approached by revelation rather than reason, and hence was in direct opposi- tion to the Aristotelian scholasticism of the western Church. On the nearby monastic commune of Mount Athos, Palamism was given expression by Hesychasts – best described as ‘Quietists’ – whose spiritual connections with the political ‘Zealots’ were both obvious and obscure.7 The Ottomans first besieged Salonica from to . Local leadership was divided between its governor, the future Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos, and its archbishop, Isidore Glabas (–, –). Manuel told his subjects to defy the Turkish ultimatum. On St Demetrios’s Day Glabas warned his flock to mend their ways, just as St Paul had twice written to the Thessalonians on hope, discipline and premature thoughts of the end of the world. Salonica duly fell in . In the archbishop ventured back to his see. He found that the world there had not ended. Indeed, Ottoman occupation was more toler- able than Manuel had threatened. Sultan Bayazid had granted the citizens special favours and had left the infrastructure of Byzantine local government and its ocers largely in place.8 The fact was that the Ottomans could do no other. Vastly outnumbered by the people they conquered, their problem was manpower: there were too few Muslims to go round, and of those too few Turks. The solution was obvious. While the conversion of an Orthodox Christian to Islam could be swift and relatively painless, it takes longer to turn a Roman into a Turk, which is a theme of this chapter. Yet there were short-cuts. In a sermon delivered in occupied Salonica in ffl Archbishop Glabas was early to report on an expedient which may date from the first substantial Ottoman establishment in Europe, at Gallipoli in the Dardanelles in ffl. It is called devshirme (‘recruitment’) in Turkish and paidomazoma (‘harvest of children’) in Greek. This ‘child levy’ took
7 Meyendor (), pp. –ffl. 8 Barker (), p. ffl; Nicol (), p. ; Vryonis (ffl).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Christians for training in the Ottoman administration and, especially, in the ‘new army’ (Turkish yeni cheri; English janissary). Girls could aspire to the Harem. It was such converts who were the most eager for further conquest. Their advancement, especially after the battle of Ankara in , led to tension with the old Anatolian Turkish leadership, which was to come to a head in ffl. In the aftermath of Timur’s victory at Ankara, Salonica reverted to Byzantium in . Once again its archbishop provided characteristic leader- ship. Archbishop Symeon of Salonica (/–), urged his flock to keep firmly Roman and Orthodox. An ardent Hesychast, he sought to restore the identity of the city in the face of Venetian and Ottoman pressure. It was dicult to know who constituted the greater threat: the Turks, converts from Orthodoxy included, who were sent to chastise the Salonicans for their sins, or the Venetians who would infect them with the plague of heresy. From St Sophia, Constantinople, Symeon reintroduced a public liturgy to his own cathedral of St Sophia, in Salonica, and, as in Constantinople, regulated a twice-daily street procession of the protecting icon of the Mother of God called the Hodegetria. But in Constantinople Manuel II Palaiologos (–ffl), by then aged seventy-three, was now more cautious. In , unable to defend Salonica against the Ottomans, the emperor invited the Republic of Venice to do it for him. Archbishop Symeon tried to rally his Roman Orthodox by chastising them in the name of St Demetrios, on whose miraculous defences of the city in the past he wrote a great discourse in Venetian-occupied Salonica in /. Actually, the Venetians were initially welcomed as no great friends of the pope in Rome, but found the place expen- sive to defend and the Salonicans doing deals with the Turks. The end really came with Archbishop Symeon’s death late in , which meant that the Ottomans finally took a demoralised city on March . The Venetian cap- tains had slipped away; the icon of the Hodegetria was smashed; and , Salonicans were taken captive.9 What happened next is partly revealed in Ottoman tahrir defters, tax and census registers. Short of manpower, the Ottomans correctly targeted cities such as Salonica, first to Islamicise, and then Turkicise. Outside the walls the overwhelmingly peasant population could await assimilation. Sultan Mehemmed II had a declared policy of demographic manipulation, today called ‘ethnic cleansing’, which has good Byzantine precedent. The Ottoman term was sürgün (forcible deportation and resettlement), which, along with devshirme, noted by Glabas, and natural erosion by conversion, should soon
9 Dennis (); Darrouzès (ed.), ‘Sainte-Sophie de Thessalonique d’après un rituel’; Symeon, Politico- historical works; Vryonis ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ have made Salonica the second Ottoman city of the Empire. But this did not happen. The place recovered slowly after , within walls enclosing about ffl hectares, which in medieval Mediterranean terms could encompass a population of , or more. In fact Salonica had an adult population of about , by , which doubled to , in c. ffl and only tripled to reach , by ffl. The preci- sion of Ottoman registers is spurious (for it omits tax-evaders and tax- exempt), but the scale is reliable enough. Clearly, resettlement and conversion were belated. In the city had a Muslim population of ,, but its Christian (Roman Orthodox) element, with , souls, was still in an absolute majority with ffl per cent of households. By c. ffl the Christian population had grown to , but, with ,fflffl, the Muslim population had doubled to reach, for the first and last time, a simple majority of per cent of the inhabi- tants of Salonica. But about ffl a third category was introduced, if incom- pletely recorded: , Jews. By ffl, ffl,ffl Jews were registered: ffl per cent of the population of Salonica, an absolute majority which they maintained until the semi-conversion of many to Islam with that of their false Messiah, Sabbatai Zavi (ffl–) after .10 The conversion of the major city of the Balkans, from the staunchly Roman Orthodox see of Archbishops Palamas, Glabas and Symeon, first into a Muslim stronghold and then into the largest Jewish city in the world, all within the space of four decades, needs explanation. In the past, Byzantine emperors had in turn invited western Christian powers and Ottoman Turks to fight their wars against Orthodox Serbs and Bulgars for them, and regretted the expedi- ent. Now the Ottoman state was faced with a greater, demographic, war. If Salonica could not be turned Turk, a third urban element could be introduced. Before there is evidence for a few Greek-speaking and Karaite Jews in the city, not even registered in . But after their conquest of Granada in , the Catholic sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabel, expelled their Spanish (Sephardic) Jews, who spoke Ladino (or ‘Latin’). Bayazid II welcomed them through Constantinople, largely to settle in Salonica. It was the greatest sürgün of all. Ottoman demographic strategy, if such it was, meant that Salonica did not have a Roman Orthodox majority again until after , when it fell to Greece, once more to become a second city.11
, ′′ ′ The history of the Morea is a late Byzantine success story, which also illustrates the dilemmas faced by Roman Orthodox leaders who were caught between the
10 Lowry (b), pp. –. 11 Lowry (b), pp. –; Dimitriades ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 west and the Ottomans in the fifteenth century. The medieval Morea was the ancient Peloponnese, the three-pronged peninsula of southern Greece, which had been conquered by the Franks in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade of . From it was steadily recovered by the Byzantines from the south, who shared it with the shrinking principality of Achaea, based on Andravida in the north-west, until the Latins were finally ejected in . From the Morea was erected as an autonomous despotate, an appanage of Con- stantinople usually ruled, like Salonica, by a younger member of the imperial dynasty. The despots’ capital was at Mistra, below a crusader castle which over- looks ancient Sparta and its plain. Unlike Salonica, Mistra was a new place, without strong-minded bishops. As the Frankish Chronicle of the Morea helpfully put it in : ‘And they named it Myzethras, for that was how they called it.’12 The steep streets of Mistra, which cannot take wheeled trac, still tumble past monastic enclosures, domed churches and balconied houses down to the only square and stabling, which is the courtyard of the despots’ palace. Here on January Despot Constantine (XI) Palaiologos was invested, but not crowned, as last Roman Orthodox emperor. As despot he had been a tributary of the Ottomans since ; as emperor he died in Constantinople on May ffl, but it was not until May that Mehemmed II took Mistra.13 The Morean economy was pastoral and transhumant in the highlands, with lowland agriculture, which included exports to Venice of Kalamata olives, along with silk and salt. Monemvasia gave its name to exports of malmsey wine and Corinth to currants. The archives of the despotate are largely lost, but it seems to have been run eciently on late Byzantine fiscal and feudal lines, principally to finance its defence through agriculture.14 The peoples of the Morea were not as exotic as those of the Crimea, but since the seventh century had included Slav settlers. Despite evangelisation as Roman Orthodox from the tenth century, Slavs were still evident in Tsakonia, the wild east of the peninsula, while the Maniots in the south had a quite unde- served reputation as having been the last pagans in Byzantium. Frankish rulers had faced the same problems of manpower as would the Ottomans, who did not settle much either. The Franks left half-castes (gasmouloi), great castles, impeccable Cistercian monasteries and, in towns, now forlorn Gothic churches. But they did not take root as deep as other Latins in the Aegean and Ionian islands. In fact the most substantial demographic introduction in the Morea since the Slav was Albanian. However called, Albanians had been moving south before the Ottomans used them to police the Balkans. The Greeks, Bulgars and Serbs had thrived
12 Kalonaros (ed.), Chronikon tou Moreos, line ; Ilieva (); Lock (). 13 Runciman (). 14 Zakythinos (ffl), II.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ in the shade of the Byzantine Empire. The Albanians seized their turn under Ottoman patronage. They were eager, if sometimes casual, converts to Islam. For example, George, last Roman Orthodox mayor (kephale) of Kanina (Vlora) in southern Albania, turned Turk in , with the result that his family kept that oce until , incidentally supplying the Ottomans with thirty-one successive local sandjakbeys, beylerbeys (of Rumelia, Anatolia and Syria), four field marshals (two Ottoman, one Egyptian, one Greek) and a grand vizier on the way. Muslim members of the Vlora family patronised local Roman Orthodox monasteries and died fighting the Latins at Rhodes (ffl), Lepanto (ffl) and Candia (Crete, ).15 The Vlora dynasty, however, was unusual in keeping its identity: Ottoman policy was at best to pension o local ruling families. Incomplete Ottoman registers show a growth of taxable population in the Morea from about , to ffl, non-Muslim households between and ffl, figures surely too low even if shepherds could not be tracked down over a land mass of , square kilometres. Yet the indications are clear: the Latin and Muslim population was slight, and of the Orthodox over one third was Albanian.16 Fifteenth-century Mistra was, however, unmistakably not just Roman Orthodox, but ‘Hellene’ – in the person of Byzantium’s last great original thinker: George Gemistos ‘Plethon’ (c. –ffl). A sort of neo-platonist, Plethon adopted his last name in allusion to Plato and probably inspired Cosimo de’ Medici’s foundation of a Platonic Academy in Florence. If there was a Byzantine ‘Renaissance man’, he was Plethon, a maverick who had already dabbled in turn with Zoroastrianism and Judaism (perhaps at the Ottoman court) and whose last autograph fragments of a Book of Laws exalt Zeus as supreme God. He was an awkward nonconformist to handle in Roman Orthodox Constantinople. It was perhaps for his own safety that Manuel II exiled him to Mistra c. . But Plethon was soon addressing treatises to Emperor Manuel and to his son, Despot Theodore II Palaiologos (–) on Platonic Republican lines, urging the division of the citizenry into three classes (of which the most important was its military) and the revival of ancient Hellenic virtues, not of identity of faith or ethnicity, but of patriotism. He had little time for monks, whose lands threatened to turn Byzantium into a monastic economy of almost Tibetan proportions. Such rhetoric may have been utopian, but Plethon held judicial oce at Mistra and was rewarded with estates in the Morea. Perhaps on the principle that patriotism is more impor- tant than faith, Plethon was in his old age invited to represent the Roman Orthodox Church as a lay member of its delegation to what amounted to a
15 Vlora (), II, pp. –. 16 Beldiceanu and Beldiceanu-Steinherr (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 theological summit conference with the western Church at Ferrara and Florence in –.17 Like other conferences held under duress, the Council of Florence was soon overtaken by military and political events. The crusade promised by Pope Eugenius IV (–) to save the Constantinople of John VIII Palaiologos (ffl–) from the Ottomans, which the emperor sought in reward for Union, got as far as the Bulgarian shore of the Black Sea, but came to grief at Varna in . Ostensibly, however, the Council considered theological innovations and terms developed in the western Church for which the Roman Orthodox had no useful equivalent, or sometimes even definition: the addition of ‘filioque’ to the creed; the notion of purgatory; and the question of unleavened bread – matters which hardly bothered most Roman Orthodox unless they lived (as in Crete or Cyprus) alongside westerners. But the essential issue was that of authority, and the way that it had developed in Old and New Romes: the primacy of the pope, archbishop of Old Rome and patriarch of the west, over that of the ecumenical patriarch, archbishop of New Rome, to which the Orthodox subscribed in : they could at least agree to be ‘Roman’. But besides the Ottoman threat, the Orthodox delegation was under the additional duress that the agenda and dialectical rules of the great debate were chosen by western scholastics, who ran rings round them. For westerners the Union was a matter of discipline: the reincorporation of the wayward Orthodox under the authority of a single pope. But for the Roman Orthodox it touched their very identity – hence the inclusion of pundits such as Plethon at the Council.18 Patriarch Michael III of Anchialos (–) is first credited with identifying the crux of the matter, when he told his emperor: ‘Let the Muslim be my material ruler, rather than the Latin my spiritual master. If I am subject to the former, at least he will not force me to share his faith. But if I have to be united in religion with the latter, under his control, I may have to separate myself from God.’19 His view was to be put more bluntly in words attributed to the Grand Duke Luke Notaras on the eve of the fall of Constantinople in ffl: ‘Better the turban of the Turk than the tiara of the Latin [pope].’20 Between and ffl lines were drawn which were to dictate Roman Orthodox politics there- after. Spiritual authority in the east had never been focused on a single see, as in the west, but was in eect dispersed among the whole body of the faithful, including the departed. While those alive soon made it clear that they did not accept Union, the Byzantine government remained faithful to the expediency of Florence until the bitter end. After ffl there could be no going back – or forward. What individual delegates did at Florence in is therefore vital to
17 Woodhouse (). 18 Gill (). 19 Runciman (fflffl), p. ; Magdalino (), pp. –. 20 Ducas, Istoria turco-bizantina, p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ explaining not just their own fate, but that of the Roman Orthodox under the Ottomans. The Roman Orthodox delegation which John VIII and his dying patriarch took to Florence was a fascinating final assembly of Byzantine intelligentsia, a network of patriotic, family and wandering scholarly contacts, in that order, which somehow survived later party politics. We have already met Plethon (who soon got bored), but to take the ‘patriotic’ link (from Greek patris, or sense of home), a remarkable number start with a connection with Trebizond in the Pontos. For instance the Aristotelian scholar George ‘of Trebizond’ (ffl–c. ) was already a convinced Unionist and attended the Council as a lay member of the papal curia. His reaction to the events of ffl was to invite Mehemmed II to convert to Rome, too, but he reported so fulsomely on the sultan, when they met in Constantinople in ffl, that he found himself in a papal prison. The family of John Eugenikos (–c. fflffl) also came from Trebizond, on which he wrote patriotic encomia. He, however, left Florence before the end of the Council, to castigate the Union. Otherwise, most Roman Orthodox signed the decree of Union along with their emperor. Some recanted. Others, convinced by the argument at Florence, entered the western hierarchy itself. However, Mark Eugenikos, brother of John and bishop of Ephesos (–ffl), refused to sign in . A Palamite, but nevertheless pupil of Plethon, he was in ffl canonised as a saint by Patriarch Gennadios II, who, as George Scholarios, had attended the Council, along with George Amiroutzes of Trebizond, as one of a remarkable trio of laymen. Bessarion of Trebizond, bishop of Nicaea (–), had studied with Plethon and Amiroutzes and stayed on in Italy as a cardinal (–). Gregory Mamme attended the Council as abbot of the great Constantinopolitan monastery of the Pantokrator, serving as ecumenical patriarch (Gregory III) between and ffl when he returned west to be made titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople (ffl–). Isidore, from Monemvasia in the Morea, attended as Roman Orthodox bishop of Kiev and All Russia (–). Also made a cardi- nal, he was sent to Moscow as papal legate to Grand Prince Vasilii II (ffl–), who promptly imprisoned him as a Unionist. Isidore persisted. He proclaimed the Union in Constantinople for Mamme on December ffl, and escaped its fall to become Latin patriarch from ffl to – to be succeeded in that oce by none other than Bessarion.21 In the face of so many lures and pres- sures it was patris that held this network together. Plethon was the first to die, in his nineties, at home in his patris of Mistra on June ffl. The last local decree of Constantine Palaiologos as despot was to
21 Gill () and ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 confirm Plethon’s sons on his Laconic lands. But after ffl Plethon’s last work, the Book of Laws, was forwarded to Patriarch Gennadios, who could do no other than burn it. The book was not just heretical: it was plain pagan. In Mistra another of Plethon’s circle had been the despoina, Cleope Malatesta, wife of the Despot Theodore III Palaiologos, younger brother of John VIII. In ffl Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta (–) penetrated Ottoman Mistra with a Venetian force, and retreated with the body of George Gemistos Plethon. He installed his remains in a sarcophagus in the south arcade of his extraordinary Malatesta Temple in Rimini, part-church, part-pantheon, with an epitaph to ‘the greatest philosopher of his time’.22
′ There are two common views of the fall of Constantinople. The first is most vividly depicted in a painting presented to Queen Victoria in by a hero of the War of Independence of modern Greece from the Ottoman Turks, as a history lesson for the young queen. It shows Constantinople on the fateful day: May ffl. Constantine XI had died a martyred emperor; his Latin allies are scuttling away by sea. Christian youths are rounded up in devshirme, to become janissaries who wield curved scimitars. The enthroned Sultan Mehemmed II supervises the placing of enormous yokes over the Roman Orthodox clergy and lay notables of Constantinople. A distinctly pagan-looking lady, person- ifying ‘Hellas’ disarmed, weeps under an olive tree. However, escaping to the highlands of the Morea are young braves in white Albanian kilts, ready to fight another day – which dawned in .23 A second, revisionist, view of the event is in fact older than the schoolroom one. It is that, as heir of the Byzantine emperors, the conquering sultan created for his Roman Orthodox subjects a self-governing community, or millet, regu- lated by their patriarch, who now had greater political powers than he had ever enjoyed, especially over Slav Orthodox, and restored Constantinople as capital of the Roman Orthodox world. As late as Patriarch Anthimos of Jerusalem (–) explained that when the last emperors of Constantinople sold their Church to papal thraldom in , it was through the particular favour of Heaven that the Ottoman Empire had been raised to protect the Greeks against heresy, as a safeguard against the politics of the western ‘nations’, and as champion of the Roman Orthodox Church.24 No wonder the patriarch condemned the heroes of the Morea when they rose against their sultan in .
22 Runciman (), p. . 23 Lidderdale (ed. and trans.), Makriyannis, pl. . 24 Clogg, The movement for Greek independence, pp. ffl–.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ ffl However, what actually happened in ffl is still obscured by the writing or rewriting of Roman Orthodox, Armenian or Jewish tradition two or three generations later. The non-Muslim peoples then claimed that the conqueror had treated them well. This suited the wishful thinking of all parties, Turkish included, and allows modern historians to assume that the arrangements which settled down a century later to have been in place from the start. Would that things were so tidy, and that sleeping myths could lie. Yet, it is worth looking again at what Sultan Mehemmed actually did, and ask who won or lost Constantinople on May ffl. Even that is not a simple question. The Genoese were first o the mark. Three days later they got the sultan to confirm their privileges in Galata, opposite Constantinople. Dated June ffl, this Turkish charter granted to the Latins is naturally written in Greek and pre- served today in the British Museum. But no other community had a ready- made relationship to confirm, or has a document to record a status which had to begin anew through negotiation or accumulated custom. Among losers, Constantine XI lost his life. He had supported not just Union with the Latins, but Mehemmed’s rival, Orhan – in ffl there were Turks, too, within Constantinople, if outnumbered by Orthodox outside the walls. The sultan’s first action after the fall of the city should also give pause for thought. The fate of the emperor would have posed a tricky problem if Mehemmed had taken him alive. The sultan knew, however, what to do with his own prime min- ister, or grand vizier, Halıl Djandarlıoghlu (–ffl), which was to put him to death. The Djandarlı family was of impeccable Anatolian Turkish descent. It had served the Ottoman dynasty since ffl, supplying its first and four other grand viziers. But Halıl, described by both Muslims and Christians as ‘friend of the Romans’, had cautioned young Mehemmed against taking Constantinople. In ffl the old Anatolian backwood beys, whom Timur had restored after , and whom Halil represented, were among the losers.25 The ruling Orthodox dynasties lost, but a handful of secondary families, such as the Evrenos of Bithynia or the Vlora of Albania, which switched alle- giance, remained influential under new masters. This period lasted only a generation or two, because their usefulness, to the Ottoman state as well as to their old co-religionists, receded by the end of the century. These decades (ffl–) were, however, vital to the new order, because first generation con- verts reached the highest ranks of the Ottoman army and government (which came almost to the same thing) before they forgot their origins. Unlike the Djandarlı beys, they were eager for conquest – of their native lands in particu- lar. Like all converts, they tried harder and were typically patrons of new mosques and Islamic foundations in the Christian Balkans and the new capital.
25 Buckton (), pp. –; Frazee (), pp. ffl–; Ménage (ffl).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Their inherited contacts in the Balkans and the Pontos assisted a relatively orderly transfer of power to Mehemmed II.26 An example is Mahmud pasha, a convert who served as the sultan’s grand vizier from fflffl to and who successfully dealt with the surrender of the Serbian state in ffl and of the empire of Trebizond in , both after spir- ited campaigns. Yet both events were something of family aairs. Mahmud was born an Angelovic´, so the last prime ministers of Serbia and Trebizond, with whom he negotiated, happened to be, respectively, his brother and a cousin. The latter was none other than George Amiroutzes – the shadow of Florence fell over such Ottomans too.27 After executing his own grand vizier in ffl, Mehemmed’s next action was to look for a credible agent through whom to rule his Roman Orthodox subjects. Their emperor was dead. Their patriarch, Gregory III Mamme, had gone – quite literally – over to Rome. But Grand Duke Luke Notaras, the last Byzantine prime minister (–ffl), survived. He was outspokenly anti-Unionist, and Mehemmed seems to have turned to him. What exactly went wrong is obscured by mutual recriminations in later tradi- tion, to do with sexual habits which may be acceptable in one culture, yet scandalous in another. Perhaps the reality is that Notaras would not convert to Islam. It would have lost his credibility not with Venice (where he had a good bank account) but with the Roman Orthodox, and therefore his usefulness to the sultan. Like Djandarlıoghlu, he and his sons were executed. It was only then, in January ffl, that Mehemmed looked to the religious institutions of his overwhelmingly non-Muslim subjects as a way of running them. With hindsight, this expedient seemed obvious, even predestined, but was not so at the time, when, despite the long experience of Islam in dealing with non- Muslim communities, such institutions did not then properly exist in the Ottoman state. In eect the Muslim sultan restored the ecumenical patriar- chate, so setting a precedent for other community leaders whom the Ottomans brought under their eye in Constantinople: a chief haham for Jews (sometime between ffl and ), and a new patriarch, or katholikos, for Armenians (sometime between and ffl), in addition to the privileges granted to western Christians on June ffl, which survived for almost five centuries.28 The reconstitution of the see of Constantinople by the sultan is almost as obscure as its traditional foundation by St Andrew. But the evidence of his deed is enough. Mehemmed sought out and installed Gennadios II Scholarios (ffl–, –, –ffl) as successor of the First-Called Apostle, and his own first patriarch. It was an inspired choice. Obviously, he could not trust a Unionist ally of the Papacy, a leading enemy of the Ottomans in the west. The
26 Inalcik (), pp. –; Imber (), p. ffl. 27 Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit (– ), I, pp. ffl–, no. . 28 Braude (); Bardakjian (); Lewis (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ monk Gennadios had rallied the anti-Unionists of Constantinople, whose leadership he had inherited from his old teacher, Mark Eugenikos. A veteran of the Council of Florence, which he had attended under his lay name of George, Scholarios learned how to deal with the Unionists by adapting their own scholastic tools. Now, as patriarch, Gennadios proved adaptable to new facts of life – for example relaxing canon law to allow for the break-up of families and remarriage in the wake of the sack of the city. Even the title he adopted as patriarch was an innovation: ‘the servant of the children of God, the humble Gennadios’. In complaining that his bishops were more trouble than the Turks, he recognised that to save the Roman Orthodox the patriarchate must become an Ottoman institution.29 Mehemmed was quite as remarkable as Gennadios. His stepmother was Orthodox. He wrote Greek and hung lamps before his collection of icons. He was a patron of Bellini and curious of all new things. Indeed old Turks com- plained that ‘If you wish to stand in high honour on the sultan’s threshold, you must be a Jew or a Persian or a Frank.’30 Tradition has Mehemmed and Scholarios settling the future of the Roman Orthodox in taxis, a brave new order, and discussing higher theology in a side-chapel of the new patriarchal cathedral of the Pammakaristos. But happily unaware that they were describing what was later to be called a ‘millet’, or self-regulating community defined by religion, the fifty-year-old patriarch and twenty-two-year-old sultan appear to have felt their way, apparently making up the rules as they went along. The results are clear. It took a Turk to define a Greek adequately as the son of a Roman Orthodox. Mehemmed thereby ensured the survival of a hitherto endangered people, for the Roman Orthodox were thenceforth protected sub- jects of the sultan’s patriarch. The patriarch was responsible to the sultan for regulating Roman Orthodox, by that definition, under canon law (including considerable fiscal franchise over his own flock), in return for privileges and immunities within the Ottoman state.31 It was in nobody’s interest to question such a rosy tradition later. But it over- looks some harder realities of life in ffl, one of which was that Mehemmed II and his predecessors were primarily sultans of a militant Islamic state, however upstart. They took titles and epithets such as ‘khan’, ‘shah’, ‘malik’, ‘shadow of God on earth’ or, more contentiously, ‘gazi’ (or holy warrior against the infidel). Mehemmed II himself was styled ‘ever victorious’ and ‘fatih’ (or conqueror). As a pious ruler he founded mosques and charities, which often replaced churches and monasteries – the endowment of St Sophia in Constantinople alone, transferred from cathedral to mosque in ffl/,
29 Scholarios, Oeuvres complètes, IV, p. ; Turner (), pp. ffl–, and (). 30 Babinger (), p. ffl; Raby (). 31 Pantazopoulos (); Kabrda (); Ursinus ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 numbered over , properties, including baths, butcheries and beer-shops.32 The Ottoman state inherited from earlier Islamic practice long-established legal ways of dealing with dhimmis – non-Muslims who, although protected, were unquestionably second-class subjects. Christians may have lived under their own canon law, but ultimately it was the sharia, or Islamic law, which was supreme.33 In turn Patriarch Gennadios may have been adroit in exploiting the position of the underdog, but in truth his encounters with Mehemmed in the Pammakaristos can hardly have been meetings of Renaissance minds. Judging by the patriarch’s voluminous writings, he was deeply Roman and convention- ally Orthodox. His exposition of faith, prepared for the sultan, is uncompro- mising, even polemical. For him, both the Prophet and the pope were equivalents of the Great Beast of the Apocalypse. Gennadios had sharp views on the Armenians, too, and told the Jews that they laboured under an appalling delusion: it was in fact the Roman Orthodox who were the chosen people of God.34 The fifteenth-century Ottoman Empire reunited the Roman Orthodox as subjects of their patriarch in Constantinople. Yet it was not the Byzantine Empire in disguise. Even though Mehemmed resettled Constantinople as the centre of the Roman Orthodox world, he was even more eective in making it the capital of an Islamic empire. In ffl the city was almost as depopulated as Salonica had been in . The earliest surviving defter survey, dated , which includes Constantinople proper (Istanbul) and the Frankish trading town of Galata (Pera) facing it over the Golden Horn, has been variously analysed. A total of , households were registered, making a population of over ,. Of these the absolute majority was already Muslim with ,ffl households. There were ffl, Christian households, the majority (,) Roman Orthodox, which had been added to by resettlement (sürgün) from the Morea after , Trebizond after and the Crimea after ffl – the last two in quarters of their own. Besides Armenian households and probably under-recorded Latins and gypsies, the final major element was Jewish, already with , households.35 Constantinople, and most of its communities, grew prodigiously in roughly the proportions set in , reaching perhaps , by and certainly double that population in fflffl. By , at any rate, the curiously small regis- tered Roman Orthodox element had hardly grown. While Ottoman statistics can lie, more often they omit. The meetings of patriarch and sultan in the Pammakaristos were o the record, but the defters make one wonder if in ffl
32 Inalcik (), p. . 33 Cahen (ffl). 34 Scholarios, Oeuvres complètes, III, p. ; IV, pp. –. 35 Inalcik (), pp. –; Lowry (b), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ Gennadios did not get Mehemmed to exempt the refounded patriarchate, its dependants and properties, from the record too. For Gennadios it would only have been a temporary financial precaution – after all his prediction of the end of the world in is on record.36
ffl: ff; Trebizond in the Pontos, the last Byzantine Empire to be conquered by Mehemmed II, is a final illustration of the bonds which still held the Roman Orthodox world together in the fifteenth century. The strongest tie was patronage; the most enduring patris. The Pontos, in north-eastern Anatolia, was a distinct patris to which its patrons, the Grand Komnenoi, emperors of Trebizond (–), added political identity. As separatist rulers, their legit- imacy was all the more Roman Orthodox. Like the grand princes of Moscow, their obedience was to the patriarch, not the emperor, in Constantinople. The Grand Komnenos signed himself as ‘faithful emperor and autocrat of All Anatolia, of the Iberians and Beyond’ – which initially included the Crimea. This Black Sea coast was perhaps the most densely settled in the Byzantine world. By ffl– the population of central Pontos was registered at over ffl, of whom per cent were still Christian and per cent Roman Orthodox, while the rest of Anatolia, about ffl. million, was already per cent Muslim.37 By contrast with the Pontos, the collapse of the Orthodox Church else- where in Anatolia after the Seljuk conquest from had been shockingly swift. It succumbed not so much to Islamic missionary zeal as to the loss of its economic base and the withdrawal of the patronage of its imperial ocials – for whom all postings from Constantinople were colonial, whether the natives spoke Greek or not.38 Only just in time to save the identity of such Roman Orthodox, Mehemmed had halted the structural disintegration of their Church by whatever settlement he made with Scholarios in ffl. The result was that ambitious and well-connected Roman Orthodox had an alter- native to conversion thereafter. They could keep faith and enter patriarchal service. But without political independence the Church could only conserve the flock which paid for it, and was perilously dependent upon patrons. Without economic freedom its theological development was frozen at the point when the sultan recognised it: in authority anti-Unionist, in spirituality Palamite.
