WORKPAPBRS IN INDONESIAN
LANGUAGES AND CULTURES
VOLUME 9 - IRIAN JAYA
Margaret Hartzler, LaLani Wood, Editors
Cenderaw8sih University and
The Summer Institute of Linguistics in cooperation with The Department of Education and Cultu-re
J Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures Volume 9 - Irian Jaya
Margaret Hartzler, LaLani Wood, Editors
Printed 1991
Jayapura, Irian Jaya, Indonesia
copies of this publication may be obtained from
Summer Institute of Linguistics P.O. Box 1800 Jayapura, Irian Jaya 99018 Indonesia
Microfiche copies of this and other pUblications of the Summer Institute of Linguistics may be obtained from .
Academic Book Center Summer Institute of Linguistics 7500 West Camp Wisdom Road Dallas, TX 75236 U.S.A.
ISBN 979-8132-734 Prakata
Saya menyambut dengan gembira penerbitan buku Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures , Volume 9 - Irian Jaya. Penerbitan ini merupakan bukti kemajuan serta keberhasilan yang dicapai oleh Proyek Kerjasama Universitas Cenderawasih dengan Summer Institute of Linguistics , Irian Jaya.
Buku ini juga merupakan wujud nyata peranserta para anggota SIL dalam membantu pengembangan masyarakat umumnya dan masyarakat pedesaan Irian Jaya khususnya. Selain berbagai informasi ilmiah tentang bahasa-bahasa daerah dan kebudayaan suku-suku setempat, buku ini sekaligus mengungkapkan sebagian kecil kekayaan budaya bangs a kita yang berada di Irian Jaya.
Dengan adanya penerbitan ini, diharapkan penulis-penulis yang lain akan didorong minatnya agar dapat menyumbangkan pengetahuan yang berguna bagi generasi-generasi yang akan datang dan untuk kepentingan pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan. Saya mengucapkan terima kasih kepada para peneliti dan tenaga teknis SIL yang telah berupaya serta bekerja keras sehingga buku ini dapat diterbitkan.
Saya mengharapkan semoga buku ini berguna bagi para ilrnuan, masyarakat akademis, para mahasiswa, pejabat pemerintah, dan masyarakat pembaca pad a umumnya.
Jayapura l Agustus 1991
Universitas Cenderwasih , vV------
Drs. August Kafiar, MA
i Preface
Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures is published by the Cooperative Programs between the Summer Institute of Linguistics and Hasanuddin University in Sulawesi, Pattimura University in Maluku and Cenderawasih University in Irian Jaya. Its purpose is to share some of the results of research projects conducted by these cooperative programs. On occasion the findings of other researchers are also included. Volume 9 in this series focuses on the Lakes Plain region of Irian Jaya.
Irian Jaya, Indonesia's eastern-most province is home to more than 250 diverse languages, many of which are still undocumented. One of the least known areas is the Lakes Plain, which lies in the flood plain of the Idenberg and Roufaer rivers. These languages are unique in several ways. Among these are the absence of phonemic nasals, and the presence of 'fricative' vokoids (possibly resulting from the coalescence of a vowel and consonant) which a.re represented in this volume by the symbols ,~, and 'e'. There are other 'surprises' as well.
The articles in this volume are preliminary descriptions of the sound patterns of four Lakes Plain languages. Peter and Gudrun Dommel have reported on the Kaure language. Scott and Priscilla Jenison, Dave Martin and Lawrence and Kay McAllister have analyzed three related languages, Obokuitai, Sikaritai and Doutai respectively. It is hoped that the data presented in these papers will serve to increase understanding of the Lakes Plain and ,stimulate further res"earch.
The editors would like to express our deep appreciation for Cenderawasih University and the government of Indonesia. Their sponsorship and encouragement have made this research possible.
LaLani Wood Abepura, Irian Jaya June, 1991 A Language Map of The Lakes Plain
Sudirman Mts. 111~ ( (. rl ~ I ~ ~ '\. - BAOZI ~O NQPUX I) 1 ~ J ERIT~ ~ BUd)rman Mts.
SIKARITAI ~ BIRITAI OBOKDITAI\ PAPASENA •. RISA ...... 1 ) TAUSE'Rou~fae... I.....ru-o.~ ~ HOOP! TURU ~
Hulia
Key:
Hulia. Government Centers
sudirman Kts. Geographical Fea.tures
DCUTAI Langullge Na.mes
iv Workpapera in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
Volume 9 - Irian Jaya
Margaret Hartzler, LaLani Wood, Editors
.TABLB OP CONTBNTS
KAURE PHONOLOGY
Peter R. & Gudrun E. Dommel 1 Summer Institute of Linguistics OBOKUITAI PHONOLOGY
D. Scott & Priscilla B. Jenison 69 Summer Institute of Linguistics
SIKARITAI PHONOLOGY
Dav·id L. Martin 91 -. R.B.M.U. International THB PROCBSS OF PHONOLOGICAL CHANGB IN DOUTAI
Lawrence and Kay McAllister 121 R.B.M.U. International
v KAURE PHONOLOGY
Peter R. and Gudrun E. Dommel
1. Introduction
2. The Phonological Word (PW)
3. Suprasegmentals 3.1 Introductory Remarks 3.2 Stress 3.3 Length 3.4 Tone
4. The Syllable 4.1 Consonant Clusters and Sequences 4.2 Vowel Clusters and Sequences 4.3 Basic Syllable Types
5. Phonemes 5.1 Phonetic Charts 5.2 Description of Phonemes 5.3 Phoneme Charts
6 Orthography 6.1 Orthography Tests 6.2 Suggested Orthography
Appendix
Notes
References
1. INTRODUCTION
The Kaure language of Irian Jaya is a Non-Austronesian language which belongs to the Kaure Family (Voorhoeve, 1975). With regard to its relationships to other languages, Wurm (1982) says that its "lexical relationship ,within the Kaure Family is on the lower medium to high family level." He classifies Kaure,
1 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
Narau, Kosare, Sause, and Kapori as members of this family. Our informants state that they do not understand the Kapori or the Rosare languages; they do, however, understand the Narau language. Lexical similarity between Kaure and Sause was found to be only 1% as determined from a word list of Sause which we took in the Sause village of Badrun in May 1985. 1
Most Kaure speakers live in villages in Kecamatan Kaure, Kabupaten Jayapura in Irian Jaya, Indonesia. According to a population survey conducted in August 1985 in the three Kaure villages of Harna, Masta, and Wes, the Kaure language is spoken ,by 407 people. These villages are located around the Lereh airstrip about 50 miles southwest of Sentani, near the Nawan river. Harna, with about 130 Kaure speakers, is situated at the weste~n end of the airstrip, and Masta, with about.IOO Kaure speakers, at its eastern end. Wes, with about 180 Kaure speakers, is located about 200 m south of Masta. The nearby Sause village of Badrun was. recently built about 1 km west of ijarna. The houses around the airstrip are government buildings (schools, administrative and military structures, and a first-aid station), church buildings, and others which are inhabited by government employees. Another dialect of Kaure, which is spoken by about 100 people, can be found in the village of Aurina about 40 krn south-west of Lereh.
Most of the inhabitants of Harna and Masta are native to these villages. Wes was recently built by the government in order to gather all Kaure people who lived in small isolated villages. These were often several days' walk from medical help and sChooling. Most of thes~ villages have now been vacated in favor of 'the larger villages. Others live in the capital Jayapura. A few have married into other language groups and live in the villages of their spouses. Although there is no reliable population survey available, it is estimated that the total number of Kaure speakers is less than 500.
Some of the women married to Kaure men are from different language groups. Many of them do not speak Kaure well. These were not included in the count of native Kaure speakers.
The people of Barna and Masta speak a similar dialect while those of Wes speak a different dialect; however, mutual intelligibility is very high. Our' research was conducted primarily with the people of Harna and Masta.
2 Kaure Phonology
All Kaure people are bilingual in Kaure and Indonesian; those married to outsiders know some of the language of their spouses as well. Nonetheless, in the viliages, Kaure speakers use Kaure exclusively amongst themselves.
Ourl study of the Kaure language was begun in June 1985 and was conducted under the Cooperative Program of the University of Cenderawasih and the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Our research was based on the SIL standard word list, on a thesaurus of about 2500' entries3 , 60 short elicited conversations4 , and a collection of several hours of tape-recorded texts, mainly Kaure narrativs, folktales and conversations about various aspects of Kaure culture. Instead of I.P.A. symbols, we have used Pike's 'notation as we are more familiar with it. 5
2 • THB PHONOLOGICAL WORD (PW)
.A basic phonological word unit in Kaure is defined as a phonological unit having one main stressed syllable ('S) when occurring in isolation. The stressed syllable can be preceded by up to two unstressed syllables and followed by up to three non stressed syllables.
(5) (S) 'S (S) (5) (5)
Examples:
/kal +mai1+lokI2 / [ka3 .mai2 .'loRI2] 'took' 2 1 2 /n€ l'ma lIon 1/ r n e: • 'rna • 1(5 ] 'man' /yaL tla12 / [ya2 .,'tla12 ] 'heron' /kalko1'ho1p£llik1/ [ka3,. x02 • 'ho1 .'p€2 .liR3'] 'mixed up' , /'ha1mtin1 / [ , h~ 1.mu2 ] 'wasp'
If the basic phonological word unit ~s affixed, it can receive up to four syllables that carry secondary stress ("5). The main word stress of the extended phonological word is always on the last stressed syllable. The phonological word can consist of up to 15 syllables.
Examples:
/kal+"01se:1'koe1ial+te:1hal/ 'to set free' [ka2."01.se:2,'kwel.ya2.te:2.ha3]
3 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
/kal+"lolkol'llilj+gll+al/ 'to shed' [ka2."lol.x02.'llil.j~2.1a3] /kal"kal+01s~I."kw~lial+tel"heil+ 'will not seilninl+saiI2+sEil+nol'hoelial/ intend to set 2 2 2 i [ka 2. "xa 1.0 • ~e2 . n kwe 1. ya . te . "he: 1. free si2 • ni2 • "sai 12. si2 . n02 • ' hwe 1. ya2 ] completely' (dual form) /kahkal+ialte:lpel"keil+tel"he:il+ 'will not se:ilninl+sai12+seil+nol'hoelial/ intend to lift [ka2."xal.ya2.te3.pe2."x~il.te:2."heil. up completely' si2.ni2'''sai12.si2.no2''hwel.ya2] (dual form) /nal"lainl+nol'hoenl/ 'lightning' [na2."1~il.no2.'hw~l] /kal+sai12+seilninlsailI2/ 'to want to do' (ka2'''saiI2.si2.ni2''silI2] ,. /kal+"wel+tal+'hoal+saill/ 'to recognize' [ka2."wel.ta2,'hwal.si:12] /kal+"jalhol"koenl+pol+plUk12/ 'to trespass' 2 2 12 (ka • "ja 1. h0 . "kwEI. po2. I plUR ]
3. SUPRASBGMENTALS
3 • 1 Introductory Remarks
contrary to all that is known about the languages of the Eastern Lakes Plain area of Irian Jaya, Kaure is tonal. Tone interrelates with stress and length, as'"described below. The following tone markers have been used:
1 for the high level tone,
2 for the mid level tone,
3 for the low level tone,
12 for the high-mid falling tone,
23 for the mid-low falling tone,
4 Kaure Phonology
21 for the mid-high rising tone.
The description of the phonemes and al-Iophones of tone is presented in Section 3.4.