36 Scholarios, Oeuvres complètes, IV, pp. ffl–. 37 Bryer (), pp. –. 38 Vryonis ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Although the patriarch was an essential ocer of the Ottoman system, it was a fundamentally unequal alliance. Sultans supported the Church the better to use it – what had emperors done before them? But in the crucial period of conquest the Roman Orthodox found a patron who matched, like Mehemmed himself, that time of transition alone. She was Mara Brankovic´ (c. –), daughter of the last despot of Serbia by a sister of the last emperor of Trebizond. In ffl Mara married Sultan Murad II (–ffl), father of Mehemmed II.39 The network of marriage alliances in which Mara enmeshed the Ottoman and Roman Orthodox dynasties arose from diplomatic expediency – if Serbia could come by dowry rather than conquest, so much the better. But Mara, never a mother, was a formidable widow. Above all she kept her faith, although she resisted a second marriage in ffl – to her relative, Emperor Constantine XI Palaiologos. If she had agreed, the conquest of ffl would have been even more of a family event than it was. The evidence, not just of tradition but of his acts, reveals how much the sultan revered his Christian stepmother. In ffl he granted her both the cathedral of St Sophia in Salonica and the fief of Ezova, where she received ambassadors and held a sort of alternative Christian court until her death in .40 Ezova lies near the Strymon valley in eastern Macedonia between Serres and Mount Athos. Along with the Pontos it was one of the most prosperous areas of the late Byzantine world, where Mehemmed allowed some monasteries to keep their holdings and dependent peasants. The Strymon was dominated by the estates of the monasteries of Mount Athos (which Mara and her father endowed) and of the Prodromos on Mount Menoikeion, above Serres (where Patriarch Gennadios II Scholarios retired and is buried). Mehemmed II planned to pension o Mara’s uncle, the Grand Komnenos David, in the same area after the fall of Trebizond in .41 Mount Athos is a marble peak (,ffl metres high) at the tip of the northern of the three fingers of the Chalkidike peninsula which stretch into the Aegean Sea. It had been an eremitic and then monastic retreat from before the tenth century. Since St Gregory Palamas, its Hesychasts had made it an arbiter of spiritual authority among Roman and other Orthodox, countering that of the patriarchate itself. By the fifteenth century its outstations beyond Athos, estates and peasants (who outnumbered monks by over ten to one), were con- centrated from Salonica to Serres, controlled islands such as Lemnos and spread as far as Trebizond. It was still to enter its most prosperous days under
39 Ducas, Istoria turco-bizantina, pp. ffl–; Nicol (), pp. –. 40 Babinger (), pp. –. 41 Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit (– ), I, pp. –, no. ; Zachariadou (); Lowry ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ the Ottomans, when it attracted the patronage of Danubian and Russian Orthodox rulers and pilgrims.42 In the late fifteenth century, Mara’s Ezova in Macedonia was rivalled as a political and economic focus by an even more modest place on the other side of the Roman Orthodox world: the village of Doubera (Livera), kilometres south of Trebizond in the Pontos. The fflffl defter registers a solidly Roman Orthodox population of only souls (others were probably exempt), but reveals that it was also the patris of members of the Amiroutzes family. More significantly, in the Grand Komnenos Alexios III (also founder of an Athonite monastery) named Doubera as headquarters of the estates of his own nearby pilgrim monastery of Soumela, one of three in the Pontic interior which retained their privileges and tax exemptions after the fall of Trebizond in , just as the Ottomans had favoured some of the monastic economies around Mara’s Ezova.43 In Mahmud pasha sorted out terms of surrender of Trebizond with George Amiroutzes, after a tiresome campaign which left most of the Pontos itself unconquered. Sultan Mehemmed deported the Grand Komnenos David and his prime minister, Amiroutzes, as part of a sürgün to Constantinople. Thence Amiroutzes wrote to his old compatriot and fellow delegate at Florence, Bessarion, a vivid letter describing the fall of Trebizond – and asking for money to ransom his son and Bessarion’s godson, Basil, who was in danger of forcible conversion to Islam. Amiroutzes was an anti-Unionist, but evi- dently not bothered that Bessarion was then a Latin cardinal. He appealed to closer bonds: shared connections of family and patris.44 Had he already solicited Mahmud, who was surely better placed to help? By Bessarion succeeded Isidore of Kiev as Latin patriarch. In the same year someone (the evidence that it was Amiroutzes is only circumstantial) denounced David to Mehemmed II. Refusing to apostasise, the imperial family of Trebizond died in gruesome circumstances. Apparently Mara could not, and Amiroutzes would not, intercede. Certainly Amiroutzes had shifted his allegiance to the sultan, for whom he prepared an exposition of Ptolemy’s Geography with the assistance of his son – called Mehemmed. Was he Basil, who had converted after all? Most Roman Orthodox converted to Islam before cul- turally they turned Turk. But some of their leaders did it the other way round. Contrary to the poor view in which he is held in Greek tradition, George Amiroutzes himself does not seem to have bothered to convert. Apostasy would have denied him playing politics with the patriarchate, while at the sultan’s court he could always use his cousin and ally, the grand vizier Mahmud pasha.45
42 Bryer (). 43 Lowry (a), p. . 44 Migne (ed.), Patrologia Graeca, CXVI, cols. –. 45 Nicol (), pp. –ffl.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The year was even more eventful for the Roman Orthodox network. Patriarch Ioasaph I Kokkas (ffl–), who had succeeded Gennadios II Scholarios, denounced George Amiroutzes in turn – for his proposed big- amous marriage to the widow of the last Latin duke of Athens. Amiroutzes went ahead all the same. Tradition that he was an exasperating man was con- firmed dramatically on Easter Sunday when the aair drove Ioasaph to attempt suicide by leaping into the cistern below the Pammakaristos cathedral. Amiroutzes promptly moved in to manage patriarchal finances, using his son, Mehemmed, as intermediary with the sultan.46 Behind a cloud of later tradition may be detected a characteristic trail of patronage and patris in the sequel. By ffl Mehemmed confirmed Amiroutzes’s village of Doubera on the estates of Soumela as a monastic immunity. Soumela (and two other nearby mountain monasteries) constituted thereafter the only major economic counter to the Macedonian monastic lands protected by Mara, a rival patron.47 In late Symeon ‘of Trebizond’ was presented as candidate for the patriar- chate, oering the sultan, for the first time, a bribe of oce (called ‘peshkesh’): , gold pieces. Monks do not commonly dispose of such sums, and Mehemmed had anyway dispossessed the monasteries of Trebizond city itself. By elimination, this points to Soumela as Symeon’s monastery and brings us back to his sponsor. To put it bluntly, did Amiroutzes use the resources and connections of Doubera to buy the patriarchate for his candidate? One consequence is certain. By oering a peshkesh bribe in , there was no going back. By their own account, the Roman Orthodox initiated an auction of their own leadership, which spread to other oces and was to spiral for over three centuries. This was the self-imposed cost of protection of a Church by an Islamic state, largely borne by the faithful, whose principal contact with their patriarchate was to raise peshkesh and obey canon law.The only beneficiary was the Ottoman treasury. Sultans were not much concerned as to who was patriarch, so long as he was not Unionist or sponsored by Ottoman commer- cial or political rivals – which was to come in the seventeenth century, when French Jesuits and Dutch Calvinists competed to buy a whole Church.48 The short-term result was that in a Serbian party and Mara outbid Symeon with her own candidate. The Pontic party ran Symeon again. During his second term of oce in , Symeon swiftly deposed Bishop Pankratios of Trebizond who was implicated in a Turkman attempt to restore a Grand Komnenos in Trebizond – presumably under pressure from Amiroutzes who had known all parties involved since ffl, and now knew where his loyalties lay. Seven times the patriarchate went back and forth until in Symeon
46 Bryer (), pp. –. 47 Nicol (), pp. –. 48 Runciman (), pp. –, ffl–; Kresten ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ finally raised a record peshkesh for a third period of oce, ousting an opponent of Amiroutzes’s marriage of . In Symeon at last held a synod which repudiated the Union of Florence of .49 Patriarch Symeon nevertheless left unfinished business when he died in oce in . His death raised the perennial question of whom political funds belong to, for he had neglected to make a will. Who were his heirs? The leaders of the network which had held the Roman Orthodox world together had now died: Mahmud pasha (after ), Mara (), Mehemmed II himself (); and of the veterans of Florence, Isidore (), Bessarion (), Scholarios (c. ) and Amiroutzes himself (c. ffl). Patriarch Niphon II (–) was the first successful candidate of new patrons. They were Danubian princes, now Ottoman tributaries, who were to support the monasteries of Athos and the Pontos, too. However, Niphon was unable to claim Symeon’s intestate fortune, which was confiscated by Iskender, treasurer of the new sultan, Bayazid II (–ffl). But the network which reached back to Doubera still held: Iskender was yet another son of George Amiroutzes.50 ‘Patris’ may be even stronger than patronage, and certainly faith, for Doubera village now had even greater aspirations – to empire. In the future Sultan Bayazid II took the last independent corner of the Roman Orthodox world, which was the rocky principality of Torul, south of Trebizond and Soumela, and for wife Maria, who converted and who, as Gulbahar hatun, held court in Trebizond where she died in fflffl/. Bayazid’s son, the future Sultan Selim I (ffl–), was governor of Trebizond from to ffl, when he wrote in Greek to Venice as ‘emperor of the Pontos and despot of Trebizond’. Selim confirmed the privileges of Soumela monastery. In turn his son, the future Sultan Süleyman (ffl–), was brought up in Trebizond, presumably by Maria-Gulbahar, from /ffl.51 Maria is a more shadowy figure than Mara of Ezova, but the surest fact about her is vital: her birthplace, or patris, was none other than Doubera. The village itself escaped registration until fflffl and Ottoman defters are not designed to record any connections she may have had with the families of Amiroutzes, or of Patriarch Symeon, or even Bessarion. But it is a small place. Like Mara of Ezova, Maria of Doubera was probably only the stepmother of a sultan, who have many wives, or rather none at all. But in Trebizond Selim gave Gulbahar a marble tomb and in ffl a mosque fit for an empress.52 The fate of the other inhabitants of Trebizond is a final reflection of that of the Roman Orthodox. Compared with its hinterland, the city was never popu-
49 Chrysanthos (), pp. ffl–; Laurent (). 50 Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit (– ), I, pp. –, nos. –. 51 Chrysanthos (), p. ffl. 52 Bryer and Winfield (ffl), I, pp. , .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 lous – in about , souls. After its conquest it grew to , in , , in ffl, , in fflffl and reached ,fflffl in ffl – figures about a third of the size of Salonica which also reflect the relative eciency of Ottoman registrars and omit exempt groups. But the composition is revealing. After Mehemmed had instigated a sürgün, deporting the Christian leadership and importing Muslims (including recent Albanian converts), with the result that by c. Trebizond was per cent Muslim and per cent Christian (mostly Roman Orthodox). But the Christian population actually grew there- after, both in numbers and proportion ( per cent) during the years of Selim’s governorship, Süleyman’s youth and Gulbahar’s widowhood, when the Ottoman state should have been tightening its hold on the place. Trebizond was in danger of becoming totally Christian again, and, unlike the case of Salonica, Jews were not settled to break the demographic problem. There was a second sürgün. In fflffl the Christian : Muslim ratio was ffl : per cent, but by ffl had turned tables to : ffl per cent. The critical point seems to have been when a Christian element had shrunk to about fflffl per cent, when whole par- ishes (which paid a fixed levy) converted in landslides, leaving faithful individu- als unable to aord the balance. Most revealing is that by ffl, per cent of the Muslims of Trebizond are identifiable as first or second generation con- verts. In other words the population of the city, whatever its faith, was then still almost per cent native Pontic: people who kept to their patris.53 ‘Conversion’ is used here as a convenient term, and indeed is technically understood in both Orthodoxy and Islam, with the dierence that under sharia law conversion or reconversion out of Islam met the penalty of death – in the Ottoman Empire until . From the fifteenth century there were a number of attested Orthodox martyrs to their faith. Converts to Islam did not find immediate acceptance either. But, following Ottoman registrars, we can only record Roman Orthodox by civil status. The spiritual cost of the compromises to which the Church and individual faithful were driven in order to survive cannot be recorded, any more than what happened in the countryside. Here, monasteries such as Mara’s in Macedonia and Maria’s in the Pontos could oer secular as well as spiritual salvation. With the loss of such patrons elsewhere it may not have been too painful to slip in and out of unocial Islam and Orthodoxy within a common peasant culture and local cults of patris. By the reign of Sultan Sulayman I (ffl–) most Roman Orthodox who were going to convert to Islam had done so. In the west, Süleyman is called ‘the Magnificent’, but in the Ottoman Empire he is rightly named ‘the Law-giver’. He regularised the local and customary laws inherited by the swift conquests of Constantinople, the Morea, Macedonia and the Pontos, under which most
53 Lowry ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Byzantium: the Roman Orthodox world, ′′ ffl Roman Orthodox had continued to live for a century after the fall of Constantinople in ffl, beyond even Gennadios Scholarios’s prediction of the end of the world in . The politics of the Union of Florence in could not be forgotten even after . There were to be new patrons in Romania and Russia, but patris may have been the most enduring bond of all. Take, once more, the Soumelan village of Doubera, a steep place hidden in the Pontic undergrowth. After much lobbying the patriarchate created a final diocese in , as influential as it was tiny. The parish church of Doubera became the cathedral of Rhodopolis. Today it is the mosque of Yazlik, a wholly Muslim Turkish village. But its titular bishop wields great influence – especially in Australia, where every second Greek claims to have come from Doubera. Surely this was the home of George Amiroutzes.54
54 Bryer and Winfield (ffl), I, p. ; Bryer (), pp. –ffl; Balivet ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′
THE LATIN EAST
Anthony Luttrell
Latin communities in the east were composed predominantly of minority groups of westerners settled, permanently or temporarily, in the eastern Mediterranean, largely in consequence of earlier movements of Latin expan- sion. These developments were closely connected to the crusades which had conquered Jerusalem and Constantinople together with territories and islands in Greece, in the Aegean and on the Asiatic mainland. Some of these outposts were still in Latin hands in , though the Ottoman Turks had by then secured considerable areas of Anatolia and the Balkans while the Mamluk regime, based on Cairo, was governing in Egypt and in what had before been Latin Syria. This presence in the east, whether in places under direct western rule, in Latin communities established in Greek lands, or in other Christian or infidel parts, comprised three varying and often overlapping classes: indigenous Latin settlers born and bred in the Levant; long-term ex- patriates in commercial, administrative, military or ecclesiastical posts; and merchants, sailors, mercenaries, missionaries, pilgrims and others stationed or travelling in the east for shorter periods. The cosmopolitan world of scattered Levantine ports and islands was united by its seas, by its shipping and by the extensive trade which the Latins moved across them. This milieu was at the mercy of winds and currents, while much of the region was cold and snowy in winter. Lengthy and dangerous sea journeys took the westerners to the coastal termini supplied by the overland caravans arriving from the Asiatic east. The larger islands were mini-continents on which the quality of life could compare with that of the western Mediterranean mainlands, but the small islands were bleak, depopulated and miserable, without towns and amenities. These islands, all situated in a Greek- speaking area formerly within Byzantium, were dominated by small groups of Latins. Whether the administration was conducted by a monarchy as in Lusignan Cyprus, a metropolitan power as on Venetian Crete, a local Italian oli- garchy as on Genoese Chios or a Latin military order as on Hospitaller Rhodes,
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Map The Latin east
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ff the patterns of government were broadly similar. The Italian mercantile powers and other European rulers had economic and political interests in these possessions in which they needed to create and develop substantial multi-racial but predominantly Christian societies capable of resisting Turkish assaults. By there was little serious question of further Latin territorial expansion in the area, but throughout the fifteenth century most of the Aegean islands, except for the Negroponte which was virtually attached to the mainland and for Lesbos and its dependencies which lay close to the Ottomans at Gallipoli, remained in western hands. It was on the mainland that the Latins were over-run and expelled by the Turks. Latin Levantine outposts and activities depended for their survival upon an overall naval superiority which Ottoman or Mamluk fleets could seldom match. However, western seapower had its limitations and the continuing necessity for the Latins of Ainos, Naxos, Phocaea and elsewhere to pay consid- erable sums as annual tribute to the Turks reduced the profits of colonial investment; and almost everywhere this tributary status was eventually replaced by outright annexation. Latin naval predominance was furthermore repeatedly jeopardised by clashes between Venetian, Genoese and lesser Latin maritime powers. The Catalans were active in the east as merchants and pirates, and from the Florentines maintained galleys at Pisa which occasionally sailed eastwards to Constantinople or Alexandria. The oared light galley, which could be heavily armed, was a speedy fighting unit capable of carrying precious cargoes while the great merchant galley and the round sailing ship had much greater capacity. The Venetians organised their galleys through a state- regulated system of convoys, the mude, which gave them a measure of control over military matters, prices, sailing dates, destinations and movements of trade. Latin shipping linked the Levantine harbours and islands to one another and integrated them into the western economic orbit, protecting and provi- sioning them while moving both their local produce and the long-distance trade which constituted their prime importance. Earlier conquests and settle- ments had developed estates and sources of revenue which supported a Levantine Latin population. There was a regional system of trade in local agrarian products, but it was the lucrative trac in Asiatic spices and other lux- uries which chiefly sustained western interest in the Levant. There were direct routes from Chios and elsewhere in the east to Atlantic ports such as Bruges and Southampton; in , for example, thirty-four Genoese merchants char- tered three Genoese ships at Alexandria for a voyage to Flanders. The nature and volume of commercial exchanges naturally aected western policies as well as the prosperity and politics of the Latin Levant itself. Despite its political diversity, the extensive area from the Crimea to the Red Sea formed an economic zone which was primarily agricultural and often technologically
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Latin east backward, so that it became increasingly an underdeveloped region in which the Latins could dump their western industrial products. The Latin east exported its grain, wines, currants, honey, wax, cheese and other agrarian produce. Sweet red Cretan malmsey was much appreciated in the west, and mastic from the island of Chios, alum from the mines of Phocaea and sugar from the plantations of Cyprus were especially valuable. A considerable local cabotage was carried in small vessels, many of them Greek. By the fifteenth century the Asiatic spice trade had largely shifted to Alexandria but caravans travelled overland from Tabriz via Erzerum and from Baghdad through Syria to Bursa in north-west Anatolia where Genoese, Venetians and Florentines went as traders. Constantinople remained a centre for local, regional and trans- continental exchanges. The Black Sea, essentially an extension of the Aegean, retained some importance. Venetians and Genoese traded at Trebizond, Sansun and Sinope on the Pontic coast; they purchased waxes and skins in Bulgaria, and brought furs, fish, cereals and timber from Kaa in the Crimea, and slaves from Tana in the Sea of Azov, part of the trade in slaves and wood moving along a north–south route to Mamluk Egypt. From the west came manufactured articles in metal, glass, paper and above all Italian, Flemish, Catalan, French and English woollen cloth. At Constantinople the Venetians had their own quarter with two churches, twenty-five houses and various storehouses directed by a bailli who was a government ocial with wide jurisdiction. The Genoese had an important colony at Pera across the Golden Horn which operated as a useful observation post. Both these Italian powers had secured extremely lucrative customs exemptions from the emperor. The ledgers of a merchant such as Giacomo Badoer, a Venetian trading at Constantinople from to , recorded a variety of aairs including commissions on purchases, sales and shipments, and it showed the importance of his Black Sea and Egyptian operations. In Egypt plague, depopulation, agrarian crises, technological stagnation and governmental interference interacted to produce a serious decline in textile production. Enormous payments of Venetian coin drained precious metal supplies from Europe into Syria and Egypt. The Venetian ducat became common currency in the Levant and even in India and beyond; in the Florentines had to counterfeit ducats for their Egyptian trade. Large profits were made from pepper, cinnamon, brazil wood and other luxuries arriving from India and south-east Asia through the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, while the Venetians in particular carried pilgrims to Jerusalem and brought back Syrian cotton. Some westerners, such as the Cretan merchant Emmanuele Piloti at Cairo, spent years within the Mamluk domains acquiring, and sub- sequently reporting to the west, extremely shrewd perceptions of economic and political realities there. Latin notaries and local interpreters served visiting
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ff merchants at Beirut, Alexandria and elsewhere but western piracy and eastern extortions often led to tense relations with the Mamluks. The financier Jacques Coeur, who was based on Montpellier, himself went to purchase spices at Damascus in and subsequently he exported French copper and silver to the east. The southern Levant trade was not a Venetian monopoly but Venice increasingly assumed the predominant role in it after about , while the hitherto considerable presence of Genoese, Catalans and other westerners diminished. After Sultan Barsbay responded to western exploitation of Egypt’s weaknesses by using his control of Jidda to regulate and lower protec- tion costs imposed in the Red Sea. He then sought to establish a pepper monopoly in Egypt and to double the sale price to the Venetians; in the Venetian consul was expelled from Alexandria and western merchants with- drew to Rhodes, but patient diplomacy eventually restored the Venetians’ posi- tion. Latin–Mamluk relations occasionally deteriorated into outright war. A Cypriot crusade had inflicted terrible long-term destruction on Alexandria in , and in a Genoese fleet under the French Marshal, Jean de Boucicault, was prevented by bad weather from attacking Egypt but instead raided the Syrian coasts while also attacking Venetian property at Beirut. In the Hospitallers at Rhodes attempted, unsuccessfully, to establish a treaty with the Mamluk sultan which would have given them commercial advantages and a quasi-monopoly of the pilgrim trade. The Mamluks’ seapower was not wholly negligible and in Sultan Barsbay invaded Cyprus, took King Janus to Cairo and reduced the kingdom to tributary status, but Mamluk attacks on Rhodes were beaten o between and and an equilibrium re-estab- lished. The last Cypriot mainland possession at Ghorigos on the southern Anatolian coast fell to the emir of Karaman, despite Hospitaller intervention from Rhodes, in . Cyprus was debilitated by endless internal conflicts, the balance changing only in when the Venetians eectively secured command there; in Caterina Cornaro, the Venetian widow of the last Lusignan ruler, made the island over to Venice. Maritime interests interacted with continental developments. Ottoman expansion in both Anatolia and the Balkans provoked a major Franco- Hungarian crusade which was crushed at Nicopolis on the Danube by the Sultan Bayazid and his Serbian vassals in ; John of Nevers, future duke of Burgundy, was taken prisoner to Bursa in Anatolia. The west lamented this overwhelming disaster which, however, may well have saved Constantinople from the Turks. Then, while the Emperor Manuel II was travelling as far as London on a largely ineectual fund-raising tour, his capital was reprieved once again when the great Mongol conqueror Timur defeated Bayazid near Ankara on July . Timur advanced towards Constantinople, took
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Latin east Smyrna castle from the Hospitallers of Rhodes and restored various Anatolian emirs to the lands from which Bayazid had ousted them; he then withdrew to Samarkand, leaving the devastated Ottoman domains divided by fratricidal conflicts between Bayazid’s three sons. Timur had no fleet, yet the Venetian and Genoese captains greedily sacrificed the opportunity of crippling Ottoman power when they ferried many fleeing Turks across the waters from Asia into safety in Europe; the Latins then concluded with two of Bayazid’s sons separate treaties designed to oppose Timur and to secure western com- mercial advantages. The westerners had already come to envisage a Turkish power as an integral part of the Levantine establishment. The Ottomans were enabled to reconstitute their shattered regime and, after about , to recom- mence their Balkan and Anatolian expansion. The west had political and religious concerns in the Levant. Christian opposition to the Ottomans in the Adriatic and the Balkans, which culminated in the unsuccessful Varna crusade of , did not involve the Latins on a large scale, though a Venetian fleet sailed to the Dardanelles to collaborate in it. The long-delayed bartering of aid for Byzantium in return for Greek recognition of Roman religious supremacy was belatedly agreed after much theological hag- gling at the Councils held at Ferrara and Florence in and . Alfonso V, king in Aragon, Naples and Sicily, had grandiose but unrealisable claims and aspirations in Byzantium and the east; in he acquired the strategic oshore islet of Kastellorizzo between Rhodes and Cyprus and defended it with a new castle. The Venetians defeated a large Ottoman fleet o the Gallipoli peninsula in ; they acquired Thessalonica in but lost it in ; they made a peace with the Ottomans in and then blockaded Genoese Chios. The Latin powers did not oppose the Turks consistently and they aorded little aid to Constantinople where small groups of Venetians, Genoese and other Latins fought valiantly in the final siege of ; other western help set out too late.
Forms of colonisation varied, but throughout much of the east the Latins were largely restricted to the coastal cities which were their centres of long-distance communication and commercial interchange. Huddled within town walls for solidarity as well as for safety, the western expatriates remained a largely separ- ate governing class which dominated and often exploited an indigenous and mainly rural populace. On the Greek mainland the Latin principality of Achaea, conquered after the crusade of , lay closest to the west, yet it was in full disintegration by when its Navarrese ruler Pedro de San Superan controlled only portions of the western Peloponnese. The weakness of its Neapolitan overlords and its own internal conflicts had delivered Latin Achaea and Glarentsa, its principal city, into the hands of an obscure group of pre- dominantly Navarrese mercenaries who could not prevent repeated raids by
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ff Ottoman armies advancing overland. The ancient Latin baronage was reduced to a few insecure families and the archbishop of Patras; Athens remained under the government of the Florentine family of Acciaiuoli until . Centurione II Zaccaria, formerly baron of Arkadia, became prince of Achaea in and prolonged the principality’s existence until when the Greeks under Thomas Palaiologos, despot of Mistra, secured control over almost the entire peninsula. Eective resistance to the Turks came only from the Venetians whose concern for their long-distance trade forced them to defend their vital naval bases at Coron and Modon in the south-west, and to reverse their policy of avoiding the expenses and complications of occupying and administering extended mainland positions. Venice acquired direct control of Corfu in ; of Nauplia, and also of Tinos and Mykonos, in ; of Argos in ; and of Lepanto in . Western predominance on the mainland had evaporated. The old Assizes de Romanie, the feudal lawcode of Latin Greece, remained in eect, in Venetian translation, only in Negroponte, certain Aegean islands and Corfu. The Latin Chronicle of the Morea was never extended beyond , and when the Neapolitan family of Tocco, who were despots of Epirus from to , produced a chronicle it was in Greek verse. Only on Cyprus and Crete was a western chronicle tradition maintained. The westerners were notably more successful on the islands. Cyprus, in Latin hands since , had been an adjunct of the western establishment in Syria from which its nobility and governmental institutions fundamentally derived; in fact its Latin rulers continued to be crowned as kings of Jerusalem. Cyprus was a large and prosperous island where the inhabitants, though mainly Greek in speech and religion, remained surprisingly loyal to the Frankish dynasty. It derived much wealth from the trans-shipment of oriental trade, but the dynasty was weakened by its members’ personal deficiencies, by an unruly nobility and by Genoese predominance in the principal port at Famagusta. Cyprus was increasingly exploited as an Italian colony, especially after the Genoese reinforced their hold on Famagusta in / and pressured the crown into paying the very considerable sums it owed them. In the Mamluks captured King Janus in battle at Kherotikia, and his ransom and the tribute imposed on the kingdom further weakened the royal government. Decades of complicated quarrels ensued. Janus’s son, John II, died in ; the latter’s daughter, Charlotte, became queen but was defeated in by her half- brother, John II’s illegitimate son who became king as James II. In James II even called in an Egyptian fleet. He died in as did his baby son James III in , leaving as titular ruler James’s widow, the Venetian Caterina Cornaro. In she formally handed Cyprus, in eect a Venetian protectorate since , to Venice, a transfer requiring the formal consent of the Egyptian sultan as the island’s overlord.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Latin east As elsewhere, the Latins on Cyprus reserved political power and fiscal advantages to themselves, maintaining a social distance from the Greeks which was rooted in religion and culture. The Roman Church, both secular and regular, served to bolster and institutionalise the Latins’ collective identity and solidarity. Theoretically, the Greeks were not schismatical orthodox but uniates under Roman jurisdiction. A Latin nobility of perhaps a hundred families held small hereditary estates from which its incomes largely derived, and its male members were normally knights who were royal lieges and members of the ancient high court of Cyprus. The small ruling class was largely born locally, but it received a continuing influx of western merchants, mercenaries and others who acquired estates and titles through service, purchase or marriage. Some Catalans, Syrians and others, including a very few Greeks, entered this nobility during the fifteenth century. The government functioned through a royal council and an administrative and financial oce, the secrète. After the Venetians ruled in Cyprus through a bailli appointed in Venice; they cur- tailed the nobility and replaced the high court with urban councils to which non-nobles were admitted, while Venetian subjects acquired lands, oces, incomes and, in certain cases, noble titles. By oering advantageous terms to settlers, including some from Corfu and the Peloponnese, Venice successfully repopulated towns and villages, transforming Cyprus into a genuine colony which it exploited but to which it brought security and prosperity, with cotton gradually replacing the island’s sugar which was unable to compete with the cheaper sugar from the Atlantic islands. Crete, acquired by the Venetians after , was never self-governing. Instead, its Italian settlers were strictly controlled by a metropolitan machine regulated through a duca, or doge, of Candia and through other ocials who were often appointed and directed from Venice, the procuratores et sindici ad partes Levantis. This Latin administration and its strongly established Roman Church made Crete the most considerable of western colonies and a notable centre of Latin culture. Northern Italian settlers had been installed as feudatarii who held property from the state and owed military service to it, and there were local councils with limited powers. With its agrarian produce, its slave trac and its harbours at Khania, Rethymnon and Candia, the modern Herakleion, Crete was the hub of Venice’s Levantine empire. Interference from Venice often proved clumsy, with written instructions frequently taking months to arrive; the Latin settlers themselves were angered when the central government taxed them heavily for defensive expenditures made partly in the interests of the metropolitan mercantile class. There was less antagonism between Latins and Greeks in the fifteenth century as intermarriage and proximity eroded barriers, as Greeks were employed in government service and as indigenous Cretans sat on local councils and were sent as envoys to Venice, but after there were
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ff rebellions and conspiracies, imprisonments and expulsions, provoked by the issue of Greek acceptance of Roman religious supremacy. Crete remained prosperous so that the area under cultivation was extended and the population rose; it continued to send wine, oil and above all much grain to the other colonies as well as to Venice. Though the Constantinople and Black Sea trade declined after , Crete retained its importance as a vital stage on the routes to Cyprus and Alexandria. The Genoese, with no single major colony, controlled a string of Levantine trading stations with a looser and more flexible system of bureaucratic direc- tion and metropolitan defence than the centralised rigidity of Venice. Pera apart, their chief Aegean base and entrepot was the oshore island of Chios which was valuable for its mastic and the alum of nearby Phocaea. Chios had been acquired in through a pact made by a mahona, a joint-stock company financed by individual Genoese but supported by their metropolitan govern- ment. That was how colonial positions were occupied and maintained; after Genoa’s state bank, the Casa di San Giorgio, directly administered its Black Sea colonies. In there were on Chios some , Greeks and perhaps , Latins, the latter largely resident in the city except for a few sol- diers controlling outlying forts and towers. Such outposts had relatively small Latin communities; at Venetian Coron there were only eighty Latins in . Agriculture on Chios was left to the Greeks. There were some mixed mar- riages, usually involving Greek women. The indigenous elite did retain certain of its privileges and there were Greek notaries, bankers and shippers, some of them responsible for the grain supply. A podestà, chosen in Genoa after the government had presented a list of names to the mahonesi, governed Chios with a council of Latins. The mahona exercised a monopoly on alum, mastic and salt, and generally maintained fair relations and an element of co-existence based on a community of interest with the leading Greeks. In Laonikos Chalkokandyles described the Genoese as behaving ‘with the greatest modera- tion’. Further north, four successive generations of the Genoese family of Gattilusio, which had acquired Lesbos in , apparently married Byzantine princesses; they also ruled Imbros, Samothrake and other places. The Gattilusio maintained their family contacts in Genoa but were really Byzantine dependants who spoke Greek, favoured the Byzantine Church and avoided conflict with the Turks who, however, ousted them between and . After Rhodes and its dependent islands had remained largely Greek until occupied by the military-religious order of the Hospital of St John between and . There too the Latins came relatively late and made a pact giving the Greeks religious and other guarantees. They imported settlers, Greeks as well as Latins, and provided security and prosperity. The Hospitallers relied upon the resources of the European priories and
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Latin east commanderies which were in a sense their colonies, while Rhodes was their centre and headquarters which, technically, they held from no superior but the pope. The brethren’s continuing function, the very justification for their exis- tence, was the holy war against the infidel, and on losing Smyrna to Timur in they established a new mainland outpost in the isolated castle which they built during / at Bodrum on the coast just north of Kos, thus creating a haven for Christian slaves escaping from the Turks. As the Ottomans secured a permanent hold in Anatolia, Rhodes became increasingly isolated and defen- sive. Its small navy faced the Turks at sea; its harbour developed into an ever more secure and important western entrepot which sheltered Catalan and other pirates as well as a cosmopolitan merchant community. For example, in an act drawn up in by a Venetian priest, who acted as notary with Catalan and Cretan witnesses, a Provençal inhabitant of Rhodes empowered a mer- chant from Ancona and another from Genoa to recover his credits abroad. That profits could be made was demonstrated by Niccolò Tron, elected doge at Venice in , who had become rich during fifteen years spent as a merchant at Rhodes. Licensed privateering, the ocial corso, also brought in significant earnings. The city’s defences were continually strengthened. Mamluk attacks were resisted between and , but Turkish pressures on the outlying islands grew stronger after and culminated in the great Ottoman siege successfully resisted by the Master, Pierre d’Aubusson, in . After the Hospitallers were secured against the Ottoman sultan through their custody of his brother Djem who eventually died in Italy in . Though a moderately prosperous Greek business class developed there, Rhodes had no Greek nobil- ity and there were very few hereditary Latin landholders to exploit a peasantry much of which was virtually free. The Hospital, paternalistic and restrained over matters of religion, was not seriously resented by the Greeks, who fought bravely to resist the Turks in . Western society was itself aected by its overseas activities. Particularly in Venice and Genoa, family and business groupings jockeyed for position in the special oces and committees which manipulated Levantine policies and appointments. Influence derived from eastern wealth and possessions was exerted at home by a new ‘colonial’ class as well as by established metropolitan families such as the Cornaro of Venice or the many Genoese clans with members established in eastern outposts. The Genoese were numerous on Rhodes and Cyprus as well as at Pera and on the other eastern Aegean islands close to the Anatolian coast. Venice sought to protect Crete and its other colonies, and it firmly superintended the petty Latin lords of the western Aegean islands who were Venetian citizens. The most important of these were the Crispi family which ruled Naxos as dukes of the Archipelago. In theory they were vassals of the princes of the Morea whose lawcode, the Assizes de
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ff Romanie, did apply in their islands, but in practice appeals could be made to Venetian courts. In about Naxos was a base for Catalan and Basque pirates; its Latin settlers were relatively humble men who owed military service as galley oarsmen. Merchants from Barcelona, Florence, Ancona, Ragusa and other places without colonies of their own traded throughout the east, travel- ling on shipping of other powers. The Catalans, once strong on Rhodes and Cyprus, largely disappeared from the Levant after the s. There were numerous small Aegean islands which lacked water, fuel, communications, administration and even human contact, and were constantly at the mercy of drought, bad weather, Latin pirates and Turkish razzias; some had very small populations while others had none. The more than isles in the Cyclades covered just over , square kilometres, of which per cent was arable; only twenty of these islands were still inhabited in . By about a fifth of the population on the Cyclades followed the Latin rite but many of these were Greeks. Some smaller islands, such as Amorgos and Nisyros, had Latin rulers but very few Latin inhabitants. Others received occa- sional Latin visits when ships were blown ashore or wrecked on them, and such visitors reported on the appalling conditions of the Greek islanders. Early in the fifteenth century Giovanni Quirini moved families from Tinos and Mykonos to settle them on his island of Stampalia, while the Gozzadini lord of Kythnos repopulated his island. Kastellorizzo, between Rhodes and Cyprus, had a Latin garrison but only a few permanent inhabitants who worked the saltings there. The economies of these small islands were precarious, though some had special exports, such as stone from Paros or sulphur from Nisyros, or they sent fruit and vegetables to markets on larger islands nearby. No ethnic group could escape a range of natural disasters and other diculties. Travellers often had trouble finding ships and many suered terri- fying storms, piracy and shipwreck. In about Cristoforo Buondelmonti was saved after seven days on an islet near Samos where he had prematurely scratched on a rock, in Latin significantly: ‘Here the priest Cristophorus died of terrible hunger.’ Plague was recurrent almost everywhere. Earthquakes caused enormous destruction throughout the region; that at Rhodes in was said to have done more damage than the Turkish siege of the previous year, while another at Kos in provoked emergency measures at Rhodes to send food, medicines, doctors, planks and other supplies, and above all to ensure the defence of those places where the walls had collapsed. Pirates, whether Latin, Greek or Turkish, took slaves, devastated coastal zones and pushed up com- mercial insurance costs. Disruption was widespread, and attacks on shipping and merchandise provoked reprisals and prolonged litigation. No one was ever safe at sea. *
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Latin east In the face of Ottoman advances, the Latin east shrank considerably during the fifteenth century, yet its society became more cohesive and its internal economies and the oriental trade made it more prosperous. The Latins’ advan- tages depended on eective Italian-style governmental systems and on comparatively reasonable arrangements with their Greek subjects as well as on their advantages at sea. No single power could entirely dominate the area with a fleet of galleys since these could stay on station at sea for only a limited time, but the Latins maintained their general naval predominance over the develop- ing Ottoman fleet. Galleys and oarsmen were particularly costly, and defence was a major expenditure for the Venetians. Shipping was mostly built in the west but the larger eastern ports were equipped for repairs and refitting. Land defences consisted of coastal watch-towers and inland castles to which the population could retreat from danger; fire signals sent warnings from one island to another. Fortresses and large ports had Latin garrisons, and the Hospital’s mercenaries in the garrison of Bodrum castle actually formed a corporation of socii with its own written statutes. However, stone was cheaper than manpower and throughout the Latin east fortifications grew lower, broader and stronger as cannon became increasingly powerful. Thus the Rhodes of with its comparatively thin curtain and tallish projecting towers was transformed into a fortress protected by low, thick walls and an extensive system of barbicans and bastions which just resisted Ottoman bombardments and assaults in and almost did so again in . Domestic and ecclesiastical building was mostly in a Mediterranean Gothic style with some major monuments, such as the cathedral at Nicosia, the great hospital begun at Rhodes in , and a number of abbeys in the Morea, on Cyprus and elsewhere. Latin churches often had frescoes and panel paintings, sometimes in the western manner and occasionally, as on Crete and Rhodes, in an eclectic blend of Latin and Greek styles. The Latins were established predominantly in urban coastal centres and, except on Cyprus and Rhodes, they were mostly Italians. Western commerce stimulated an astonishing development of harbour towns such as Famagusta, Rhodes and Chios in which moles, arsenals, pontoons, warehouses, churches and public buildings proliferated. In these outposts Latin minorities shared western Mediterranean ways of life, customs and culture, spoke romance tongues, and were governed under Italianate town statutes and the regulations of the Roman Church. They retained essential command of political power. Small groups of Syrians, Jews, Armenians and others sometimes occupied intermediate positions, but if Greek elites were occasionally granted a limited measure of power and responsibility, they were not fused with the Latin settler class; Greek resistance was often passive and cultural. A modus vivendi with a class of urban Greeks took a variety of forms. On Cyprus, and marginally on
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ff Rhodes, there were arrangements involving fiefs and military service, but in the Morea this ‘feudal’ structure had eectively collapsed by . Elsewhere, government was centralised, especially in areas under Venetian rule which were administered by metropolitan ocials appointed usually for two years and subject to rigorous accounting controls; justice and taxation belonged to the government, though taxes were often farmed out. Levantine westerners, termed latini and franchi, were legally free; even in the fifteenth century many Greeks remained paroikoi or villani, that is subjects or serfs of very varying status who were broadly subject to a range of taxes and obligations which often derived from Byzantine practice. Many Latins, and even others, were entitled civis or burgensis, or they were described as habitator which implied tem- porary residence; thus, for example, some men were citizens of Genoa or of its Ligurian riviera, while other Genoese subjects were simply inhabitants of Genoese Chios or Pera who enjoyed a certain fiscal or juridical status. The authorities naturally tended to resent those Greeks, Syrians and others, who escaped their jurisdiction by acquiring some form of western citizenship. Religious dierences remained profound. Many Latin churchmen in the Levant had been born in the west, and the bishops, canons and other higher clergy who held the richer benefices were often absentees; ordinary priests were few, even for the relatively scanty Latin congregations. The formal machinery of cathedral and parish operated mainly in the towns, while in the countryside Latins sometimes spoke Greek and worshipped in Greek churches. The Latin Church held ecclesiastical property, mainly confiscated from the Greek Church, and it raised tithes. Though compelled by circum- stances to a notional subjection to the Roman pope, the Greeks firmly main- tained their own rite and language which characterised their fundamental resistance to Latinisation; thus as late as and two inscriptions commissioned by Greek priests for small Cretan churches mentioned the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaiologos in their dating clause. On the smaller islands the Latin bishop was frequently elsewhere, leaving a Greek protopapas, technically a delegate of the bishop who appointed him, to adminis- ter the Greek Church and its possessions according to Greek law and to repre- sent the Greek population. In the Council at Florence approved a form of union but outside Latin domains that agreement had little eect in the east. Latin convents were scattered throughout the east, but the Dominicans and Franciscans at Pera, Jerusalem and elsewhere aimed to serve Latin minorities or to take missionary work into Asia rather than to convert Greeks. Venetian Tana, essentially a fortified counter at the mouth of the Don, was devastated in and on subsequent occasions. By the fifteenth century the disintegration of the Mongol empire with its secure road system had greatly reduced the penetration of western merchants and missionaries beyond the Mediterranean
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Latin east shores and had cut o contacts with the far east. Venetian merchants increas- ingly concentrated on Alexandria and the Genoese looked to the Atlantic. Latin crusading enthusiasm undoubtedly survived, but it was often diverted to holy wars in the Balkans or in the west. Jerusalem itself retained a powerful spiritual attraction for men and women; pilgrimage there oered spiritual rewards and relics as well as travel, escape, adventure. In Cairo, pilgrims occa- sionally found westerners from as far away as Germany and Denmark who were stranded there as Mamluk soldiers. Many pilgrims sailed from Venice in well-regulated excursions; the land journey from the Syrian ports and visits to the holy places were managed by the Franciscans who also provided hospices. Accounts such as that of Felix Faber, who extended the standard itinerary to visit Mount Sinai and Cairo, helped to preserve the western consciousness of the east. An extensive literature of chronicles, poetic laments and reports on Levantine events and disasters was encouraged by the spread of printing, while a keen, if distorted, literary interest in the Turks circulated information on their religion, their government and, especially, their armies. The medallion of the young Mehemmed II made for the Burgundian noble Jehan Trieaudet or Gentile Bellini’s portrait of the same sultan constituted visual equivalents; in Bellini also decorated Mehemmed’s palace at Constantinople with erotic scenes. The Latins developed a respect for the Turks which went back at least to Jean de Boucicault’s three-month stay at the court of Sultan Murad in when he oered to fight for the Ottoman sultan against an infidel enemy, just as Chaucer’s fictitious knight served one Anatolian Muslim emir against another. Western interests were also stimulated by humanist concerns for Antiquity, by the teaching of Greek in Italy and eventually by printed editions of classical texts. Thus in about the Florentine priest Cristoforo Buondelmonti spent several years continuing his Greek studies on Rhodes and purchasing classical manuscripts in the east; his Liber Insularum Archipelagi was widely copied in the west, its maps forming the basis of a long-lasting cartographical tradition. Buondelmonti described many classical remains, recounting his eorts to use shipping tackle to raise a fallen statue of Apollo on Delos and Jacomo Crispi’s attempt to measure the depth of the crater at Santorini. His major successor as Hellenic traveller, Ciriaco of Ancona, was more scientific in his copying of sculptures and inscriptions; he reported how Crusino Summaripa, the Latin lord of Paros, excavated marble statues there. By the end of the century Isabella d’Este of Mantua was employing collectors to send ancient sculptures to Italy where such importations played a significant role in artistic develop- ments. The Hospitallers burned many ancient marbles for lime but they also decorated the walls of their castle at Bodrum, the ancient Halikarnassos, with classical reliefs dug up from the Mausoleum. Not only did a Greco-Latin culture thrive on Crete but Greek émigrés,
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ff estimated at , by , made Venice a centre of Byzantine civilisation and had a profound eect on western intellectual life. The larger islands had their own schools, but men had to go west, often to Padua, for university study; the Greek Franciscan Peter Philargos, who was elected pope as Alexander V at Pisa in , had degrees from Oxford and Paris. Latins sometimes knew Greek but only rarely Turkish. A petition of on Rhodes which called for a schoolmaster to teach both Latin and Greek to Latin and Greek boys, rich and poor, was signed in one script or the other by leading Rhodians, both Latin and Greek. Scholars from Constantinople and elsewhere reached Crete and their manuscripts were copied there. Students and bureaucrats took cultural inter- change back and forth so that western poetic themes inspired Cretan literature; icons, furniture and other items were exported westwards. In Cyprus Leontios Machairas and Georgios Bustron produced chronicles of Latin rule in Greek. The Valencian Joannot Martorell set much of his romance Tirant lo Blanch in the Latin east, about which he was quite well informed. Yet in reality many westerners were not at home in the Levant. In a copy of the Latin lawcode, the Assizes de Romanie, a homesick chancery clerk wrote ‘Oh, when shall I go to the land of Venice’ (‘O, quando andar nella tiera di Venexia’).