3.2 Stress
Stress is realised in Kaure as intensity and tone, but not as length. Primary stress is distinguished from secondary stress by a higher intensity only. Stress is always on the syllable that etically either has a high level tone or a high-mid falling tone. Nonetheless, stress is only partly predictable. The rules for predicting stress are as follows:
a) In any utterance that has an ernic high mid falling tone on one.syllable, the stress always goes to that syllable.
Examples:
/kal +nai1+lok12/ [ka3.nai2,'loR12] 'ate' /ka1+tin12+sai I 1/ [ka2 .'ti12 .s:i.12 ] 'will fish'
b) In any utterance that has an ernic syllable sequence of two high-mid falling tones, the stress goes to the first syllable of the sequence. Sequences of three emic high-mid falling tones have not been encountered.
Examples:
/kaI +sai12+lok12/ [ka2.'sai12.1oR3] 'did' /rnelninI2+le12/ [me 2 • ' ni12 .le3 ] 'did think?'
c} In any utterance that has more than one syllable with ernie high-mid. falling tones that do not directly follow each other, the main stress is on the last syllable with the high-mid falling tone, while all other syllables with high~mi~ falling tones take secondary stresses.
5 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
Examples:
/saiI2+stilninl+sa~112/ 'wants to do' ["sai12.si2.nI2.'sil12] /tinI2+seilninl+saiI12/ 'wants to fish' ["tII2.si2.nI2.'silI2]
However, stress on syllables with ernic high level tones is not predictab~e in Kaure, and therefore it is phonemic.
Examples:
/'kal+teil l / [ , ka 1. ti I 2 ] 'toss it' /kaLteill / [ ka 2 . ' till] 'dry' /kal tei I 12 / [ka2 • 'til12 ] 'cloud' /Inallainl / [ , na I .la i2 ] 'female animal' Ina!' lainl/ [na2 .'lail ] 'a kind of root' /nal lai n I2 / [na2 . ' la:i12 ] 'to run off' /Ihalmtinl / ['ha1 .rnU 2 ] 'wasp' /ha I 'mun I / [ ha 2 • ' mti I J 'honey'
In fluent speech, not every word of" the utterance "has stress. Rather, one main stress is mandatory and additional secondary stresses are possible over clauses, as well as over short phrases occurring between two short pauses in the flow of speech.
Examples:
/"oeni'SEI'hin12+neltndaill/ 'I'm chewing ["w~1*se2.'hI12.ne2#ndil3] betelnut. ' Ihal"nel#"ndaiI2ikolhel'laiISkaol/ 'Are you [ha3"ne2#undai12jko2.he2,'lail#kao2] married?'
3.3 Length
Length optionally occ~rs on vowels that are the nuclei of stressed syllables with ernic high tones, and on vowels in unstressed open syllables with ernic high-mid falling tones.
6 Kaure Phonology
Also, all diphthongs and vowel clusters are optionally lengthened.
Examples:
/kal+'hoal+saill / [ka3.'hwa:21.s~12] 'will see' /lel2+oa12 / f'le I2 .wa: 23 ] 'did burn?' /tai12 / [tai : 23 ] , sago'
As length is predictable and in fluent speech often is not heard at all, it will not be written in the examples in this paper except where length has influence on tone (see below).
3.4 Tone
3.4.1. Occurring Ernie Tones
There are two ernic tones; these are the high level tone and the high-mid fall. Therefore, all one-syllable words in Kaure either have a high level tone or a high-mid fall when occurring in isolation. Many minimal pairs have been encountered.
Examples of minimal tone pairs on one-syllable words:
/ndail/ [ndail ] 'mouse' /ndail2 / [ndail2 ] 'wife'
/tail/ [tail] 'foot print' il2 il2 /ta / fta ] I sago' /hinl2/ [hil2] 'blood' /hinl/ [hii] 'nirnbun wood'
/pi1 / [pill 'boil' /pil2/ [pi12 ] 'pig' . - /he1 k l2 / [hgi £l2] 'snake' ~ /hei k1] [heiRl] 'flower'
7 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
3.4.2 Rules for Changing Tone
The high leve~ tone occurs far more often than the high-mid fall. Both tones, when etically realised as high level and high mid falling tone, exclusively occur on stressed syllables; on unstress·ed syllables they change according to tonal environments as described in the following:
Rule 1:
111 --> [2] I if unstressed
A high level tone is manifested by a mid level tone in ·unstressed syllables.
Examples:
Isg,ll [se: 1 ] 'dog' I ndok12 / [ndok12] 'child' /se: 1#ndok12/ [se:2#,ndok12 ] 'young dog'
/ndai1/ [ndai1 ] 'mouse' /tai12 / [tai12 ] 'sago' /ndai1#tai12/ [ndai2#,tai12] 'mouse's sago'
/koan1 / [kwa:1 ] 'what?' /1e:n12 / [le12 ] 'egg' /koan1 jlen12 / [kwa:2.# ' le12 ] 'what kind of egg?'
/mble 1 / ( IDble 1 ] 'name' /na121 [na12 ] 'taboo' ID 2 /mble:: 1#na12 / [ ble: *'na12 ) 'taboo name'
From these examples we can deduce that any [2-'12] etic tone sequence is emically a /1-12/ sequence.
8 Kaure Phonology
Examples:
/ka1+sai l I2 / [ka2.'s~l12] 'to do' 2 iI2 Ima 1+sai121 [roa . 'sa ] 'do! ' Ise 1 hin121 [se2 ., hII2] 'betelnut' 12 lial tlal21 [ya2 • 'tIa ] 'heron' Inal+ndaiI2/ (na2 . ,ndaiI2 ] 'my wife' Ikal +tlin121 [ka2 .'tIin12] 'to fish'
Examples of a high level tone being mani£ested by a mid level tone preceding a high level tone are:
Ikol, sa I I [ko2.'sal ] 'bad' Iha 1, nel I [ha 2 . ' ne l ] 'you' Isel'plen11 [se2 .'pIel ] 'slippery' Indel'piill rnde: 2 'pU I ] 'sky' Isial'liill [sya2 .'lu1 ] 'path' Ika1+'plo+kll [ ka 2 . 'p loR I ] 'to say'
Examples of a high level tone being manifested by a mid ~. level tone following a high level tone and after a word boundary are:
Indaill [ndail ] 'mouse' Itaill [tail] 'foot print' I,ndail#tail / [,ndai1fttai2 ] 'mouse's footprint' linl/ [Ill 'place' Ihoi1 / [hwil] 'mountain' I'inl#hoill [ , r'l # hw i 2 ] 'mountain site'
\ Ikoill [kwil] 'cassowary' Ilall (Ial ] 'bone' I'koil#lall [ , kwi 1 i la 2 J 'cassowary .: bone' Ise 11 [se1 ] 'dog' I IDba11 [mba l ] 'house' l'se1 j mba1 / ('se l #mba2 ] 'dog's kennel'
9 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
From these examples we can deduce that any ['1-21 etic tone sequence is emically a /'l-l/-sequence.
Examples:
l /'alloe / [ I all. we: 2 ] 'good' /'silpoal / ['sil .pwa2 ] 'angry' /'kainini/ ['kal .ni2 ] 'correct' /'mal+po+kl / [ 'rna 1. pok2) , speakl ' /'pol+saill / [ 'pol.sil2] 'will say'
Examples of a high level tone being manifested by a mid level tone following a high-mid fall and after a word boundary are:
/ndai12 / [ndai12 ] 'wife' /tail/ [tail] '"foot print' /ndai12#tail/ [,ndai12#tai2j 'wife's foot print'
/hok12/ [hoR12] 'bird' /mbal / [mbal ] 'house' /hok12*mbal / [ , hoR12#rnba2 ] 'bird's cage' /pi12 / [pi I2 ] 'pig' /lai / rial] 'bone' /pi12#la l j [ 'pi l2#la2 ] 'pig bone'
/1£n12/ [i-e: 12 ] 'egg' /kil/ [kill 'shell' "/I£n12#ki1 / ['IC12#ki2 ] 'egg shell'
From these examples we can deduce that any ['12-2] etic tone sequence is emically a /12-1/ sequence.
Examples:
/'sai12+saill/ ['sai12 .sil2 ] 'will do' /,ndai12+ne1 / [ ,nda i 12. ne2 J 'for the wife' j'koE:n12+se:1 / [ , kw€" 12 . 8 £ 2 } 'will pay?'
10 Kaure Phonology
/'tin12+seil1/ [ltin12.s~12] 'will fish' i12 1 i12 2 /'ta +ne / [/ta .ne ] I sago (obj.)'
Rule 2:
a) [ 2] -> [3] / I _ [ 2 1 (vertical stroke I stands for utterance boundary)
An utterance-initial etic mid level tone followed by another etic mid level tone is manifested by a low level tone.
Examples:
/m01lol, a 1/ [m0 3 .102''a1 ] 'smell' /kal +m€,l+lokl2/ [ka3 .me 2 • '101(12] 'drank'
/halnel#'koa1- [ha3 .ne2#'kwa1 .- 'When will you mbel#hil/ mbe 2ihi3] come?' ~ /oeljJ:ndail+_ [we 3 jJ: ndai2 ._ 'I caught a . , nel~Hol / 'ne1tlo2] mouse . , /koan1jkon1+ [kwa3#ko2. ,_ 'Why do you Inelinal / ne l #na2 ] cry? ' /hal nel #ka12 / [ha3 .ne2:jt'ka12 ] 'Who are you?' /kolninl#sai12 / [k03.ni2j'sai12] 'What are you doing?'
-> [ 3 ] [ 2 ] b) [ 2 J / - I An utterance-final etic mid level tone preceded by another etic mid level tone is manifested by a low level tone •
.Examples:
'finished eating' /'holke1liikl/ [ 'hol .xe2 .1ux.3 J 'ear' /ndai12+ne 1#lol/ [,ndai12.ne2#103] 'to marry' /kalpe!ti12+nel#okl/ [ka3.pe2.,ti12.ne2jok3] 'From where?'
11 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
Rule 3:
III --> [21] I if lengthened
A high level tone is manifested by a mid-high rise on stressed syllables if the syllable nucleus experiences lengthening as described in Section 3.2.
Examples:
3 Ite 1, pe 1 I [te • 'pe:: 21 ] 'banana' Imba~~ I [mba: 21 ] 'house' l'hoa1+sai l 1 1 [ 'hwa: 21. sil 2 ] 'will see' l'a1mbei l 11 [ 'a: 2 1 • mbil 2 ] 'cassowary bone'
Rule 4:
1121 --> [3] I if unstressed and not lengthened
A high-mid fall is manifested by a low level tone if it occurs on an unstressed syllable with a short syllable nucleus. According to stress rule b) under Secti-on 3.2 it can only occur after a syllable with a high-mid fall.
Examples of a high-mid fall being manifested by a low level tone after a high-mid fall and after a word boundary are:
Ihok121 [hoR12] 'bird' Ilen121 [i-e 12 1 'egg' /hok12tlen121 ['hoR12#ie 3 ) 'bird's egg' j ndai121 [ndai12 ] 'wife' jtai12 j [tai12 ] 'sago' jndai12#tai12j [/ndai12#tai3] 'wife's sago'
12 Kaure Phonology
i Ihe:i k l21 (he: R12] 'snake' I ndok12 1 (ndoR12] 'child' '-~ Ihe:ik12#ndokI21 ( 'he:i R12 #ndoR3 ] 'young snake'
12 Ipi12 1 [pi ] 'pig' Iplik12 1 (puR12] 'with' Ipi12iplik12 1 [ , pi 12 #pli1(3] 'owns a pig'
From these considerations we can deduce that any ['12-3] etic tone sequence emically is a 112-121 sequence.
Examples:
Isai12+lokl21 ['sai12 .1oR3] 'did' Itin12+lok12 1 ['til2 .1oR3] 'fished' Ikoe:n12+le: 121 ['kw€12.1e:3 ] 'is paying?'
Ile12+sin12 1 ['le12 .si3 ] 'will sit?' Ilel2+oal2 1 [ 'le12 .wa3 ] 'did burn?'
Rule 5:
1121 --> [23] I if lengthened and unstressed
A high-mid falling tone is manifested by a mid-low falling tone if it occurs on an unstressed lengthened syllable.
Example:
'wife's sago'
From the rules described above the following conclusions and restrictions can be drawn:
1. A high level tone and a high-mid fall can be followed by two mid level tones, provided that the second level tone is followed by either a low level tone or by a high-mid fall (see Rule 1).
13 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
III --> [2] I [12/1] [3112]
Examples:
Ikal+"olsel'koe1ia1+te1ha1/ 'to set free' [ka2."ol.!£2,'kwe1.ya2.te2.ha3] /kal+'ka1+nai1+t&lha1/ finished eating' [ka2"xal.nai2.te2.ha3] (dual form) Isai12+sei1+no1hoinl/ 'will not do' ['sai12.s~2,no2.hw!3] Ise 1hin12+ne1#nai1+lok12/ 'chew betelnut' [se2."hI12.ne2'nai2,'ioR12]
2. Though there-can be three unstressed syllables after a stressed one, there can never be three unstressed syllables at the beginning of an utterance.
Examples:
/kal+"olsel'koelial+telhal/ 'to set free' [ka2'''ol.se2,'kwel.ya2.te2.ha3] /kal+'kal+nai1+telhal/ 'finished [ka2"xal.nai2.te2.ha3] eating' (dual form)
Iko1'janl'pall#kal+tal+'sail+saill/ 'Let's go up [ko2,'jal,pa2Iitka3.:ta2. 'sail.sil2 ] together 1 '
vertical strokes "I" mark utterance boundaries where the speaker pauses. This last example shows two utterances with the utterance boundary between the mid level and low level tone. Both stresses are equally intense.
3. An ernic sequence of two high-mid falling tones followed by a high level tone is manifested by a high-mid falling tone and a low level tone, followed by a mid level tone (see Rule 1 and Rule 4).
14 Kaure Phonology
1121 1121 III --> [12] [3] [2]
Example:
lo&n1#na1+ndai12itai12#ndail11 , I am eating [we3#na2.,ndai12#tai3#ndiI2] my wife's sago. '
4. A sequence of three high-mid falls has not been encountered.
From the above described rules we can deduce the following:
a) any etic tones [1], [2], and (21J emically are Ill; [3] is III only if it occurs preceding or following [2],
b) any etic tones [12] and [23] emically are 1121i [31 is 1121 if it occurs following -" [ 12 ] .
-. There is one more rule that needs to be me~1ioned. A high-mid falling tone on a verb-final syllable I-la I is shifted to the laj1 syllable of the verb when the verb is inflected and the 1- la I syllable drops out.
Examples:
Ika1+hil+laI2 1 [ka3 .hi2 .'laI2 J 'to arrive' IkaI +hi12+sai l i l [ka2 .'hi12 .s:i:12 ] 'will arrive' Ika1+oe: 1+la121 [ka3 .we2 .'laI2 ] 'to remember' Ika1+oe12+sailll [ka2 . 'we l2 .sil2 ] 'will remember'
4. THE SYLLABLE
4.1 Consonant Clusters and Sequences
The following phoneme clusters shall be defined as occurr~nces of two or more segments within the syllable, as opposed to sequences that occur across syllable boundaries.
15 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
The two prenasalised stops Imbl and Indl are interpreted as single consonants rather than consonant clusters in order to avoid any Ccc-clusters that do not occur elsewhere.
Examples,:
IIDblill [mblil] 'today' i12 I mboail21 [mbwa ] 'tail' Ikal+hdle:l+lal21 (ka3 . ndlE2,'ia12 ] 'to stand' Indol'oell [ fido2 . ' WE 1 ] 'foot'
The following consonant phonemes can occur as clusters within the syllable.
1 x X X X
All stops can be followed by Ill; Ind/, however, only precedes 11/ in contracted syllables, as described later in this section.
Examples:
Ipll l'na1planl l ['na.I.~ia2J 'girl' Iplinll [pIll] 'on top' /'plenl sa21 [ 'piel .sa2 ] 'cushion' Ip'lol I [pIal] 'soul' Ikal+'ta1+pltik11 [ka2 .'ta1 .pitiR2] 'to go downhill' Inel'plail/ [ ne: 2 • 'pIa i 1] 'sister' Ika1+'plEi k l l (ka2 • 'ple:i Rl] 'to pursue'
'name'
16 K'aure Phonology
I mbli11 [mbli 1] , today" U 2 l'ko1mble;uk 11 [ , ko 1. mbie; R ] 'a kind of bird' Ika1+,mblok11 'to chew'
Ikll Ikla12 1 [k1a12 J 'different' ./'tai1iikle:nl; ['tai1##kiE2 ] 'a kind of spoon' Iklin121 [k1I12] 'darkness' l,mba1klai11 [ ,mba 1. k1ai2 ] 'a kind of sago' [kli.i2 • 'kltiR1 ] 'swamp'
Itll Itla l'plik1 I [tla2 "piiRl] 'two' l'tle:n1se: i k 11 ['tlg1 .sei R2 ] 'a kind of bird' '. ltlo1. a 1 1 [tlo2. 'a 1 ] 'paddle' Itli.i12+lok121 ['tiu12 .ioR3 ] 'stood on'
The examples given show vowel phonemes that follow the various consonant sequences and clusters. In Kaure [e} often drops out in actual speech when it occurs in unstressed syllables. It is elided if it is preceded by a consonant and followed by syllable initial [1]. Therefore, [ndl], [mil, [hi], and [sl] consonant clusters can also be heard as a contraction of two syllables. The first one is an unstressed C + leI syllable. The vowel [e] then is elided before the second syllable that begins with the [1] consonant.
In the following examples~ [sl] is actually a contraction of [se.l-], as the uncontracted forms can also be heard.
2 2 [se: ,'l0 1.Wg ] --> l'slolot::n 1 j 'a kind of bird'
17 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
[sE3~la2.'hal] --> Isla1, hal I 'there is'
['p~11.s£2.1i3] __ > l'pe:i l 1s+l+i l l 'to deny'
The only syllable final consonant phonemes are Inl, Ik/, 11,1 and Iml, Iml never occurs word finally. Syllable final consonants in word medial position can be followed by consonants as listed below.
p t k h n m 1 i 5 k 1 x x x x x x x x X x m X X n X x x x X X x X X X
The following can be deduced from the chart:
a) Indl never occurs after a consonant,
b) Inl and III are the only syllable final consonant phonemes that can be followed by all other consonant phonemes except Indl,
c) Iml can only be followed by III and lsi, when the vowel· leI between any syllable final Iml and; the following consonant drops out in actual speech.
Examples:
l'te:il1T\e: l likll [,t~l.rne:2.liR3] 'garden' I'te~llikll [ ,t:iml.liR2] 'garden'
2 l'ha1mt1soll ( 'ha l.me: • S03] 'appear~nce' l'ham1so11 ['haml .so2 ] 'appearancF'
IS Kaure Phonology
d) Ikl never occurs syllable finally in word medial position. Any word final Ikl is omitted if the word is suffixed.
Examples:
I ndok121 [ndo1C12 ] 'child' I ndo 12+ne11 [,ndo12 .ne2 ] 'for the child'
/ka1+'p+l+ok11 [ ka 2 . ' pioR I ] 'to say' l'pol+sail11 [ , po I • s i: 1 2 ] 'will say'
11.11 is realized through lengthening of III without a break in the flow of air between the two segments. In.nl is realized ~Y nasalisation of the end vowel in the first syllable and full pronunciation of the nasal in the second syllable (see Section 5.2.3).
Similar to Im.ll and Im.s/, syllable final" (i] in word medial position preceding consonants actually is a contraction of [IE), as III syllable finally in word medial position preceding consonants is usually realized as (lJ (without flap) (see Section 5.2.1).
Examples of consonant sequences:
Il.pl Ikoll 'pi1 1 [ koi2 • 'pi 1 ] 'grown up' 11.mbl Imal1mbog 121 [ma12 .,mbw£12] 'three days after' II.tl Ipoll,t£Ukll [poi2 . 't£~RI J 'fin' Il.kl Imall'koin11 [mai2 "kwil ] 'black cockatoo' Il.nl IhoI1+'nell ( hoI 2 • ' ne 1 ] 'raft' (obj.) Il.ml l'hallma11 [ , hall . rna 2 ] 'soul' 11.11 I'holllill ['hol l .li2 ] 'gecko' II.hl Ikollha121 [kor2 'haI2 ) 'also' Il.jl l'pal1jill [ 'pai1 .dzi2 ] 'last born' 11.51 Ikoll,s£uk11 [koi2.'SE:tiRI] 'many, much' Im.ll Ikam1'likll (kam2 • ' liRl] 'in front of' i 12 2 i 1m. sl Itarn1 se: k 1 (tam • ' se lC 12 ] 'short'
19 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
In.robl Ilil'anl+mbailll [ 1 i 2 • ' a: 1 • mb4: 1 2 ] 'to attract' In.tl Ikal+to1'klinl+t£illl [ka3.t02.'xul.t~12] 'to nail' In.kl l'kanlkai1i [ , k5: 1 . xa i 2 ] 'a kind of fish' In.hl 101+ho1'lin1+ha11 [03. h02.'lI1.ha2 ] 'have gathered' (pl. ) In.nl Inlinl+'ne11 [nU2 .'nel ] 'sugarcane' (obj.) In.ml lol+'hanl+rnail+sailll [o2.'ha1 .mai2 .siI3] 'will give birth' In.ll Ika1+'lan1+lo11 [ka2 . ' 1a: 1 .102 ] 'to catch' In.jl Ikolmlin 1, ja 1 I [ ko3.mrr2. 'dza1 ] 'a kind of bird' In.sl l'ph:n1sa11 ['pie1 .sa2 ] 'cushion'
Notice that there is one word in Kaure with a Ip.sl sequence; our informants insist that this is not a loan word from another language:
, bamboo' , 'dry season'
4.2 Vowel Clusters and Sequences
Assuming three distinct levels of representation, (segmental, CV, and syllable), vocoids can be explained on the CV-level according to the following rules:
1. A vocoid clus~er of a lower vocoid followed by a"higher unstressed vocoid is a single vowel. According to this rule, the following 4 diphthongs occur in Kaure: lei/, leu/, lai/, and lao/, Few examples of laol have been encountered.
Examples:
'negative marker' 'hair'
20 Kaure Phonology
ItEikll [b:iRl] 'wood' IhEi k l21 (h£:iRl2] 'snake' Ikeukll [k£:u1{l] 'stomach' Ikoll'seukll [koI2.'seliRl] 'many, much' I,ndaollill [,ndaol.Ii2 ] 'water container' l'aolli11 ['aol .Ii2 ] 'boat'
Rule 1 also is enforced by the following" morphological argument: The infinitive marker jell or III precedes the last vowel of the verb stern. When the last vowel of the verb stem is the second member of a vowel cluster, then it is always a high vowel and the infinitive marker is infixed before the vowel cluster.