Constantinople fell to Mehemmed II on May , the Straits and the Black Sea passing under Ottoman control. The Genoese at Pera maintained an ambiguous neutrality during the siege but survived only as a Latin community under Turkish control, while in the Venetians made a treaty which allowed them a colony and commercial privileges in Constantinople. The Aegean Latins, in the Rhodian islands for example, felt the new Turkish threat almost immediately, and in Trebizond and the Greek towns along the Pontic coast were taken. The Latins lacked firm undivided leadership. Pope Pius II’s schemes for an eastern crusade under his personal command collapsed in , but from Venice fought the long and enormously expensive war of Negroponte in defence of its colonial positions, making initial conquests in the Morea, campaigning on the Aegean and the coasts of Cilicia, and negotiating or collaborating with the Karaman Turks and others. One eective ally, the Albanian Skanderbeg, died in and the fall of Negroponte in was a major loss. In the Black Sea, Venetian Tana and Genoese Kaa were taken by the Turks in . The Turks advanced overland to within sight of Venice. Peace in brought the further loss of Argos in the Peloponnese and of Scutari in Albania; the Venetians were forced to pay , ducats a year for the right to trade in Ottoman territories but thereafter their remaining northern Levantine colonies did prosper. The Turks turned elsewhere; in they tem- porarily took Otranto in Apulia but were repulsed at Rhodes. Ottoman advances continued yet the Latin islands were increasing their wealth and
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Latin east population, especially in the case of Cyprus which the Venetians transformed into a prospering colony on their route to Alexandria. The Hospitallers exploited their custody of the sultan’s brother, Djem, to conduct an ambiguous policy of co-existence designed to exploit the position of Rhodes on trade routes running both east–west and north–south. They balanced their island’s agrarian deficit through trade in Anatolia and investment in a carefully regu- lated and limited quota of piratical aggression. The Latin strategic position in the Aegean inevitably worsened after . No Venetian galley set out for the Black Sea thereafter and none for Constantinople between and . The Venetians switched their opera- tions southwards, retaining Crete, acquiring Cyprus and securing enormous profits at Alexandria where they were able to exploit Mamluk fears of the Ottomans. Genoa and Florence lacked the economic hinterlands necessary to provide a spice market on the scale of that enjoyed by Venice, and they could scarcely muster the precious metal available to the Venetians or match the organised tenacity of Venice’s regulation of its shipping and merchants. The Genoese kept Chios but lost Famagusta, Pera and the Black Sea outposts. As they successfully concentrated their activities in the western Mediterranean and the Atlantic, the volume of their eastern trade fell sharply. Venice’s main- land expansion which began in did not undermine its Levantine colonies; it could still mobilise the determination and resources necessary for the major Turkish war which opened in . The Venetians’ annual investment in Egypt and Syria probably reached over , ducats by , while that of Genoa in the southern Levant perhaps averaged only about , ducats. The dra- matic rise of pepper prices in was due not to the arrival of news that the Portuguese had reached India but to a new Venetian–Ottoman war in which the Turks disrupted the Venetians’ Levantine communication network by taking Lepanto in and then Modon and Coron in the south-west Peloponnese in . European discoveries in the Atlantic and Pacific were to reduce the impor- tance of the Levant to western Europe but, as the fifteenth century closed, the Latins were maintaining themselves on almost all the islands, having created on them societies and economies which were able to survive if aorded adequate military protection. The novel interaction of Mediterranean and more uni- versal aairs was accompanied by the collapse of the Mamluk regime when the Ottomans took Cairo in and then advanced across north Africa. In the Levant the Turks normally expelled Latin settlers while reaching accommoda- tions with the Greeks, but western merchants, pilgrims and others continued to trade and travel in the Levant as the Ottomans captured Rhodes in , Chios in , Cyprus in and Crete, following lengthy resistance, in ; Corfu was never taken.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′
THE OTTOMAN WORLD
Elizabeth Zachariadou
During the first half of the fifteenth century Europe, although shaken by the Great Schism and deeply divided by wars, had one obvious enemy: the Ottoman Turk, who professed a dierent religion and, for this reason, was not just an enemy but the enemy of Christ and of the Cross. This fact did not prevent a Christian state from pursuing commercial relations with the Turks, or even from appealing to them for help against another Christian state. However, in religious propaganda and political theory it was the Turk who was labelled as the eternal foe. The process of Ottoman expansion was halted by the Anatolian campaign of the Mongol khan, Timur. The Christians had watched his movements with great interest at least since , when his troops began to press the eastern frontier of the Ottoman lands. The whole Christian world felt deep relief when the Mongol army dissolved the Ottoman state by crushing Sultan Bayazid I’s troops near Ankara and taking him prisoner (). Timur, with his army, stayed in Anatolia for approximately one year after his victory. Towns and countryside were laid waste and the population, Muslim and non-Muslim, was mercilessly massacred by the Mongols. Crowds from Anatolia swarmed into the Balkans to save their lives and Constantinople was thronged with refugees. Nevertheless, the Byzantines kept celebrating the victory of Timur as if he were sent by God to liberate their besieged capital and to allow their state to grow and survive. Western Europeans, liberated from the danger of the Ottoman threat, tried to confirm their old commercial privileges in the Levant, but they did not proceed openly to further destruction of Ottoman power because conflicts among them were soon to break out. The Ottoman Empire disintegrated in Anatolia as the various Turkish states, which had been annexed by the Ottomans, were restored by Timur to their pre- vious lords (emirs). Once again Anatolia became a mosaic of small states: the emirate of Sarukhan having Manisa as its capital; the emirate of Germiyan, in
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world the alum-producing region of Kütahya; the emirate of Aydin with the impor- tant towns of Smyrna and Ayasoluk (Ephesus); the emirate of Menteshe in the fertile plain of the Meander, with Balat (Miletus) as its capital; the emirate of Isfendiyar in the copper-producing region of Sinope. This last, which main- tained frequent relations with the states situated on the northern Black Sea coast and in the mouth of the Danube, would play an important role in further political developments. In the European provinces (Rumelia) the Ottomans very soon recovered and started defending their possessions. The earlier situation explains these developments. The Ottoman state, which had originated in Bithynia and had Bursa as its capital, represented a most important dierence from the other Turkish emirates which had emerged in Anatolia after the collapse of the Seldjuks (c. ). From ff onwards, it expanded into the Balkans by conquering Byzantine and Slav territories and a second, European capital, Edirne (Adrianople), was created. The conquest in Europe, accomplished in the name of holy war (djihad) against the infidel, which was dictated by the Koran and constituted the ocial ideology of the state, attributed wealth and prestige to the sultans, who then turned to the east and, after negotiations or war, were gradually able to annex the other Turkish states and transform them into provinces (sandjaks) of their realm.1 Only the emirate of Karaman resisted successfully. The house of Karaman, like that of Osman, claimed aliation with the Seldjuk sultans of Anatolia, because both houses wished to appear as their legitimate successors. The Karamanoglus possessed the Seldjuk capital, Konya (Ikonion), and carried out holy war against the neighbouring Christian kingdom of Cilician Armenia until the latter vanished in fflff; they also maintained political contacts with the Mamluks of Egypt and Syria, and commercial relations with the Franks of Cyprus. By the end of the fourteenth century Karaman was in a weak position resulting from Ottoman pressure, but it recovered after the invasion of Timur, who favoured it particularly. The situation was dierent in Rumelia, the land where holy war was carried out against the Christians. In addition to the provinces of the state and the ter- ritories ruled by the sultan’s Christian vassals, there were the domains of the lords of the marches, the udj beys, that is the semi-independent military commanders entrusted by the sultan with conquest. Those among them who had long been established in Rumelia possessed redoubtable power. The most representative udj bey of those years is Evrenos, lord of the region around Thessalonica. Another enterprising udj bey of the time was Pasha-Yigit, estab- lished in Skopia. The presence of the udj bey resulted in the ecient military organisation of Rumelia which was not aected by the defeat at Ankara.
1 Wittek (b), especially pp. –ff; Inalcik (ffl), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ Although some Christian vassals of the sultan tried to take advantage of the situation, the Ottomans were able to keep them under control. Furthermore, Turkish military manpower in Rumelia was to be reinforced after the defeat. Bayazid’s elder son, Süleyman, had abandoned the battlefield of Ankara when a Mongol victory became evident, and marched westwards to the Straits. He was accompanied by his father’s vizier, Ali Djandarlı, descendant of a noble family whose members took over the vizierate in a hereditary way. Fearing the Mongols, numerous cadres of the Ottoman state and whole contingents of the army managed to cross the Straits, in spite of a Christian plan, disregarded by greedy Genoese and Venetian sailors, that no Turk should be transported to the European side. Three sons of Bayazid, Süleyman, Mehemmed and Isa, staked an immediate claim to leadership over the Ottomans after their father’s defeat. The Christian states, particularly the Byzantines, the Venetians and the Wallachians, tried to secure maximum advantage from the division of the Ottomans by supporting one prince against the others. Among the Turks, the idea that there was a family singled out by God to rule over them was deeply rooted. For the Ottomans, this was the family of Osman, only one of whose members was destined to become sultan. This conviction resulted in the custom of fratricide according to which a new sultan had to put to death his brothers or any other possible candidate to the throne. The custom, attested to exist in the middle of the four- teenth century, was to become a law, ocially decreed by Mehemmed II after the fall of Constantinople.2 However, in the crucial period following the battle of Ankara, this conviction contributed considerably to the reunification of the Ottoman state. It is remarkable that none of the udj beys or high ocials dis- puted the throne or tried to establish his own rule. The only separatist move- ment, that of Djüneyd in the region of Smyrna, took place under the cover of members of the sultanic family. Despite the strong position of the Ottomans in Rumelia, Süleyman, estab- lished in Edirne, yet afraid of a possible crossing of the Mongol army, began to solicit the Byzantine emperor and the other Christian powers of the Levant for peace. He knew, furthermore, that he would have to fight his brothers, particu- larly Mehemmed, for the throne. Rumours had certainly reached him that Mehemmed, established in the region of Amasya, where he had resided before the Mongol invasion, recognised Timur as his overlord. After fairly long negotiations Süleyman concluded a peace treaty with the Christian powers of Romania, namely the Byzantine emperor, the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes, Venice, Genoa and the duke of Naxos; the ruler of Serbia and the marquis of Bodonitza were also included (February ).
2 Lewis (), pp. –ffl; Babinger (ffl), pp. ff–; Wittek (a), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world ff According to the main clauses of the treaty, the Byzantines took back an important territory in Thrace extending from the Propontis up to the Black Sea, as well as Thessalonica with its region; furthermore, they were exempted from all tributes formerly paid to the sultan. The Genoese colonies of the Levant and the duke of Naxos were also exempted from tributes. The Venetians resumed all their territories which had been conquered by the Ottomans in the past, and were granted a few new ones. The Hospitallers of Rhodes were to receive Salona in the Gulf of Corinth. Apart from these concessions, and other minor ones, made to each party separately, Süleyman reconfirmed old commercial privileges and guaranteed the safe-conduct of trade within his lands. Evrenos and other Turkish notables were very dis- pleased at Süleyman’s concessions to the Christians.3 In some cases, the Turkish authorities openly displayed their disapproval of the treaty: when Byzantine ocials went to take over Thessalonica, they met with the resistance of the Turks who rallied on the citadel and occupied it for a while until they received new orders to surrender.4
′ ′ The defeat at Ankara opened a period of political instability combined with social strife. Until there were sometimes two, sometimes three Ottoman states in conflict with one another. This period is known as the interregnum (fetret devri). Dynastic clashes and social upheaval were to continue within the Ottoman Empire until ff. After the conclusion of the treaty and the evacuation of Anatolia by the Mongol army, Süleyman, aiming at sole supremacy over the Ottomans, focused his attention on his two rival brothers. With this end in view, he crossed into Anatolia. It is not clear whom he entrusted with the administra- tion of Rumelia since his vizier, Ali Djandarlı, accompanied him. In all likeli- hood Rumelia was left in the hands of the udj beys. The territory, whose economy had originally been geared to war and conquest, was now confronted with serious problems resulting from the peace, the more so as the number of warriors assembled there had increased with the arrival of those fleeing before the Mongols. However, peaceful relations on the whole were maintained with the neighbouring Christian states, including Hungary which, since the s, had constituted the only real menace to the Ottomans in the Balkans. Furthermore, the Hungarians began to control the production and distribu- tion of metals in central Europe.5 In Bayazid I’s days King Sigismund of Hungary caused trouble by exerting influence upon several Balkan states. His
3 Dennis (ffl), p. . 4 Symeon, Politico-historical works, p. . 5 Stromer (), pp. –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ purpose was to expand his realm from the Black Sea to the Adriatic coast. Nevertheless, his projects regarding the Dalmatian ports caused anxiety to Venice, which avoided an alliance with him against the Turks. Furthermore, during the years following the battle of Ankara, Sigismund was entangled in dynastic strife against his rival, Ladislas of Naples. On the other hand, Ottoman relations with the Venetians, who had occupied some ports in Albania and in Greece, provoked limited military action, the Turks retaliating by harassing Venetian territories and inflicting damage upon Venetian mer- chants. A new treaty negotiated by Süleyman ended the dispute, the Venetians agreeing to pay annual tribute to him for their new possessions.6 In Anatolia Süleyman was first able to eliminate his brother Isa. Early in he occupied the old capital, Bursa, and the important town of Ankara. He then annexed the Black Sea coast between Herakleia and Samsun, as well as the region of Smyrna, where he obliged Djüneyd to recognise his overlordship. After Timur’s death (ff) the Mongol grasp over Anatolia weakened, and Süleyman was free to turn against his other brother, Mehemmed. The latter, established in a predominantly Turkish milieu, extended his rule from Amasya up to Sivas and consolidated his position by maintaining good relations with the Karamanoglu and with the neighbouring nomadic populations. By marry- ing the daughter of Dhulkadir, the emir of Elbistan, he obtained access to important military manpower deriving from the tribes of that region. He alone proceeded to assume the title of sultan.7 A few clashes between the two Ottoman princes came to nothing, and Mehemmed decided to transfer opera- tions to Rumelia. The instrument of his plans was a fourth brother, Musa, whom he despatched to Rumelia in with the help of the Isfendiyaroglu. The Byzantine emperor, the Venetians, the Serb ruler and, above all, the Wallachian voivode, Mircea, watching Süleyman’s strong position with anxiety, were ready to support Musa.8 Mircea received him in his territories and helped him to make preparations against Süleyman. When the latter was obliged to return to Rumelia in , Mehemmed easily became the lord of the whole of Ottoman Anatolia. After a series of military operations, Musa emerged victorious, while Süleyman lost his life in February . At the beginning Musa, established in Edirne, governed the European provinces as a vassal of his brother, Mehemmed, who had moved to Bursa. When still fighting against Süleyman, Musa repudiated promises made to the Christian lords who had supported him, and revived the spirit of the holy war. Thus he won the support of the military who had long refrained from raiding
6 Zachariadou (b), pp. –ff. 7 Wittek (a), pp. ff–. 8 Symeon, Politico-historical works, p. ; Byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, I, p. ffl.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world ffl Christian territories. He soon launched attacks on all directions and besieged Thessalonica and Constantinople. Alarmed, the Christian lords turned to Mehemmed. Several high Ottoman ocials, who had been connected with Süleyman’s administration and, for this reason, had been persecuted by Musa, also joined Mehemmed, and a new struggle for sole supremacy over the Ottoman state began in . For a while, Musa’s position appeared strong, but defections to Mehemmed’s side increased while the Byzantine emperor also oered him his help. Musa was finally defeated near Sofia and killed in . The period of the interregnum was now ended, Mehemmed becoming the sultan of a reunited state and being generally recognised as his father’s legitimate successor. Ocial Ottoman tradition would never consider Süleyman and Musa as real sultans. Mehemmed, well aware that his territories had been devastated by the civil wars and that the unity of his state was only fragile, adopted a policy of peace towards the Christians. His intention was facilitated by the hostility prevailing among his main enemies, Venice and Hungary. Having insured peace in Rumelia, the sultan consolidated his position in Anatolia by defeating the Karamanoglu, who, profiting from the civil war, had besieged Bursa. He also put a temporary end to the separatist movement of Djüneyd in Smyrna, whom he sent to Nicopolis as an udj bey of the Danube frontier. The Christian enemies of the Ottoman state tried to divide it once again, and a new pretender to the Ottoman throne appeared on the scene with the help of the Byzantines, the Wallachians and the Venetians, who now had estab- lished contacts with the emir of Karaman. He was Mustafa, who passed into history as the ‘false’ one (düzme) because Mehemmed’s milieu claimed that he was not Bayazid I’s son at all, but simply an impostor. Like Musa, Mustafa, with the help of the voivode Mircea, set o from Wallachia. Djüneyd joined him, abandoning his post at Nikopolis. Soon both were defeated by Mehemmed’s troops near Thessalonica and compelled to take refuge with the Byzantines (). It was now becoming apparent that the internal strife which had shaken the Ottoman state for more than a decade was not only a dynastic strife but was also connected with deep social problems. A revolution broke out under the spiritual leadership of the theologian and mystic, Sheyh Bedr ed-din, who had been Musa’s judge of the army (kaziasker).9 The popular masses, especially in the region of Aydin, participated wholeheartedly in the movement which was also supported by some Greek Orthodox monks. The rebels preached common ownership of fields and cattle, farm implements, food and clothing; also fraternisation with the Christians because, according to them, communion
9 Werner (ff), pp. ffl–.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ with the Christian faith was the only way to ensure the salvation of the soul. This last point suggests that the aim of the revolt was possibly a state based on a new religion deriving from both Islam and Christianity. These doctrines certainly originated from the continuous political change and the religious confusion which went on for a long period in the Turkish ter- ritories. The political change, at first due to the existence of several Turkish states and the resulting strife among them, was exacerbated by Timur’s occupa- tion of Anatolia, while the disruptive civil wars made the lower classes poorer and therefore more ready to demand social change. The problem of the reli- gious confusion was more complicated. Islam was certainly the religion of the conquerors, and the ruling group preached the principle of holy war, on which expansion was based. Nevertheless, this religion remained unorthodox in Anatolia. Beside the administrative authorities who were usually traditional Muslims and often theologians (ulema), there existed the nomads who had been recently and superficially Islamised so that they preserved their pagan or sha- manistic beliefs. A few of the nomadic tribes were Christian causing additional confusion.10 Dervishes often visited the newly conquered territories to preach Islam, but they largely belonged to sectarian and mystical circles, preferring to move away from central Islamic lands in order to diuse their kind of faith with greater freedom. On the other hand, the subjugated Christian population of Anatolia had a long religious and cultural tradition, and for this reason was able to exercise considerable and varied influence upon the new masters. In the newly conquered Balkans, the Turks were in the minority. Mixed marriages were usual as large numbers of warriors from all over the Islamic world were attracted to the Turkish territories, situated between the Christian and the Muslim lands, to carry out holy war. These warriors had to find their women among their enemies, often among the prisoners. Sheyh Bedr ed-din himself was the son of a Muslim judge, established in Rumelia since the very early years of the conquest, and of the daughter of the Byzantine governor of a pro- vincial town, who had been taken prisoner. Mixed marriages certainly meant a certain religious confusion among families which was to aect the whole of society. The situation was underlined at the end of the fourteenth century by a Muslim preacher in Bursa who said that Jesus was not inferior to the prophet Muhammad; also by the great mystical poet, Yunus Emre, who wrote that his soul at one moment prayed in a mosque and at another moment read the gospel in a church.11 Bedr ed-din’s movement shook the foundations of the Ottoman state as it propagated fraternisation with the Christians, an ideal quite contrary to that of
10 Beldiceanu-Steinherr (), pp. –ffl. 11 Wittek (a), p. ; Gölpinarlı (ff), p. ff; Méliko (), pp. ff–.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world the holy war. It also threatened the Greek Orthodox Church which, enjoying the protection of the sultans, had its place insured under Ottoman domina- tion.12 The revolution was therefore suppressed through military operations followed by a bloody massacre of men, women and children organised by Mehemmed I. Bedr ed-din himself was hanged in Serres. Nevertheless, an order of dervishes, the Torlak, professing that Jesus was God, survived.13 Mehemmed I had overcome the deep crisis, but his position became even weaker as the Venetians profited from the situation by destroying the Ottoman fleet at Kallipolis (May ). The sultan now revised his former policy of peace towards the Christians. In ffl he launched a large-scale punitive cam- paign against Wallachian territories and reduced the voivode, Mircea, to the status of a tribute-paying vassal. Another Ottoman army marched to Albania and conquered the strategically important port of Avlona at the entrance to the Adriatic, and, in the following year, the strong fortress of Argyrokastron. Mehemmed then undertook a new expedition against the Danubian territories which was also crowned by diplomatic success when he managed to isolate King Sigismund of Hungary from two of his allies, Wl-adysl-aw of Poland and Vytautas (Vitold), the grand duke of Lithuania ().14 Mehemmed I died in May and he was succeeded by his son, Murad II. Dynastic strife, however, resumed. The Byzantines, aiming once again at the division of the Ottomans, set against Murad the pretender Düzme Mustafa and Djüneyd, both of whom had been in their hands since . Their eort failed as Adorno, the Genoese podestà of Phocaea, put his fleet at the disposal of Murad II, who crossed to Thrace and eliminated Mustafa. The sultan also retaliated against the Byzantines by attacking their territories and especially by besieging Constantinople in the summer of . The Byzantines then attempted to compel him to abandon the siege by supporting another pre- tender, his young brother, Mustafa, acclaimed sultan in Nicaea. However, Murad defeated him and put him to death. The civil wars gave the opportunity to the Turkish emirs to move against the Ottomans. The Isfendiyaroglu invaded the territories of Sangarios, while the Karamanoglu tried to seize the important harbour of Antalya. The sultan was able to overcome these troubles, too. Djüneyd once again strove to establish his own state in Smyrna in collaboration with a new pretender, Düzme Mustafa’s young son. In the sultan concluded a treaty with the Byzantines and another one with the Hungarians. Peace in the Balkans enabled him to overcome this pretender, too, and he despatched troops to Aydin who extermi- nated Djüneyd and his whole family. The region of Aydin, as well as the
12 Zachariadou (–). 13 Spandugnino, Dela origine deli Imperatori Ottomani, pp. ffl–. 14 Manfroni (); Papacostea (ffl); Zachariadou (a).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ neighbouring emirate of Menteshe, was then annexed to the Ottoman lands. About that time the region of Samsun, on the Black Sea, was also annexed. Murad II, having emerged victorious from these dynastic wars, probably wanted to have the restoration of his rule over Asia Minor publicly recognised, and he invited representatives of the Byzantine emperor, the Wallachian voivode, the Serb ruler and other Christian lords to Ephesus that year (ff).15
A Muslim ruler’s subjects were distinguished between the faithful and the unbelievers. The latter, in Ottoman territories, were the Christians and the Jews, who were allowed to live under the protection of the sultan as dhimmis, having the obligation to pay two special taxes, namely the poll tax (djizye) and a land tax (kharadj). About , the Ottoman state had sixteen provinces (sandjaks) in Anatolia and twelve in Rumelia.16 Most of the territories were distributed as timars to cavalrymen (sipahi). A timar was a parcel of land, with its cultivators, granted by the state to provide a livelihood to its holder, who had to appear whenever summoned by the sultan for a campaign. There were timars of higher and of lower revenue demanding greater or smaller obligations from their holders. The cadastre (defter) of a land census (tahrir), made in Albania in the year , has been preserved, and gives a fairly clear picture of the timar system. The smaller sandjaks oered up to , horsemen, while the larger ones provided up to ,. In addition to the regular cavalry deriving from the provinces, there was the light cavalry of the raiders (akındjı) in the service of the udj-beys, which comprised nomads (yürük) as well as Christians (martolos and voynuk).17 The sultan also had his personal army, the janissaries (yeniçeri). In this matter the Ottomans followed an old Oriental custom going back to the Abbassid Khalifs, whereby the ruler’s army was composed of soldiers who, being slaves, were his personal property (kapu kulu). In Murad’s court there resided a body of , janissaries, mainly Albanians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Bosnians and others.18 In the early years of the Ottoman state these men were taken from the young prisoners captured in raids or in war, as the Islamic sacred law allotted one fifth (pendjik) of the booty, including captives, to the ruler. Later, perhaps in Murad II’s years, periodical levies (devshirme) of the sons of the dhimmis were made. This institution, reducing the dhimmis to the status of slaves, was con-
15 Ducas, Historia Byzantina, p. ; Basso (), pp. –ffl, ff–. 16 Zachariadou (ffl). 17 Hicrî ′ Sûret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid; Beldiceanu (). 18 Ordo portae, p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world trary to the sacred law, but it was a source of special power for the sultan, as the youths, uprooted from their natural milieu, were wholly dependent on his person, considering him as their own father. The boys, once recruited, were given a training aimed at their Islamisation and Turkification. The most promising were taken into the palace as pages, others into the sultan’s body- guard, others, still, into the army. The highest posts of the Empire became open to them with increasing frequency. The udj-beys of Rumelia, such as Evrenos and Turakhan, the son of Pasha-Yigit, also had their own private armies of slaves within their domains. Christian authors commented ironically on the sultans who used to frater- nise with individuals of very low origin, sons of shepherds and farmers. On the other hand, high Ottoman dignitaries were proud of their humble origins and praised the sultans who wisely recruited both ocials and leaders and those who would act as exemplars of Islam from among the lowest levels of peasant society.19 In Anatolia, the sultan received military aid from his four Turkish vassals, the Karamanoglu, the Isfendiyaroglu, the Dhulkadiroglu and the lord of Alanya. In Rumelia there were also the sultan’s Christian vassals who governed their territories under the obligation of paying an annual tribute to him, and of oering military aid or some other kind of service. Under this conventional rule Serbia, the Morea, the island of Lesbos, Ainos, Phocaea and several other territories were administered by their Christian lords. According to an old Oriental custom, adopted early by the Ottomans, they were obliged to appear in front of the sultan at fixed intervals to bring their tribute and presents. The sultan responded by oering a robe of honour (khilat). Several vassals, espe- cially from Albania and Epirus, had sons who stayed in the palace as hostages, having the opportunity of an apprenticeship with the Ottoman way of life, so that some of them embraced Islam. Such was the case of George, the son of the Albanian lord, Kastriotes, who became better known by his Muslim name, Iskender (Skender bey), given to him at the Ottoman court: later, he would become famous for his resistance to the Turks in his own country. Daughters of vassals were also kept in the Harem, as wives of the sultan. Murad II’s Harem included the daughter of his Turkish vassal, Isfendiyaroglu, and the famous Mara, daughter of the Serb lord, Brankovic´. These ladies were also part of the ruling system as they played the role of intermediaries between the sultan and their fathers’ courts. The sultanic family was the only one in Ottoman society for which descent by blood, and even then only on the male side, counted. From the fifteenth
19 Ducas, Historia Byzantina, pp. , ffl–; Ménage (); Beldiceanu-Steinherr (); Demetriades ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ century, in particular, most sultans were born of slave, non-Turkish mothers. The imperial household, which constituted the summit of Ottoman society, thus comprised two sections: the sultan’s personal servants and bodyguards, and the sultan’s Harem, in both of which individuals of non-Turkish origin were to be found. Agriculture, constituting the basis of the Ottoman economy and the finan- cial support of the army, was closely connected to the timar system. In theory, the land belonged to the state which exercised strong control over the peasants (reaya). Most of them lived in lands granted as timars by the sultan and were obliged to pay the tithe (ashr) and other taxes to the timar-holder. The peasant possessed only the right of usufruct, which was inherited by his sons. There were also lands which belonged to individuals in full property (mülk), and also extensive lands dedicated to charitable institutions (vakf ).20
- Murad II was generally described as a ruler who preferred peace to war. Commenting on him, the Byzantine historian, Ducas, remarked that he cared for the benefit of the common people and had sympathy for his poor subjects, whether Muslims or dhimmis. Not seeking the complete destruction of a defeated nation, Murad used to negotiate a treaty with the enemy, as soon as the latter sought peace.21 The terms were usually to accept the enemy as a vassal who continued to rule over his own territory. In following this policy, Murad enjoyed the support of a group of high ocials who wanted a state modelled according to Islamic tradition, such as Egypt or Persia, and having an economy based on trade, crafts and agriculture. The leader of this group was the vizier, Halıl Djandarlı, also known by the nickname ‘companion of the infidel’ (giaur ortag˘i),22 a name clearly invented by his belligerent opponents. On the other hand, Murad’s milieu included persons strongly in favour of the ideal of holy war or the policy of conquest. Another of his viziers, Fazlullah, was a notori- ous war-monger, criticising the sultan for showing benevolent tolerance towards the infidel instead of treating them according to God’s will by using his sword.23 The moderate party was encouraged by important economic development achieved during the years of relative peace preceding and following Murad II’s accession. Trade began to thrive and several Ottoman cities, such as Bursa, with its important silk market,24 expanded considerably. Venetian, Genoese and Ragusan merchants frequented Ottoman territories, while relations estab-
20 Inalcik (). 21 Ducas, Historia Byzantina, p. . 22 Ducas, Historia Byzantina, p. ff. 23 Ducas, Historia Byzantina, p. . 24 Inalcik () and (fflb), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world lished between the sultan and the duke of Milan opened new trade outlets to Italy. The townspeople prospered. When Ottoman troops besieged Con- stantinople, they were accompanied by numerous merchants, including money changers and perfume and shoe sellers, who had come from Turkish towns to buy items which would be pillaged by the soldiers.25 In ffl an old-time vassal, the knez of Serbia, Stephan Lazarevic´, died. Both Ottomans and Hungarians intervened in Serbia, and a long period of war between the two states began. King Sigismund of Hungary, determined to fight the Turk, was encouraged by the Venetians. The latter occupied Thessalonica in but, unable to defend it against frequent Turkish raids, they therefore proposed joint action to the king. Together they sought allies in the east by making contacts with the lord of Mesopotamia, Osman Karayülük, and the emir of Karaman, both of whom enjoyed the support of Timur’s suc- cessor, Shahrukh, established in Herat. In spite of this the Ottomans were to expel the Venetians from Thessalonica in . In the same year they peace- fully annexed the important cities of Yanina and Arta, possessions of the short-lived petty dynasty of the Tocco. The conflict with the Karamanoglu and Karayülük was more serious as their patron, Shahrukh, exercised pressure upon the sultan by demanding the yearly tribute imposed by Timur after the battle of Ankara. Murad convinced him that he should be exempted because he carried out holy war. Once, when ambassadors of Shahrukh visited Edirne, they were shown Hungarian prisoners and were oered of them as a gift to their lord.26 In ffl the Ottomans again took the oensive in the Balkans: Sigismund of Hungary died, while Fazlullah took over the oce of vizier27 and the war party strengthened its position. The Byzantine emperor, in an eort to save his crumbling state, decided to participate in the Council of Ferrara aimed at the union of the Greek Orthodox with the Roman Church. He met with the strong disapproval of the sultan who was afraid of the possibility of a crusade. When the Byzantine emperor finally sailed to Italy, Murad was incited by his high ocials to proceed to an attack against Constantinople, but he was dis- suaded by Halıl Djandarlı.28 Unable to expel the Hungarians from Belgrade, the Ottomans were com- pensated by the conquest of the important silver mines of Novobrdo in , and two years later they captured the town as well. The war continued, their opponents being led by a promising military commander, János Hunyadi, voivode of Transylvania. Pope Eugenius IV began to preach the crusade
25 Cananus, Narratio, p. . 26 Tardy (ffl), pp. –; Konstantin Mihailovic´, Memoirs of a janissary, p. ff; Jorga, Notes et extraits, pp. ff–. 27 Ménage (ffl), pp. ffffl–ffl. 28 Sylvestre Syropoulos, Les ‘memoires’ du grand ecclésiarque, p. ; Sphrantzes Georgios, Memorii, p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ shortly after the signing of the Union of the Churches (), in spite of its outright rejection by the Byzantine people. The crusaders marched under the orders of Hunyadi and of the young king of Poland and Hungary, while the Karamanoglu raided the Ottoman territories in Anatolia. The sultan con- fronted the Christian army between Nisˇ and Sofia in full winter. He was defeated and obliged to conclude a ten-year peace with the Christians (Treaty of Edirne–Szegedin ). According to Islamic judicial principles, a truce with the infidel should not last for more than four months or, at the most, one year. Only if the Muslim party really needed to recover might a truce be made for ten years. It may be assumed that the sultan was in a dicult position, and the war party in his court highly critical. On the other hand, the sultan’s vassals began to revolt, especially in Albania, the Morea and the territories of Karaman. Murad imposed order but, immediately afterwards, he announced his abdication in favour of his son, Mehemmed, then a youth twelve years old. Murad probably took this decision because he had failed in the war and lacked the support of all his high military ocials. Signs of social unrest were also visible: in Edirne, a Muslim holy man, preaching heretical views, was sentenced to death, together with his followers. On the other hand, the Christians overestimated the victories over the Turks, and a few weeks after the treaty they launched a new crusade. Murad took the lead of the army and crushed the Christians at the battle of Varna in which the young king, Wl-adysl-aw, was killed ( November ). A couple of years later Murad II was brought back to the throne after a coup d’état organised by Halıl Djandarlı. He continued the struggle against Hunyadi, whom he defeated once again at Kosovo (), while his fleet threatened Con- stantinople and unsuccessfully attacked Kelli, at the mouth of the Danube.29 He finally died in ff.