Examples:
[ka2 .'lEiRl] root of ' sweep' (sg. ) Ika1+1+'l+ei k l l [ka12 .'lei Rl ] 'sweep' (sg. ) Ikal+le1'helikll [ka3 .1£:2.'h£uRl] root of 'look for' (6g. ) fka2 ,"1£l.h£2,'IeuRl] 'look for' (sg. ) Ikal+'ilsaill [ka2 ,'il .sai2 ] root of 'bite' Ikal+'ils+ell+aill [ka2 .'il .s£2.1ai3 J 'bite'
No examples of this kind with lao I have bee"n encountered.
Rule 1 implies that there are two vowels in two syllables if the high vowel is stressed.
Example:
'wet'
2. A vocoid sequence of a higher vocoid followed by a lower vocoid is two vowels.
21 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
Examples:
I'hallilall 'new' I'lilall 'a kind of bird'
3. In a vocoid sequence of two high vocoids, the first one patterns as a vowel, while the second one patterns as a consonant.
Examples:
I'liialonll ['li1 .ya2 . '03 ] 'to extract' l,mbli1i£11 [ , mbti 1 . y£ 2 ] 'a kind of bucket'
4. The high vocoid luI, which alternates with 101, patterns as a consonant when preceding vowels within the syllable.
Examples: loil Ihoill (hwil] 'mountain' 10£1 Iho£nll [hw£l] 'eye' loel Ihoell [hwe1 ] root of 'hear' loal Ihoall (hwal ] root of 'see' loail Ihoail2 1 [hwail2 ] 'dust' lial liall [yal ] 'sickness' liaol lal'iaoll [a2 'yaol ] 'not yet' li£1 Iho1pti1'sie:n11 [h03 . pti 2. ' sye: l] 'in the middle of' liail liail'ka11 [yai2 .'gal ] 'a kind of saurian'
Notice that the reduplicated form of [pORI] 'root of "to 2 say"·' is [' pol. pwa ] I which supports the rule described above.
5. In certain environments, 101 forces either labialization 6r palatalization of the preceding consonant
22 Kaure Phonology
a) Following bilabials, the velar, and the glottal and preceding vowels 101 is realized as labialization of the preceding consonant.
b) Following the alveolars lsI and Inl and preceding lal, IiI is realized as palatalization of the preceding consonant.
Examples:
I s ia 1, 1 li 11 [sya2 .'li.i1 1 'path' Ina1pli1nian121 [na3 .pi.i2 .'nya:12 ] 'cuscus'
Examples for 101 see above.
The following chart shows all the phonemic vowel sequences thpt occur across syllable boundaries:
U O i e a 0 a1- e1. e a i X X X X X ii X X X
£ X X X X e X X X X X X a X X x X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X x
From the chart above the following can be deduced:
a) lal can be followed by all vowel phonemes except leI and leil,
b) lelil can follow all vowels except leI, leu/, and laol,
23 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures
c) laol can never be followed by any other vowel,
d) leil can never be preceded by any other vowel, except when occurring at the beginning of the somewhat obscure syllable l~il121 [~112]. As the inflection of Ikal+leleill21 'to come down' is very irregular '(/lel lil2+sai I 11 for the future tense, and Ilelol12+lok121 for the past tense), it cannot be determined whether the underlying phonemic form for [i] here really is I£i/. (For further consideration see section 5.2.2.2.)
Notice that, in verbs, IiI between leI and lal is deleted when the infix III is added. This can clearly be seen from verbs that have an leia/-sequence in their roots. When the infinitive marker III is added preceding the lal, IiI disappears.
Examples:
Ikal+hel'ianl+sailll [ka3 .he2 .'ya1 .si12 ] 'will die' l'ka1+he1+l+an1 ; ['kal .he2 .1a3 ]' 'to die'
Ikal+'koelial+sailll [ka2 "kwe1 .ya2 .si13 ] 'will hit' lka1+'koe1+l+a11 [ka2 "kwe1.la2 ] 'to hit'
Notice.that geminate vowel sequences are realized by a short break in the flow of air between the two vowels and that the ph9tietic difference between [~.i] and [ail, between [e.i] and 1 o [e ], ,and between [a.o] and [a ] also is realized by a short break in the flow of air between the two syllables.
Example:
Itaill [tail] 'foot print' Ital'ill [ta2 ,'i1 ] 'wing'
'Note that most speakers pronounce .Ia.ol as lail in most words.
24 Kaure Phonology
Example:
'to be confused' Examples of vowel sequences (across syllable boundaries):
li.il IkalpeI'tiI+iall [ka3 .pe2 .'ti1 .ya2 ] 'where to' li.el Ikal+lil'enI+teilil [ka3.1i2.,~1.ti12] 'to throw' li.al l'ha1tilail ['hal .ii2 .a3 ] 'new' li.ol l'sil ol1eI I [ 'si1.• 02 .1e3 ] 'wound' li.elil ImoI+'lil+eli1+ja11 [m02.'liI.eli2.ja3] 'fight at several places 1 ' lii.il l,mb··. u I 1e. 1 I ( ,mbiiI .ye2 ] 'bucket' lii.al l'tila11 .[, u.. 1 .a 2] 'a kind of bird' lli.elil ImoI+'ltil+eiil+jall [m02.'IUI.eti2.ja3] 'sleep at .- ~ different , places 1 ' le.il l,mbe1iao11 r ,IDbe 1. ya 02 ] 'just' le.ol I'oeionil ['we l o2 ] 'cat' le.eil I ka 1 + !E: lei 1 12 I [ka3 .ie2 .'i:II2 ] 'to go down' IF:..etil 101+hiI+'pe1+eii1+ [0 3 .hi 2. 'pel. eii2 'will arrive .saill I .si:13 ] from different directions' le.il Ika1+te1'kelia1+ [ka3.te2~'xel.ya2,. 'will close' sai l 11 si13 ] le.el IltneI +eI sail [ltne1 .e2 .sai2 • 'his lemon' tti121 'tii12] le.al l'neI +al ii 11 ['neI .a2 .ti3 ] 'his work' le.ol l"neI+oltlil/IDbeII [ltne1.o2 .tti2.,mbe1 ] 'his letter' .: I ii le.ail l'ne +a sukl1 ('neI.ai2.suK3] 'his tribe ' ~ le.aol l'ne~+aoIlil1 ['neI .ao2 .ii3 ] 'his canoe' la.il Indal. ill [nda2 ,'iI J 'wet' la.til l'aliiII [' a 1 .U.. 2]. 'work' la.el Ika1+'e1+tei l 11 [ka2 .'e:I .ti12 ] 'send'
25 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultu~es la.al I'hal+altill [ , ha 1 • a 2 • li 3 ] 'your work' la.ol Ika1+'onl+saiI11 [ ka 2 . ' 0 1 . s :i: 1 2 ] 'will erase' la.ail Ina 1+, a ils"tiki I [ na 2 • ' a i I • s li R2 ] 'my tribe' la.elil Ikal+'e:lil+sailll (ka2 "elil .siI2 ] 'will walk' la.aol Inal+'ao1li11 [na2 "aol .li2 ] 'my canoe' lo.il lol+'inl+sailll [02,'II.siI2 ) 'will stir' (pl. ) lo.iil 'will wave' (pl. ) lo.el 'is sending' (pl. ) lo.al I'pollolanll [' pol.lo2.a3 ] 'grass' 10.01 l'to1oe11 ['to1 .W€2] 'thorn' lo.~lil I"Olse:lpol+'e;lil+ [ "01 . se2 . p02. ' e lil • '·will set free 'sailil sil2] at different places' lai.ol Inail+o12+lok121 [nai2 .'012.10R3 ] 'ate walking' lai~e:il Ikal+'mail+e:iI121 [ka3.rnai2.':i:l12] 'to bring items down' 'will eat walking' 'will go sweeping' /ei.ol Ikal +le;il+o12+ [ka3 .1e;i2.'oI2. 'went down lok121 10R3 ] sweeping'
4.3 Basic Syllable Types
There are two basic types of syllables in Kaure: open syllables and closed syllables. All of the following syllable types occur word initially, medially, and finally.
The following open syllable types have been observed:
V lill [ill 'flame' CV Iholl [hOI] 'fear' CCV Ikla12 1 [klaI2 ] 'different'
26 Kaure Phonology
The following closed syllable types have been observed:
vc lokil [ORl] root of 'take' cvc Iholll rhOII ] 'raft' ccvc Ipiokil [pfoRI] root of 'say'
However, only a very few examples of closed syllables have been encountered. So far there are only 3 examples of the vc syllable. They are found in the following verb roots:
lokil [oRI] 'take' leiikll [euRI] 'walk' lei l l2 1 [i:lI2] 'come down'
Furthermore, the unreleased syllable final [R] is not pronounced at all by some speakers and hardly audible when pronounced by others. With most speakers, all syllable final Ik/'s drop out completely when occurring word .medially (see also Section 5.2.3).