′ ffi When in February ff Mehemmed II ascended the throne for the second time, the situation was ripe for the final collapse of the Byzantine state. Constantinople being his prime target, the young sultan carefully avoided any clash with the Christian world. A huge Ottoman army surrounded the under- populated Byzantine capital in the first days of April ff, and Mehemmed himself, with his janissaries, encamped not far from the city walls. Heavy bombardment was carried out day and night by technically advanced cannons. Even more advanced engineering techniques were used to drag seventy-two boats over land from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn. On May
29 Byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, I, p. ; Cazacu and Nasturel (ffl).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world ff Constantinople fell. An old dream of the Muslim world thus became a reality, and the church of St Sophia was converted into a mosque. The Ottoman Empire became the successor of the Byzantine. An agreement on oath between the sultan and his army had preceded the final assault: the city was to be given over to sack by the soldiers. This meant that moveable property, including human beings, would belong to the soldiers, buildings and land to the sultan. Accordingly, the soldiers pillaged everything in the city and took all the inhabitants prisoners to sell them as slaves or to claim ransoms. Within the city neither man, nor animal, nor bird was heard to cry out or utter a voice the day after its fall.30 The sultan immediately took care of the repopulation and reorganisation of the city by inviting his dignitaries to settle, by liberating prisoners and establish- ing them in it, by calling back old Constantinopolitans who had moved to other places before the final siege and, mainly, by largely applying the Ottoman method of compulsory deportation: groups of inhabitants from other towns (sürgün) were obliged to settle in Constantinople. These were chosen from among merchants and craftsmen living in urban centres; most of them were dhimmis. The sultan encouraged the new inhabitants by oering them houses and exemption from taxes. Another important measure for the repopulation of the city was the re-establishment of religious authorities. According to old Islamic principles, the sultan first named a patriarch of the Greek Orthodox community: he chose the openly anti-papal Gennadios Scholarios for this post. There followed the nomination of the learned Moshe Kapsali as rabbi, and finally that of Joachim as patriarch of the Armenians.31 Shortly after the conquest of Constantinople, Mehemmed ordered the execution of Halıl Djandarlı: the war party, with the sultan at its head, assumed all power, while the moderate one seemed to have disappeared. A long period of war began with the Ottoman state governed by those devoted to the idea of territorial expansion, of military glory or simply booty. Mehemmed was continuously on campaign or, as his biographer, Tursun Beg, put it: ‘it was one of the Sultan’s happy customs that if he achieved an easy conquest in one year, he would strive, if sucient time remained, to add yet another victory to it’. The warlike spirit of the sultan’s milieu is described by a Slav soldier resident for several years in his court, presumably as a janissary. On one occasion, Mehemmed, having heard that the pope’s troops were marching against his ter- ritories, summoned his high ocials to inform them about the danger and take counsel with them. They told him: ‘Fortunate lord, march upon them in their lands; it is better than if you waited for them at home.’32
30 Ducas, Historia Byzantina, p. . 31 Inalcik (–ffl); Braude (). 32 Imber (), p. ; Konstantin Mihailovic´, Memoirs of a janissary, p. ff.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ Mehemmed II judged that the existence of vassals was no longer useful and he transformed their domains into Ottoman provinces. The Gattilusi were expelled from Ainos and Lesbos (ff–); the Brankovic´ family lost Serbia (ff); the Palaiologoi were removed from the Morea (); the Grand Komnenoi were compelled to surrender Trebizond (). Some among his ex-vassals, for instance the Grand Komnenoi and descendants of the Brankovic´ and of the Palaiologoi, were granted revenues from land by the sultan, usually in the Strymon region. Members of the old Christian aristo- cratic families living in the former vassal territories were often allowed to stay, some of them as timar-holders. The Hungarians remained the most serious enemy of the Ottomans in Europe, as they continued to exercise influence upon the lesser Balkan states. Mehemmed II was unable to expel them from Belgrade, but he subjugated Bosnia () and Herzegovina (), and carried out devastating campaigns against Wallachia () and Moldavia (ffl). Skender bey resisted for some years in Albania, but, after repeated military operations and his death (), this country also became Ottoman territory. Between and ffl Mehemmed II fought against the Venetians, who fiercely defended their possessions in the Morea and in Albania, but lost the island of Euboia (Negroponte). He also fought against the Genoese, and expelled them from their possessions in the Crimea (fflff). Finally, in , he despatched an army which landed in southern Italy and occupied Otranto. On the other side, in Anatolia, he put an end to the emirate of Karaman (fflff). His great foe in the east was Uzun-Hasan, the lord of the Akkoyunlu, who ruled over Persia, Mesopotamia and Armenia. Uzun-Hasan controlled important parts of the caravan routes connecting central Asia with Anatolia and possessed focal points of trade, such as the town of Erzindjan. Therefore, serious conflict of interests existed between him and the Ottoman sultan. Furthermore, the Akkoyunlu lord became more dangerous by establishing good relations with the pope and the Venetians. He was finally badly defeated by the Ottomans at Otluk Beli in ffl. The historian Tursun bey never hid the fact that Ottoman troops were some- times displeased by the arduous annual campaigns which they had to undertake. When, in full winter, Mehemmed began preparations for the campaign against Ainos, the janissaries resented the orders. When, in ff, he ordered a campaign against the Morea, ocers and soldiers showed signs of discontent at the exces- sively intense military activity. His vizier was obliged to remind them that the sultan had been chosen ruler by God in order to carry out holy war, and that world conquest could not be accomplished without sacrifice.33
33 Inalcik and Murphey (ffl), pp. ffl, .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world ffl Despite devotion to war and its resulting preoccupations, Mehemmed and his milieu did not remain indierent to the currents of the Renaissance flour- ishing among his enemies. Several humanists and artists visited the sultan’s court, Gentile Bellini, who painted his portrait (see plate ), being the most famous. The taste for Renaissance art was also developed among the sultan’s subjects, as is attested by a few surviving monuments of the time.34 The excessively warlike policy of the sultan exhausted the economy of his lands. To finance his military operations he was obliged to increase customs fees and some of the taxes paid by the peasants, and to impose new taxes upon the inhabitants of Istanbul. He repeatedly debased the silver coinage: the silver coin (akçe) was devalued by approximately per cent during his reign. In order to increase and reward his cavalry troops properly, he confiscated land proper- ties belonging to charitable institutions (vakf ) or to individuals (mülk), and distributed them as timars. This measure provoked the enmity of some influen- tial families of landowners and especially that of the people of religion (ehl-i din), that is the ulema, the sheyhs and dervishes, who controlled the vakf. The latter were already displeased because the sultan, in an eort to curtail non-mil- itary expenses, had abolished the gifts customarily distributed to them.35
′ Mehemmed II, faithful to his warlike ideas, finally died in on his way to a campaign directed against unidentified enemies who could have been the Mamluks. His death was followed by a civil war between his sons, Bayazid and Djem. The former emerged victorious and Djem took refuge with the Knights Hospitallers at Rhodes. Later, he was taken to western Europe, where several Christian powers were eager to use him as an instrument in their last eort to divide the Ottoman state. He died in Naples in February ff.36 Up to that date the duty of holy war was neglected, because Bayazid II did not take the risk of launching military operations which could involve Christian states.37 In Otranto was abandoned. New ideals now replaced the ideal of the holy war. Bayazid was described by contemporary authors as being dierent from his father, that is, as a pious monarch loving justice and respecting the holy law (sharia), while his father had largely made use of secular or customary law (örf ). Bayazid was considered as being sent by God to consolidate Ottoman rule in the large territories con- quered by his ancestors, and to organise them according to Islamic tradition. For these qualities, Bayazid was given the surname veli (saint) by the dervishes
34 Mpouras (ffl). See plate . 35 Inalcik (ffl), p. ff; cf. Beldiceanu (ff). 36 Lefort (), pp. ff–; Shai Har-El (ff), pp. ff–, ff–. 37 See, however, Shai Har-El (ff).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ who supported him in his struggle against Djem, and who were later rewarded with the restoration of their vakfs. Together with the tendency towards the consolidation and organisation of the Ottoman territories, there appeared another, a desire for knowledge of the Ottoman past, or, in modern terminol- ogy, a quest for an Ottoman identity. The sultan invited authors to write the history of the Ottoman dynasty and many of them responded so that several histories of the Ottomans were composed at that time.38 However, war could not be fully avoided. In , the sultan took the field in a region where his grandfather and his ever-victorious father had previously failed. He conquered Kelli and Akkerman, two very important harbour cities on the Black Sea, frequented by European merchants, especially Genoese. The sultan himself was fully aware of the economic and strategic importance of his conquests, as appears from a letter addressed to the Ragusans in which he described Kelli as the key and the gate to Moldavia, Hungary and the Danubian regions, and Akkerman as the key and the gate to Poland, Russia and the land of the Tatars.39 After Djem’s death, riots among the janissaries in Istanbul indicated that the army needed action. Yet, because the Turkish navy had long been inferior to that of many Christian states, Bayazid gave priority to the construction of a fleet. Venetian reports, composed with anxiety, give important information about shipbuilding as well as about the activities of Turkish corsairs in the Aegean Sea and beyond it.40 In , a war against Venice broke out and the Ottoman navy, which included several hundred galleys, defeated its enemy on several occasions. In the first year of the war, Bayazid conquered Lepanto, situ- ated in the Gulf of Corinth, and he immediately ordered the construction of two castles in the vicinity, Rio and Antirio, to control the entrance to the inner part of the Gulf. In the following year, he deprived the Venetians of Modon and Koron, ‘the two eyes’ of the Signoria, and in the following one the Ottomans conquered Durazzo, a port constituting the primary point of depar- ture for travellers and caravans moving inland, along the ancient Via Egnatia, to Adrianople and Constantinople. Bayazid’s conquests, although territorially limited, were highly important. The conquest of Kelli and Akkerman meant the last phase in the eort to close the Black Sea to westerners, while the conquest of the Venetian ports, on the outskirts of the Ottoman lands, established an economic unity and removed enemy outposts. Furthermore, the revenue of the state was increased consid- erably through the collection of the important customs fees paid in all these ports. It is obvious that Bayazid’s targets were exclusively ports and not the
38 Inalcik (), pp. –ff. 39 Acta et diplomata Ragusina, I, pt , pp. fflffffl–; Papacostea (ffl), pp. –. 40 Kissling (), pp. ffl–ff; Fisher (), pp. –, ff–ff, ffl–.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 The Ottoman world conquest of land to be distributed as timars to his soldiers. He did not try to take advantage of the serious rivalries then dividing his traditional enemies, such as Hungary, Poland or Moldavia; rather he chose to fight Venice. The acquisition of ports certainly pleased the merchant class. During the long period of peace, from to ff, merchants, Muslims or dhimmis, were able to do good business and, consequently, to acquire power as a class. New perspectives were opened as the Black Sea became almost an Ottoman pre- serve. Foreigners in general were discouraged from sailing beyond the Bosphorus, and only merchants from central Europe, visiting the Ottoman Empire, sometimes came upon the Black Sea regions in the course of their travels. The highly lucrative Black Sea trade thus passed mainly into the hands of the sultan’s subjects.41 The merchant class was also strengthened by the arrival of large numbers of European Jews during the second half of the fif- teenth century, especially after their expulsion from Spain in .42 The Ottoman administration, knowing that the newcomers were experienced in trade and banking, with connections in Europe and north Africa, favoured their establishment, so that many Jewish communities emerged in the principal ports of the Empire. One may therefore wonder whether Bayazid’s policies were planned specifically to please the merchant class, or were even carried out under pressure of that class. An anonymous Greek author of the early six- teenth century remarked that in Bayazid’s time everybody made money and spent it. As the author was a dhimmi, we are permitted to assume that he had businessmen in mind.43 Shortly after ff social strife began in Anatolia with the strong participa- tion of the nomads, who revolted under a religious cover, the kızılbash move- ment.44 That revolt has been understood as a reaction to the centralising tendency of Bayazid’s administration. However, it could also be connected with the rise of the merchant class. The nomads, when moving from one place to another, often disturbed the Anatolian land routes and sometimes con- trolled parts of them. They collected tolls from travellers and caravans. These activities inevitably brought them into confrontation with the merchants, who wished for a greater measure of law and order. The new tendency emerging during Bayazid days was to be crystallised in the days of Selim I, if we judge from the words of a high dignitary and scholar, Kemal pashazade: ‘My Sultan, you dwell in a city whose benefactor is the sea. If the sea is not safe, no ships will come, and if no ship comes, Istanbul per- ishes.’45 They are in strong contrast with the words of Murad II’s vizier, Fazlullah, or Mehemmed II’s high ocials who recommended the complete
41 Kellenbenz (ffl); Inalcik (ffl). 42 Inalcik (). 43 Ecthesis Chronica, p. ffff. 44 Méliko (fflff); Roemer (). 45 Lewis (), p. ff n. ffl.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ destruction of the infidel. The sultan was not incited to march against enemies abroad but to protect commercial vessels, belonging to both Ottomans and infidels, coming from over the sea. The inspiration clearly came from a mercantilist and not from an imperialist milieu. Nevertheless, while Ottoman policy was orientated towards trade and navigation, the world was changing rapidly. The Portuguese, having discovered new sea routes, appeared in the Red Sea, and the first signs of the decline of the Levantine trade soon became visible.46 The Ottomans were then to revert once more to a policy of war and conquest.
46 Özbaran (), pp. –ffl, –.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′
CONCLUSION
Christopher Allmand
‘ is only as wide as a short summer night.’ Thus Heinrich Böll could describe her breadth, from Russia in the east to the Atlantic seaboard in the west, in terms of a brief period of darkness. In contrast to the whole breadth and depth of the globe, small she might be. But her history was far from uniform. The attentive reader will have remarked that, for all the similarities between the histories of Europe’s numerous countries and the generalisations made by contributors to the first parts of this volume, the many dierences noted have shown a continent of great variety. As a major part of its inheritance, fifteenth-century Europe had accepted a considerable diversity of political systems. Furthermore, there had long existed an eagerness, now given greater actuality by the need to resolve the fundamental problem regarding authority created by the Great Schism, to discuss the nature and sources of authority, and how best it should be trans- lated into legitimate and eective power. The system of rule by one, monarchy or principality, dominated much of Europe, particularly in its western parts.1 Yet other systems existed. One was that by which the Swiss Confederation was ruled, while another controlled the aairs of Venice. In Bohemia, there was a strong movement towards a wider form of popular participation in decision making in matters concerning society, something from which the Church, ruled by the pope (himself a kind of monarch), was not immune. Representation worked in some countries (England) but not in others (France). Some favoured it both out of principle and because it was thought to lead to more eective rule. One who taught this was Sir John Fortescue, whose criticisms of the French king’s dominium regale was based on the fact that the consent implied in his English counterpart’s dominium politicum et regale was con- ducive to a better relationship between ruler and ruled. The historian, it is clear, should not think of representative assemblies as being of only a single kind.
1 On this, see Burns ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ ff Indeed, it is argued, there were three, even four kinds of representative organ- isations in late medieval Europe, all representing dierent elements in the social order from which they were historically descended, all aiming to do rather dierent things. It is from the study of the functions of each form of such organisation that we can best understand its true nature, and thus judge the level of success of its achievement. Those who see assemblies as necessar- ily created to meet the political needs and demands of princes should think again.2 Corporate power could be exercised for purposes which were not polit- ical, because that had never been the intention in every case. The diversity of European experience at the end of the Middle Ages could also be seen in the changing role played by nobilities, now increasingly national, in a rapidly altering world. How did this class (or classes) react to developments going on around it? What part, for instance, did nobilities play in the politics of their respective countries, and how far did ‘ascendant’ monarchies depend upon, and make use of, their support? There was certainly much variety of experience in this matter. How did this group, so varied in composition, back- ground and tradition, react in dierent regions (even countries) to the changes occurring to its status? As the traditional fighting caste, how did the aristocracy adjust to developments taking place in the organisation and fighting of war?3 What had become of chivalry by ? Was it still something real, or was it mainly a show fit for the entertainment of court or public? And what of those attempting to achieve nobility, the new men who, having made their fortunes or reputations in trade or in the courts of law, sought to achieve social promo- tion, constituting, in some sense, a challenge to the older, military nobility? What is clear is that neither the problems, nor the solutions developed to resolve them, were uniform, their variety providing a further example of the diversity of experience of one group of people who, in spite of dierences of nationality, saw themselves as sharing a common gentility, the vital hallmark of true noblesse.4 In matters of religion much of the emphasis was on a world in which the lay believer was becoming significantly more important, the institutional Church and its clergy less so. In the long term, such a decline in appreciation of the Church’s sacramental life and teaching was likely to have more far-reaching eects than did heresy, whose manifestations were more readily perceived and counteracted. Yet it would be wrong to claim that the religion of the late Middle Ages, with its emphasis on personal devotion and its interest in the teachings of recluses (female as well as male), meant that the institutional Church no longer had the influence once claimed for it. The preaching of acts of piety and charity, the emphasis on penance, self-denial, prayer to the Virgin
2 See above, ch. . 3 See above, ch. . 4 See above, ch. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Conclusion and to the saints, the growing appreciation by the individual of the Incarnation of God made man in the person of Christ, whose life, passion and death were a fecund source of devotional inspiration for artists and those who patronised them, constituted positive aspects of religious practice and thought in fif- teenth-century Europe.5 The development of the manuscript book – in partic- ular the book of hours – and, by the end of the century, of the printed prayer book met the growing demands of a world becoming more literate and better educated. Not surprisingly, when genuine calls for reform came (as they did), their source was often the laity seeking higher standards of morality and reli- gious practice from all Christians. Likewise, it was a sign of the times that, as members of princely delegations, better educated laymen should have taken some part in the proceedings of the councils of the Church. The movement towards giving the laity a greater role in the Church’s aairs began at least a century before the Reformation occurred. Such developments were encouraged and made possible by two factors. One was the growth of a better educated laity. The increase in the number of educa- tional institutions, schools as well as universities, may be linked to the story of the layman’s growing role in society. Urban schools and charitable foundations helped to form the young. Opportunities for the educated to make careers outside the Church were becoming more numerous.6 It was increasingly the secular world, and its demands, which were to inspire the foundation of numerous new universities (and, at Oxford and Cambridge, a number of new colleges and other foundations) whose general purpose was not only to enhance the honour of God and the defence of the faith (the religious element underlining the foundation of universities, often the inspiration of a bishop, should not be forgotten) but also to help in the advancement of that more elusive ideal, ‘le bien et proufflt de la chose publique’.7 This could be furthered in a number of ways. The creation of an educated class to promote good government was one of them. Closely linked to education as a means of advancing the layman’s position in society was the invention of printing, which appeared in the second half of the century. It is easy to claim that this development, whose practical eect was to be so great, was the most long-lasting single advance made in fifteenth-century Europe.8 However, it is as well to recall that contemporary opinion was not at one regarding the benefits and advantages of printing. Yet, in spite of such scepticism, it was soon to help in all forms of education, by encouraging learn- ing and giving Europe ‘research centres of scholarship’,9 and allowing writers to enter controversy and argue their opinions in forms which could then be
5 See above, ch. : Oakley (). 6 See above, ch. ; Reinhard (). 7 Armstrong (), p. , referring to the founding of a university at Dole. 8 See above, ch. ; Eisenstein (). 9 The phrase is that of Gilmore (), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ ff circulated. Princely courts soon seized upon the opportunities being oered. The texts of new laws could now be publicised in print. As men had been accustomed in time of war to listen to exhortatory propaganda from the pulpit, so now printing could be turned to educating the people about the issues of their day and increasing their awareness of the world around them. Erasmus was not alone in taking up the chance which the new technology gave him. The debates of the sixteenth century, the very form of the Reformation itself, might have been dierent without the development of the press. The economic history of Europe was aected by famine and even more by war, although it is claimed that war did not have as ruinous an eect on inter- national trade as might be expected.10 The worst suerers were the vulnerable rural communities which took their time to recover (since recovery involved rebuilding, the reintroduction of marginalised lands into the economy, and investment of scarce financial resources in tools, as well as a determination on the part of populations to recreate their societies), but much was achieved in the years of relative peace of the second half of the century. Historians are broadly agreed that populations began to increase and the sources of wealth were regenerated mainly in the century’s third quarter, although the revival was not always general (France and Portugal were among the countries which did see this happen during these years; England, on the other hand, saw little change during that same period). The decline in population had had less eect on towns which, although in many instances less prosperous than they had been, found their power extended as they came to dominate both their hinterlands and, in the case of important towns, the smaller ones within their economic orbit, a development which obliged such urban communities to take action to protect the activities of their merchants. Ports had a good future before them, in particular if they were involved in northern Europe’s trade with the eastern Mediterranean which dealt mainly in luxury goods, for which a strong demand existed in an age which witnessed a rising standard of living.11 Towns had social as well as economic roles to play.12 In many parts of Europe, above all in Italy and the Low Countries, they had a cultural vocation to fulfil. This could take on a number of forms. Many towns saw themselves as the providers of education, chiefly in the form of schools, in some cases of universities as well. The large urban corporations, or guilds, acted as artistic patrons, whose demands attracted artists to work for them or their members. In some parts of Europe, in Germany and, in particular, in Italy, cities encour- aged the study of their history as one means of securing political prestige in an increasingly competitive world; the present could be enhanced by men’s aware-
10 See above, p. . 11 See above, ch. . 12 See above, ch. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Conclusion ness of the past. Likewise, the tradition of providing communal entertainment on feast days (a tradition which some rulers gratefully took up as a means of enhancing their own prestige) led to the writing of plays and the creation of pageants in which both religion and chivalry played a notable part.13 The early history of printing, too, was often associated with towns. By Venice had already become the adopted home of the German printer, Johannes de Spira, an early association which was to make Venice, with its wide network of com- mercial links stretching to all points of the compass, a natural centre for print- ers to set up their workshops.14 Change was having an eect upon the traditional elites. The military nobility, as we have seen, was seeing far-reaching changes pass before it. The public’s esteem of the soldier, the artistic evidence would suggest, was at least an ambiguous one.15 New kinds of elites were appearing. With the development of technology, the technician began to rise in the world to enjoy a good stan- dard of living as well as the favour and patronage of princes. It is clear, too, that a new view of the artist was emerging. This was promoted by the writing of the lives of artists, such as that of Brunelleschi composed by Manetti. It was also furthered by the enhanced role played in the public gaze by artists who com- peted against one another to secure public commissions. The artists’ places of work, their ateliers, also played a part in educating the layman in artistic values and techniques, so that ordinary citizens acquired a better understanding of artists and their work. In this way these drew attention to themselves and to their contribution to society, earning both public praise and criticism in the process.16
A major theme, principally of the fourth part in the present History, has been the emphasis, however variable, placed upon the development of the state and the growth of government which accompanied it.17 The rise of the state, which historians of recent years have traced back to the thirteenth century, took on dierent forms and emerged at dierent tempi in dierent parts of Europe. Everywhere it was to involve, in some way or other, a development of central control over a variety of aspects of life: religious, economic, military and cultural. Royal intervention in England against the subversive activities of the Lollard heretics in the century’s early years, and the establishment, by royal request in , of the Inquisition in Castile, originally to deal with converted Jews who renounced their Christianity, were both instances of the growth of
13 See, most recently, Clough () and Gunn (). 14 Armstrong (), p. . 15 Hale (). 16 See above, ch. . 17 See, for example, Autrand (); Bulst and Genet (); Coulet and Genet (); Genet (); Genet and Vincent (); Reinhard (); Rucquoi (); Culture et idéologie (); Théologie et droit ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ ff an important trend, that of the extension of secular authority over matters which, not long before, might have been regarded as the preserve of ecclesias- tical authority. In the socio-economic sphere, the significance of the political poem The Libelle of Englyshe polycye (c. ) lay largely in the author’s urgings that the government of the day should take action to improve the future of England’s commercial and fishing communities which were being harmed by foreigners;18 while France, in the decades following the ending of the war with England, would witness royal intervention in the movement of populations and in the attempt to create favourable conditions for economic recovery through manufacture and the regulation of trade. The development of taxa- tion, already advanced in many territories by , was now becoming a marked feature of life over the whole of Europe. This was so particularly in those countries involved in long wars requiring the financial support which only the state, which alone had the authority and the means of raising taxes, could provide.19 What distinguished war in the fifteenth century from, say, war in the thirteenth was not so much the techniques used as the ability of the growing state to sustain the dierent forms of eort which war now required. Another, albeit very dierent, form of intervention could be observed in the encouragement given to printers by granting them a ‘privilege’, or monopoly of the production and sale of a particular book for a specified period of time after publication. Begun in Germany in as an agreement between a bishop and a printer anxious to secure the monopoly of providing breviaries for the dioce- san clergy, the practice was taken up by the duke of Milan to promote a book in praise of the Sforza family, before spreading to other countries in the early six- teenth century. Originally an encouragement to enterprise, in dierent times the process could become a way of controlling the works which came o the presses.20 The appreciation of how an educated class could help further the interests of states encouraged rulers not only to help found schools and universities, but also to influence the appointments of teachers and the creation of syllabuses. Humanism, with the contribution which it might make to the educational, administrative and political requirements of a country (the mastery of the Latin language which a humanist orator, or ambassador, might use to express his master’s ideas and intentions), was widely appreciated outside Italy.21 And with education went the importance of the printed word which lay behind the development of a better educated and more widely informed public. The translation into vernacular languages of texts from the ancient world, and the production of a wide variety of handbooks on how (for example) to rule, fight,
18 Holmes (). 19 Genet and Le Mené (). 20 Armstrong (), ch. . 21 Queller ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Conclusion pray, preach or hunt constituted typical products of the late Middle Ages. Every encouragement should be given, through self-education and the acquisi- tion of knowledge, to the fulfilment of that human potential in which the humanists believed so strongly. The history of state development was not simply the history of institutions. Individual rulers, and therefore the power of the offlce which they exercised, lay at the centre of that growth. Yet, to place proper emphasis upon the role played by the monarchies of Europe is not to return to an old-fashioned form of history ‘about kings and queens’. On the contrary, it is to give the monarchi- cal offlce the attention which is its due. As one writer has recently put it, European monarchy consolidated its power during this century.22 In some kingdoms it did so by pursuing a policy founded on the complementary sup- ports of legitimacy and dynasticism.23 In France (where the royal cause in the conflict against England was the legitimate succession to the throne enhanced by an appeal to a growing sense of dynasticism), in Portugal (where the Avis dynasty brought a sense of continuity and stability to the country)24 and in England (where there were four challenges to the succession between and ) legitimacy, expressed in the principle of obedience to the ‘natural lord’, lay at the base of monarchical stability.25 Not surprisingly, legitimacy embodied in dynasticism was emphasised by political propagandists, who stressed the age of a country’s monarchy (the older, the better) and the long centuries of continuous rule which it had given. Dynasticism was also important in another way. The case of the duchy of Burgundy demonstrates how it might cement the formation of a largely artificial state by emphasising loyalty to the (Valois ducal) dynasty as the force uniting a number of diverse territories (some acquired by force of arms) which shared neither the focal point, language, history nor customs which might otherwise have kept them together.26 Significantly, it became common to present a dynasty in the form of a family tree; the political claim being made was clear enough to all who saw it. In spite of difflculties and some loss of power (to the nobility in eastern Europe, for example)27 ‘as the fifteenth century proceeded, the momentum of monarchy noticeably increased’,28 no sign of this being more eective than the increasingly frequent use made of the symbolic closed ‘imperial’ crown to demonstrate and underline the independence of the ruler and his firm control of his people. Thus reassured and, at least in theory, immune from deposition (although Pope Paul II formally deposed King George of Podeˇbrady for heresy in ) rulers could assume increasingly ‘absolute’ powers, particularly
22 Burns (), p. . 23 Burns (), ch. . 24 See above, ch. (c). 25 Genet (), pp. –. For Burgundy, see Armstrong (), pp. –. 26 Armstrong (), pp. –. 27 See above, ch. . 28 Hay (b), p. ; Burns (), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ ff in the kingdoms and principalities of western Europe. This was the case under Alfonso in the kingdom of Naples; it was so, too, in France under Louis XI, as it was under in Castile and Aragon under the ‘Catholic Kings’. Yet, in some cases, absolutism was softened by a more paternalistic form of rule: the obliga- tions of rulers towards their people were emphasised by the dukes of Burgundy,29 while both João I of Portugal and Louis XII of France were to be accorded the title of ‘father of the people’ by their subjects.30 Yet even the father must have sufflcient power to rule (regere) firmly and eectively.31 The use of the comparative approach can tell us much about how rulers built up these powers. Some governed by personality, by centring power around themselves. In England, the rule of Edward IV is regarded as having been very ‘personal’; by contrast, Henry VII, his successor but one, relied more on institutions,32 perhaps unwittingly helping to usher in the age when, some decades later, a form of ‘revolution in government’ would be introduced. Portugal witnessed the growth of royal power through the control, exercised in the kings’ name, over the institutions of sovereignty, and the claim to sole authority to act for the general good against particular interests. The traditional role of the crown as legislator still won general consent.33 In France, among the most ‘advanced’ of the monarchies, royal power was made eective by using the nobility both to exercise royal authority in the regions and to act as ‘go- between’ between the king and the localities, thus usurping the traditional, but never well-developed, role of the estates.34 Strong links between kings and those who worked in their service became extremely important. In England, France and Scotland, for instance, bonds – which could take the form of membership of chivalric or princely orders – formed an increasingly important way of achieving clientage or dependence. Princely courts, always important, were to be accorded an increasingly significant role in the exercise of power and, in the case of monarchies and principalities, in the management of the developing state. Already centres of patronage where, in difflcult times, men sought the offlces which would lead, as in France, to the creation of a new nobility, de robe, they became centres of magnificence and of ceremony much of it, both north and south of the Alps, inspired by chivalry. In a world in which not all countries (such as Scotland and Savoy)35 had well-established and fixed capitals, the courts of itinerant kings and princes acted as both ceremo- nial and political alternatives, in eect as centres of power where the decisions aecting the state were taken.
29 Armstrong (), pp. –. 30 ‘Pai dos portugueses’ (above, p. ); ‘pater patriae’ (above, p. ). 31 Burns (), p. . 32 See above, ch. (b). 33 Burns (), p. . 34 Something like this was happening in England, too. See Watts (). 35 For Scotland, see above, ch. (b); for Savoy, see Rosie ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Conclusion Significantly, the political vocabulary of the time was being adapted both to take account of and to encourage the perceived development of the state. By the fifteenth century the term respublica, having come to mean first the people working together for a common end and then a synonym for the political com- munity itself, now assumed yet another sense, with the emphasis placed on a particular political society admitting no superior and allowing no corporate rival within its jurisdiction, ruled by an ‘emperor’ wearing a closed crown. Such a development was likely to lead to the growth of self-awareness among indi- vidual states, deliberately cultivated and encouraged by princely and royal courts.36 This, too, would have the eect of furthering the divisions within society, something which became very clear to Pope Pius II when his failure to present a united response to the Ottoman threat at the Congress of Mantua in led him to recognise how much authority his offlce had lost and how far the interests and ambitions of individual states had become more important than the defence of Christendom.37 With the outbreak of the wars in Italy at the end of the century the process would take another step forward. Europe was a continent whose constituent parts were now finding their feet, often painfully. Bohemia was divided by both religious belief and practice as well as by racial background and social thought.38 After the murder of Louis of Orleans in , France, already long at war with England, inflicted upon herself the painful debate concerning tyrannicide,39 thereby making the century’s early years truly ‘le temps des divisions’.40 It was, in some measure, the need to find a response to those divisions which encouraged greater emphasis to be placed upon ‘Europe’, with its timely appeal to society’s sense of a corpo- rate history, in the face of the growing Turkish threat from without and divi- sions from within. Helped by the humanists, the word ‘Christianity’ would very slowly be replaced by ‘Europe’ which, by the fifteenth century, was coming to be used with increasing frequency and marked emotional content. Signifi- cantly, it was the humanist, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the future Pope Pius II, who would introduce the word ‘European’, meaning Christian, into the Latin language of his day.41 Implied in this new word was a sense of unity among Christians. What was lacking, however, was peace. Men and women wrote about what it could do to society;42 in the early s peace came to both France and Italy; in Castile, Germany, Scandinavia, Italy, above all in the Swiss Confederation, leagues were formed to create and preserve peace and the social order; and in , a peace plan to encompass the whole of Europe was produced in the name of King
36 Mager (). 37 Housley (), pp. –. 38 See above, ch. . 39 Guenée (). 40 Allmand and Armstrong (), p. and n. . 41 Hay (a), pp. , –, , . 42 Allmand (), p. .
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ ff George of Podeˇbrady of Bohemia.43 In the early years of the new century the cry for peace would be taken up by Erasmus and his fellow humanists.44 Would their prayers ever be answered? Were the ambitions of the great monarchies, as well as those of smaller princedoms, truly compatible with lasting peace? Was there not something in the latest understanding of the word respublica which made it unlikely that the secular authority could live together with an inde- pendent Church? Could the peace of the late century be a reality? Or, as seemed more likely, was it simply the lull preceding the return to years of divi- sion which would shape the Christian Europe of the future?