Examples:
IkaI+'plokll [ka2 'ploRI ] 'say' Ikal +pol+fokI21 [ka3 .p02., loJ I ndok 12 1 [ndoRI2] 'child' I ndo12+ne11 (,ndo12. ne2] 'for the child' The above described syllable types can be summarized in the following formula: Cl any consonant = Ill, Im/*, In/, Ikl v = any vowel and vowel glide 27 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures * Syllable final (m] only occurs as a contraction of the unstressed non-word final syllable [me-]. Examples: 3 2 i 2 i [ta .me "se R12] --> [tam . 'se R12] I short' [ka3 .me2 .'liR1] --> [kam2 "liR1] 'in front of' [Si3 .me2 • 'liR1] _> [sHIl2 .'liR1 J 'need' All the other syllable final consonants Ill, Inl, and Ikl experience weakening as described in chapter 8.2.4. Also, C1 is restricted as follows if C2 occurs: [1] can never be preceded by any consonant other than stops, unless it occurs in contracted syllables as described in Section 4.1. Notice, too, that C2 can never be the same phoneme as C3' For possible combinations of phonemes, see Section 4.1. within our text material, the syllable types listed above are distributed as follows: 4% of all syllable types 'are V syllables, 89% are CV syllables, 4% are ecv syllables, 2% are eve syllables, and 1% are VC and ccve syllables. Sequences of syllables within the phonological word occur as follows: v CV cev . ve cve cevc cv x x x x x x ccv X X X X X X vc ~ X CVC X X X X ccvc .Boles in the chart are expected. There are no closed syllables followed by syllables that begin with a vowel, as the ,final consotiant in closed syllables joins the following syllable initial vowel, thus forming a syllable beginning with a consonant. CCVC-syllables occur only word finally, as there is no syllable final Ikl word medially, and III never occurs syllable finally in CCVC-syllables. The missing syllables following the 28 Kaure Phonology VC-syllable can possibly be explained by insufficiency of data, as /ei l 12/ is the only VC syllable encountered that occurs word medially. Examples: V.V /'aIUl / 'work' V.CV /'a1lo1 / 'pandanus' V.CCV /'a1klol / 'a kind of sugar cane' V.VC 'to walk waving' v.cve /Ie;lteil l / [ 'el .ti12] 'to send' V.CCVC /01+plUk12/ [02 • 'pluR12] 'corne down stream' (pl.) CV.V /ka1+'e: 1+tei 1 1 / [ ka 2 • ' e 1 • t3:1 2 ] *to send off' CV.CV /ndoL oe: 1 / [nd02 • 'weI] 'foot' CV.CCV IkaLndle l / [ka2 • ,ndle l ] 'do they stand?' CV.vc ile l e: i +112/ (le2 .'4:112] 'come downhill' CV.cvc /~lelh+e:1'1+e:Uk1/ [lIle: l .he2 . 'leuRl ] 'to look for' CV.ccvc Ika1+'plok1/ [ka2 .'ploRl] 'to say' CCV.V /tloL a 1 / [tl02"al ] 'paddle' CCV.CV /ndle: l +laI2 / [ndle2 .'la12 ] 'stand' (pl.) CCV.CCV /t01 'koal koei1 / [t02.'kwal .kwei2 ] 'does he become' CCV.vc 'did he go scattering?' CCV.CVC /'ple:lseikl / f 'ple 1. sei R2 ] 'catfish' CCV.CCVC /tlaLplikl/ [tla2 • 'pliRl J 'two' VC.CV /1e:1e:ilI2+5e12/ [le2 . '4:1 l2 .s£3] 'does he come down?' (hab.) VC.CVC 'comes down' (hab.) CVC.CV /,mbaill+se l / [ , Inbil 1-. se2 ] 'will take' 2 CVC.ccv Ika1+'pe:i l 1sli1 j [ka "p:i:l1.s1i2 ] 'to deny' 29 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures cve.cve l'kal1+I+ei k 11 ( 'kal1 .lei R2 ] 'to sweep' cve.ceve Ikal1klik12/ [ka12 .'kliR12 J 'do pick?' 5. PHONEMES s. 1 Phonetic Charts The following charts list the phonetic symbols which represent the phones in the Kaure language. Consonants: Bi- Alveo- Back labial Al veolar Palatal Velar Velar Glottal Stops vI p t unr. vI vd pren. vd Affricate vd dz vI s x h Fricatives vd Laterals vd flap vd Nasals vd m n Semi-Vowels . vd w y Vowels: Front Central Back unr rounded unrounded unr rounded High close i i..i y u Mid close e e 0 open e e i Low open 30 Kaure Phonology In addition l all vowels, exc~pt [gU JI (e], [~], and (ao], can become nasalised, and all vowels can become lengthened, as described in Section 3.2. -. 5.2 Description of Phonemes 5.2.1 Consonants /pl [p] unvoiced bilabial'unaspirated stop occurs syllable initially in word ~nitial and word medial position preceding vowels and Ill. Examples: Ipi 12 1 [pi12] 'pig' Ipo1101 'anll [ po 3 • 102 • 'a 1 ] 'grass' Ika1pc)2 I [ka2 • 'p012] 'no' la1pe: 1 'nan1/ [ a 3 • pe: 2 • ' na 1 ] 'parrot' Ipoail21 [pwai12 ] 'near' l'ka1plik11 [ , ka 1 • pliR2 ] 'again' /'si1poa11 [lsi1 .pwa2 ] 'angry' Imbl [mb] voiced prenasalised bilabial stop occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial position preceding vowels and Ill. In some words Imbl occurs in free variation with Im/. Examples: I mbi1 / [mbil] 'water' Imbli!1 [mb!i1] '~oday' I rnboi12 I [ rnbwi12] 'enough' l'koa1+rnbe: 1/ [ , kwa l.mbe: 2 ] 'when?' l'sii1mboa11 [ , s ti 1 • mbwa 2 ] 'big' Ina1+,mble11 [ na 2 • ,mb! e; 1 ] 'my name' 31 Workpapers in Indonesian Lang,uages and Cultures ( ,mbal.ho2.1a~3d 'old times' , .j - ['mal.ho2.~~~~~ [mba_ 1 ] imperative - [ma- 1 ] marker It I [t] Voiceless alveolar unaspirated stop occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial position preceding vowels, Iii when it functions as a consonant, and Ill. ,Examples: Itai121 [tai12 ] 'sago' Itoll [toll 'strong' l'to1oell ['to1 .we: 2 ] 'thorn' Ika1tgi l l21 [ka2 .'til12 ] 'cloud' Ika 1 , t.a1 I [ka2 .'ta1 ] 'don't! ' l'koa1tial11 ['kwa1 .tya12 ] 'sore' Inal+tlo1'a11 [na3 .tlo2 .'al ] 'my paddle' Itla 1 , plik1 I [tla2 "pliRI] 'two' Indl end] Voiced prenasalised alveolar stop occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial position preceding vowels. In some words Indl occurs in free variation with In/. Examples: I n dai121 [ndai12 ] 'wife' Indeikll [nde:iR1] 'rain' 2 IndoL OE: 1 I [ndo . 'we I] 'foot' Ika1+,ndail11 [ka2 . ,nd:i:ll] 'eat' l'kalndE:1la11 [ 'ka1 . nde: 2 .la3 ] 'namesake' Ika1+,nde11 [ka2 .,nde: l ] 'did he write]' 'my' 32 Kaura Phonology [ , ndi 1. ndoR2 ] 'male person' - [' nl 1. ndoJ(2 ] Ikl [k] voiceless velar unaspirated stop occurs syllable initially in word initial position preceding vowels and Ill, in word medial position preceding Ill, and intervocalically after high vowels. Examples: Ika1p€lti121 [ ka 3 • P € 2 • ' t i 12 ] 'where to?' Iklin121 [klr12] 'darkness' Ikoill [kwil] 'cassowary' Ikoan11 [kwa l ] 'what?' Ika1+'klon11 [ka2 .'klo1] ',give' Ikal+'klinl+mbaill1 [ka2.'klil.mb~12] 'ask' liail,ka 1 I [yai2 . 'ka1 ] 'a kind of saurian' [g] Voiced velar unaspirated stop occurs in free variation with the unvoiced velar unaspirated stop [k] intervocalically after high vowels, and also syllable initially before 101 when it functions as a consonant following syllable final In/. Examples: [ya~2. 'gal] 'a kind of - [yai2 .'ka1 ] saurian' [ka3.tli2"gal.t~12] 'teach' - [ka3.tli2.'kal.t~l2] [ka3 .1e 2 .'hti1 .g€2.1a: 3 ] 'break once' - [ka3 .1g2"hti1 .kg2 .la3 ] [ka2.'lal.gw~12] 'say' - [ka2 .'la1 .kwi12 ] [ka3 .h02 .'lii1 .gwil?] 'throw' - [ka3.ho2.'1&il.kw~12] 33 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures [x] Voiceless velar fricative occurs syllable initially in word medial position preceding vowels, but not following high vowels. Examples: /kal koljanl2/ [ka2 .xo2 "dzal2 ] 'one' /kalkal'kiljEllal/ [ka3.xa2.'xil.d~£2.1a3] 'food' I'palkall ['pal .xa2 ] 'month' /'kanlkail / ['kal .xai2 ] 'a kind of fish' 'lizard' [~] Voiced velar fricative occurs in free variation with voiceless velar fricative [x] in some words. Examples: /hal kan12 / [ha2 ,'1§fa;12] 'quick' - [ha2 "xal2 ] /nan1'kai1/ [na:2 • ' '§fail] 'hungry' - [na:2 "xai1 ] /oa1'kok1 / [Wa 2 ,'l§foRl] 'white' - [ wa 2 • 'XOK 1 ] /aLkil/ [ a 2. ' EJi 1 ] 'language' - [a 2. 'xi 1 ] /se l kii12/ [S£2.'§'Ul2 ] 'coconut' - [se 2 "xUl2 ] [1] The glottal stop occurs syllable finally in word final position. Examples: la1hollik12/ [a3 .ho2 .'ii,l2] 'skin' Iplik12 / [pti?l2] 'with' /hok12 / [ho?l2) 'bird' 34 Kaure Phonology /ka1+lellk12/ [ka2 .'1e:ii?12] 'walk' /kal +nail+lokl2/ [ka3 .nai2 ,'lo?l2] 'ate' /hei kI2/ [he: i ?12] 'snake' [1<:1 Voiceless velar unreleased stop occurs word finally in free variation with [1]. Examples: Ikol , sE:Jk1 / [ko2"sei Rl] 'crocodile' - [ko2 • 'sei,l] j'ka1plik1 / [ , ka 1. pliR2 1 'again' - [ , ka 1 . pI i ? 2 ] /hokI2 / (hoR12 J 'bird' - [ho?l2] /'ka1ko1lik1 / ['kal .xo2 .1iR3] 'heart' - [ 'kal .xo2 .1i?3] i -0 /kal,p£;ikl/ [ka2 "pe Rl] 'thick' - [ ka 2 • ' P £; i ? 1 ] [~] Voiceless back velar unaspirated stop occurs in free varia-tion with [k] and [x] • Examples: /ka1pe1ti12 / [~a3.p£2.'ti12] 'where to?' - [ka3 .p£2.,tiI2 ] /ka12 / [1$:a 12 ]. . 'who?' - [ka12 ] /klin12/ [1$:13: 12 ] 'darkness' - [k1i12] /'pa1ka1 / [ , pa 1 . 1$:a 2 ] 'month' - [ , pa 1. xa 2 ] .: /'ka1ki1 ja1 / [ , 1$:a 1 ~i 2 j a 3 ] 'weeds' - ['ka1xi2 ja3 ] 35 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures The glottal fricative Ihl contrasts with the velar stop Ik/, occurring in the same environments as Ikl except preceding III and syllable finally. Ihl [h] Voiceless glottal fricative occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial position preceding vowels~ Examples: Iholl [hoI] 'fright' lhai11 [hail] 'hair' J'ko1.he:1.lai11 ['kol .he:2 .iai3 J 'already' 3 la1hollik121 [a .ho2 .'iiR12 1 'skin' Ihoai12 1 [hwai12 ] 'fog' Ihoi11 [hwil] 'mountain' Ihoe:nll [hwe: l ] 'eye' Iml [m] Voiced bilabial nasal occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial position preceding vowels, and syllable finally in contracted syllables (see Section 4.1), but never ,word finally. Examples: imperative marker (sg.) Imaill [mail] root of 'take' l'ha1mtinll ['h~l.mu2] 'wasp' l'a1me:1linil [ , a 1 . me: 2 • i r. 3 ] 'then' I'tamlse:ikll ['tam1 .se:i R2 ] 'brave' J'ham1lik11 ['haml .liR2 ] 'cockroach' Jnal+'se:im1lik11 [na2 .'s:i:ml.liR2] 'my younger brother' 36 Kaure Phonology Inl en] Voiced alveolar nasal occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial pos·ition preceding vowels, and syllable finally in word medial and word final " position, realised through nasalisation of the preceding vowel. Examples: [nUl] 'sugarcane' [ne-l] 'his', 'her', , its', ' their' Ina1 'na12 1 [na2 "na12 ] 'right' Ina1pul nian12 1 [na3 .pU2 .'nya12 ] 'cuscus' Ihal'nell .