43 Universal Peace Organization (); Heymann (), ch. . 44 Adams ().
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 APPENDIX: GENEALOGICAL TABLES
′
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Table The French succession (including the dukes of Burgundy)
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Table The Valois house of Burgundy
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Table The English succession
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Table The rulers of the Iberian kingdoms
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ′ Appendix: genealogical tables
Table The rulers of Hungary
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Table The rulers of Poland and Lithuania
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 PRIMARY SOURCES AND SECONDARY WORKS ARRANGED BY CHAPTER
′ :
Primary Alberti, Leon Battista, Momo o del principe, ed. N. Balestrini, R. Consolo and A. Di Grado, Genoa (′) Andlau, Peter von, De Imperio Romano-Germanico libri duo, ed. J. Hürbin, Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung ′ (′′), pp. –′; ′ (′), pp. ′–′ Baldus de Ubaldis, Consiliorum sive responsorium volumen tertium, Venice (′ffff) Bonet, Honoré, The tree of battles of Honoré Bonet, ed. and trans. G.W. Coopland, Liverpool (′) Bruni, Leonardo, Laudatio Florentinae urbis, extracts in T. Klette, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Literatur des Italianischen Gelehrtenrenaissance, Greifswald (′), II, pp. –′ff Chartier, Alain, Le livre de l’espérance, ed. F. Rouy, Paris (′) Chartier, Alain, Oeuvres latines, ed. P.Bourgain-Hemeryck, Paris (′) Chartier, Alain, The poetical works of Alain Chartier, ed. J.C. Laidlaw, Cambridge (′) Chartier, Alain, Le quadrilogue invectif, ed. E. Droz, Paris (′) Cusanus, Nicholaus, De concordantia catholica, ed. G. Kallen, in Opera omnia, XIV, Hamburg (′ff); English trans. and ed. P.E. Sigmund, The Catholic concordance, Cambridge (′′) Cusanus, Nicolaus, Orationes, in Deutsche Reichstagsakten, Göttingen (′ff), XV:, pp. –, –; XVI:, pp. –, ff– Decembrio, Pier Candido, ‘Il De laudibus Mediolanensis urbis panegyricus’, ed. G. Petraglione, Archivio storico Lombardo th series (′), pp. ff–ff Decembrio, Pier Candido, Vita Philippi Mariae III Ligurum ducis, ed. A. Butti and G. Petraglione, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, :′, Bologna (′ff–ff) Eiximenis, Francesc, El regiment de la cosa publica, ed. P.D. de Molins de Rei, Els Nostres Clássics, ′, Barcelona (′) Fitzralph, Richard, De pauperie salvatoris, bks I–IV in Iohannis Wyclif De dominio divino, ed. R.L. Poole, Wyclif Society, London (′), pp. ff–; bks V–VII in R.O. Brock, ‘An edition of Richard Fitzralph’s “De pauperie salvatoris” books V, VI and VII’, disserta- tion, University of Colorado (′ff)
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Fortescue, Sir John, De laudibus legum Anglie, ed. S.B. Chrimes, Cambridge (′) Fortescue, Sir John, The governance of England, ed. C. Plummer, Oxford (′ff); also in M.L. Kekewich, C. Richmond, A.F. Sutton, L. Visser-Fuchs and J.L. Watts (eds.), The politics of fifteenth-century England. John Vale’s book, Stroud (′ff), pp. –ff Fortescue, Sir John, Opusculum de natura legis nature et de ejus censura in successione regnorum suprema, ed. Lord Clermont, in The works of Sir John Fortescue, London (′), II, pp. –′ Four English political tracts of the later Middle Ages, ed. J.-P.Genet, RHS, London (′) Gerson, Jean, Oeuvres complètes de Jean Gerson, ed. P.Glorieux, VII, Paris (′) Gerson, Jean, Opera omnia, IV, Antwerp (′) Hoccleve, Thomas, The regement of princes, ed. F.J. Furnivall, EETS, extra series, , London (′) Hus, Jan, Magistri Johannis Hus tractatus de ecclesia, ed. S.H. Thomson, Boulder (′ff) Juvénal des Ursins, Jean, Ecrits politiques, ed. P.S. Lewis, vols., SHF, Paris (′ff–) Masselin, Jean, Journal des états généraux tenus à Tours, ed. A. Bernier, Collection des Documents Inédits, Paris (′ff) Mena, Juan de, El laberinto de fortuna, ed. R. Fouché-Delbosc, Mâcon (′) Monte, Piero da, De potestate romani pontificis et generalis concilii, ed. J.T. de Rocaberti, Bibliotheca maxima pontificia, Rome (′), XVIII, pp. ′– L’ordonnance cabochienne, ed. A. Coville, Paris (′′) Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius, Epistola de ortu et auctoritate imperii romani, in G. Kallen, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini als Publizist in der ‘Epistola de ortu et auctoritate imperii romani’, Cologne (′), pp. ff–′ Pisan, Christine de, Le livre de la mutacion de fortune par Christine de Pisan, ed. S. Solente, Paris (′ff) Pisan, Christine de, Le livre du corps de policie, ed. R.H. Lucas, Geneva (′) Rotuli parliamentorum, vols., London (′–) Le songe du vergier, ed. M. Schnerb-Lièvre, vols., Paris (′) Torquemada, Juan de, Oratio synodalis de primatu, ed. E. Canda, Rome (′ff) Viterbo, James of, De regimine Christiano, ed. H.X. Arquillière, in Le plus ancien traité de l’église. Jacques de Viterbo, ‘De regimine Christiano’, Paris (′) Wyclif, John, De dominio divino, ed. R.L. Poole, Wyclif Society, London (′) Wyclif, John, De potestate papae, ed. J. Loserth, Wyclif Society, London (′) Wyclif, John, De veritate sacrae scripturae, ed. R. Buddensieg, vols., Wyclif Society, London (′ff–) Wyclif, John, Tractatus de civili dominio liber primus, ed. R.L. Poole and J. Loserth, vols., Wyclif Society, London (′–′) Wyclif, John, Tractatus de o′cio regis, ed. A.W.Pollard and C. Sayle, vols., Wyclif Society, London (′)
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Secondary works Adam, P.(′), La vie paroissiale en France au XIVe siècle, Paris Aston, M. (′), Lollards and reformers. Images and literacy in late medieval religion, London L’attesa dell’età nuova nella spiritualità della fine del medioevo (′), Convegno del Centro Sulla Spiritualità Medievale, Todi Axters, S. (′ff), Geschiedenis van de vroomheid in de Nederlande, Antwerp Baschet, J. (′), Les jugements de l’au-delà. Les représentations de l’enfer en France et en Italie, Rome Bastard-Fournié, M. (′), ‘Mentalités religieuses aux confins du Toulousain et de l’Albigeois à la fin du moyen âge’, AM ff: – Binz, L. (′), Vie religieuse et réforme ecclésiastique dans le diocèse de Genève pendant le grand schisme et la crise conciliaire –, I, Mémoires et Documents Publiés par la Société d’Histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève, , Geneva Blench, J.W.(′), Preaching in England in the later XVth and XVIth centuries, London Boockmann, H. (ed.) (′), Kirche und Gesellschaft im Heiligen Römischen Reich des . und . Jahrhunderts, Göttingen Brentano, R. (′), A new world in a small place. Church and religion in the diocese of Rieti (–), Berkeley, Los Angeles and London Brown, C.F. and Smithers, G.V.(eds.) (′ff), Religious lyrics of the XIVth century, Oxford
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Brown, D.C. (′), Pastor and laity in the theology of Jean Gerson, Cambridge Cauchies, J.-M. (′), La dévotion moderne dans les pays bourguignons et rhénans, des origines à la fin du XVIe siècle, Basle Chiffloleau, J. (′), La comptabilité de l’au-delà, Rome Cognet, L. (′ff), Introduction aux mystiques rhéno-flamands, Paris and Tournai Cohn, N. (′ff), The pursuit of the millennium. Revolutionary millenarianism and mystical anar- chists of the Middle Ages, London Coletti, V.(′), L’éloquence de la chaire, Paris Danet, A. (′), Le marteau des sorcières, Paris De Vooght, P.(′), L’hérésie de Jean Hus, Louvain Delaruelle, E. (′ff), La piété populaire au moyen âge, Turin Delumeau, J. (′′), L’aveu et le pardon. Les di′cultés de la confession (XIIIe–XVIII siècles), Paris Delumeau, J. (′–ff), Une histoire du paradis, I: Le jardin des délices; II: Mille ans de bonheur, Paris Dinzelbacher, P. and Bauer, D.R. (′), Religiöse Frauenbewegungen und mystische Frömmigkeit, Cologne and Vienna Eglise et vie religieuse en France au début de la Renaissance (′′), Colloque de Tours, ′′, Revue d’histoire de l’église de France Elm, K. (′), Reformbemühungen und Observanzbestrebungen im spätmittelalterlichen Ordenswesen, Berlin Encadrement religieux des fidèles au moyen âge et jusqu’au concile de Trente (′ff). Actes du ′e Congrès des Sociétés Savantes, Dijon, ′, Paris Epiney-Burgard, G. (′), Gérard Grote (–) et les débuts de la dévotion moderne, Veröfflentlichungen des Instituts fur europäische Geschichte, Mainz, ff, Wiesbaden Faire croire. Modalités de la diusion et de la réception des messages religieux du XIIe au XVe siècle (′′), Rome Filthaut, E. (′′), Johannes Tauler. Gedenkschrift zum Geburtstag, Essen Filthaut, E. (′), Seuse. Studien zum Geburtstag, Cologne Finucane, R.C. (′), Miracles and pilgrims. Popular beliefs in medieval England, London Francescanesimo e il teatro medievale. Atti del convegno di studi di San Miniato, (′), Castelfiorentino Gardiner, F.C. (′′), The pilgrimage of desire. A study of theme and genre in medieval literature, Leiden Genicot, L. (′ff), La spiritualité médiévale, Paris Georges, A. (′′), Le pèlerinage de Compostelle en Belgique et dans le nord de la France, Brussels Gieysztor, A. (′), ‘Xe–XVe sièclès. La religion populaire en Pologne et en Bohème’, in J. Delumeau (ed.), Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien, Toulouse, I, pp. ′ff– Godin, A. (′′), Spiritualité franciscaine en Flandre au XVIe siècle. L’homéliaire de Jean Vitrier. Texte, étude thématique et sémantique, Geneva Grion, A. (′ff), Santa Caterina da Siena, dottrina e fonti, Marcelliana Hall, D.J. (′ff), English mediaeval pilgrimage, London Herbers, L. and Plötz, R. (′), Spiritualität des pilgerns, Tübingen Huizinga, J. (′ffff), The waning of the Middle Ages, Harmondsworth Hyma, A. (′ff), The Brethren of the Common Life, Grand Rapids
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Jordan, W.K.(′), The charities of London, –. The aspirations and the achievements of the urban society, London Jordan, W.K. (′′), The charities of rural England. The aspirations and the achievements of the rural society, London La Roncière, C.-M. (′), ‘Dans la campagne florentine au XIVe siècle. Les commu- nautés chrétiennes et leurs curés’, in J. Delumeau, Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien, Toulouse, I, pp. ′–′ Lebrun, F. (′), Du christianisme flamboyant à l’aube des Lumières (XIVe–XVIIIe siècle, Histoire de la France Religieuse, , Paris Leclercq, J., Vandenbroucke, F. and Bouyer, L. (eds.) (′′), La spiritualité du moyen âge, Paris Leffl, G. (′), Heresy in the later Middle Ages, vols., Manchester Lemaitre, N. (′), Le Rouergue flamboyant. Le clergé et les fidèles du diocèse de Rodez (–), Paris Lobrichon, G. (′), La religion des laïcs en Occident (XIe–XIVe siècles), Paris Lopez, E. (′), Culture et sainteté. Colette de Corbie (–), Saint-Etienne Lorcin, M.-T. (′′), Vivre et mourir en Lyonnais au moyen âge, Lyons Manselli, R. (′ff), La religion populaire au moyen âge. Problèmes de méthode et d’histoire, Conférences Albert-le-Grand, Montreal Martin, H. (′), ‘La prédication des masses au XVe siècle. Facteurs et limites d’une réussite’, in J. Delumeau (ed.), Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien, Toulouse, II, pp. – Martin, H. (′), Le métier de prédicateur en France septentrionale à la fin du moyen âge, Paris Michaud-Quantin, P. (′), Somme de casuistique et manuels de confession au moyen âge (XIIe–XVIe siècles), Louvain and Lille Moeller, B. (′ff), ‘Frömmigkeit in Deutschland um ′ff’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte ff: ff–; trans. as ‘Piety in Germany around ′ff’, in S.E. Ozment (ed.), The Reformation in medieval perspective, Chicago (′′), pp. ff–ff, and as ‘Religious life in Germany on the eve of the Reformation’, in G. Strauss (ed.), Pre- Reformation Germany, New York and London (′), pp. ′– Mollat, M. (′), Les pauvres au moyen âge, Paris Mollat, M. and Vauchez, A. (′), Un temps d’épreuves (–), Histoire du Christianisme, , Paris La mort au moyen âge (′), Colloque de l’Association des Historiens Médiévistes Français, ′ff, Strasburg Mourin, L. (′ff), Jean Gerson, prédicateur français, Bruges Oakley, F. (′), The western Church in the later Middle Ages, Ithaca and London Oberman, H.A. (′), The harvest of medieval theology, Cambridge, Mass. Owst, G.R. (′), Preaching in medieval England. An introduction to sermon manuscripts (–), Cambridge Paravy, P.(′), De la chrétienté romaine à la Réforme en Dauphiné, vols., Rome Post, R. (′), The Modern Devotion, Leiden Preger, W.(′–), Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im mittelalter, vols., Leipzig Prière au moyen àge (′), Cahiers du CUERMA, Aix-en-Provence Rapp, F. (′), ‘Christianisme et vie quotidienne dans les pays germaniques au XVe siècle. L’empreinte du sacré sur le temps’, in J. Delumeau (ed.), Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien, Toulouse, I, pp. ff–
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Réau, L. (′ffff–), Iconographie de l’art chrétien, vols., Paris Les religieuses dans le cloître et dans le monde (′), Actes du Colloque de Poitiers, ′, Saint-Etienne Renaudin, P.(′ff), Mystiques anglais, Paris Rézeau, P.(′), Les prières aux saints en français à la fin du moyen âge, Geneva Rosenfeld, H. (′ff), Der mittelalterliche Totentanz, Munster Rosenthal, J.T. (′), The purchase of paradise. Gifts, giving, and the aristocracy –, London and Toronto Rudolf, R. (′ff), Ars moriendi, Cologne Ruh, K. (′), Altdeutsche und altniederländische Mystik, Darmstadt Rusconi, R. (′), L’attenta della fine. Crisi della società, profezia ed Apocalisse in Italia al tempo del grande scisma d’occidente (–), Rome Russell, J.B. (′), Witchcraft in the Middle Ages, Ithaca and London Schreiber, G. (′ff), Die vierzehn Nothelfer in Volksfrömmigkeit und Sakralkultur, Innsbruck Schreiner, K. (ed.) (′), Laïenfrömmigkeit im späten Mittelalter, Munich Smahel, F. (′ff), La révolution hussite, une anomalie historique, Paris Sumption, J. (′ff), Pilgrimage. An image of medieval religion, London Thomson, J.A.F. (′ff), The later Lollards, –, Oxford Van der Wansem, C. (′ff), Het outstaan ende geschiedenis der Broederschap van het Gemene Leven tot , Louvain Van Zyl, T.P.(′), Gerard Groote, ascetic and reformer, Washington Varanini, G.M. (ed.) (′), Vescovi e diocesi in Italia del XIV alla metà del XVI secolo, vols., Rome Vauchez, A. (′′), La sainteté en occident aux derniers siècles du moyen âge (–). Recherches sur les mentalités religieuses médiévales, Rome Vauchez, A. (′), Les laïcs au moyen âge. Pratiques et expériences religieuses, Paris Vincent, C. (′), Des charités bien ordonnées. Les confréries normandes de la fin du XIIIe siècle au début du XVIe siècle, Paris Whiting, R. (′), The blind devotion of the people. Popular religion and the English Reformation, Cambridge
′′
Primary sources This list represents only a selection of the publications of primary sources concerning the main European universities in the fifteenth century Bulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, ed. V. Beltan de Heredia, vols., Salamanca (′–) Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, ed. V. Beltran de Heredia, vols., Salamanca (′–) Chartularium Studii Bononiensis. Documenti per la storia dell’università di Bologna dalle origini fino al secolo XV, ′ff vols., Bologna (′–) Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. H. Denifle and E. Châtelain, vols., Paris (′–), and Auctarium chartularii universitatis Parisiensis, ed. H. Denifle and E. Châtelain, vols., Paris (′–′)
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Chartularium Universitatis Portugalensis, vols., and vols. of Auctarium, ed. A. Moreira de Sà, Lisbon, ′– Gerson, Jean, Oeuvres complètes, ′ vols., ed. P.Glorieux, Paris (′–) Le livre des prieurs de Sorbonne (–), ed. R. Marichal, Paris (′) Monumenti della Università di Padova, ed. A. Gloria, vols., Venice and Padua (′ff–) Statuta Antiqua Universitatis Oxoniensis, ed. S. Gibson, Oxford (′′) Les statuts et privilèges des universités françaises depuis leur fondation jusqu’en , ed. M. Fournier, vols., Paris (′–)
Secondary works General works Baldwin, J.W. and Goldthwaite, R.A. (eds.) (′), Universities in politics. Case studies from the late Middle Ages and early modern period, Baltimore and London Brizzi, G.P. and J. Verger (eds.) (′, ′, ′), Le università dell’Europa, I: La nascità delle università; IV: Gli uomini e i luoghi – secoli XII–XVIII; V: Le scuole e i maestri – il medio- evo, Cinisello Balsamo Cobban, A.B. (′ff), The medieval universities. Their development and organization, London Fried, J. (ed.) (′), Schulen und Studium im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters, Vorträge und Forschungen, XXX, Sigmaringen Gabriel, A.L. (′), Garlandia. Studies in the history of the mediaeval universities, Notre Dame and Frankfurt am Main Gabriel, A.L. (ed.) (′), The economic frame of the mediaeval university, Texts and Studies in the History of Mediaeval Education, XV, Notre Dame Garin, E. (′ff), L’educazione in Europa, –, Bari Grafton, A. and Jardine, L. (′), From humanism to the humanities. Education and the liberal arts in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe, London History of universities (one annual issue since ′′) IJsewijn, J. and Paquet, J. (eds.) (′), Les universités à la fin du moyen âge, Publ. de l’Institut d’Etudes Médiévales, nd series, , Louvain; also published as J. IJsewijn and J. Paquet (eds.) Universities in the late Middle Ages, Mediaevalia Lovanensia, ′st series, , Louvain (′) Keil, G., Moeller, B. and Trusen (′), W., Der Humanismus und die oberen Fakultäten, Mitteilung der Kommission für Humanismusforschung, XIV, Weinheim Kenny, A., Kretzmann, N. and Pinborg, J. (eds.) (′), The Cambridge history of later medieval philosophy, Cambridge Kibre, P.(′), The nations in the mediaeval universities, Cambridge, Mass. Kibre, P. (′′), Scholarly privileges in the Middle Ages. The rights, privileges, and immunities of scholars and universities at Bologna, Padua, Paris, and Oxford, London Le Goffl, J. (′ff), Les intellectuels au moyen âge, nd edn, Paris Paquet, J. (′), Les matricules universitaires, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Age Occidental, ff, Turnhout Patschovsky, A. and Rabe, H. (eds.) (′), Die Universität in Alteuropa, Konstanz Piltz, A. (′′), The world of medieval learning (English trans.), Oxford Rashdall, H. (′), The universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, new edn by F.M. Powicke and A.B. Emden, vols., London
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Ridder-Symoens, H. de (ed.) (′), A history of the university in Europe, I: Universities in the Middle Ages, Cambridge Swanson, R.N. (′), Universities, academics and the Great Schism, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, rd series, ′, Cambridge Università e società nei secoli XII–XVI (′), Pistoia Les universités européennes du quatorzième au dix-huitième siècle. Aspects et problèmes (′), Geneva Verger, J. (′), Les universités au moyen âge, Paris Zimmermann, A. (ed.) (′), Antiqui und Moderni. Traditionsbewusstsein im späten Mittelalter, Miscellanea Mediaevalia, IX, Berlin and New York.
Empire, northern and central Europe Fuchs, C. (′ff), ‘Dives, Pauper, Nobilis, Magister, Frater, Clericus’. Sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über Heidelberger Universitätsbesucher des Spätmittelalters (–), Education and Society in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ff, Leiden Gabriel, A.L. (′), The mediaeval universities of Pécs and Pozsony, Notre Dame and Frankfurt am Main Kaminsky, H. (′), ‘The University of Prague in the Hussite revolution: the role of the masters’, in Baldwin and Goldthwaite (′), pp. –′ Meuthen, E. (′), Kölner Universitätsgeschichte, I: Die alte Universität, Cologne and Vienna Miner, J.N. (′), ‘Change and continuity in the schools of later medieval Nuremberg’, Catholic Historical Review : ′– Mornet, E. (′), ‘Le voyage d’études des jeunes nobles danois du XIVe siècle à la Réforme’, Journal des savants: –′ Paquet, J. (′ff), Salaires et prébendes des professeurs de l’université de Louvain au XV e siècle, Léopoldville Post, R.R. (′), The Modern Devotion. Confrontation with Reformation and humanism, Leiden Ridder-Symoens, H. de (′′), ‘Milieu social, études universitaires et carrière de conseillers au Conseil de Brabant (′–′)’, in Liber amicorum Jan Buntinx, Symbolae Fac. Litt. et Philos. Lovaniensis, series A, ′, Ghent, pp. ff– Schwinges, R.C. (′), Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im . und . Jahrhundert. Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches, Stuttgart Die Universität zu Prag (′), Schriften der Sudetendeutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften und Künste, , Munich
England Aston, T.H. (′), ‘Oxford’s medieval alumni’, P&P : – Aston, T.H., Duncan, G.D. and Evans, T.A.R. (′), ‘The medieval alumni of the University of Cambridge’, P&P : – Catto, J.I. and Evans, R. (eds.) (′), The history of the University of Oxford, II: Late medieval Oxford, Oxford Cobban, A.B. (′), The medieval English universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. , Berkeley and Los Angeles
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Gabriel, A.L. (′), Summary bibliography of the history of Great Britain and Ireland up to covering publications between and , Texts and Studies in the History of Mediaeval Education, XIV, Notre Dame Leader, D.R. (′), A history of the University of Cambridge, I: The University to , Cambridge Lytle, G.F. (′), ‘The social origins of Oxford students in the late Middle Ages: New College, c. ′–c. ′ff′’, in Ijsewijn and Paquet (′), pp. –ff Orme, N. (′), English schools in the Middle Ages, London Orme, N. (′), Education in the west of England. Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Gloucestershire, Somerset, Wiltshire, Exeter Rosenthal, J. (′), ‘The training of an elite group. English bishops in the fifteenth century’, Trans. of the American Philosophical Society new series /ff: ff–ff
France Allmand, C.T. (′), Lancastrian Normandy, Oxford, ch. Favier, J. (′), Nouvelle histoire de Paris. Paris au XV e siècle, Paris, pp. – and ′–ff Gabriel, A.L. (′), The Paris studium. Robert of Sorbonne and his legacy. Interuniversity exchange between the German, Cracow, Louvain Universities and that of Paris in the late medieval and humanistic period. Selected studies, Texts and Studies in the History of Mediaeval Education, XIX, Notre Dame and Frankfurt am Main Guenée, S. (′–′), Bibliographie de l’histoire des universités françaises des origines à la Révolution, vols., Paris Guilbert, S. (′), ‘Les écoles rurales en Champagne au XVe siècle: enseignement et promotion sociale’, in Les entrées dans la vie. Initiations et apprentissages, Nancy, pp. ′– Jacquart, D. (′′), Le milieu médical en France du XIIe au XV siècle, Geneva Jones, M. (′), ‘Education in Brittany during the later Middle Ages’, Nottingham Medieval Studies : ff– Millet, H. (′), Les chanoines du chapitre cathédral de Laon, –, Paris and Rome Roux, S. (′), La rive gauche des escholiers (XV e siècle), Paris Roy, L. (′), ‘L’université de Caen aux XVe et XVIe siècles. Histoire politique et sociale’, vols., PhD dissertation, University of Montréal Tanaka, M. (′), La nation anglo-allemande de l’Université de Paris à la fin du moyen âge, Paris Verger, J. (′a), ‘Les universités françaises au XVe siècle: crise et tentatives de réforme’, Cahiers d’histoire ′: – Verger, J. (′b), ‘Noblesse et savoir: étudiants nobles aux universités d’Avignon, Cahors, Montpellier et Toulouse (fin du XIVe siècle)’, in P. Contamine (ed.), La noblesse au moyen âge. XIe–XVe siècles. Essais à la mémoire de Robert Boutruche, Paris, pp. –′ Verger, J. (′), ‘Le coût des grades: droits et frais d’examen dans les universités du Midi de la France an moyen âge’, in Gabriel (′), pp. ′– Verger, J. (′a), ‘Prosopographie et cursus universitaires’, in N. Bulst and J.-P. Genet (eds.), Medieval lives and the historian. Studies in medieval prosopography, Kalamazoo, pp. ′– Verger, J. (ed.) (′b), Histoire des universités en France, Toulouse
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Verger, J. (′), ‘Les universités du midi de la France à la fin du moyen âge (début du XIVe s. – milieu du XVe s.)’, Thèse d’Etat, University of Paris-Sorbonne Verger, J. (′ffa), ‘Les institutions universitaires françaises au moyen âge: origines, modèles, évolution’, in A. Romano (ed.), Università in Europa. Le istituzioni universitarie dal medio evo ai nostri giorni–strutture, organizzazione, funzionamento, Soveria Mannelli and Messina, pp. ′– Verger, J. (′ffb), Les universités françaises au moyen âge, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, , Leiden
Italy Adorni, G. (′), ‘L’archivio dell’università di Roma’, in Roma e lo studium urbis. Spazio urbano e cultura dal Quattro al Seicento, Rome, pp. – Bertanza, E. and Dalla Santa, G. (′), Maestri, scuole e scolari in Venezia fino al , Venice; repr. ′ Castelli, P.(ed.) (′′), La Rinascità del sapere. Libri e maestri dello studio ferrarese, Venice Ermini, G. (′′), Storia dell’università di Perugia, vols., Florence Gargan, L. (′′), Lo studio teologico e la biblioteca dei Domenicani a Padova nel Tre e Quattrocento, Padua Grendler, P.F. (′), Schooling in Renaissance Italy. Literacy and Learning, –, Baltimore and London Minnucci, G. and Kosuta, L., Lo studio di Siena nei secoli XIV–XVI. Documenti e notizie bio- graphiche, Orbis Academicus, III, Milan Nasalli Rocca, E. (′), ‘Il cardinale Bessarione legato pontificio in Bologna’, Atti e memorie della Reale Deputazione di storia patria per le prov. di Romagna th series : – Ortalli, G. (′), Scuole, maestri e istruzione di base tra medioevo e Rinascimento. Il caso veneziano, Venice Quaderni per la storia dell’università di Padova (one annual issue since ′) Verde, A.F. (′–ff), Lo studio fiorentino, –. Documenti e ricerche, vols., Florence Zanetti, D. (′), ‘A l’université de Pavie au XVe siècle: les salaires des professeurs’, Annales ESC ′: ′–
Spain Ajo Gonzalez de Rapariegos y Sainz de Zuñiga, C.M. (′ff–), Historia de las uni- versidades hispanicas. Origenes y desarrollo desde su aparicion a nuestros dias, ′′ vols., Madrid Estudios sobre los origenes de las universidades españolas (′), Valladolid Fernández Alvarez, F., Robles Carcedo, L. and Rodríguez San Pedro, L.E. (eds.) (′–), La universidad de Salamanca, vols., Salamanca
′ The list is confined to works directly cited or referred to in ch. ′; bibliographies more comprehensive than that provided here may be found in A. Rabil (ed.), Renaissance humanism: foundations, forms, and legacy, Philadelphia (′), III, pp. ff′–ff, which is especially useful for indications of sources in English translation; and inThe Cambridge history of Renaissance philosophy, ed. C.B. Schmitt et al., Cambridge (′), pp. –.
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Primary sources Accolti, Benedetto, De bello a christianis contra barbaros gesto, in Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens occidentaux, Paris (′ff), V, pp. ff– Accolti, Benedetto, Dialogus [de praestantia virorum sui aevi], G. Galletti (ed.), Philippi Villani liber de civitatis Florentiae famosis civibus, Florence (′), pp. ′ff– Alberti, Leon Battista, Momus o del principe, ed. G. Martini, Bologna (′) Alberti, Leon Battista, Opera inedita et pauca separatim impressa, ed. G. Mancini, Florence (′) Alberti, Leon Battista, Opere volgari, ed. C. Grayson, vols., Bari (′–) Alexandre de Villedieu, Das Doctrinale des Alexander de Villa-Dei, ed. D. Reichling, Berlin (′) Barzizza, Gasparino, Opera, ed. G.A. Furietto, Rome (′) Biondo, Flavio, Historiarum ab inclinato Romano imperio decades III, in his De Roma tri- umphante . . . , Basle (′ff′) Biondo, Flavio, Scritti inediti e rari, ed. B. Nogara, Rome (′) Bracciolini, Poggio, Lettere, ed. H. Harth, vols., Florence (′–) Bracciolini, Poggio, Opera, Basle (′ff) Bruni, Leonardo, Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. L. Mehus, vols., Florence (′′) Bruni, Leonardo, Historiarum florentini populi libri XII, in Rerum italicarum scriptores, new series, ′, pt , ed. Emilio Santini, Città di Castello (′′) Bruni, Leonardo, Humanistisch-philosophische Schriften, ed. H. Baron, Leipzig and Berlin (′) Bruni, Leonardo, Laudatio florentinae urbis, ed. H. Baron, in his From Petrarch to Leonardo Bruni, Chicago (′), pp. – Bruni, Leonardo, Oratio in funere Nannis Strozae, in E. Baluze and G. Mansi (eds.), Miscellanea novo ordine digesta . . ., vols., Lucca (′′–), IV, pp. – Calco, Tristano, Historiae patriae, in J.G. Graevius, Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Italiae, II, pt ′, Leiden (′) Cavalcanti, G., Istorie fiorentine, ed. G. di Pino, Milan (′) Cortesi, Paolo, De hominibus doctis, ed. G. Ferraù, Messina (′) Dante Alighieri, De vulgari eloquentia, in his Opere minori, II, ed. P.V. Mengaldo, B. Nardi, A. Furgoni, G. Brugnoli, E. Cecchini and F. Mazzoni, Milan and Naples (′) Evrard de Béthune, Graecismus, ed. J. Wrobel, Wratislav (′) Facio, Bartolomeo, De humanae vitae felicitate. De excellentia ac praestantia hominis, in F. Sandeus, De regibus Siciliae et Apuliae, Hanau (′′′) Filelfo, Francesco, Epistolarum familiarium libri XXXVII, Venice (′ff) Garin, E. (ed.), Il pensiero pedagogico dello Umanesimo, Florence (′ff) Garin, E. (ed.), Prosatori latini del Quattrocento, Milan (′ff) Gellius, Aulus, The Attic nights of Aulus Gellius, trans. J.C. Rolfe, vols., Cambridge, Mass., and London (′–′) George of Trebizond, Rhetoricorum libri quinque, Venice (′) Guarino Veronese, Epistolario, ed. R. Sabbadini, vols., Venice (′′ff–′) Guicciardini, Francesco, Storia d’Italia, ed. C. Panigada, Bari (′) Innocent III, De miseria humane conditionis, ed. M. Maccarrone, Lugano (′ffff) Lefèvre d’Etaples, Jacques, The prefatory epistles of Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples and related texts, ed. E.F. Rice, Jr, New York (′)
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Amelung, P. (′), Der Frühdruck im deutschen Südwesten, –, I, Ulm and Stuttgart
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Armstrong, L. (′′), Renaissance miniature painters & classical imagery. The master of the Putti and his Venetian workshop, London Basanoffl, A. (′ff), Itinerario della carta dall’oriente all’occidente e sua diusione in Europa, Milan Bibliothèque Royale Albert Ier (′), Le cinquième centenaire de l’imprimerie dans les Pays- Bas, Brussels Bühler, C.F. (′ff), The university and the press in fifteenth-century Bologna, Notre Dame, Ind. Bühler, C.F. (′), The fifteenth-century book. The scribes, the printers, the decorators, Philadelphia Bussi, G.A. (′), Prefazioni alle edizioni di Sweynheym e Pannartz, prototipografi Romani, ed. M. Miglio, Milan Campbell, Tony (′), The earliest printed maps, –, London Carter, H. (′), A view of early typography up to about , Oxford Catalogue of books printed in the XVth century now in the British Museum (′–ff), pts ′–′, ′, London Corsten, S. and Fuchs, R.W. (eds.) (′–), Der Buchdruck im . Jahrhundert: eine Bibliographie, vols., Stuttgart de la Mare, A.C. and Hellinga, L. (′), ‘The first book printed in Oxford; the Expositio Symboli of Rufinus’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society : ′– Eisenstein, E.L. (′), The printing press as an agent of change. Communications and cultural transformations in early-modern Europe, vols., Cambridge Eisenstein, E.L. (′), The printing revolution in early modern Europe, Cambridge Febvre, L. and Martin, H.-J. (′′), L’apparition du livre, nd edn, Paris; trans. as The coming of the book. The impact of printing, – (′), London Fuhrmann, O.W.(′), Gutenberg and the Strasbourg documents of , New York Geldner, F. (′–), Die deutschen Inkunabeldrukker. Ein Handbuch der deutschen Buchdrukker des XV. Jahrhunderts nach Druckorten, I, II, Stuttgart Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (′ff– ), Leipzig and New York Goffl, F.R. (′), Incunabula in American libraries. A third census of fifteenth-century books recorded in North American collections, New York Goldschmidt, E.P.(′), Gothic & Renaissance book-bindings, vols., London Goldschmidt, E.P. (′), Medieval texts and their first appearance in print, Supplement to the Bibliographical Society Transactions, ′, London Haebler, K. (′ff), Handbuch der Inkunabelkunde, Leipzig; trans. as The study of incunabula, New York (′) Hellinga, L. (′), Caxton in focus. The beginning of printing in England, London Hellinga, L. and Goldfinch, J. (eds.) (′), Bibliography and the study of th-century civilisa- tion, London Hellinga, L. and Härtel, H. (eds.) (′′), Buch und Text im . Jahrhundert. Book and text in the fifteenth century, Wolfenbütteler Abhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung, , Hamburg Hellinga, W. and L. (′), The fifteenth-century printing types of the Low Countries, vols., Amsterdam Hind, A.M. (′ff), An introduction to a history of woodcut, with a detailed survey of work done in the fifteenth century, vols., London
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Hindman, S. (ed.) (′′), Printing the written word. The social history of books, circa –, Ithaca Hindman, S. and Farquhar, J.D. (′), Pen to press. Illustrated manuscripts and printed books, College Park, Md. Hirsch, R. (′), Printing, selling and reading, –, Wiesbaden Ing, J. (′), Johann Gutenberg and his Bible: A historical study, New York Ivins, W.M.,Jr (′ff), Prints and visual communication, London Kenney, E.J. (′), The classical text. Aspects of editing in the age of the printed book, Berkeley Lehmann-Haupt, H. (′ff), Peter Schoeer of Gernsheim and Mainz, Rochester, N.Y. Lowry, M. (′), The world of Aldus Manutius. Business and scholarship in Renaissance Venice, Oxford Lowry, M. (′′), Nicholas Jenson and the rise of Venetian publishing in Renaissance Europe, Oxford Martin, H.-J. and Chartier, R. (eds.) (′), Histoire de l’édition française, I: Le livre con- quérant, du moyen âge au milieu du XVIIe siècle, Paris Papers presented to the Caxton international congress, (′ff–), Journal of the Printing Historical Society, ′′ Pollard, G. and Ehrman, A. (′ff), The distribution of books by catalogue from the invention of printing to A.D. , Cambridge Reynolds, L.D. and Wilson, N.G. (′′), Scribes and scholars. A guide to the transmission of Greek and Latin literature, rd edn, Oxford Rouse, M.A. and R. (′), Cartolai, illuminators, and printers in fifteenth-century Italy: the evi- dence of the Ripoli press, Los Angeles Schmidt, W. and Schmidt-Künsemüller, F.-A. (eds.) (′), Johannes Gutenbergs zeilige Bibel. Kommentarband zur Faksimile-Ausgabe, Munich Scholderer, V.(′), Fifty essays in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century bibliography, Amsterdam Trapp, J.B. (ed.) (′), Manuscripts in the fifty years after the invention of printing, London Updike, D.B. (′ff), Printing types: their history, forms and use, nd edn, Cambridge, Mass. Vernet, A. (ed.) (′), Histoire des bibliothèques françaises. Les bibliothèques médiévales, du VIe siècle à , Paris Wilson, A. (′), The making of the Nuremberg Chronicle, Amsterdam
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General works Baxandall, M. (′), Painting and experience in fifteenth-century Italy, Oxford Bialostocki, J. (′), Spätmittelalter und Beginnende Neuzeit, Propyläen Kunstgeschichte, , Berlin Burckhardt, J. (′), The civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Harmondsworth Circa . Art in the age of exploration (′′), exhibition catalogue, National Gallery of Art, Washington, New Haven and London Dunkerton, J., Foister, S., Gordon, D. and Penny, N. (′′), Giotto to Dürer. Early Renaissance painting in the National Gallery, New Haven and London
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Huizinga, J. (′ffff), The waning of the Middle Ages, Harmondsworth Levey, M. (′), The early Renaissance, Harmondsworth Panofsky, E. (′), Renaissance and renascences in western art, London Wackernagel, M. (′′), The world of the Florentine artists, Princeton
Flanders and the north Campbell, L. (′), Rogier van der Weyden, London Dhanens, E. (′), Hubert and Jan van Eyck, Antwerp Harbison, C. (′′), The play of realism, London Müller, T. (′), Sculpture in Germany, the Netherlands, France and Spain, –, Harmondsworth Panofsky, E. (′ff), Early Netherlandish painting, vols., Cambridge, Mass. Seidel, L. (′), Jan van Eyck’s Arnolfini portrait. Stories of an icon, Cambridge
Italy Baxandall, M. (′′), Giotto and the orators, Oxford Goldthwaite, R. (′), The building of Renaissance Florence, Baltimore Heydrenreich, L.H. and Lotz, W.(′), Architecture in Italy –, Harmondsworth Pope-Hennessy, J. (′′), Italian Renaissance sculpture, London Saalman, H. (′), The cupola of S. Maria del Fiore, London Welch, E.S. (′ff), Art and authority in Renaissance Milan, Yale White, J. (′), The birth and rebirth of pictorial space, Cambridge, Mass.
Memorials Campbell, L. (′), Renaissance portraits, New Haven and London Seymour, C. (′), Sculpture in Italy –, Harmondsworth
Secular pleasures Brown, C.M. (′), ‘“Lo insaciabile desiderio nostro de cose antique” – new docu- ments for Isabella d’Este’s collection of antiquities’, in C.H. Clough (ed.), Cultural aspects of the Italian Renaissance. Essays in honour of Paul Oskar Kristeller, Manchester and New York see also Dunkerton et al.(′′); Heydrenreich and Lotz (′); and Wackernagel (′′)
Sacred imagery Baxandall, M. (′), The limewood sculptures of southern Germany, New Haven and London Gothic and Renaissance art in Nuremberg, – (′), exhibition catalogue, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Hood, W.(′), Fra Angelico at San Marco, Yale Humbrey, P.and Kemp, M. (eds.) (′′), The altarpiece in the Renaissance, Cambridge
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Ringbom, S. (′), Icon to narrative. The rise of the dramatic close-up in fifteenth-century devo- tional painting, Doornspijk Van Os, H.W. (′–), Siennese alterpieces –. Form, content and function, I and II, Groningen see also Baxandall (′); Dunkerton et al.(′′), and Müller (′)
Nature into art Clark, K. (′), Piero della Francesca, London Hills, P.(′), The light of early Italian painting, New Haven and London Kemp, M. (′), Leonardo da Vinci. The marvellous works of nature and man, London Martindale, A. (′), The rise of the artist in the Middle Ages and the early Renaissance, London Wittkower, R. (′), Architectural principles in the age of humanism, London
Antiquity Gombrich, E.H. (′ff), Symbolic images, Oxford Lightbown, R. (′), Botticelli, vols., London; revised edn in one volume (′) Lightbown, R. (′), Mantegna, Oxford Weiss, R. (′), The Renaissance discovery of classical Antiquity, Oxford Wind, E. (′ff), Pagan mysteries of the Renaissance, London see also Panofsky (′)
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Editions of music and theory treatises Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus, Fundamentals of music, trans. C.M. Bower, ed. C.V. Palisca, New Haven (′) Corpus mensurabilis musicae (series in progress), various places (′ff′–) Corpus scriptorum de musica (series in progress), various places (′ff–) Coussemaker, Edmond de (ed.) (′), Scriptorum de musica medii aevi, vols., Paris (′–); repr. Hildesheim (′) Early English church music (series in progress), London (′–) Josquin Des Prés, Werken, ed. A. Smijers et al., Amsterdam (′′–) Musica Britannica (series in progress), London (′ff′–) Ockeghem, Johannes, Collected works, I and II, ed. D. Plamenac, nd edn, New York (′ff–), and III, ed. R. Wexler, Philadelphia (′)
Secondary works Armstrong, C.A.J. (′), ‘L’échange culturel entre les cours d’Angleterre et de Bourgogne à l’époque de Charles le Téméraire’, in C.A.J. Armstrong, England, France and Burgundy in the fifteenth century, London, pp. –′
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Bent, M. (′′), Dunstaple, Oxford Studies of Composers, London Boorman, S. (ed.) (′), Studies in the performance of late mediaeval music, Cambridge Bowers, R. (′ffa), ‘Choral institutions within the English Church. Their constitution and development, ′–′ff’, PhD dissertation, University of East Anglia Bowers, R. (′ffb), ‘Some observations on the life and career of Lionel Power’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association ′: ′– Bowles, E.A. (′ff), ‘Haut et bas: the grouping of musical instruments in the Middle Ages’, Musica disciplina : ′′ff– Bowles, E.A. (′ff), ‘The role of musical instruments in medieval sacred drama’, Musical Quarterly ff: – Bowles, E.A. (′′), ‘Musical instruments in civic processions during the Middle Ages’, Acta musicologica : ′–′ Bukofzer, M. (′ff), Studies in medieval and Renaissance music, New York Carpenter, N.C. (′ff), Music in the medieval and Renaissance universities, Norman, Okla. Carter, H.H. (′′), A dictionary of Middle English musical terms, Indiana University Humanities Series, ff, Bloomington Cazeaux, I. (′ff), French music in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, New York Census catalogue of manuscript sources of polyphonic music, – (′–), ff vols., Illinois University Archives for Renaissance Manuscripts Studies, Renaissance Manuscript Studies, I, Stuttgart Eckhardt, C.D. (ed.) (′), Essays in the numerical criticism of medieval literature, London Fallows, D. (′a), Dufay, rev. edn, Master Musicians Series, London Fallows, D. (′b), ‘The contenance angloise: English influence on continental composers of the fifteenth century’, Renaissance Studies ′: ′–; repr. in Fallows (′) Fallows, D. (′), Songs and musicians in the fifteenth century, Aldershot Fenlon, I. (ed.) (′′), Music in medieval and early modern Europe, Cambridge Fenlon, I. (ed.) (′), The Renaissance, Man and Music, , London Gallo, F.A. (′ff), Music of the Middle Ages, II, trans. K. Eales, Cambridge Greene, G. (′), ‘The schools of minstrelsy and the choir-school tradition’, Studies in Music (University of Western Ontario) : ′– Greene, R.L. (′), The early English carols, nd edn, Oxford Gushee, L.A. (′), ‘Questions of genre in medieval treatises on music’, in W.Arlt et al. (eds.), Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen, Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade (Erste Folge), Berne, pp. ff– Hamm, C. (′), ‘Manuscript structure in the Dufay era’, Acta musicologica : ′– Harrison, F. Ll. (′), Music in medieval Britain, nd edn, London Hoppin, R. (′), Medieval music, New York Hughes, A. (′), Medieval music – the sixth liberal art, rev. edn, Toronto Hughes, Dom A. and Abraham, G. (eds.) (′), Ars nova and the Renaissance (–), New Oxford History of Music, , Oxford Knighton, T. and Fallows, D. (eds.) (′), Companion to medieval and Renaissance music, London Lockwood, L. (′), Music in Renaissance Ferrara –, Oxford McKinnon, J. (ed.) (′), Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Man and Music, ′, London The New Grove dictionary of music and musicians (′), ed. S. Sadie, vols., London Palisca, C.V.(′ff), Humanism in Italian Renaissance musical thought, New Haven
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Peck, R.A. (′), ‘Number as cosmic language’, in Eckhardt (′), pp. ′ff– Perkins, L.L. (′), ‘Musical patronage at the royal court of France under Charles VII and Louis XI (′–)’, Journal of the American Musicological Society : ff– Pirotta, N. (′), Music and culture in Italy from the Middle Ages to the Baroque, Cambridge, Mass. Planchart, A.E. (′), ‘Guillaume Du Fay’s benefices and his relationship to the court of Burgundy’, Early Music History : ′′–′ Polk, K. (′), ‘Instrumental music in the urban centres of Renaissance Germany’, Early Music History : ′ff– Southworth, J. (′), The English medieval minstrel, Woodbridge Sternfeld, F.W. (ed.) (′), Music from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance (A history of Western music, I), London Stevens, J.E. (′), Music and poetry in the early Tudor court, rev. edn, London Strohm, R. (′′), ‘European politics, and the distribution of music in the early fif- teenth century’, Early Music History ′: ff– Strohm, R. (′), Music in late medieval Bruges, rev. edn, Oxford Strohm, R. (′), The rise of European music, –, Cambridge Strunk, O. (′ff), Source readings in music history, New York Trowell, B. (′), ‘Proportion in the music of Dunstable’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association ′ff: ′–′ Ward, T.R. (′), ‘Music and music theory in the universities of central Europe during the fifteenth century’, in Pompilio et al. (eds.), Trasmissione e recezione delle forme di cultura musicale, Atti del XIV Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia, Turin, pp. –ff Wathey, A. (′), Music in the royal and noble households in late medieval England. Studies of sources and patronage, New York Wright, C. (′), Music and ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, –, Cambridge
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Secondary works Angermeier, H. (′), Königtum und Landfriede im deutschen Spätmittelalter, Munich Angermeier, H. (′), Die Reichsreform, –. Die Staatsproblematik in Deutschland zwischen Mittelalter und Gegenwart, Munich Battenberg, F. (′′), Beiträge zur höchsten Gerichtsbarkeit im Reich im . Jahrhundert, Quellen und Forschungen zur höchsten Gerichtsbarkeit im alten Reich, ′′, Cologne and Vienna Benecke, G. (′), Maximilian I, –. An analytical biography, London Blickle, P. (′), Landschaften im Alten Reich. Die staatliche Funktion des gemeinen Mannes in Oberdeutschland, Munich Blickle, P. (′), Studien zur geschichtlichen Bedeutung des deutschen Bauernstandes, Quellen und Forschungen zur Agrargeschichte, ff, Stuttgart Boockmann, H. (′), Stauferzeit und spätes Mittelalter. Deutschland – (Das Reich und die Deutschen, VII), Berlin Boockmann, H. (′), Der Deutsche Orden. Zwölf Kapitel aus seiner Geschichte, rd edn, Munich
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Borchardt, F.L.(′′), German Antiquity in Renaissance myth, Baltimore, Md., and London Brady, T.A., Jr, (′′), Turning Swiss. Cities and Empire, –, Cambridge Burleigh, M. (′), Prussian society and the German Order. An aristocratic corporation in crisis, c. –, Cambridge Carsten, F.L. (′ff), Princes and parliaments in Germany from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century, Oxford Cohn, H.J. (′ff), The government of the Rhine Palatinate in the fifteenth century, Oxford; repr. Aldershot and Brookfield, Vt. (′) Dickens, A.G. (′), The German nation and Martin Luther, London Dohna, L. Graf zu (′), Reformatio Sigismundi. Beiträge zum Verständnis einer Reformationssschrift des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts, Veröfflentlichungen des Max-Planck- Instituts für Geschichte, , Göttingen Dollinger, P.(′), The German Hansa, London Dralle, L. (′ff), Der Staat des Deutschen Ordens in Preußen nach dem II. Thorner Frieden. Untersuchungen zur ökonomischen und ständepolitischen Geschichte Altpreußens zwischen und , Frankfurter Historische Abhandlungen, , Wiesbaden Du Boulay, F.R.H. (′), Germany in the later Middle Ages, London Duggan, L.G. (′), Bishop and chapter. The governance of the bishopric of Speyer to , Studies Presented to the International Commission for the History of Representative and Parliamentary Institutions, , New Brunswick, N.J. Ehlers, J. (ed.) (′), Ansätze und Diskontinuität deutscher Nationsbildung im Mittelalter, Nationes. Historische und philologische Untersuchungen zur Entstehung der europäischen Nationen im Mittelalter, , Sigmaringen Fahlbusch, F.B. (′), Städte und Königtum im frühen . Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte Sigmunds von Luxemburg, Städteforschung. Veröfflentlichungen des Instituts für vergleichende Städteforschung in Münster, series A ′, Cologne and Vienna Grüneisen, H. (′′), ‘Die westlichen Reichsstände in der Auseinandersetzung zwis- chen dem Reich, Burgund und Frankreich bis ′’, Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter : – Haller, B. (′ff), Kaiser Friedrich III. im Urteil der Zeitgenossen, Vienna Heinig, P.-J. (′), ‘Kaiser Friedrich III. und Hessen’, Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte : –′′ Heinig, P.-J. (′), Reichsstädte, Freie Städte und Königtum –. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte, Veröfflentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, Abteilung Universalgeschichte, ′, Wiesbaden Heinig, P.-J. (′), Kaiser Friedrich III. (–) in seiner Zeit. Studien anläßlich des . Todestages am . August /, Forschungen zur Kaiser- und Papstgeschichte des Mittelalters, ′, Cologne, Weimar and Vienna Hesslinger, H. (′), Die Anfänge des Schwäbischen Bundes. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Einungswesens und der Reichsreform unter Kaiser Friedrich III., Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ulm, , Stuttgart Hödl, G. (′), Albrecht II. Königtum, Reichsregierung und Reichsreform –, Forschungen zur Kaiser- und Papstgeschichte des Mittelalters, , Cologne and Vienna Hofacker, H.-G. (′), Die schwäbischen Reichslandvogteien im späten Mittelalter, Spätmittelalter und Frühe Neuzeit. Tübinger Beiträge zur Geschichtsforschung, , Stuttgart Isenmann, E. (′), ‘Reichsstadt und Reich an der Wende vom späten Mittelalter zur
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Contamine, P.(ed.) (′), Histoire militaire de la France, I: Des origines à , Paris Coulet, N., Planche, A. and Robin, F. (eds.) (′), Le roi René. Le prince, le mécène, l’écrivain, le mythe, Aix-en-Provence Cuttler, S.H. (′), The law of treason and treason trials in later medieval France, Cambridge Daly, K. (′), ‘Mixing business with leisure: some French royal notaries and secre- taries and their histories of France, c. ′ff–′ff’, in C.T. Allmand (ed.), Power, culture, and religion in France c. –c. , Woodbridge, pp. –′′ff Demurger, A. (′), Temps de crises, temps d’espoir, XIVe–XVe siècle, Paris Denis, A. (′), Charles VIII et les Italiens. Histoire et mythe, Geneva and Paris Derville, A. (′), ‘Pots-de-vin, cadeaux, racket, patronage. Essai sur les mécanismes de décision dans l’état bourguignon’, Revue du nord ff: ′– Doucet, R. (′), Les institutions de la France au XVI siècle, vols., Paris Dufournet, J. (′), La destruction des mythes dans les Mémoires de Philippe de Commynes, Geneva Dupâquier, J. (ed.) (′), Histoire de la population française, I: Des origines à la Renaissance, Paris Dupont-Ferrier, G. (′–), Etudes sur les institutions financières de la France à la fin du moyen âge, vols., Paris Dupont-Ferrier, G. (′–ff), Gallia regia, ou état des o′ciers royaux des bailliages et sénéchaussées de à , vols., Paris Favier, J. (′), Nouvelle histoire de Paris. Paris au XVe siècle, –, Paris Favier, J. (′), ‘Service du prince et service des administrés: les voies de la fortune et les chemins de l’opulence dans la France médiévale’, in Domanda e consumi. a Settimana di studio dell’Istituto intern. di storia economica, Prato, , Prato, pp. – Favier, J. (′), Les temps des principautés, de l’an mil à , Paris Favreau, R. (′), La ville de Poitiers à la fin du moyen âge. Une capitale régionale, vols., Poitiers Fédou, R. (′), Les hommes de loi lyonnais à la fin du moyen âge. Etude sur les origines de la classe de robe, Paris Gandilhon, R. (′′), La politique économique de Louis XI, Rennes Gandilhon, R. (′), ‘L’unification des coutumes sous Louis XI’, RH ′: ′– Gascon, R. (′ff), ‘Nationalisme économique et géographique des foires. La querelle des foires de Lyon, ′–′’, Cahiers d’histoire : ff– Gaussin, P.-R.(′), Louis XI, un roi entre deux mondes, Paris Gaussin, P.-R. (′ff), ‘Les conseillers de Louis XI (′′–′)’, in Chevalier and Contamine (′ff), pp. ′ff– Gazzaniga, J.-L. (′), ‘L’appel au concile dans la politique gallicane de la monarchie de Charles VII à Louis XII’, Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique ff: ′′′– Gazzaniga, J.-L. (′), ‘Les évêques de Louis XI’, in Eglise et pouvoir politique. Journées internationales d’histoire du droit, Angers, , pp. ′ff′– Giesey, R.E. (′a), ‘The French estates and the Corpus mysticum regni’, in Album Helen Maud Cam, I, Louvain and Paris, pp. ′ff–′ Giesey, R.E. (′b), The royal funeral ceremony in Renaissance France, Geneva Gilles, H. (′ff), Les états de Languedoc au XVe siècle, Toulouse Giry-Deloison, C. (′), ‘Henri VII et la Bretagne: aspects politiques et diploma- tiques’, in , la Bretagne, terre d’Europe (′), pp. –
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Major, J.R. (′), Representative institutions in Renaissance France, –, Madison Major, J.R. (′), ‘The French Renaissance monarchy as seen through the estates- general’, Studies in the Renaissance : ′′–ff Major, J.R. (′), ‘The crown and the aristocracy in Renaissance France’, AHR : ′–ff Major, J.R. (′), Representative government in early modern France, London Malettke, K. (′), ‘Zur Zeitgenössichen Verwendung der Termini o′ce und o′ciers, vom XIV bis zum frühen XVI Jahrhundert in Frankreich’, in Amterhandel im Spätmittelalter und im XVI Jahrhundert, Berlin, pp. ′–′ Mann, N. (′′), ‘Humanisme et patriotisme en France au XVe siècle’ Cahiers de l’associ- ation internationale d’études françaises : ff– Marchello-Nizia, C. (′), Histoire de la langue française aux XIVe et XVe siècles, Paris Michaud, H. (′), ‘Les institutions militaires des guerres d’Italie aux guerres de reli- gion’, RH ff: – Mieck, L. (′), Die Entstehung des modernen Frankreich (–). Strukturen, Institutionen, Entwicklungen, Stuttgart Miskimin, H.A. (′), Money and power in fifteenth-century France, New Haven and London Mollat, M. (′), Genèse médiévale de la France moderne, XIVe–XVe siècle, Paris Neveux, H. (′ff), ‘Reconstruction économique et rapports sociaux dans les cam- pagnes françaises dans la seconde moitié du XVe siècle’, in Chevalier and Contamine (′ff), pp. ′– Olland, H. (′), La baronie de Choiseul à la fin du moyen âge (–), Nancy Paravicini, W. (′ff), ‘Peur, pratiques, intelligences. Formes de l’opposition aristocra- tique à Louis XI d’après les interrogatoires du connétable de Saint-Pol’, in Chevalier and Contamine (′ff), pp. ′– Perroy, E. (′ff), ‘Feudalism or principalities in fifteenth-century France’, BIHR : ′′–ff; repr. in E. Perroy, Etudes d’histoire médiévale, Paris (′), pp. ′–′ Pocquet du Haut-Jussé, B.A. (′ff), ‘Les débuts du gouvernement de Charles VIII en Bretagne’, BEC ′′ff: ′–ffff Pocquet du Haut-Jussé, B.A. (′′), ‘Une idée politique de Louis XI: la sujétion éclipse la vassalité’, RH : –; English trans. ‘A political concept of Louis XI: subjec- tion instead of vassalage’, in Lewis (′′), pp. ′–′ff Potter, D. (′ff), A history of France. The emergence of a nation state, Basingstoke Poujol, J. (′ff), ‘Jean Ferrault on the king’s privileges. A study of the medieval sources of Renaissance political theory in France’, Studies in the Renaissance ff: ′ff– Quilliet, B. (′), Louis XII, père du peuple, Paris Rambert, G. (′ff′), Histoire du commerce de Marseille, III: De à , Paris La reconstruction après la guerre de Cent Ans () (Actes du e congrès national des Sociétés savantes (Bordeaux, ). Section de philologie et d’histoire jusqu’à : I), Paris Rigaudière, A. (′), Saint-Flour, ville d’Auvergne au bas moyen âge. Etude d’histoire adminis- trative et financière, vols., Paris Rigaudière, A. (′ff), ‘Le financement des fortifications urbaines en France du milieu du XIVe siècle à la fin du XVe siècle’, RH : ′–ff Rigaudière, A. (′), ‘Qu’est-ce qu’une bonne ville dans la France du moyen âge?’, in A. Rigaudière (ed.), Gouverner la ville au moyen âge, Paris, pp. ff–′′ Robin, F. (′ff), La cour d’Anjou-Provence. La vie artistique sous le règne de René d’Anjou, Paris
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Main literary sources Chastellain, G., Oeuvres, ed. J. Kervyn de Lettenhove, vols., Brussels (′–) Commynes, P.de, Mémoires, ed. J. Calmette and G. Durville, vols., Paris (′–ff)
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‘La geste des ducs Phelippe et Jehan de Bourgongne’, in J. Kervyn de Lettenhove (ed.), Chroniques relatives à l’histoire de la Belgique sous la domination des ducs de Bourgogne, II: Textes français, Brussels (′), pp. ff–ff Journal d’un bourgeois de Paris, –, ed. A. Tuetey, Paris (′′); English trans. J. Shirley, A Parisian journal, –, Oxford (′) La Marche, O., Mémoires, ed. H. Beaune and J. d’Arbaumont, vols., SHF, Paris (′–) Lannoy, G. de., Oeuvres, ed. C. Potvin, Louvain (′) Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy, J., Chronique, ed. F. Morand, vols., SHF, Paris (′–′) ‘Le livre des trahisons de France’, in J. Kervyn de Lettenhove (ed.), Chroniques relatives à l’histoire de la Belgique sous la domination des ducs de Bourgogne, II: Textes français, Brussels (′), pp. ′–ff Molinet, J., Chroniques, ed. G. Doutrepont and O. Jodogne, vols., Brussels (′ff–) Monstrelet, E. de, Chronique, ed. L. Douët-d’Arcq, vols., SHF, Paris (′ff–) Le Pastoralet, ed. J. Blanchard, Paris (′)
Other sources Carteggi diplomatici fra Milano sforzesco e la Borgogna, ed. E. Sestan, vols., Rome (′ff–) Chartes de communes et d’aranchissement en Bourgogne, ed. J. Garnier, vols., Dijon (′–′′) Comptes généraux de l’état bourguignon entre et , ed. M. Mollat and R. Favreau, ff vols., Paris (′ff–) Dépêches des ambassadeurs milanais sur les campagnes de Charles le Hardi duc de Bourgogne de à , ed. F. de Gingins-La Sarra, Paris and Geneva (′ff) Ordonnances de Philippe le Hardi, de Marguerite de Male et de Jean sans Peur, –, I: (–); II: (–), ed. P. Bonenfant, J. Bartier and A. van Nieuwenhuysen, Brussels (′ff, ′) Paravicini, W. (ed.), Der Briefwechsel Karls des Kühnen (–), vols., Frankfurt-am- Main (′ff) Paravicini, W. (ed.), ‘Die Hofordnungen Philipps des Guten von Burgund’, Francia ′ (′), pp. ′′–; ′′ (′), pp. ff–′; ′ff (′), pp. ′–′ Pocquet du Haut-Jussé, B.-A. (ed.), La France gouvernée par Jean sans Peur. Les dépenses du receveur général du royaume, Paris (′ff)
Secondary works The dukes and the Burgundian state
Andt, E. (′), La chambre des comptes de Dijon à l’époque des ducs Valois, I, Paris Bartier, J. (′), Charles le Téméraire, nd edn, Brussels La bataille de Morat. Actes du colloque de Morat () (′), Fribourg and Berne Bonenfant, P.(′ff), Philippe le Bon, Brussels Calmette, J. (′), Les grands ducs de Bourgogne, nd edn, Paris Cinq-centième anniversaire de la bataille de Nancy () (′) Actes du colloque organisé par l’Institut de Recherches Régionales en Sciences Sociales de l’Université de Nancy II, ′, Nancy Contamine P. (′a), ‘La Bourgogne au XVe siècle’, in Des pouvoirs en France, –, Paris, pp. ′–
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Contamine, P.(′b), ‘Charles le Téméraire, fossoyeur et/ou fondateur de l’état bour- guignon’, in Des pouvoirs en France, –, Paris, pp. – Grandson . Essai d’approche pluridisciplinaire d’une action militaire du XVe siècle (′), Lausanne Lacaze, Y. (′′), ‘Le rôle des traditions dans la genèse d’un sentiment national au XVe siècle: la Bourgogne de Philippe le Bon’, BEC ′: –ff Liège et Bourgogne. Actes du colloque de Liège () (′), Liège Paravicini, W.(′), Karl der Kühne. Das Ende des Hauses Burgund, Göttingen, Zurich and Frankfurt-am-Main Vaughan, R. (′), Philip the Bold. The formation of the Burgundian state, London Vaughan, R. (′), John the Fearless. The growth of Burgundian power, London Vaughan, R. (′), Philip the Good. The apogee of Burgundy, London Vaughan, R. (′), Charles the Bold. The last Valois duke of Burgundy, London Vaughan, R. (′ff), Valois Burgundy, London
The dukes and the civil war Autrand, F. (′), Charles VI. La folie du roi, Paris Bonenfant, P.(′ff), Du meurtre de Montereau au traité de Troyes, Brussels Famiglietti, R.C. (′), Royal intrigue. Crisis at the court of Charles VI, –, New York Guenée, B. (′), Un meurtre, une société. L’assassinat du duc d’Orléans, novembre , Paris Nordberg, M. (′), Les ducs et la royauté. Etudes sur la rivalité des ducs d’Orléans et de Bourgogne, –, Uppsala Schnerb, B. (′), Les Armagnacs et les Bourguignons. La maudite guerre, Paris
Regional studies Fiétier, R. (ed.) (′), Histoire de la Franche-Comté, Toulouse Prevenier, W.and Blockmans, W.(′), The Burgundian Netherlands, Cambridge Richard, J. (ed.) (′), Histoire de la Bourgogne, Toulouse
Institutions, finances and money Billioud, J. (′), Les états de Bourgogne aux XIVe et XVe siècles, Dijon Cauchies, J.-M. (′), La législation princière pour le comté de Hainaut. Ducs de Bourgogne et premiers Habsbourg (–), Brussels Cauchies, J.-M. (′ff), ‘Le droit et les institutions dans les anciens Pays-Bas sous Philippe le Bon (′′–′). Essai de synthèse’, Cahiers de Clio ′: – Dubois, H. (′a), ‘Caractères originaux (et moins originaux) de l’impôt du sel en Bourgogne à la fin du moyen âge’, in J.-C. Hocquet (ed.), Le roi, le marchand et le sel, Lille, pp. ′′–′ Dubois, H. (′b), ‘Naissance de la fiscalité dans un état princier au moyen âge: l’ex- emple de la Bourgogne’, in J.-P. Genet and M. Le Mené (eds.), Genèse de l’état moderne. Prélèvement et redistribution, Paris, pp. ′–′
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Dumas-Dubourg, F. (′), Le monnayage des ducs de Bourgogne, Louvain-la-Neuve Mollat, M. (′ff), ‘Recherches sur les finances des ducs Valois de Bourgogne’, RH ′: ff–′ Prevenier, W.(′′), De leden en de Staten van Vlaanderen (–), Brussels Richard, J. (′ffa), ‘Le gouverneur de Bourgogne au temps des ducs Valois’, Mémoires de la Société pour l’histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays bourguignons, comtois et romands ′: ′′–′ Richard, J. (′ffb), ‘Les institutions ducales dans le duché de Bourgogne’, in F. Lot and R. Fawtier (eds.), Histoire des institutions françaises au moyen âge, II: Institutions seigneuriales, Paris, pp. – Richard, J. (′), ‘Les états de Bourgogne’, in Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin, : Gouvernés et gouvernants, Brussels, pp. – Spufflord, P. (′), Monetary problems and policies in the Burgundian Netherlands –, Leiden Van Nieuwenhuysen, A. (′), Les finances du duc de Bourgogne Philippe le Hardi (–). Economie et politique, Brussels Van Rompaey, J. (′), Het grafelijk baljuwsambt in Vlaanderen tijdens de Boergondische periode, Brussels Van Rompaey, J. (′), De Grote Raad van de hertogen van Boergondië en het Parlement van Mechelen, Brussels
War and armies Brusten, C. (′ff), L’armée bourguignonne de à , Brussels Brusten, C. (′), ‘Les compagnies d’ordonnance dans l’armée bourguignonne’, in Grandson (′), pp. ′′– Brusten, C. (′), ‘La fin des compagnies d’ordonnance de Charles le Téméraire’, in Cinq-centième anniversaire . . . de Nancy (′), pp. –ff Garnier, J. (′ff), L’artillerie des ducs de Bourgogne d’après les documents conservés aux archives de la Côte d’Or, Paris Paviot, J. (′ff), La politique navale des ducs de Bourgogne, –, Lille Schnerb, B. (′), Bulgnéville (). L’état bourguignon prend pied en Lorraine, Paris
The court Caron, M.-T. (′), ‘Une fête dans la ville en ′: le mariage d’Antoine comte de Rethel à Arras’, Villes et sociétés urbaines au moyen âge. Hommage à M. le Professeur Jacques Heers, Paris, pp. ′– Cartellieri, O. (′), The court of Burgundy, London De Smedt, R. (ed.) (′), Les chevaliers de l’ordre de la Toison d’Or, Frankfurt am Main Lafortune-Martel, A. (′), Fête noble en Bourgogne au XVe siècle. Le banquet du faisan (). Aspects politiques, sociaux et culturels, Montreal and Paris Paravicini, W. (′′), ‘The court of the dukes of Burgundy. A model for Europe?’, in R.G. Asch and A.M. Birke (eds.), Princes, patronage and the nobility. The court at the begin- ning of the modern age, c. –, London and Oxford, pp. –′
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Secondary works, chapter
Political society Bartier, J. (′ffff), Légistes et gens de finances au XVe siècle. Les conseillers des ducs de Bourgogne, Philippe le Bon et Charles le Téméraire, Brussels Berger, R. (′′), Nicolas Rolin, Kanzler der Zeitenwende im Burgundisch-Französich Konflikt –, Freiburg Caron, M.-T. (′), La noblesse dans le duché de Bourgogne, –, Lille Kamp, H. (′), Memoria und Selbstdarstellung. Die Stiftungen des burgundischen Kanzlers Rolin, Sigmaringen Paravicini, W. (′ff), Guy de Brimeu. Der Burgundische Staat und seine adlige Führungsschicht unter Karl dem Kühnen, Bonn
Towns, population and exchange Arnould, M.-A. (′ff), Les dénombrements de foyers dans le comté de Hainaut (XIVe–XVIe siècles), Brussels Bocquet, A. (′), Recherches sur la population rurale de l’Artois et du Boulonnais pendant la période bourguignonne (–), Arras Clauzel, D. (′), Finances et politique à Lille pendant la période bourguignonne, Dunkirk Dollinger, P.(′), The German Hanse, London Dubois, H. (′), Les foires de Chalon et le commerce dans la vallée de la Saône à la fin du moyen âge (v. –v. ), Paris Dubois, H. (′), ‘Le Téméraire, les Suisses et le sel’, RH ff: – Fourquin, G. (ed.) (′), Histoire de Lille, I: Des origines à l’avènement de Charles Quint, Lille Gras, P.(ed.) (′), Histoire de Dijon, Toulouse Humbert, F. (′′), Les finances municipales de Dijon du milieu du XIVe siècle à , Paris Laurent, H. (′ff), La draperie des Pays-Bas en France et dans les pays méditerranéens (XIIe–XVe s.), Paris Sosson, J.-P. (′), Les travaux publics de la ville de Bruges XIVe–XVe siècles. Les matériaux. Les hommes, Brussels Thielemans, M.-R. (′), Bourgogne et Angleterre. Relations économiques entre les Pays-Bas bourguignons et l’Angleterre, –, Brussels Viaux, D. (′), La vie paroissiale à Dijon à la fin du moyen âge, Dijon
Patronage and artistic life Actes des journées internationales Claus Sluter () (′), Dijon Camp, P.(′), Les imageurs bourguignons de la fin du moyen âge, Dijon David, H. (′), Philippe le Hardi. Le train somptuaire d’un grand Valois, Dijon David, H. (′ff′), Claus Sluter, Paris De Patoul, B. and Van Schoute, R. (eds.) (′), Les primitifs flamands et leur temps, Louvain-la-Neuve De Winter, P.(′ff), La bibliothèque de Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne (–), Paris Devaux, J. (′), Jean Molinet, indiciaire bourguignon, Paris Dhaenens, E. (′), Hubert et Jan Van Eyck, Antwerp Doutrepont, G. (′), La littérature française à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne, Paris
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Secondary works, chapter (a)
Lecat, J.P.(′), Le siècle de la Toison d’Or, Paris Marix, J. (′), Histoire de la musique et des musiciens de la cour de Bourgogne sous le règne de Philippe le Bon, Strasburg Martens, M. (′), Lodewijk van Gruuthuse. Mecenas en europees diplomaat, ca. – (exhibition catalogue), Bruges Régnier-Bohler, D. (ed.) (′ff), Splendeurs de la cour de Bourgogne. Récits et chroniques, Paris
′(a)
Primary sources The history of Lancastrian England is written from a wide range of difflerent kinds of primary source materials. Extracts from a large representative selection of primary sources, translated into English, are collected together in English historical documents, –, ed. A.R. Myers, London (′). The most important categories of primary sources are: ′. The records of the central institutions of royal government (including parliament, the law courts, exchequer and chancery), the great majority of which are to be found in the Public Record Oce in London. The proceedings of parliament are published in Rotuli parliamentorum, vols., London (′–). . The estate papers of noble and gentry families (including financial and estate accounts and manorial court rolls). For pioneering use of these sources, see McFarlane (′). . Chronicles and narrative accounts of the period. For a detailed survey of fifteenth- century historical writing, see Gransden (′), pp. ′–. . Contemporary collections of gentry letters, of which the largest and most important is Paston letters and papers of the fifteenth century, ed. N. Davis, vols., Oxford (′′–). ff. Contemporary poems and songs: for a printed collection, see Historical poems of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, ed. R.H. Robbins, New York (′ff).