[ ha 2 • ' ne 1 ] 'you' Imenl +lok12 1 [me;2,'10R12] 'drank' linll [II] 'place' III [1] Voiced alveolar lateral occurs syllable initially in word medial position after syllable final consonants Iml and /1/, and syllable finally in word medial position before syllable initial consonants, and also syllable finally in word final position. Examples: I ka 1 , t € i 112 I [ka2..'t:b112 ] 'cloud' Ikal+ta1+'sailll (ka3 .ta2 "s4:1l ] 'go up' I't~imllikll ('t:i:ml .liR2 ] 'garden' Ikal 1+'1+Ei k l l [kal2 • ' le:iRl] 'sweep' Ika+ll+'leURlI [kal2 . 'leuRl] 'call' Ita1+'8ol1+oal l [ta2 . ' sOll.wa2 ] 'did go up? ' I,mbaill+seilll [ , mb ~ 11 . Sin 2 ] 'takes' (hab. ) 37 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures [11 Voiced alveolar lateral flap occurs syllable initially in word initial position and in word medial position after syllable final vowels, and syllable medially. as the second member of the CC cluster. 6 Examples; I~almellinll [ 'al .me 2 .iI 3] 'then' 2 Ika1+'lell [ ka • ' 1E: 1 ] 'live' Ilol,koll [io2 .'xo1 ] 'hole' Ila11 [lal ] 'bone' Iploll [piol] 'soul' Iklinl21 [kl112] 'darkness' In some words [1] seems to appear syllable finally preceding consonants because [e] drops out between [1] and the following consonant in fluent speech. Examples: [koI2 .'seuRl] 'many' - [ko3 .1e 2 .,seuRI] [ 'all. we 2 ] 'good' - ['a1 .le: 2 .we: 3 ] [k:i.i2 "sil ] 'mouse' - [k"3iI: • 1e: 2 • , s~"I] [ko!2. ' pi 1 ] 'big' - ~ko3.1e:2.'pil] [ , kal 1 • pe: 2 ] 'others' - ['kal .ie:2 .pC3 ] Notice too, that some speakers tend to pronounce syllable final /1/ as a weakened retroflex lateral, and that others drop the syllable final III completely. lsI [s] Voiceless alveolar fricative occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial position preceding vowels. 38 Kaure Phonology Examples: 1 -. /50 / [sol] 'pork' /sal / [sal) 'firewood' /sil2+lok12 / [si12 ,lok3 ] 'said' l /al'se l / [a2 "se ] 'impossible' /'kalseikl/ [ , ka 1 • s e: i 1< 2 ] 'wild cat' /koll. ' se:Ukl; [koI2 .'setiRl ] 'many' [6] Voiceless alveopalatal fricative occurs syllable initially in word initial and word medial position preceding [y], and in some words preceding vowels. 7 Examples: /i1.siai1 / [i2 "syai1 ] 'sago porridge' /sia1.1i.il/ (sya2 ,'iUl ] 'path' /se 1 'pelti 1 / [se: 2 • 'pe l .ti2 ] 'down there' /koail'solal/ (kwai2 .'sol.a2 ] 'fat' /kol si1 pa12 / [ko3 .si2 .'pal2 ] 'how many?' /j/ (dz] Voiced alveolar a~fricate occurs syllable initially preceding vowels in word initial and word medial position. 8 Examples: /ndal'jik1 / [nda2 • ' dziRl) 'father' /kol jan12 / [ko2 , 'dzal2 ] 'also' /'ji1koe: l / [ 'dzil .kwe2 1 'a kind of bird' /ja_1 / [dza-2 ] 'to cause to' /jil / [dzil] root of 'live' /ka1ka1'kilje:llal / [ka3.xa2"xil.dze:2.1a3] 'food' 39 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures 5 • 2 • 2 Vowe 1 s IiI [i] High close unrounded front vowel occurs syllable initially and syllable medially preceding consonants, syllable finally, and as a single vowel nucleus. Examples: Itla1'plikll [tla2 "pliRI] 'two' Iklin12 1 [krII2] 'night' li121 [iI2] 'flame' Imboil2 1 [mbwiI2] 'the same' linll [ill 'place' [y] Voiced alveolar semivowel occurs syllable initially preceding vowels, and syllable medially following It/, In/, and /sl and preceding la/. Examples: liall [ya1 ] 'sickness' i2 1 liail,ka11 [ya "ga j 'a kind of saurian' lial nin121 [ya2 "nI12J 'towards' I,IDbi.iliEII [ , Inbii 1 • Y f: 2 ] 'bucket' Ikoal'tial11 fkwa 2 • 'tyall ] 'sore' Inalpiilnia~121 [.na3 .pli2 "nya:12 ] 'cuscus' Isia1 .'1i.i1 1 [sya2 .'lu1 ] 'path' lEI [E] Mid open unrounded front vowel occurs as a single vowel nucleus and syllable medially and finally. Examples: 1,£I+te:il1 / ['f:l.t:i:l2 ] 'send' /ka1+'te1+tE1hal / [ka2 .'te: l .te:2 .ha3 ] 'dry' /s£I'pEltill [s e: 2 . ' pe: I. ti 2 ] 'down there' 40 Kaure' Phonology IteLpe11 [tE2. 'pel] 'banana' Ise;121 [se 12 ] 'dog' Isenll [SE1] 'chin' - . Iple:n1 'kle:nl l [ple 2 'kle1 ] 'bald' lei [e] Mid close unrounded front vowel occurs syllable finally. fixamplea: Iko1ai1te12 1 [ko3 .si2 .'te12 ] 'how much, how many' Ipo1ho1te12 1 [p03.h02~/te12J 'as if' Ika1+'nai1te 11 [ka2 "nail.te2 ] 'what was eaten' Iko1 'te11 [ko2 .'tel ] ., that' I-ha1"nell [ha 2. ' ne1 ) 'you' Iko1ial ne12 1 (kol .ya2 . 'nel2 ] 'what for?' loell [weI] '·long time' . l'hoel ia1+sai l 11 ['hwel .ya2 .s:j"l3] 'will hear' l'koe1ia2+sai l 11 ( 'kwe 1. ya 2 . s~l3 ] 'will hit' lUI [u] High close rounded front vowel occurs as a single vowel nucleus, syllable initially, syllable medially, and syllable finally. ExamplesJ Ise 1kii121 [se2 "xU12 ] 'coconut' lia1iill [' a 1 • u.. 2] 'work' l'ka1iilti.ikll [ 'ka1 .U 2 .tii"R3] 'father-in-law' Ika1U1'paili [ka3 .ii2 .'pai1 ] 'tortoise' l'U1a11 ['U1 .a2 ] 'a kind of bird' Imlin121 [mU 12 ] 'milk' l'sUlmboall [ , sU l •mbwa 2 ] 'big" IUn 12 1 [{i1:2] 'far' 41 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures 101 [0] Mid close rounded back vowel occurs as a single vowel nucleus, preceding consonants syllable initially and medially, and syllable finally. Examples: loltu l,mbf:1 1 [03.tu2.,mbf:l] 'paper' . Ilol,ko11 [102.'xo1 ] 'hole' Iholl [hoI] , fear' . Iploll [piOI] 'soul' Iklon11 [k151 ] 'gave' Ika1+'plokll [ka2 .'piol(11 'to say' lonll [51 ] 'maggot' [w] Bilabial voiced semi-vowel occurs preceding vowels syllable initially in word initial and medial position, and syllable medially following Imbl, Ipl, Ikl, and Ihl preceding vowels. Examples: 10enII [wel 1 ' I' loill [will 'string' loai121 [wai12 ] 'yes' 'hal'oill [ha2 • 'wi l] 'a kind of bamboo' Ikoan11 [lcwa:1 ] 'what?' Ika1+'hoe1.la11 [ka~.'hwel.la21 'hear' llnt>oi 12 1 [mbwil2) 'enough' Ipoail2 / [pwai12 ] 'near' [e] Mid close unrounded back vowel occurs in free variation with the mid close rounded back vowel [0]. 42 Kaure Phonology Examples: Isol/, [sell 'pork' - [SOl] -: I'mollolall [' me··1 . 1 e.. 2 .a 3] 'smell' - ['mol .lo2 .a3 ] Ikal+'plokll [ ka 2 . ' pIe R1 ] 'say' - [ka2 "ploR11 l'ko1sal l [ , ke l . sa 2 ] 'bad' - [ 'kol. sa2 ] I'toloell [ 'tel .wg2 J 'thorn' - [ , to 1. W£: 2 ] [ 1. J High close unrounded back vowel occurs in free variation with the mid close rounded back vowel [0] • Examples: Ihok121 [hIR12) 'bird' - - [hoRI2 ] I ndok12 1 (ndl.R12] 'child' - [ndoR12] l,tolle11 ['tI1 .1e: 2 J 'death adder' - [ , tol.l£:2] l'mol an11 [' nu.··1 .a-2] 'wave' - [ 'mol. a2 ] Iko-Il [kl._2] pI. marker - [JCO- 2 ) [u] High close rounded back vowel occurs in free variation with the mid close rounded back vowel [ 0] • Examples: Ihokl21 [huR12] 'bird' - [hoRI2 ) 43 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures [nduR12) 'child' - [ndoR12] ['tu1 .lg2 ] 'death adder' - ['to1 .ie:2 ] [ 'mu 1. a2 J 'wave' - [' mol. a: 2 ] [ku_2 ] pl. marker - [ko_2 ] lal [a] Low open unrounded central vowel occurs syllable medially, finally in word medial and final position, and as a single vowel nucleus. Examples: lal,li11 [a2 'lil ] 'fly' lai pe1 'nanl1 [a3 .pe:2 "nal ] 'parrot' Ikla121 [klaI2 ] 'different' Ina-II [na-2 ] 'my', 'our' IIDball [mbal ] 'house' Iho1lol,an11 [ho3 .102 . 'al ] 'game' l'kal1pe11 ['kal l .pe: 2 ] 'others' lail [ail Diphthong, realized through the low open un~ounded central vowel /al and the high close unrounded 'front vowel IiI as off glide, occurs ~~llable finally and, as a contraction ofl/a.o/, also as a single vowel nucleus. Examples: Ihai11 [hail] 'hair' Imai11 [mail] root of 'take' Ipoai121 [pwai12 ] 'near' Ihoai121 [hwai12 ] 'dust' Ikal+'nail+sailll [ka2 .'nai1 .sil2 ] 'will eat' l'ai1siik11 ['ail.~tiR2] 'tribe' 44 Kaure Phonology leil [ei] Diphthong, realized through the mid open unrounded front vowel leI and the high close unrounded front vowel IiI as off glide, occurs syllable medially, syllable finally, and as a single vowel nucleus. Examples: Ihei k 1.2 I [hei R12] 'snake' Ika1+1+'leik11 [kaI2 .'lei R1 ] 'sweep' Iko1'seik11 [ko2"sei Rl] 'crocodile' Ikal+leil+la121 [ka3.1ei2.'la12] 'sit down' Itam1sei k121 [tam2 "sei R12] , short' Ikal+tel'keil+l+all (ka3.te2"xeil.la2] 'close' leul feu] Diphthong, realized through the mid open unrounded front vowel (eJ and the high close rounded front vowel liil as off glide, occurs syllable initially, syllable medially, and syllable finally. Examples: Ikelikll [keiiRl] 'stomach' Ikol1'seiik11 [ko12"seti]{1] 'many' '/kal+'leiil+sailll [ka2 ,'leli1 .s:i:12 ] 'will call' Ikal+'e:iil+sailll [ ka 2 . ' e iil • s:i: I 2 ] 'will walk' Ikal+,telk~til+te:lheilll 'wait for' laol lao] Diphthong, realized through the low open un rounded central vowel lal and the high close unrounded front vowel Iii as off glide, occurs syllable medially and finally and as a_single vowel nucleus. l'ao1siik11 [' ao1 .sliR2] 'tribe' Inao1lin121 [nao2 .'lr12 ] 'later' 45 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures 'water container' 'canoe' 5.2.2.2 Neutralization The diphthongs 1~11 and lail and the vowel lei are neutralised to the high close unrounded central vowel [~1 preceding syllable final Ill, and preceding nasals and nasalised stops word medially. The neutralization poss~bly also applies to other vowels preceding 11/ in syllable final position, as only lal and 101 with very few examples have been encountered in that position, and none of the other vowels ever occur preceding syllable final Ill. When verbs with [i] preceding syllable finaL III undergo inflection and the III drops out, then it becomes clear that [~J either comes from lail, I~il,·or from lei. la1 1 --> [ill 1 I~il --> [ill 1 lei --> [ill 1 None of these phonemes occurs in its unneutralized form preceding Ill. The following examples of verb roots, followed by their inflected forms, illustrate this process. Inai11 --> 'eat' Ika1+,ndai l i"1 'is eating' 'take' (pl. ) 'is taking' (pl. ) Isai12 1 --> 'do' Ika 1+'sai I 121 [ka2 .'siI12 ] 'is doing' Isai11 -> , corne up' Ika1+'sai l 1 1 'is corning up' In the following example, the high-mid falling tone in the past tense is changed to a high level tone in the infinitive and 46 Kaure Phonology the future tense, and the vowel [:!:] corresponds to [0] in the past tense but to [ail in the future tense: /ka1+s012+lok12/ [ka2 " so12.loR3] 'came up' /kal+'sail+saill/ [ka2 "sai1 .s:!:12] 'will corne up' Notice that /ka1+'pai l 12 / [ka2 "p:!:112] 'to corne up the mountain' takes the same kind of inflection and tone change as the previous example. /he12 / -> 'be' /ka1+hei I 12/ 'still is' In all other examples encountered, [:!:] comes from [ei ]. pl. object marker pl. object marker (present) -. verb ending of a certain class * verb ending + past tense verb ending of a certain class· verb ending + past tense * The exact meaning of these suffixes 18 not certain. There are words for which it is not possible to determine the unneutralized form, as these words do not undergo any inflection. As most inflected forms have underlying bases containing unneutralized [&i], it is assumed. that [£i] is the underlying form of all nouns and adjectives that have [~] as a phonetic segment. 47 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures Examples: j'kaljeill [ 'kal .dzil2 ] 'deep' I'peillsell ('pii1 .se2 ] 'cold' Ika 1, tei l 12 I [ka2 .'tilI2 ] 'cloud' I~a 1, teill I [ ka 2 . ' till] 'dry' l'almbeil11 [ , a 1 . mbil 2 ] 'cassowary bone' "There are a few more words in Kaure that "have [i], not preceding Ill, but preceding nasals and nasali$ed stops. With these words too, it is presumed that the unneutralized form of (:i:] is [ei ]. Examples: 'my younger brother' l'teimllik11 ['tim1 lik2 ] 'garden' I'-seilninll [ '-sil .nI2] 'in order to' Inal+'meilmaill [na2 • 'mi l.mai2 ] ", my brother- in-law' 5.2.3 Weakening of Syllable Final Consonants Syllable final consonants Ik/, Ill, and Inl experience weakening to the point that most speakers pronounce them rarely or not at all. Syllable final Inl is realized by nasalization of the preceding vowel. This can clearly be" shown by the way names and Indonesian loanwords are pronounced. Indonesian Kaure 'ayam' (aya] 'chicken' 'Jon' [jo] 'John' 'uang' [wa] 'money' Therefore, it is impossible to determine whether the syllable final weakened nasal is the bilabial one, the alveolar one, or even the velar "one that doesn't occur elsewhere. 48 Kaure Phonology Examples: Ine 2• 'rna 1.loN2 I [ne;2.'mal .102] 'man' IkwaN1I [Jewa: l ] 'what' IhiN121 [hiI2] 'blood' : IweNll [W~l ] , I ' ImiiNl21 (mu l2 ] 'milk' l'nal •. 1ai N2 1 ['nal .1ai2 ] 'female animal' Ika3.h02.'leiNlgwi121 [ka3.h02.'1~ilgwil2] 'throw' The vowels, laol, leu/, and leI, have never been encountered nasalized. Since there are very few occurrences of laol, it is not surprising that no nasalized instances have been found. However, no apparent reason can be given for the fact that leul and leI are never nasalized apart from insufficient data. It is the nasalized vowel that is most often heard from native speakers; very rarely is the nasal itself still pronounced. However, some speakers reduce the nasalized vowel to an oral vowel. This is similar to the disappearance of the other final consonants Ikl and Ill. The process of language change can be observed in three stages: . a) Full pronunciation of the final consonant, b) Weakening of the end consonant Inl, Ill, and Ikl to nasalization of the preceding vowel, retroflex lateral, and velar unreleased stop or glottal stop, c) Omission of the final consonant or of the nasalization. a) VN -> b) V -> c) V a) k -> b) R, ? -> c) g a) 1 -> b) + -> c) g 5.2.4 Pronunciation of Names and Indonesian Words Some of the Kaure phonetic segments are reflected in the way Kaure speakers pronounce names and Indonesian words. The Kaure pronunciation of Indonesian syllable final nasals has been described above. There are more phonetic reflections of Kaure 49 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures phonetics as pronounced in the Indonesian language and in names. The examples given below are often heard. With young people, occasionally the correct Indonesian pronunciation is heard. Iml -> [mb] Examples: rMba.ha.sa] 'bahasa' 'language' [mba. ndlon] 'Badrun' 'Badrun' (nama tempat) (place name) Inl -> end] Examples: [ha.ma.ndi] 'Hamadi' '8amadi' (nama tempat) (place name) [i.nda) 'Ida' 'Eda' (nama) (name) III -> [t] and It I -> [ 1 ] Examples: [lof] 'rol' I 'roll' (fan.tai ] 'Iantai' 'floor' (lan.tai] 'ranta-i' 'chain' 101 -> [u] and luI -> [0] and luI -> [ill Examples: [kot.ail 'kursi' 'chair' [go.fil] 'guru' 'teacher' [u.tu] 'oto' 'car' 50 Kaure Phonology s. 3 Phoneme Charts Consonants Bi- labial Alveolar Velar Glottal Stops vl k vd Affricate Fricatives s h Lateral 1 Nasals m n Vowels: Front Back unr rounded High 1- ii Mid e 0 Low e a i O Diphthongs e 1 , ei.i , a , a The above described phonemes can be presented in the preceeding phoneme charts. 6 • ORTHOGRAPHY 6 • 1 Orthography Test B 6.1.1 Preliminary Remarks Two orthography tests were conducted. The first one was a writi~g test .conducted in the village of Harna in November and December 1987, with 10 Kaure speakers who are literate in Indonesian, having attended four years of primary school (SO); some have now ..started secondary school (SMP) • with the exception of one, 'all participants were male, as hardly any females are literate in Indonesian. The second test was a passive reading ability test conducted with 50 pepple in the three Kaure villages of Harna, Masta, and Wes in March 1988. 51 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures The writing tests were conducted with one person at a time at different locations. Onlookers, who were always present, were instructed_to keep·quiet. None of the onlookers were chosen for a later test. The only instruction given to the participants was to write.the words as they thought they should be written; they were told that the idea was not to test their wri-ting ability, but to help us to study the letters of the language. The test was set up to test the feelings about orthographic representations of phonetic representations and phonemes we were in doubt about. Therefore, not all phonemes were explicitly tested, though the given test revealed diversity concerning some phonemes that were not explicitly under consideration (e.g. Imbl, Ind/). The following phonemes and phonetic representations were tested in all occurring environments: IiI [y] I£il [£i], [i] 101 [w] , [0] , [u] I£iil [£ii] '.- leI [e] III I I] , {I] I [ +] leI [ e: ] Ikl .[ ? ] , [ R] tone stress Besides these phonemes, the tests also confirmed assumptions we made on orthographic representations of other phonemes, as described below. The writing test was conducted in two stages: The first-test, which contained 64 words, took most participants about half an hour to write. W~ had the feeling .that the participants would not have ~ndured a longer test. Two entries were given twice in order to test consistency. None of the participants seemed to noticd that, and inconsistency was not to~ great. A second test was conducted about one month after the first one in order to test suprasegmentals (tone and stress) as well as ~nimal pai~s between leI, I£il , lell/, leI, and IiI. 6.1. 2 Results of the Orthography Tests As expected, no one wrote tone and stress, as these do not occur in Indonesian. When given minimal pairs, everyone was confused and hesitated before writing.. Tone and stress differences were either ignored or represented by different characters for the minimal pairs. People seem to be able to 52 Kaure Phonology determine the meaning of words from the context, and therefore, we have decided not to write them as well. The same applies to length, which in Kaure is not phonemic. Though some of the participants tried to represent length either by a double vowel or by a following -"h", none represented length consistently. The use of "y" for IiI [y] was no problem, except for-one person who preferred "j"; this participant used "c" for "j" (and sometimes for "s"), and didn't use the symbol "i". We will use 'y' for [y]. [w] was usually written as 'w' before vowels. After donsonants, it was represented as 'w', 'u', 'uw', and 'ow', As people don't have any problems reading 'w', we will use that. Since (u] and [0] are in free variation in Kaure, we expected that people would write them inconsistently even though '0' prevails word initially. After 'a', most people used 'u'. As there are only a few words with the lao]", and as we want to reserve 'u' for Eli], we will use '0' for [oj and [u] for [til. The letter 'u' for [til was verified by the orthography tests. [~] causes problems, although the suggested symbol 'e' prevails. During the tests, we noticed that people hesitated before writing anything. Passive reading ability of 'e' for [i] is fine with some words and difficult with others; therefore, we will maintain 'e', but feel that it needs to be taught when representing [i]. 