Secondary works Allmand, C.T. (′), Lancastrian Normandy, –, Oxford Allmand, C.T. (′), Henry V, London; rev. edn New Haven and London (′) Aston, M. (′), ‘Lollardy and sedition, ′′–′′’, P&P ′: ′– Bean, J.M.W.(′ff), ‘Henry IV and the Percies’, History : ′– Brown, A.L. (′), ‘The reign of Henry IV’, in Chrimes et al.(′), pp. ′– Carpenter, M.C. (′), ‘The Beauchamp anity: a study of bastard feudalism at work’, EHR ff: ff′ff– Carpenter, M.C. (′), Locality and polity. A study of Warwickshire landed society, –, Cambridge Chrimes, S.B. (′), English constitutional ideas in the fifteenth century, Cambridge Chrimes, S.B., Ross, C.D. and Griths, R.A. (eds.) (′) Fifteenth-century England –, Manchester Goodman, A.E. (′′), The Wars of the Roses. Military activity and English society –, London
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Primary sources, chapter (b)
Gransden, A. (′), Historical writing in England, II: c. to the early sixteenth century, London Griths, R.A. (′′a), The reign of King Henry the sixth. The exercise of royal authority –, London Griths, R.A. (ed.) (′′b), Patronage, the crown and the provinces, Gloucester Harriss, G.L. (′), Cardinal Beaufort, Oxford Harriss, G.L. (ed.) (′ff), Henry V. The practice of kingship, Oxford Harvey, I.M.W.(′′), Jack Cade’s rebellion of , Oxford Jacob, E.F. (′′), The fifteenth century, Oxford Johnson, P.A.(′), Duke Richard of York –, Oxford Jones, M.K. (′′), ‘John Beaufort, duke of Somerset and the French expedition of ′’, in Griths (′′b), pp. –′ Jones, M.K. (′), ‘Somerset, York and the Wars of the Roses’, EHR ′: ff– Kingsford, C.L. (′′), English historical literature in the fifteenth century, Oxford Kirby, J.L. (′), Henry IV of England, London McFarlane, K.B. (′), Lancastrian kings and Lollard knights, Oxford McFarlane, K.B. (′), The nobility of later medieval England, Oxford McFarlane, K.B. (′′), England in the fifteenth century. Collected essays, London McNiven, P.(′), Heresy and politics in the reign of Henry IV, Woodbridge Newhall, R.A. (′), The English conquest of Normandy, New Haven Nicolas, N.H. (′) The battle of Agincourt, London Powell, E. (′), Kingship, law and society. Criminal justice in the reign of Henry V, Oxford Rogers, A.R. (′), ‘Henry IV,the Commons and taxation’, Medieval Studies ′: – Roskell, J.S. (′ff), The Commons and their speakers in medieval English parliaments, Manchester Ross, C.D. (′ff), Edward IV, London Ross, C.D. (′), The Wars of the Roses, London Storey, R.L. (′), The end of the house of Lancaster, London Vale, M. (′), English Gascony, Oxford Vaughan, R. (′), John the Fearless, London Vaughan, R. (′), Philip the Good, London Watts, J.L. (′), Henry VI and the politics of kingship, Cambridge Wolffle, B.P.(′′), Henry VI, London Wylie, J.H. (′–), History of England under Henry the fourth, vols., London Wylie, J.H. and Waugh, W.T. (′′–), The reign of Henry the fifth, vols., Cambridge
′(b)
Primary sources ‘Chronicle of the rebellion in Lincolnshire, ′’, ed. J.G. Nichols, Camden Miscellany I, London (′) Crowland chronicle. Continuations –, ed. N. Pronay and J. Cox, London (′) Fortescue, John, The governance of England, ed. C. Plummer, Oxford (′ff) Historie of the arrivall of Edward IV in England, ed. J. Bruce, Camden Society, original series, ′, London (′)
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Secondary works, chapter (b) ′
Hughes, P.L. and Larkin, J.F. (eds.), Tudor royal proclamations, I, New Haven and London (′) Mancini, Dominic, The usurpation of Richard III, ed. C.A.J. Armstrong, Oxford (′) Paston letters and papers of the fifteenth century, ed. N. Davis, vols., Oxford (′′–) Warkworth, John, A chronicle of the first thirteen years of the reign of King Edward the fourth, ed. J.O. Halliwell, Camden Society, original series, ′, London (′)
Secondary works Anglo, S. (′), Spectacle, pageantry and early Tudor policy, Oxford Anglo, S. (ed.) (′), Chivalry in the Renaissance, Woodbridge Antonovics, A.V.(′), ‘Henry VII, king of England, “by the grace of Charles VIII of France”’, in Griths and Sherborne (′), pp. ′– Arthurson, I. (′), ‘The rising of ′: a revolt of the peasantry?’ in Rosenthal and Richmond (′), pp. ′–′ Arthurson, I. (′), The Perkin Warbeck conspiracy, –, Gloucester Bennett, M. (′), Lambert Simnel and the battle of Stoke, Gloucester Bennett, M. (′), ‘Henry VII and the northern rising of ′’, EHR ′ff: –ff Bernard, G. (′ff), The power of the early Tudor nobility: a study of the fourth and fifth earls of Shrewsbury, Brighton Bernard, G. (ed.) (′), The Tudor nobility, Manchester Cameron, A. (′), ‘The giving of livery and retaining in Henry VII’s reign’, Renaissance and Modern Studies ′: ′–ff Carpenter, C. (′), ‘The duke of Clarence and the midlands: a study in the interplay of local and national politics’, Midland History ′′: – Carpenter, C. (′), Locality and polity. A study of Warwickshire landed society, –, Cambridge Chrimes, S.B. (′), Henry VII, London Condon, M. (′), ‘Ruling elites in the reign of Henry VII’, in Ross (′), pp. ′– Condon, M. (′), ‘From caitiffl and villain to pater patriae: Reynold Bray and the profits of oce’, in Hicks (′), pp. ′– Conway, A. (′), Henry VII’s relations with Scotland and Ireland, –, Cambridge Davies, C.S.L. (′), ‘Bishop John Morton, the Holy See, and the accession of Henry VII’, EHR ′: – Davies, C.S.L. (′), ‘Richard III, Brittany, and Henry Tudor’, Nottingham Medieval Studies : ′′– Griths, R.A. and Sherborne, J. (eds.) (′), Kings and nobles in the later Middle Ages. A tribute to Charles Ross, Gloucester Griths, R.A. and Thomas, R.S. (′ff), The making of the Tudor dynasty, Gloucester Gunn, S. (′), ‘Chivalry and the politics of the early Tudor court’, in Anglo (′), pp. ′– Gunn, S. (′), ‘The courtiers of Henry VII’, EHR ′: – Gunn, S. (′ff), Early Tudor government, –, Basingstoke Hanham, A. (′ff), Richard III and his early historians, Oxford Harriss, G.L. (′), ‘Political society and the growth of government in late medieval England’, P&P ′: –ff
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Hicks, M.A. (′), ‘Dynastic change and northern society: the career of the fourth earl of Northumberland’, NH ′: –′ Hicks, M.A. (′), ‘The changing role of the Wydevilles in Yorkist politics to ′’, in Ross (′), pp. – Hicks, M.A. (′), False, fleeting, perjur’d Clarence. George, duke of Clarence, –, Gloucester Hicks, M.A. (′a), ‘Attainder, resumption and coercion ′′–′ff’, Parliamentary History : ′ff–′ Hicks, M.A. (′b), ‘Edward IV,the duke of Somerset and Lancastrian loyalism in the north’, NH : – Hicks, M.A. (′), ‘The Yorkshire rebellion of ′ reconsidered’, NH : – Hicks, M.A. (ed.) (′), Profit, piety and the professions in later medieval England, Gloucester Holland, P.(′), ‘The Lincolnshire rebellion of March ′’, EHR ′: – Horrox, R.E. (′), Richard III. A study of service, Cambridge Horrox, R.E. (ed.) (′), Richard III and the north, Hull Horrox, R.E. (ed.) (′), Fifteenth-century attitudes. Perceptions of society in late medieval England, Cambridge Ives, E.W. (′), ‘Andrew Dymmock and the papers of Antony, Earl Rivers, ′–’, BIHR ′: ′– Johnson, P.A.(′), Duke Richard of York, Oxford Jones, M.K. (′), ‘Sir William Stanley of Holt: politics and family allegiance in the late fifteenth century’, WHR ′: ′– Jones, M.K. and Underwood, M.G. (′), The king’s mother. Lady Margaret Beaufort, count- ess of Richmond and Derby, Cambridge Lander, J.R. (′′), ‘Attainder and forfeiture, ′ff–′ff’, HJ : ′–ff′ Lander, J.R. (′), ‘Marriage and politics in the fifteenth century: the Nevills and the Wydevills’, BIHR : ′′–ff Lander, J.R. (′′), ‘Bonds, coercion and fear: Henry VII and the peerage’, in Rowe and Stockdale (′′), pp. – Lowe, D. (′′), ‘Patronage and politics: Edward IV, the Wydevilles and the council of the prince of Wales, ′′–’, BBCS : ffff– Morgan, D.A.L. (′), ‘The king’s anity in the polity of Yorkist England’, TRHS ffth series : ′–ff Morgan, D.A.L. (′), ‘The house of policy: the political role of the late Plantagenet household’, in Starkey (′), pp. ff– Pollard, A.J. (′), ‘The tyranny of Richard III’, JMedH : ′–ff Pollard, A.J. (′), ‘Lord Fitzhugh’s rising in ′’, BIHR ff: ′–ff Pollard, A.J. (′), ‘St Cuthbert and the hog: Richard III and the county palatine of Durham’, in Griths and Sherborne (′), pp. ′– Pollard, A.J. (′), North-eastern England during the Wars of the Roses. Lay society, war and politics –, Oxford Pollard, A.J. (ed.) (′), Property and politics. Essays in later medieval English history, Gloucester Pugh, T.B. (′), ‘Henry VII and the English nobility’, in Bernard (′), pp. –′′ Rawcliffle, C. (′), ‘Henry VII and Edward duke of Buckingham: the repression of an “over-mighty subject”’, BIHR ff: ′′–′
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Richmond, C.F. (′), ‘Fauconberg’s Kentish rising of May ′′’, EHR ff: – Rosenthal, J.T. and Richmond, C.F. (eds.) (′), People, politics and community in the later Middle Ages, Gloucester Ross, C.D. (′), Edward IV, London Ross, C.D. (′′), Richard III, London Ross, C.D. (ed.) (′), Patronage, pedigree and power in late medieval England, Gloucester Rowe, J.G. and Stockdale, W.H. (eds.) (′′), Florilegium historiale. Essays presented to Wallace K. Ferguson, Toronto Rowney, I. (′), ‘Resources and retaining in Yorkist England: William Lord Hastings and the honour of Tutbury’, in Pollard (′), pp. ′–ffff Scofield, C. (′), The life and reign of Edward the fourth, vols., London Starkey, D. (ed.) (′), The English court. From the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War, London Thompson, B. (ed.) (′ff), The reign of Henry VII, Stamford Watts, J. (′), Henry VI and the politics of kingship, Cambridge Weightman, C. (′), Margaret of York, duchess of Burgundy, –, Gloucester Williams, C.H. (′), ‘The rebellion of Humphrey Stafflord in ′’, EHR : ′′– Wolffle, B.P.(′′), The royal demesne in English history, London Wood, C.T. (′ff), ‘The deposition of Edward V’, Traditio ′: –
(a)
Primary sources ‘John Benet’s chronicle for the years ′ to ′’, ed. G.L. and M.A. Harriss, Camden Miscellany XXIV, RHS, London (′) Chronicque de la traison et mort de Richard Deux, roi Dengleterre, ed. B. Williams, London (′) An English chronicle of the reigns of Richard II, Henry IV, Henry V and Henry VI written before , ed. J.S. Davies, Camden Society, original series, , London (′ff) Harris, W., ‘The voyage of Sir Richard Edgecombe into Ireland in the year ′’, in Hibernica, vols., Dublin (′–ff), I, pp. ff– Henry of Marlborough, Chronicle of Ireland, trans. James Ware, in Historie of Ireland, J. Ware (ed.), Dublin (′); repr. in J. Ware (ed.), Ancient Irish histories. The workes of Spenser, Campion, Hanmer, and Marleburrough, Dublin (′); repr. Port Washington and London (′), II, pp. ′– The libelle of Englyshe polycye. A poem on the use of sea-power , ed. G. Warner, Oxford (′) Poems on marcher lords, ed. A. O’Sullivan and P. O’Riain, Irish Texts Society, ff, Dublin (′) The register of John Swayne, archbishop of Armagh and primate of Ireland, –, ed. D.A. Chart, Belfast (′ff) A roll of the proceedings of the king’s council in Ireland . . .–, ed. J. Graves, RS, London (′) Rotuli parliamentorum, vols., London (′–) State papers . . . Henry VIII, ′′ vols., Record Commission, London (′–ff)
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Statute rolls of the parliament of Ireland . . . reign of King Edward the fourth, ed. H.F. Berry and J.F. Morrissey, vols., Dublin (′′–) Statute rolls of the parliament of Ireland. Reign of King Henry the sixth, ed. H.F. Berry, Dublin (′′) Statutes and ordinances and acts of the parliament of Ireland. King John to Henry V, ed. H.F. Berry, Dublin (′) The statutes of the realm, ′′ vols. in ′, Record Commission, London (′′–) Ypodigma Neustriae a Thoma Walsingham, ed. H.T. Riley, RS, London (′)
Secondary works Betham, Sir W.(′), Dignities, feudal and parliamentary and the constitutional legislature of the United Kingdom . . ., Dublin and London Carpenter, D.M. (′), ‘The pilgrim from Catalonia/Aragon; Ramon de Perellós ′’, in M. Haren and Y. de Pontfarcy (eds.), The medieval pilgrimage to St Patrick’s Purgatory, Enniskillen, pp. –′′ Conway, A. (′), Henry VII’s relations with Scotland and Ireland –, Cambridge Cosgrove, A. (′′), Late medieval Ireland, –, Dublin Cosgrove, A. (′), ‘Parliament and the Anglo-Irish community; the declaration of ′’, in A. Cosgrove and J.I. McGuire (eds.), Parliament and community. Historical studies XIV, Belfast Cosgrove, A. (′ff), ‘Marriage in medieval Ireland’, in A. Cosgrove (ed.), Marriage in Ireland, Dublin Cosgrove, A. (′), ‘The writing of Irish medieval history’, IHS : –′′ Cosgrove, A. (ed.) (′), A new history of Ireland, II: Medieval Ireland –, Oxford Curtis, E. (′), ‘Richard, duke of York, as viceroy of Ireland, ′–’, Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland : ′ff– Ellis, S.G. (′a), Reform and revival. English government in Ireland –, Woodbridge Ellis, S.G. (′b), ‘Nationalist historiography and the English and Gaelic worlds in the late Middle Ages’, IHS ff: ′–′ Empey, C.A. (′), ‘The Anglo-Norman community in Tipperary and Kilkenny in the Middle Ages; change and continuity’, in G. Mac Niocaill and P.F. Wallace (eds.), Keimelia. Studies in medieval archaeology and history in memory of Tom Delaney, Galway, pp. – Frame, R. (′), ‘Les Engleys nées en Irlande: the English political identity in medieval Ireland’, TRHS th series : –′ Gillingham, J. (′), ‘Images of Ireland ′′–′; the origins of English imperial- ism’, History Today (): ′– Johnson, P.A.(′), Duke Richard of York –, Oxford Lydon, J.F. (′), The lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, Dublin and London Lydon, J.F. (′), Ireland in the later Middle Ages, Dublin Lydon, J.F. (′), ‘The city of Waterford in the later Middle Ages’, Decies ′: ff–′ff Matthew, E. (′), ‘The financing of the lordship of Ireland under Henry V and Henry VI’, in A.J. Pollard (ed.), Property and politics. Essays in late medieval English history, Gloucester, pp. –′′ff Moody, T.W.,Martin, F.X., and Byrne, F.J. (eds.) (′), A new history of Ireland, IX: Maps, genealogies, lists, Oxford
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Murphy, B. (′), ‘The status of the native Irish after ′′’, Irish Jurist : ′′– O’Neill, T. (′), Merchants and mariners in medieval Ireland, Dublin O’Sullivan, H. (′), ‘The march of south-east Ulster in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries: a period of change’, in R. Gillespie and H. O’Sullivan (eds.), The borderlands, essays on the history of the Ulster–Leinster border, Belfast, pp. ffff– Otway-Ruthven, A.J. (′), A history of medieval Ireland, London; nd edn, London and New York, ′ Richardson, H.G. and Sayles, G.O. (′ff), The Irish parliament in the Middle Ages, Philadelphia and London; nd edn, ′ Simms, K. (′a), ‘Bards and barons; the Anglo-Irish aristocracy and the native culture’, in R. Bartlett and A. Mackay (eds.), Medieval frontier societies, Oxford Simms, K. (′b), ‘The Norman invasion and the Gaelic recovery’, in R. Foster (ed.), The Oxford illustrated history of Ireland, Oxford, pp. ff–′ Stalley, R. (′), ‘Sailing to Santiago: the medieval pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and its artistic influence on Ireland’, in J. Bradley (ed.), Settlement and society in medieval Ireland, Kilkenny, pp. – Watt, J.A. (′ff), ‘Negotiations between Edward II and John XXII concerning Ireland’, IHS ′: ′– Watt, J.A. (′), The Church and the two nations in medieval Ireland, Cambridge Watt, J.A. (′), The Church in medieval Ireland, Dublin Watt, J.A. (′), ‘The Church and the two nations in late medieval Armagh’, in W.J. Sheils and D. Ward (eds.), The Churches, Ireland and the Irish, Studies in Church History ff, Oxford, pp. –ff Wood, H. (′), ‘Two chief governors of Ireland at the same time’, Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland ff: ′ff– Wylie, J.H. and Waugh, W.T. (′), Henry V, III, Cambridge
(b) : ′ffi′ff′
Primary sources Acts of the parliaments of Scotland, ed. T. Thomson and C. Innes, ′ vols., Edinburgh (′′–ff) Barbour, John, The Bruce, ed. M.P.McDiarmid and J.A.C. Stevenson, STS, th series, ′, ′ and ′ff, Edinburgh (′–ff) Calendar of state papers and manuscripts existing in the archives and collections of Milan, I, ed. A.B. Hinds, London (′′) The exchequer rolls of Scotland, ed. J. Stuart et al., vols., Edinburgh (′–′) Hary’s Wallace, ed. M.P.McDiarmid, STS, th series, and ff, Edinburgh (′–) Liber Pluscardensis, ed. F.J.H. Skene, vols., Edinburgh (′–) Lindsay, Sir David, ‘The testament of the Papyngo’, in The works of Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount, I, ed. D. Hamer, STS, Edinburgh (′′) Registrum magni sigilli regum Scottorum, ed. J.M. Thomson et al., ′′ vols., Edinburgh (′–′′) Scotichronicon by Walter Bower, ed. D.E.R. Watt, VIII, bks ′ff and ′, Edinburgh (′) Wyntoun, Andrew of, The Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland, ed. D. Laing, vols., Edinburgh (′–)
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Macdougall, N. (ed.) (′), Church, politics and society. Scotland –, Edinburgh Macfarlane, L.J. (′), ‘The primacy of the Scottish Church, ′–′ff′’, Innes Review : ′′′– Macfarlane, L.J. (′ff), William Elphinstone and the kingdom of Scotland, –, Aberdeen McGladdery, C. (′), James II, Edinburgh MacQueen, J. (′), Robert Henryson, Oxford McRoberts, D. (′), ‘The Scottish Church and nationalism in the fifteenth century’, Innes Review ′: –′ Mapstone, S. (′), ‘A mirror for a divine prince: John Ireland and the four daughters of God’, in J.D. McClure and M.R.G. Spiller (eds.), Bryght lanternis. Essays on the lan- guage and literature of medieval and Renaissance Scotland, Aberdeen, pp. – Mapstone, S. (′′), ‘Was there a court literature in fifteenth-century Scotland?’, Studies in Scottish Literature : ′–′ Mason, R. (′a), ‘Kingship, tyranny and the right to resist in fifteenth-century Scotland’, SHR : ′ff–ff′ Mason, R. (ed.), (′b), Scotland and England –, Edinburgh Mason, R. and Macdougall, N. (eds.) (′), People and power in Scotland. Essays presented to T.C. Smout, Edinburgh Nicholson, R. (′), ‘Feudal developments in late medieval Scotland’, Juridical Review ′: ′–′ Nicholson, R. (′), Scotland. The later Middle Ages, Edinburgh History of Scotland, Edinburgh Rait, R.S. (′), The parliaments of Scotland, Glasgow Sellar, D. (′), ‘Celtic law and Scots law: survival and integration’, Scottish Studies : ′– Stewart, I.H. (′), The Scottish coinage, London Stringer, K.J. (ed.) (′ff), Essays on the nobility of medieval Scotland, Edinburgh Thomson, J.A.F.(′), ‘Innocent VIII and the Scottish Church’, Innes Review ′: –′ Webster, B. (′ff), Scotland from the eleventh century to , London Wormald, J. (′), ‘Bloodfeud, kindred and government in early modern Scotland’, P&P : ff– Wormald, J. (′′), Court, kirk and community. Scotland, –, New History of Scotland, , London Wormald, J. (′ff), Lords and men in Scotland. Bonds of manrent, –, Edinburgh Wormald, J. (′), ‘Lords and lairds in fifteenth-century Scotland: nobles and gentry?’, in M. Jones (ed.), Gentry and lesser nobility in late medieval Europe, Gloucester and New York, pp. ′′– Wormald, J. (ed.) (′′), Scotland revisited, London
(c)
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Gwaith Guto’r Glyn, ed. I. Williams and J. Llywelyn Williams, nd edn, Cardiffl (′′) Gwaith Lewis Glyn Cothi, ed. D. Johnston, Cardiffl (′) The history of the Gwydir family, written by Sir John Wynn, knight and bart., ed. J. Ballinger, Cardiffl (′) Owen, George, The description of Penbrokshire, ed. H. Owen, vols., London (′–′) Pugh, T.B., ‘“The indenture for the Marches” between Henry VII and Edward Stafflord (′–′ff′), duke of Buckingham’, EHR ′ (′ff), pp. – Pugh, T.B. (ed.), The Marcher lordships of south Wales, –. Select documents, Cardiffl (′) Registrum vulgariter nuncupatum The record of Caernarvon, ed. H. Ellis, London (′) The statutes of Wales, ed. I. Bowen, London (′)
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Griths, R.A. (′), Sir Rhys ap Thomas and his family. A study in the Wars of the Roses and early Tudor politics, Cardiffl Griths, R.A. (ed.) (′), Boroughs of medieval Wales, Cardiffl Griths, R.A. and Thomas, R.S. (′ff), The making of the Tudor dynasty, Gloucester Gunn, S.J. (′–ff), ‘The regime of Charles, duke of Sufflolk, in north Wales and the reform of Welsh government, ′ff–ff’, WHR ′: ′– Jack, R.I. (′–′), ‘The cloth industry in medieval Wales’, WHR ′: – Jarman, A.O.H. and Hughes, G.R. (eds.) (′), A guide to Welsh literature, II, Swansea Jones, D.C. (′′), ‘The Bulkeleys of Beaumaris, ′–′ff’, Transactions of the Anglesey Antiquarian Society and Field Club: ′– Jones, G.E. (′), Modern Wales. A concise history, –, Cambridge Jones, J.G. (′), ‘Government and the Welsh community: the north-east borderland in the fifteenth century’, in H. Hearder and H.R. Loyn (eds.), British government and administration. Studies presented to S.B. Chrimes, Cardiffl, pp. ffff– Jones, M.K. (′–), ‘Sir William Stanley of Holt: politics and family allegiance in the late fifteenth century’, WHR ′: ′– Jones, W.G. (′′–′), ‘Welsh nationalism and Henry Tudor’, THSC: ′–ff Lewis, E.A. (′), ‘The development of industry and commerce in Wales during the Middle Ages’, TRHS nd series ′: ′′–ff Lowe, D.E. (′–), ‘The council of the prince of Wales and the decline of the Herbert family during the second reign of Edward IV (′′–′)’, BBCS : – Morgan, C.L. (′ff), ‘Prophecy and Welsh nationhood in the fifteenth century’, THSC: –ff Pierce, T. Jones (′a), ‘Some tendencies in the agrarian history of Caernarvonshire in the later Middle Ages’, in J.B. Smith (ed.), Medieval Welsh society. Selected essays by T. Jones Pierce, Cardiffl, pp. – Pierce, T. Jones (′b), ‘The law of Wales: the last phase’, in J.B. Smith (ed.), Medieval Welsh society. Selected essays by T. Jones Pierce, Cardiffl, pp. – Pugh, T.B. (ed.) (′′), Glamorgan County History, III: The Middle Ages, Cardiffl Roberts, G. (′), ‘Wales and England: antipathy and sympathy, ′–′ff’, WHR ′: ff– Smith, J.B. (′ff–), ‘The regulation of the frontier of Meirionnydd in the fifteenth century’, Journal of the Merioneth Historical and Record Society ff: ′ff–′′ Smith, J.B. (′–), ‘Crown and community in the principality of north Wales in the reign of Henry Tudor’, WHR : ′ff–′ Smith, J.B. (′–), ‘The last phase of the Glyn Dwˆr rebellion’, BBCS : ff– Thomas, D.H. (′), ‘The Herberts of Raglan as supporters of the house of York in the second half of the fifteenth century’, MA dissertation, University of Wales (Cardiffl) Thomas, R.S. (′′), ‘The political career, estates and “connection” of Jasper Tudor’, PhD dissertation, University of Wales (Swansea) Walker, D. (′), Medieval Wales, Cambridge Williams, G. (′), ‘Prophecy, poetry and politics in medieval and Tudor Wales’, in H. Hearder and H.R. Loyn (eds.), British government and administration. Studies presented to S.B. Chrimes, Cardiffl, pp. ′–′ Williams, G. (′), The Welsh Church from Conquest to Reformation, nd edn, Cardiffl Williams, G. (′ff), Harri Tudur a Chymru/Henry Tudor and Wales, Cardiffl (bilingual)
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Pandiani, E. (′ff), La vita della repubblica di Genova, Genoa Tommasoli, W. (′), Momenti e figure della politica dell’equilibrio. Federico da Montefeltro e l’impresa di Rimini, Urbino Treccani degli Alfieri, G. (′), Storia di Brescia, II, Brescia
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Secondary works Abulafia, D. (′), ‘The crown and the economy under Ferrante I of Naples (′ff–)’, in T. Dean and C. Wickham (eds.), City and countryside in late medieval and Renaissance Italy, London and Ronceverte, pp. ′ff– Abulafia, D. (ed.) (′ff), The French descent into Renaissance Italy, –. Antecedents and eects, Aldershot Ady, C.M. (′′), Pius II, London Ady, C.M. (′), The Bentivoglio of Bologna, London Ametller y Vinyas, J. (′–), Alfonso V de Aragón en Italia y la crisis religiosa del siglo XV, vols., Gerona and San Feliu de Guixols Atlas, A. (′ff), Music at the Aragonese court of Naples, Cambridge Beloch, K.J. (′–ff), Bevölkerungsgeschichte Italiens, Berlin and Leipzig Bentley, J.H. (′), Politics and culture in Renaissance Naples, Princeton Black, C.F. (′), ‘The Baglioni as tyrants of Perugia, ′–′ff’, EHR ff: ff–′ Brezzi, P. and Panizza Lorch, M. (′), Umanesimo a Roma nel Quattrocento, Rome and New York Burchard, J. (′′), The diary of John Burchard of Strasburg AD –, I, –, trans. A.H. Mathew, London Caravale, M. and Caracciolo, A. (′), Lo stato pontificio da Martino V a Pio IX, Turin Clough, C.H. (′–ff), ‘Federigo da Montefeltro: the good Christian prince’, BJRULM : – Cole, A. (′ff), The art of the Italian Renaissance courts, London Croce, B. (′), History of the kingdom of Naples, trans. F. Frenaye, Chicago D’Amico, J.F. (′), ‘Humanism in Rome’, in A. Rabil (ed.), Renaissance humanism, I, Philadelphia, pp. –ff Dean, T. (′), Land and power in medieval Ferrara. The rule of the Este, –, Cambridge Del Treppo, M. (′), I mercanti catalani e l’espansione della corona aragonese nel secolo XV, Naples Delumeau, J. (′), L’alun de Rome, Paris Faraglia, N.F. (′), Storia della regina Giovanna II d’Angiò, Lanciano Faraglia, N.F. (′), Storia della lotta tra Alfonso V e Renato d’Angiò, Lanciano Filangieri de Candida, R. (′), Castel Nuovo, reggia angioina ed aragonese in Napoli, Naples Gentile, P. (′), La politica interna di Alfonso V d’Aragona nel regno di Napoli dal al , Montecassino Ghirarducci, C. (n.d.), Della historia di Bologna, ed. A. Sorbelli, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, n.s., Città di Castello Gregorovius, F.(′–′), History of the city of Rome in the Middle Ages, VI, pt , VII, pt ′, trans. A. Hamilton, London
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Grohmann, A. (′), Le fiere del regno di Napoli in età aragonese, Naples Gundersheimer, W.L.(′), Ferrara. The style of a Renaissance despotism, Princeton Hay, D. (′), The Church in Italy in the fifteenth century, Cambridge Hay, D. and Law, J. (′), Italy in the age of the Renaissance, –, London Heers, J. (′), A la cour pontificale au temps des Borgia et des Médicis, –, Paris Hersey, G.L. (′), The Aragonese arch at Naples, New Haven Infessura, S. (′), Diario della città di Roma di Stefano Infessura scribasenato, ed. O. Tommasini, Rome Jones, P.J. (′), The Malatesta of Rimini and the papal state, Cambridge Lecoy de la Marche, A. (′ff), Le Roi René, Paris Leone, A. (′), Profili economici della Campania aragonese, Naples Lulvès, J. (′), ‘Päpstliche wahlkapitulationen’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen archiven ′: ′–ff Marinis, T. de (′–ff), La biblioteca napoletana dei re d’Aragona, Milan Messer, A. (′′), Le codice aragonese, Paris Miglio, M. (′ff), Storiografia pontificia del quattrocento, Bologna Mollat, G. (′ff′), ‘Contribution à l’histoire du sacré collège de Clément V à Eugène IV’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique : –′′ Notar Giacomo (′ff), Cronica di Napoli, ed. P.Garzilli, Naples Nunziante, E. (′), I primi anni di Ferdinando d’Aragona e l’invasione di Giovanni d’Angiò (–), Naples Palermino, R.J. (′), ‘The Roman Academy’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, ′: ′′–ff Paltroni, P.(′), Commentari della vita e gesti dell’Illustrissimo Federico, duca d’Urbino, ed. W. Tommasoli, Urbino Partner, P.(′ff), The papal state under Martin V. The administration and government of the tem- poral power in the early fifteenth century, London Partner, P. (′), ‘The “budget” of the Roman Church in the Renaissance period’, in E.F. Jacob (ed.), Italian Renaissance studies, London, pp. ff– Partner, P. (′), The lands of St. Peter. The papal state in the Middle Ages and the early Renaissance, London Partner, P.(′), The pope’s men. The papal civil service in the Renaissance, Oxford Partner, P. (′′), ‘The papal state: ′′–′’, in M. Greengrass (ed.), Conquest and coalescence. The shaping of the state in early modern Europe, London, pp. ff– Pastor, L. von (′′–′′′), The history of the popes from the close of the Middle Ages, I–V, trans. F.I. Antrobus and R. Kerr, London Petrone, P.di Lello (′′), La Mesticanza, ed. F.Isoldi, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, n.s., Bologna Pius II (′), Commentarii rerum memorabilium, ed. L. Totaro, Milan Pillinini, G. (′), Il sistema degli stati Italiani, –, Venice Pontieri, E. (′), La Calabria a metà del secolo XV e le rivolte di Antonio Centelles, Naples Pontieri, E. (′), Ferrante d’Aragona re di Napoli, Naples Pontieri, E. (′ff), Alfonso il Magnanimo, re di Napoli –, Naples Pontieri, E. (′), Il comune dell’Aquila nel declino del medioevo, L’Aquila Porzio, D. (′), La congiura dei baroni contra il re Ferdinando il primo, ed. E. Pontieri, Naples Prodi, P. (′), Papal prince – one body and two souls. The papal monarchy in early modern Europe, Cambridge
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Pullan, B. (′), A history of early Renaissance Italy, London Re, N. del (′), La curia romana, Rome Ryder, A. (′ff), ‘The evolution of imperial government in Naples under Alfonso V of Aragon’, in J. Hale, R. Highfield and B. Smalley (eds.), Europe in the late Middle Ages, London, pp. –ff Ryder, A. (′), The kingdom of Naples under Alfonso the Magnanimous, Oxford Ryder, A. (′), Alfonso the Magnanimous, king of Aragon, Naples and Sicily, –, Oxford Santoro, M. (′), ‘Humanism in Naples’, in A. Rabil (ed.), Renaissance humanism, I, Philadelphia, pp. –′ Schiappoli, I. (′–′), ‘La marina degli Aragonesi di Napoli’, Archivio storico per le provinci napoletane ff: –ff; : – Società Editrice Storia di Napoli (′–), Storia di Napoli, III and IV, Naples Thomson, J.A.F. (′), Popes and princes, –. Politics and polity in the late medieval Church, London Trinchera, F. (′–), Codice aragonese, Naples Volterra, Jacopo Gherardi da (Volterrano) (′), Il diario romano, ed. E. Carusi, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, n.s., Città di Castello Westfall, C.W.(′), In this most perfect paradise. Alberti, Nicholas V and the invention of con- scious urban planning in Rome, –, University Park, Pa.
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Primary sources Belluga, Pere, Speculum principum, Venice (′ff) Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Aragón, Valencia y Principado de Cataluña, vols., Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid (′–′) Eiximenis, Francesc, El regiment de la cosa pública, ed. P. Daniel de Molins de Rei, Els nostres clàssics, ′, Barcelona (′) Parlaments a les corts catalans, ed. R. Albert and J. Gassiot, Els nostres clàssics, ′–, Barcelona (′ff) Turell, Gabriel, Recort, ed. E. Bagué, Els nostres clàssics, , Barcelona (′ff) Zurita, Jerónimo, Anales de la corona de Aragón, ed. A. Canellas López, vols., Saragossa (′–ff)
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General works Bisson, T.N. (′), The medieval crown of Aragon. A short history, Oxford Dualde Serrano, M. and Camarena Mahiques, J. (′′), El compromiso de Caspe, Valencia Elias de Tejada, F. (′–ff), Historia del pensamiento político catalán, I: La Cataluña clásica; II: Mallorca y Menorca clásicas; III: La Valencia clásica, Seville Hillgarth, J.N. (′–), The Spanish kingdoms, –, vols., Oxford Lalinde Abadía, J. (′), La corona de Aragón en el Mediterráneo medieval (–), Saragossa
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Menéndez Pidal, R. (′), ‘El Compromiso de Caspe, autodeterminación de un pueblo (′′–′)’, in Historia de España, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, XV, Madrid, pp. ix–clxiv Soldevila, F. (′′), El Compromís de Casp (Resposta al Sr. Menéndez Pidal), nd edn, Barcelona Suárez Fernández, L. (′), La España de los reyes católicos (–) (Historia de España, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, XVII), vols., Madrid Suárez Fernández, L. (′), Los Trastámara y la unidad española (–) (Historia general de España y América, ed. L. Suárez Fernández, V), Madrid Suárez Fernández, L., Canellas López, A. and Vicens Vives, J. (′), Los Trastámaras de Castilla y Aragón en el siglo XV (Historia de España, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, XV), Madrid Vicens Vives, J. (′ff), Els Trastàmares, Barcelona Vilar, P. (′ff–) ‘Le déclin catalan du bas moyen âge. Hypothèses sur sa chronologie’, Estudios de historia moderna : ′–
Regional studies
Catalonia Batlle Gallart, C. (′), L’expansió baix-medieval (segles XIII–XV) (Història de Catalunya, ed. P.Vidal, III), Barcelona Martínez Ferrando, E. (′), Pere de Portugal ‘rei dels Catalans’ vist a través dels registres de la seva cancelleria, Barcelona Martínez Ferrando, E. (′), Baixa edat mitjana (segles XII–XV) (Història dels Catalans, ed. F. Soldevila, III), Barcelona Salrach, J.M. and Duran, E. (′), Història dels païses catalans. Dels orígens a , Barcelona Soldevila, F. (′), Història de Catalunya, nd edn, vols., Barcelona
Aragon Lacarra, J.M. (′), Aragón en el pasado, Madrid Sarasa Sánchez, E. (′), Aragón en el reinado de Fernando I (–), Saragossa
Valencia Belenguer Cebrià, E. (′), València en la crisi del segle XV, Barcelona Belenguer Cebrià, E. (ed.) (′), Història del país valencià, de la conquista a la federació his- pànica, Barcelona
Sicily Bresc, H. (′), Un monde méditerranéen. Economie et société en Sicile, –, Palermo and Rome Corrao, P. (′′), Governare un regno. Potere, società e istituzioni in Sicilia fra Trecento e Quattrocento, Naples D’Alessandro, V. (′), La Sicilia dal Vespro all’unità d’Italia (Storia d’Italia, ed. G. Galasso, XVI), Turin
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Individual rulers Boscolo, A. (′ff), La politica italiana di Ferdinando I d’Aragona, Cagliari Boscolo, A. (′), La politica italiana di Martino il Vecchio, re d’Aragona, Padua Ryder, A. (′), Alfonso the Magnanimous, king of Aragon, Naples and Sicily, –, Oxford Vicens Vives, J. (′–), Ferran II i la ciutat de Barcelona (–), vols. Barcelona Vicens Vives, J. (′ff), Fernando el Católico, principe de Aragón, rey de Sicilia, Madrid Vicens Vives, J. (′ff), Juan II de Aragón (–). Monarquía y revolución en la España del siglo XV, Barcelona Vicens Vives, J. (′), Historia crítica de la vida y reinado de Fernando II de Aragón, Saragossa
Institutions Les corts a Catalunya (), Actes del congrés d’història institucional, Barcelona, , Barcelona Cruselles, E. (′), El maestre racional de Valencia. Función política y desarollo administrativo del oficio público en el siglo XV, Valencia Lalinde Abadía, J. (′), La gubernación general de la corona de Aragón, Madrid and Saragossa Lalinde Abadía, J. (′), ‘Los parlamentos y demas instituciones representativas’, in Relazioni, IX Congresso di storia della corona d’Aragona, Naples, pp. ′– Lalinde Abadía, J. (′), ‘El pactismo en los reinos de Aragón y de Valencia’, in El pactismo en la historia de España, Madrid, pp. ′′– Sánchez Aragonés, L.M. (′), Cortes, monarquía y ciudades en Aragón durante el reinado de Alfonso el Magnánimo (–), Saragossa Sánchez Aragonés, L.M. (ed.) (′), Estudios sobre renta, fiscalidad y finanzas en la Cataluña bajomedieval, Barcelona Sesma Muñoz, J.A. (′), ‘Las generalidades del reino de Aragón. Su organización a mediados del siglo XV’, Anuario de historia del derecho español : – Sesma Muñoz, J.A. (′), La diputación del reino de Aragón en la época de Fernando II (–), Saragossa Sevillano Colóm, F. (′ff), ‘Cancillerías de Fernando I de Antequera y de Alfonso V el Magnánimo’, Anuario de historia del derecho español ff: ′–′ Udina Martorell, F. (′), ‘La organización político-administrativa de la corona de Aragón de ′′ a ′ff′’, in Relazioni, IX Congresso di storia della corona d’Aragona, Naples, pp. – Vallet de Goytisolo, J. (′), ‘Valor jurídico de las leyes paccionadas en el Principado de Cataluña’, in El pactismo en la historia de España, Madrid, pp. ff–′′
Economy and society Batlle Gallart, C. (′), La crisis social y económica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo XV, vols., Barcelona Bonassie, P.(′ff), La organización del trabajo en Barcelona a fines del siglo XV, Barcelona Carrère, C. (′), Barcelone, centre économique à l’époque des di′cultés, –, vols., Paris and The Hague
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Del Treppo, M. (′), I mercanti catalani e l’espansione della corona d’Aragona nel secolo XV, nd edn, Naples; trans. Els mercaders catalans i l’expansió de la corona catalano-aragonesa, Barcelona (′) Freedman, P.H.(′), Assaig d’història de la pagesia catalana (segles XI–XV), Barcelona Furió, A. (ed.) (′ff), València un mercat medieval, Valencia Guiral-Hadziiossif, J. (′), Valence, port méditerranéen au XV siècle (–), Paris Hamilton, E.J. (′), Money, prices and wages in Valencia, Aragon and Navarre, –, Cambridge, Mass. Küchler, W.(′), Die Finanzen der krone Aragon während des Jahrhunderts. Alfons V und Johann II, Münster and Westfalen Manca, C. (′), Aspetti dell’espansione economica catalano-aragonese nel Mediterraneo occiden- tale. Il commercio internazionale del sale, Milan Santamaria Arandez, A. (′), Aportación al estudio de la economia de Valencia durante el siglo XV, Valencia Sarasa Sánchez, E. (′), ‘La condición social de los vassallos de señorio en Aragón durante el siglo XV: criterios de identidad’, Aragón en la edad media : – Sesma Muñoz, J.A. (′), ‘Trayectoria económica de la hacienda del reino de Aragón en el siglo XV’, Aragón en la edad media : ′′–′ Sobrequés i Vidal, S. and Sobrequés i Callicó, J. (′), La guerra civil catalana del segle XV. Estudis sobre la crisi social i econòmica de la Baixa Edat Mitjana, vols., Barcelona Usher, A.P. (′), The early history of deposit banking in Mediterranean Europe, Cambridge, Mass. Vicens Vives, J. (′ff), Historia de los remensas en el siglo XV, Barcelona
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Primary sources Chacón, Gonzalo, Crónica de don Alvaro de Luna, ed. J. de Mata Carriazo, Madrid (′) Díez de Games, El Victorial, crónica de Don Pero Niño, conde de Buelna, por su alférez Gutierre Díez de Games, ed. J. de Mata Carriazo, Madrid (′) Galíndez de Carvajál, Lorenzo, Anales breves del reinado de los reyes católicos D. Fernando y Doña Isabel de gloriosa memoria, in C. Rossel (ed.), Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, III, Biblioteca de autores españoles, , Real Academia Española, Madrid (′ff) Historia de los hechos del marqués de Cádiz (–), Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España, ′, Madrid (′) Perez de Guzmán, Fernán, Generaciones ye semblanzas, ed. R.B. Tate, London (′ff) The travels of Leo of Rozmital through Germany, Flanders, England, France, Spain, Portugal and Italy, trans. and ed. M. Letts, Hakluyt Society, second series ′, Cambridge (′ff)
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General García de Cortazar, J.A. (′), La época medieval, Madrid Hillgarth, J.N. (′–), The Spanish kingdoms, –, vols., Oxford
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Iradiel, P.,Moreta, S. and Sarasa, E. (′), Historia medieval de la España cristiana, Madrid Lacarra, J.M. (′–), Historia política del reino de Navarra en la edad media, vols., Pamplona Leroy, B. (′ff), Navarre au moyen âge, Paris Lewis, A.R. and McGann, T.F. (′), The New World looks at its history, Austin MacKay, A. (′), Spain in the Middle Ages, London O’Callaghan, J.F. (′ff), A history of medieval Spain, London Valdeón Baruque, J. (′), El reino de Castilla en la edad media, Bilbao
Regional Arié, R. (′), L’Espagne musulmane au temps des Nasrides (–), Paris Benito Ruano, E. (′′), Toledo en el siglo XV, Madrid García de Cortazar, J.A. (′), Vizcaya en el siglo XV, Bilbao Ladero Quesada, M.A. (′), Granada. Historia de un pais islámico (–), Madrid Ladero Quesada, M.A. (′ff), Andalucía en el siglo XV. Estudios de historia politica, Madrid Lopes de Coca Castañer, J.E. (′), La tierra de Málaga a fines del siglo XV, Granada Torres Fontes, J. (′), Don Pedro Fajardo, adelantado mayor de Murcia, Madrid
Particular aspects Azcona, T. de (′), Isabel la Católica. Estudio crítico de su vida y su reinado, Madrid MacKay, A. (′ff), ‘Ritual and propaganda in fifteenth-century Castile’, P&P ′: – Philips, W.D. (′), Enrique IV and the crisis of fifteenth-century Castile, Cambridge, Mass. Round, N. (′), The greatest man uncrowned. A study of the fall of Don Alvaro de Luna, London Russell, P.E.(′ffff), The English intervention in Spain and Portugal in the time of Edward III and Richard II, Oxford Suárez Fernández, L. (′ff), Navegación y comercio en el golfo de Vizcaya, Madrid Suárez Fernández, L. (′ff), Nobleza y monarquía, nd edn, Valladolid Vicens Vives, J. (′ff), Juan II de Aragón (–), Barcelona
Institutions Bermúdez Aznar, A. (′), El corregidor en Castilla durante la baja edad media (–), Murcia Las cortes de Castilla y León en la edad media (′), vols., Valladolid García de Valdeavellano, L. (′), Curso de historia de las instituciones españolas. De los orig- ines al final de la edad media, Madrid González Alonso, B. (′), El corregidor castellano (), Madrid González Alonso, B. (′′), Sobre el estado y la administración de la corona en Castilla en el siglo XV, Madrid Ladero Quesada, M.A. (′), La hacienda real de Castilla en el siglo XV, La Laguna Ladero Quesada, M.A. (′), El siglo XV en Castilla. Fuentes de renta y política fiscal, Barcelona Ladero Quesada, M.A. (′), Fiscalidad y poder real en Castilla (–), Madrid
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Pérez Bustamante, R. (′), El gobierno y la administración territorial de Castilla (–), vols., Madrid Piskorski, W.(′), Las cortes de Castilla en el período de tránsito de la edad media a la moderna (–), Barcelona
Economy and society Asenjo González, M. (′), Segovia. La ciudad y su tierra a fines del medioevo, Segovia Baer, Y.(′), A history of the Jews in Christian Spain, vols., Philadelphia Bandas y querellas dinásticas en España al final de la edad media (′′), Biblioteca Española, Paris Beinart, H. (′′), Conversos on trial. The Inquisition in Ciudad Real, Jerusalem Benito Ruano, E. (′′), Toledo en el siglo XV, Madrid Bernal, A.M., Collantes de Terán, A. and García-Baquero, A. (′), ‘Sevilla: de los gremios a la industrialización’, Estudios de historia social ff–: – Bishko, C.J. (′), ‘The Castilian as plainsman. The medieval ranching frontier in La Mancha and Extremadura’, in A.R. Lewis and T.F. McGann (eds.), The New World looks at its history, Austin Borrero Fernández, M. (′), El mundo rural sevillano en el siglo XV. Aljarafe y Ribera, Seville Cabrera Muñoz, E. (′), El condado de Belalcázar, –, Cordoba Cabrillana, N. (′), ‘La crisis del siglo XIV en Castilla: la Peste Negra en el obispado de Palencia’, Hispania ′: ff–ff Cabrillana, N. (′), ‘Salamanca en el siglo XV: nobles y campesinos’, Cuadernos de his- toria. Anexos de Hispania : ffff–ff Carrasco, J. (′), La población de Navarra en el siglo XIV, Pamplona Casado, H. (′), Señores, mercaderes y campesinos. La comarca de Burgos a fines de la edad media, Valladolid Chacón-Jiménez, F. (′), Murcia en la centuria del Quinientos, Murcia Childs, W.R.(′), Anglo-Castilian trade in the later Middle Ages, Manchester Collantes de Terán, A. (′), ‘Le latifundium sévillan aux XIVe et XVe siècles’, Mélanges de la Casa de Vélazquez ′: ′′–ff Collantes de Terán, A. (′a), Sevilla en la baja edad media. La ciudad y sus hombres, Seville Collantes de Terán, A. (′b), ‘Nuevas poblaciones del siglo XV en el reino de Sevilla’, Cuadernos de historia : – Estepa, C., Ruiz, T., Bonachía, J.A. and Casado, H. (′), Burgos en la edad media, Burgos García de Cortazar, J.A. (′), Vizcaya en el siglo XV. Aspectos económicos y sociales, Bilbao Gerbet, M.-C. (′), ‘Les guerres et l’accès à la noblesse en Espagne de ′ff à ′ff’, Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez : ff– Gerbet, M.-C. (′–), ‘La population noble dans le royaume de Castille vers ′ff’, Anales de historia antigua y medieval : – Gerbet, M.-C. (′), La noblesse dans le royaume de Castille. Etude sur ses structures en Estrémadure de à , Paris González Jiménez, M. (′), El concejo de Carmona a fines de la edad media, Seville Gutierrez Nieto, J.I. (′), ‘Semántica del término Comunidad antes de ′ff: las aso- ciaciones juramentadas de defensa’, Hispania ′: ′–
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Hamilton, E.J. (′), Money, prices and wages in Valencia, Aragon and Navarre, –, Cambridge, Mass. Iradiel, P.(′), Evolución de la industria textil castellana en los siglos XIII–XVI, Salamanca Kamen, H. (′ff), The Spanish Inquisition, London Klein, J. (′), The Mesta, Cambridge, Mass. MacKay, A. (′), ‘Popular movements and pogroms in fifteenth-century Castile’, P&P ffff: – MacKay, A. (′′), Money, prices and politics in fifteenth-century Castile, London MacKay, A. (′), ‘The lesser nobility in the kingdom of Castile’, in M. Jones (ed.), Gentry and lesser nobility in later medieval Europe, Gloucester and New York, pp. ′ff– MacKay, A. (′), ‘Faction and civil strife in late medieval Castilian towns’, BJRULM : ′′–′ MacKay, A. and McKendrick, G. (′), ‘The crowd in theatre and the crowd in history: Fuenteovejuna’, Renaissance Drama n.s. ′: ′ff– Martínez Moro, J. (′), La renta feudal en la Castilla del siglo XV. Los Stuñigas, Valladolid Milhou, A. (′), Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica en el ambiente franciscanista español, Valladolid Netanyahu, B. (′), The marranos of Spain from the late fourteenth to the early sixteenth century, New York Phillips, J.R.S. (′), The medieval expansion of Europe, Oxford Ponsot, P. (′), ‘Un cas de croissance démographique précoce: la Basse-Andalousie au XVe et au début du XVIe siècle’, Annales de démographie historique : ′–ff Prosperi, A. (′), ‘New Heaven and New Earth; prophecy and propaganda at the time of the discovery and conquest of the Americas’, in M. Reeves (ed.), Prophetic Rome in the high Renaissance period, Oxford Quintanilla, M.C. (′), Nobleza y señoríos en el reino de Córdoba. La casa de Aguilar (siglos XIV y XV), Cordoba Rucquoi, A. (′), Valladolid en la edad media, vols., Valladolid Suárez Fernández, L. (′), Judíos españoles en la edad media, Madrid
The cultural context Black, A. (′), Monarchy and community. Political ideas in the later conciliar controversy, Cambridge Black, A. (′), Political thought in Europe, –, Cambridge Burns, J.H. (′), Lordship, kingship and empire, –, Oxford Deyermond, A.D. (′′), The Middle Ages, London and New York Gilman, S. (′), The Spain of Fernando de Rojas. The intellectual and social landscape of ‘La Celestina’, Princeton Lawrance, J.N.H. (′), ‘Humanism in the Iberian peninsula’, in A. Goodman and A. MacKay (eds.), The impact of humanism on western Europe, London and New York Round, N.G. (′), ‘Renaissance culture and its opponents in fifteenth-century Castile’, Modern Language Review ff: –′ff Russell, P.E.(′), Temas de ‘La Celestina’ y otros estudios del ‘Cid’ al ‘Quijote’, Barcelona Tate, R.B. (′), Ensayos sobre la historiografia peninsular del siglo XV, Madrid Tate, R.B. (′), ‘Political allegory in fifteenth-century Spain’, Journal of Hispanic Philology ′: ′–
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Pasternak, J. (′), ‘Erik af Pommern og købstadsforordningen af ′, ′ff. februar’, Scandia : – Petersen, E.L. (′–), ‘Henrik Krummedige og Norge. Studier over Danmarks forhold til Norge ′ff–′ff’, Historisk Tidsskrift (D) ′ (): ′– Petersen, E.L. (′), ‘Frederik I, Tyge Krabbe og Vincens Lunge. Studier over den danske regerings norske politik ′ffff–’, Historisk Tidsskrift (N) ff′: ′′– Petersen, E.L. (′), ‘Monarchy and nobility in Norway in the period around ′ff’, Mediaeval Scandinavia : ′–ffff Petersen, E.L. (′), Dansk socialhistorie, III: Fra standssamfund til rangssamfund –, Copenhagen Poulsen, B. (′), ‘Slesvig før delingen i ′. Et bidrag til senmiddelalderens finans- forvaltning’, Historisk Tidsskrift (D) [′ff (ff)] : – Profiler i nordisk senmiddelalder og renaissance. Festskrift til Poul Enemark. På tresårsdagen april (′), ed. S.E. Green Pedersen et al., Arusia-Historiske Skrifter, II, Aarhus Rebas, H. (′), Infiltration och handel. Studier i senmedeltida nordisk Baltikumpolitik, I: Tiden omkring –, Göteborg Rebas, H. (′), ‘Högadlig intressepolitik, slaget på S:t Jørgensbjerg och Köpenhamnstraktaterna År ′′’, Scandia : ′– Riis, T. (′), ‘La Baltique et le monde baltique au XVe siècle’, Critica storica, ff: ′– Riis, T. (′), Should auld acquaintance be forgot . . . Scottish–Danish relations c. –, vols., Odense Riis, T. (ed.) (′ff), Studien zur Geschichte des Ostseeraumes im . Jahrhundert, Odense Rosén, J. (′ff), ‘Drottning Margaretas svenska räfst’, Scandia : ′– Rosén, J. (′), Svensk historia, I: Tiden före , rd edn, Stockholm Sällström, Å.M. (′ff′), Aristokrati och hierarki i det medeltida Sverige, I: Studier kring Kalmarmötet år , Lund Schandt, R.H. (′ff), ‘The Gotland campaign of the Teutonic knights, ′–′’, Journal of Baltic Studies : –ff Schreiner, J. (′–), ‘Norges overgang fra arverike til valgrike’, Historisk Tidsskrift (N) : ′–′ Schreiner, J. (′ff), Hanseatene og Norges nedgang, Oslo Schreiner, J. (′′), Hanseatene og Norge i det . århundre, Oslo Schreiner, J. (′), Pest og prisfall i senmiddelalderen. Et problem i norsk historie, Avhandlinger utgitt av Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo, II, Historisk- filosofisk klasse ′, no. ′, Oslo Schreiner, J. (′ff), ‘Hærmakt og riksstyre’, Historisk Tidsskrift (N) : –′ Schreiner, J. (′ff), ‘Hyllingsbrevene fra ′’, Historisk Tidsskrift (N) : – Sjöberg, E. (′–), ‘Odenseprivilegiet af ′ff’, Historisk Tidsskrift (D) ′ (): – Skyum-Nielsen, N. (′ffff–), ‘Ærkekonge og ærkebiskop. Nye træk i dansk kirkehisto- rie ′–′ff’, Scandia : ′–′′ Skyum-Nielsen, N. (′), Blodbadet i Stockholm og dets juridiske maskering, Copenhagen Sundström, H. (′), ‘Bebyggelseutvecklingen i Övre Norrland under senmedelti- den’, Scandia : ′–ff Tuck, A. (′), ‘Some evidence for Anglo-Scandinavian relations at the end of the fourteenth century’, Mediaeval Scandinavia ff: ff– Venge, M. (′), Christian .s fald. Spillet om magten i Danmark januar–februar , Odense
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Other selected sources Akty feodal′nogo zemlevladeniia i khoziaistva XIV–XVI vekov, vols., Moscow (′ff′–′) Akty istoricheskie, I (′′), ff vols., St Petersburg (′′–); Dopolneniia k Aktam istorich- eskim, ′ vols., St Petersburg (′–) Akty istoricheskie, otn. k Rosii, izvlechennye iz inostrannykh arkhivov i bibliotek . . . A. K. Turgenevym, vols., St Petersburg (′′–); Dopolneniia k Aktam istoricheskim . . . Turgenevym, St Petersburg (′) Akty iuridicheskie, St Petersburg (′) Akty, otnosiashchiesia do iuridicheskogo byta drevnei Rossii, vols., St Petersburg (′ff–) Akty, otnosiashchiesia k istorii Iuzhnoi i Zapadnoi Rossii, ′ff vols., St Petersburg (′–) Akty, otnosiashchiesia k istorii Zapadnoi Rossii, I–II (′–), ff vols., St Petersburg (′–ff) Akty, sobrannye v bibliotekakh i arkhivakh Rossiiskoi imperii Arkheograficheskoiu ekspeditsieiu ..., vols., St Petersburg (′) Akty sotsial′no-ekonomicheskoi istorii severo-vostochnoi Rusi kontsa XIV–nachala XVI v., vols., Moscow (′ff–) Akty sotsial′no-ekonomicheskoi istorii severo-vostochnoi Rusi kontsa XIV–nachala XVI v.. Akty Solovetskogo monastyria, – gg., Leningrad (′) Beneshevich, V.N. (ed.), Drevnerusskaia slavianskaia kormchaia XIV titulov bez tolkovanii, St Petersburg (′) Buganov, V.I.(ed.), Razriadnaia kniga – gg., Moscow (′) Bychkova, M.E. (ed.), Novye rodoslovnye knigi XVI v., in Redkie istochniki po istorii Rossii, II Moscow (′) Dukhovnye i dogovornye gramoty velikikh i udel′nykh kniazei XIV–XVI vv., Moscow and Leningrad (′ff) Gramoty Velikogo Novgoroda i Pskova, Moscow (′) Kalachov, N.V. (ed.), Pistsovye knigi Moskovskogo gosudarstva XVI v., I, pts ′–, St Petersburg (′–) Likhachev, N.P. (ed.), ‘Inoka Fomy “Slovo pokhval′noe o blagovernom velikom kniaze Borise Aleksandroviche”’, in Pamiatniki drevnei pis′mennosti i iskusstva, CLXVIII, St Petersburg (′), pp. i–lx, ′–ffff Nasonov, A.N. (ed.), Pskovskie letopisi, fascs., Moscow (′′–ff′) Nasonov, A.N. and Tikhomirov, M.N. (eds.) Novgorodskaia pervaia letopis′ starshego i mlad- shego izvodov, Moscow and Leningrad (′ff) Novgorodskie pistsovye knigi, izdannye Arkheograficheskoiu kommissieiu, vols., St Petersburg (′ff–′′ff) Pamiatniki diplomaticheskikh snoshenii drevnei Rossii s derzhavami inostrannymi, I (′ff′), ′ vols., St Petersburg (′ff′–′) Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. XIV–seredina XV veka, Moscow (′′) Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. Konets XV – pervaia polovina XVI veka, Moscow (′) Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. Vtoraia polovina XV veka, Moscow (′) Pamiatniki russkogo prava, I (′ff), II (′ff), III (′ffff), IV (′ff), vols., Moscow (′ff–) Pamiatniki russkoi pis′mennosti XV–XVI vv. Riazanskii krai, Moscow (′) Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, vols. to date, St Petersburg and Moscow (′′–)
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Priselkov, M.D. (ed.), Troitskaia letopis′. Rekonstruktsiia teksta, Moscow (′ff) Razriadnaia kniga – gg., vols., in ′ pts to date, Moscow (′–) Rossiiskoe zakonodatel′stvo X–XX vekov v deviati tomakh, I (′), II (′ff), vols., Moscow (′–) Russkii feodal′nyi arkhiv XIV – pervoi treti XVI veka, Moscow (′) Sbornik Imp. Russkogo istoricheskogo obshchestva, XXXV (′), XLI (′), LIII (′ff), LIX (′), LXXI (′), XCV (′ff), ′ vols., St Petersburg and Petrograd (′–′′) Sobranie gosudarstvennykh gramot i dogovorov, I–II (′′–′), ff vols., Moscow (′′–) Storozhev, V.N. (ed.), Pistsovye knigi Riazanskogo kraia XVI–XVII vv., ′ vol. in pts, Riazan′ (′–′) Tikhomirov, M.N. (ed.), Zakon sudnyi liudem kratkoi redaktsii, Moscow (′′) Tikhomirov, M.N. and L.V.Milov (eds.), Merilo pravednoe, Moscow (′′) Zakonodatel′nye akty Russkogo gosudarstva vtoroi poloviny XVI – pervoi poloviny XVII veka, Leningrad (′) Zakonodatel′nye akty Velikogo kniazhestva litovskogo XV–XVI vv., Leningrad (′)
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(eds.), Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire. The functioning of a plural society, I: The central lands, London and New York, pp. – Cazacu, M. and Nasturel, P.S. (′), ‘Une démonstration navale des Turcs devant Constantinople et la bataille de Kilia (′)’, Journal des savants: ′–′ Christensen, S. (′), ‘European-Ottoman military acculturation in the late Middle Ages’, in B.P.McGuire (ed.), War and peace in the Middle Ages, Copenhagen, pp. –ff′ Demetriades, V. (′), ‘Some thoughts on the origins of the Devshirme’, in E. Zachariadou (ed.), The Ottoman emirate (–), Halcyon Days in Crete I,a Symposium held in Rethymnon ′′–′ January ′′, Rethymnon, pp. – Dennis, G. (′), ‘The Byzantine–Turkish treaty of ′’, Orientalia Christiana periodica : – Fisher, S.N. (′), The foreign relations of Turkey, –, Urbana Gölpınarlı, A. (′ff), Yunus Emre Risalat al Nushiyya ve Divan, Istanbul Imber, C. (′), The Ottoman Empire –, Istanbul Inalcik, H. (′), ‘Bursa and the commerce of the Levant’, Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient : ′′– Inalcik, H. (′), ‘The rise of Ottoman historiography’, in B. Lewis and P.M. Holt (eds.), Historians of the Middle East, London, pp. ′ff– Inalcik, H. (′), ‘Capital formation in the Ottoman Empire’, Journal of Economic History ′: ′′– Inalcik, H. (′–), ‘The policy of Mehmed II toward the Greek population of Istanbul and the Byzantine buildings of the city’, DOP /: ′– Inalcik, H. (′a), The Cambridge history of Islam, I: The central Islamic lands, Cambridge, pp. ff–ff Inalcik, H. (′b), ‘The Ottoman economic mind and aspects of the Ottoman economy’, in M. Cook (ed.), Studies on the economic history of the Middle East, London, pp. –′ Inalcik, H. (′), The Ottoman Empire. The classical age –, London Inalcik, H. (′), ‘The question of the closing of the Black Sea under the Ottomans’, in ‘Black Sea’ Birmingham, – March , Archeion Pontou ff: –′′ Inalcik, H. (′), ‘Village, peasant and empire’, in The Middle East and the Balkans under the Ottoman Empire. Essays on economy and society, Indiana University Turkish Studies and Turkish Ministry of Culture Joint Series, , Bloomington, pp. ′– Inalcik, H. and Murphey, R. (′), The history of Mehmed the Conqueror by Tursun beg, Minneapolis and Chicago Kellenbenz, H. (′), ‘Handelsverbindungen zwischen Mitteleuropa und Istanbul über Venedig in der ersten Hälfte des ′. Jahrhunderts’ Studi Veneziani : ′– Kissling, H.J. (′), ‘Betrachtungen über die Flottenpolitik Sultan Bâjezids (′′–′ff′)’, in Dissertationes Orientales et Balcanicae Collectae II, Munich, pp. –′ff Lefort, J. (′′), Documents grecs dans les archives de Topkapi Sarayi, contribution à l’histoire de Cem Sultan, Ankara Lewis, B. (′′), The emergence of modern Turkey, London Lewis, B. (′), ‘The Mongols, the Turks and the Muslim polity’, TRHS ffth series ′: – Manfroni, C. (′), ‘La battaglia di Gallipoli e la politica Veneto-turca (′′–′)’, Ateneo Veneto ff: –, ′–
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Mélikoffl, I. (′ff), ‘Le problème kızılbas¸’, Turcica : – Mélikoffl, I. (′), ‘L’origine sociale des premiers Ottomans’, in E. Zachariadou (ed.), The Ottoman emirate (–), Halcyon Days in Crete I, a Symposium held in Rethymnon ′′–′ January ′′, Rethymnon, pp. ′ff– Ménage, V.L. (′), ‘Some notes on the devshirme’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies : – Ménage, V.L. (′), ‘The “annals of Murad II” ’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies : ff– Mpouras, C. (′), ‘′ µ ff fflµ ’, Epistemonike Epeteris tes Polytechnikes Scholes Thessalonikes : – Özbaran, S. (′), The Ottoman response to European expansion, Analecta Isisiana, XII, Istanbul Papacostea, S. (′), ‘Kilia et la politique orientale de Sigismond de Luxembourg’, Revue Roumaine d’histoire ′ff: ′– Papacostea, S. (′), ‘Die politischen Voraussetzungen für die Wirtschaftliche Vorherrschaft des osmanischen Reiches im Schwarzmeergebiet (′ff–′)’, Münchner Zeitschrift für Balkankunde ′: ′–ff Roemer, H.R. (′), ‘The Qızılbash Turcomans: founders and victims of the Safavid theocracy’, in M.M. Mazzaoui and Vera B. Moreen (eds.), Intellectual studies in Islam. Essays written in honor of Martin B. Dickson, Salt Lake City, pp. – Shai Har-El (′ff), Struggle for domination in the Middle East. The Ottoman–Mamluk War, Leiden, New York and Cologne Stromer, W. von (′′), ‘Die Struktur von Produktion und Verteilung von Bunt- und Edelmetallen an der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit und ihre bestimmenden Faktoren’, in H. Kellenbenz (ed.), Precious metals in the age of expansion. Papers of the XIVth International Congress of the Historical Sciences, , Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte, , Stuttgart, pp. ′– Tardy, L. (′), Beyond the Ottoman Empire, Studia Uralo-Altaica, ′, Szeged Werner, E. (′ff), Die Geburt einer Grossmacht – Die Osmanen. Forschungen zur Mittelalterlichen Geschichte , th edn, Weimar Wittek, P. (′a), ‘De la defaite d’Ankara à la prise de Constantinople’, Revue des études islamiques ′: ′– Wittek, P.(′b), The rise of the Ottoman Empire, London Zachariadou, E.A. (′a), ‘Ottoman diplomacy and the Danube frontier (′–′)’, in Okeanos. Essays presented to Ihor Sevcenko, Harvard Ukrainian Studies ′: – Zachariadou, E.A. (′b), ‘Süleyman çelebi in Rumili and the Ottoman chronicles’, Der Islam : – Zachariadou, E.A. (′), ‘Lauro Quirini and the Turkish Sandjaks (ca. ′)’, in Raiyyet Rüsûmu. Essays presented to Halil Inalcik, Journal of Turkish Studies ′′: – Zachariadou, E.A. (′–′), ‘The neomartyr’s message’, Bulletin of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies : ff′–
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Secondary works Adams, R.P.(′), The better part of valor. More, Erasmus, Colet and Vives on humanism, war, and peace, –, Seattle Allmand, C.T. (′), The Hundred Years War. England and France at war, c. –c. , Cambridge Allmand, C.T. and Armstrong, C.A.J. (eds.) (′), English suits before the parlement of Paris, –, RHS, London Anglo, S. (ed.) (′), Chivalry in the Renaissance, Woodbridge Armstrong, C.A.J. (′ff), ‘Les ducs de Bourgogne, interprètes de la pensée politique du ′ffe siècle’, AB : ff– Armstrong, E. (′), Before copyright. The French book-privilege system, –, Cambridge Autrand, F. (ed.) (′), Prosopographie et genèse de l’état moderne, Collection de l’Ecole Normale Supérieure de Jeunes Filles, , Paris Blanchard, J. (′), Commynes l’Européen. L’invention du politique, Geneva Blockmans, W.P. and Genet, J.-P. (eds.) (′), Visions sur le développement des états européens. Théories et historiographies de l’état moderne, Rome Bulst, N. and Genet, J.-P. (eds.) (′), La ville, la bourgeoisie et la genèse de l’état moderne (XIIe–XVIIIe siècles), Paris Burns, J.H. (′), Lordship, kingship and empire. The idea of monarchy, –, Oxford Clough, C.H. (′), ‘Chivalry and magnificence in the golden age of the Italian Renaissance’, in Anglo (′), pp. ff– La conscience européenne au XVe et au XVI siècle (′), Collection de l’Ecole Normale Supérieure de Jeunes Filles, , Paris Contamine, P. (ed.) (′), L’état et les aristocraties (France, Angleterre, Ecosse), XIIe–XVIIe siècle, Paris Coulet, N. and Genet, J.-P.(eds.) (′), L’état moderne. Le droit, l’espace et les formes de l’état, Paris Culture et idéologie dans la genèse de l’état moderne (′ff), Collection de l’Ecole Française de Rome, , Rome Eisenstein, E.L. (′), ‘Some conjectures about the impact of printing on western society and thought’, JModH : ′–ff Genet, J.-P. (′ff), ‘La monarchie anglaise: une image brouillée’, in J. Blanchard (ed.), Représentation, pouvoir et royauté à la fin du moyen âge, Paris, pp. –′ Genet, J.-P.(ed.) (′), L’état moderne: genèse. Bilans et perspectives, Paris Genet, J.-P. and Le Mené, M. (′), Genèse de l’état moderne. Prélèvement et redistribution, Paris Genet, J.-P. and Vincent, B. (eds.), (′), L’état et l’église dans la genèse de l’état moderne, Collection de la Casa de Velazquez, ′, Madrid Gilmore, M.P.(′ff), The world of humanism, –, New York Goldsmith, J.L. (′ff, ′), ‘The crisis of the late Middle Ages: the case of France’, French History : ′–ff; ′: ′ Guenée, B. (′ff), States and rulers in late medieval Europe, Oxford
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Guenée, B. (′), Un meurtre, une société. L’assassinat du duc d’Orléans, novembre , Paris Gunn, S. (′), ‘Chivalry and the politics of the early Tudor court’, in Anglo (′), pp. ′– Hale, J.R. (′ff), ‘International relations in the west: diplomacy and war’, in Potter (′ff), pp. ff–′ Hale, J.R. (′′), Renaissance Europe –, London Hale, J.R. (′), Artists and warfare in the Renaissance, New Haven and London Harriss, G.L. (ed.) (′), Henry V. The practice of kingship, Stroud Hay, D. (′ffa), Europe. The emergence of an idea, Edinburgh Hay, D. (′ffb), ‘Introduction’, in Potter (′ff), pp. ′–′ Heymann, F. (′ff), George of Bohemia, Princeton Holmes, G.A. (′′), ‘The “Libel of English policy”’, EHR : ′–′ Housley, N. (′), The later crusades. From Lyons to Alcazar, –, Oxford Mager, W. (′′), ‘Res publica chez les juristes, théologiens et philosophes à la fin du moyen âge: sur l’élaboration d’une notion-clé de la théorie politique moderne’, in Théologie et droit (′′), pp. – Oakley, F. (′), The western Church in the later Middle Ages, Ithaca and London Potter, G.R. (ed.) (′ff), The new Cambridge modern history, I: The Renaissance, –, Cambridge Prévité-Orton, C.W. and Brooke, Z.N. (eds.) (′), The Cambridge medieval history, VIII: The close of the Middle Ages, Cambridge Queller, D.E. (′), The o′ce of ambassador in the Middle Ages, Princeton Reinhard, W.(ed.) (′), Power elites and state building, Oxford Rosie, A. (′), ‘“Morisques” and “Momeryes”: aspects of court entertainment at the court of Savoy in the fifteenth century’, in C.T. Allmand (ed.) (′), Power, culture, and religion in France, c. –c. , Woodbridge, pp. ff– Rucquoi, A. (ed.) (′), Realidad e imagines del poder. España a fines de la edad media, Valladolid Théologie et droit dans la science politique de l’état moderne (′′), Collection de l’Ecole Française de Rome, ′, Rome The universal peace organization of King George of Bohemia. A fifteenth-century plan for world peace / (′), London Watts, J.L. (′), Henry VI and the politics of kingship, Cambridge
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