'e' for [c] does not cause any problems as the sound is identical to that represented in Indonesian as 'e'. Eventhough, 'e' is also used for leI, it dign't cause any problems in the reading tests. Therefore, we feel justified in under d'ifferentiating and using the same character 'e' for both phonemes·, Minimal pairs, though confusing in the writing tests, should be clear in context. [1] and [1] were written as 'r' by· most people, and as '1' by some with the argument that [1] is not a trill [t) as in Indonesian. Morpheme finally, '1' prev·ails, as in that position it is never a flap, but often a weak retroflexed lateral that is sometimes not ·pronounced (and not written by some). When we discussed the problem with some of the participants, the majority opinion was that '1' should be used in all environments. 53 Workpapers ~n Indonesian Languages and Cultures Syllable final Ik/, manifested by [7] or [R], causes similar problems, but it is very weak. Some speakers don't hear it at all; most participants did not write it. Since all speakers recognize forms with syllable final Ikl, and since there are minimal ~airs with words that don't take stop in word final position, we feel 'k' needs to be used in word final position. Confusion was also caused by diphthongs that don't occur in Indonesian. None of the ~articipa~ts had problems with 'ai', but all had problems with lell and leul in both writing and reading. leu/ [eu) was usually represented as 'u', pot distinguishing [ill and [eli], although minimal pairs exist. Therefore, we have to teach the difference between the two characters. This necessitates the introduction of the new character 'eu'. 'ei' represents a similar problem. Minimal pairs between lei/~ lei, and lei were included in the writing test, and all participants felt that they are different, expressing this by different orthographic representations. Most people wrote 'e' for lei, but wrote 'i' for both lei / and lei, but not consistently. But 'i' cannot be accepted for leil (nor for lei), as there will be problems with minimal pairs, and 'ei' needs to be introduced. Nasalized vowels were usually written as vowels followed by 'n', but only infrequently as a vowel followed by 'ng'. The characters 'b' and 'd' for the prenasalized stops [mb] and End] do not cause any problems, as 'b' and 'd' in Indonesian words are always prenasalized when prono~nced by Kaure speakers. When writing however, people tend ~o be conf~sed, and we received the following suggestions: 'm', 'b', and 'mb' for 'b'; 'n', 'd', and 'nd' for 'd'. 't' and 'p' seem to be acceptable; There is only occasional confusion with 'b'. These considerations- lead us to suggest the following: 54 Kaure Phonology 6.2 Suggested Orthography Phoneme su~g~~ted \.rInl 01 Ipl [p] p Imbl [Inb] b It I [t] t Indl End] d Ikl [k] , [ ~] k [R] , [g] [xJ, [ Ej ] [7] Ihl [h] h Iml [ In] m Inl [n] n lsI [ 5 ] , [5 ] s III [1] , [1 ] 1 .. [ +] Ijl [dz] j lal (a] a leI [e] e leI [ e ] e IiI [i] , ~ [ y] Y 101 10], [e] 0 [Y] (w] w liil [li) u jaij [ail ai laol (ao] ao leil rei] e~ [i] e lelll [ell] eu Nasalized vowels are written with a following 'n'. Tonal differences and stress are not ma·rked. 55 Kaure Phonology APPENDIX List of Phonemic Contrasts The ~ollowing list of words illustrates contrasts between similar phonemes in Kaure. Ipl vs" Imbl Ipill [pill 'boil' Imbi!1 [mbi!] 'water', 'fish' Ipell [pel] 'to' Imbe:ll [mbe:!] 'leaf' Ipal21 [pal2 ] 'into' Imball [mba l] 'house' Iplinll [plj::i] 'on top' Imblill [mblil] 'today' Ipwail2 / [pwai12 ) 'near' /mbwail21 [ rnbwai12 ] 'tail' /ka1+'plokl / [ ka 2 . ' pioR 1 ] 'to speak' /kal+,mblokl / [ka2 . ,mbiolC l ) 'to chew' Ikolpei l l2 / lko. 2 'p.4:1 l2 ] 'cold' /kol+,mbaill / [ko2 " IDbil l ) 'take' (pI. ) Im/ vs Imb/ Imen l / [IrlI) 1 ] root of 'drink' /mbe: l / [mbe: l ] 'leaf' It I vs .lndl Itail2 / [tail2 ) 'sago' /ndai121 [ndail2 ]" 'wife' 56 Kaure Phonology Itei k l2 1 [tei RI2] 'wood' I ndei k 12 1 [nde:: i l(12] 'rain' Itall {tal] 'bag' Inda11 [ndal ] 'downstream' Iti12 / [til2] 'there' Indill [ndil] 'bow' Itok12 1 [to1(12] 'this' I ndok121 [ndoR12] 'child' /,to1oe::11 { ,tol.we::2 ] 'thorn' I,ndoloill [ , ndo 1 • wi 2 ] 'older brother' Ikal'teilll [ka2 .'til1 ] 'dry' Ikal+,ndailll [ ka 2 • ,ndil l ] 'eat' - ,- /nal+ndaiI21 [ na 2 . ' nda i 12 ] 'my wife' Ina1+tail21 [na2 .'tai12 ] 'my sago' - Indl VB Inl Indall [ndal ] 'downstream' Ina_II [na-2 ] 'rrry' , 'ours' (excl. ) I ndai121 [?daiI2 1 'wife' Inaill -[ nail] root of 'eat' I nde: 11 [nde:: I ] root of 'write' Ine-II ene_I] , his' , ' her' , 'its', 'their' It/ va /jl Iti121 [tiI2] 'there' /ji11 [d~il] root of '1ive' 57 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures Ikal'tall [ka2 • 'ta 1 J , don't! ' Ikal+'jall [ka2.'d~al) 'there is' l'ka1te:illl ( 'kal .ti12 ] 'to sit' l'ka1je:illl ['kal.d~il2 ] 'deep' ItanI21 [ta12 ] 'stalk' IkaI ko!jan121 [ka3.xo2.'d~a12] 'one' It I vs III ItiI21 'there' Ilill root of 'kill' Ita11 [talJ 'string bag' Ilall rial] 'bone' 'footprint' root of 'come' Itiill 'big pig' IliiI21 root of 'sleep' Ikal+te:1'htilk+ [ka3 .te:2 • 'htil.g 'to break one t:::1l+anll E;2.ia:3 ] item by hand' Ikal +le: 1 'hti1k+ [ka3 .1e:2 • '1'hti l.g 'to break one ell+an11 e: 2 .1a3 ] item with a blunt tool' l'sail2+te: l l ['sai12 .te:2 ] 'has done' l' sai12+1&l2 1 [ 's a i 12 .1 e; 3 J 'has he done?' Indl vs Ijl Indi11 'bow' Iji 1/ root of 'live' 58 Kaure Phonology Ika!+,ndail11 ( ka 2 • ' nd;i.l1 ] 'to eat' l'ka1jeilll ('kal .dzi12 ] 'deep' Indl vs III Indill [ndil] 'bow' Ilill [lil] root of 'kill' Ika1+,ndell [ka2. ,nde I ] interrogative of 'write' Ikal+'le11 [ka2 ,'lel ] 'live' Ijl vs III Iji11 [dzil] root of 'live' Ili!1 [IiI] root of 'kill' Ika 1+, ja 1 I [kal.'dzal ] 'live' Ikal+'lall [kal .'faI2 ] 'is slicing?' Ikol jan12 1 [ko2 • ' j a 12 ] 'also' Ikol lan12 1 [ ko 2 . ' 1a:l 2 ] 'did enter?' Ikl va Ihl Ika-ll [ka-l ] sg. prefix Ihall [hal] stative marker Iko-ll [ko-1 ] pl. prefix Iholl [hal) 'fear' Ikill [kill 'peel' Ihill [hill 'group of people' Ikai1j [kai1 ] 'not' Ihaill [hail] 'hair' 59 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures Ikoill 'cassowary' Ihoill 'mountain' Ika1kal 'kil [ka 3 • xa 2. 'xi 1. 'food' je:lla11 d~e;2.ia3] Ikal ha1 'ki1 [ ka 3 • ha 2 • ' xi 1 • 'swollen' je;llall d~e2.1a3] Ika 1'+, hoel+l+a 1 I (ka2 .'hwel .la2 ] 'to hear' Ikal+'koe1+l+all (ka2 .'kwel .la2 ] 'to hit' Inal kanl2 1 [ na 2 . ' xa 12 J 'old woman' Inal +hanl2 ] [na2 .'hal2 ] 'friend' Ihal kan121 [ha2 .,ga12 ] 'fast' Iha1+hanl21 [ha2 .'hal2 ] 'your friend' Inl vs Iml 'milk', 'breast' Intinll [nul] 'sugar cane' Ima-11 [ma_l] imperative marker (8g.) Ina_II [na-l] , my', , our' Imaill [mail) root of 'take' Inail / [nail1 root of 'eat' Ikal+'maill ( ka 2 • ' rna i 1 J 'does he take?' Ikal+'naill [ka2 .'nail ] 'does he eat?' Inal +mlinl21 ( na 2 . ' rna 12 ] 'my breast' Inal +'nlin11 (na2 • ' nul] 'my sugar cane' 60 Kaure Phonology ICol vs leI Ikoill (kwil] 'cassowary' Ikill [ki1 ] 'peel' Ipoai12 / [pwai12 ] 'near' Ipai1/ [pail] root of 'come up' Ihoill [hwil] 'mountain' Ihill [hill 'group of people' Imboil2 1 [mbwi12] 'enough' /mbi l / [mbil) 'water' Ikal+'koe1+l+a11 [ka2 "kwe1 .la2 ] 'to hit' l"kal +ke1+l+a12 1 [ "ka 1 . xe2 . ' 1a 12l 'to go out' 0:... Ika lhae 1, la I / ,[ka3 .hwe2 ,'1al ] 'ridge' I'kal+hel+l+anll ['ka1 .he2 .ia3 ] 'to die' Ikal+'hoall [ ka 2 • ' hwa I ] 'did he see?' Ikal+'hall [ka2 "hal ] 'there is' ICil vs /el I-siall [-syal ] distance marker Isal / [sal] 'fire' lil'siail/ [i2 "syail ] 'sago porridge' /sail/ [sail) root of 'go up' I-kl vs I-I Ihokl2 ) [hoRI2] 'bird' /holl [hal] 'fright' IiI vs· luI Ihill [hill 'group of people' 61 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures Ihtill [hUl] root of 'to kill' Ilill [IiI) root of 'to kill' Ilu12 1 [lU12 ) root of 'to sleep' lUi 1 I (till] 'big pig' Iti121 [ti 12 r 'there' Ina1+'in1 1 [na2 . 'il ] 'my place' Inal un 121 [na 2. ' U12 ] 'loose' l'sulmboa11 ['sul • IDbwa2 ] 'big' I'si-lpoall ['si.pwa2 ] 'evil' Ikal+u12+sailll [ ka 2 . ' ti 12 • s i I 2 ) 'to wave' Ikal+'il+sailll [ ka 2 . ' i 1 • s i 1 2 ] 'will live' luI vs 101 Itlill (tUl ] 'big pig' Itoll (tol] , strong' Ihull [hul) root of 'to. kill' Iholl [hOI] 'fear' Inal unl2 1 (na2 • 'U I2 ] 'loose' Ina1+'on11 [na2 "ol] 'my maggot' .IiI vs leI IIDbi11 (IDbil] 'water' Imbell [mbe l ] 'leaf' Ikal+'le11 [ka2 . ' 1£ l] 'to live' Ikal+'li11 [ka2 . ' Ii 1 ] 'did kill?' 62 Kaure Phonology 'pig' 'to' 'bow' root of 'to write' Isi 12 1 [si12 J root. of 'to say' 15£12/ [se: 12 ] 'dog' loill [wi 1) 'string' loe 1 1 [we: 1] 'branch' l,ndo1oi11 [,ndo1 .wi2] 'older brother' I ndo1 'wt;1/ [ nd02 • ' we: 1 ] 'foot' 1 .- Isin 1 [sI1] 'root' Ise:n11 [SI}l] 'cheek' Ika1+'ki1+sai 1 1 j [ka2 • 'xil .si12 ] 'will decompose' Ikal+ke::12+sailll [ka2 . 'xe 12 .sil2 ] 'will cut' Iii vs lei Ika1+'kil+sail11 (ka2 "xi1 .sil2 ] 'will decompose' /kal+ke12+sailll [ka2 "xe12 .sil2 ] 'will go out' Ika1+'li1+sai l 11 [ka2 ,'li1 .sil2 ] 'will kill' Ikal+le12+saillj [ka2 ,'le12 .sil2 ] 'will sit' (a long time) Ikal +hil+lal21 [ka3.hi2,'la121 'to arrive' /'ka1+he1+l+an1 j [ , ka 1. he2 .la3 } 'to die' /oill 'a kind of string' joel / 'long time' 63 Workpapers in Indonesian Language~ and Cultures 64 Kaure Phonology lei I vs leI Ika1+'plei11 [ka2 • 'pfeil] root of , 'pursue' Ika 1, pIE: 1 I [ka 2 • ' pie I] 'fruit' Ikal+kE:i12.sailll [ka2'xeiI2.siI2] 'will immerse' Ika1+kE:12+sai l l l [ka1 .'xeI2 .sil2 ] ,to cut off (pl. ) leil vs leI Ikal+lei12+saill] [kal,'iE:i12.siI2] 'will sit down' Ikal+le12+sailll [ka2 ,'ieI2 .skI2 ] 'will sit' (a long time) lei/"vs IiI [kal "pl£:il] Ika2+'plei11 root of 'pursue' Iplin11 [pill] 'on top' Ikal+kei12+sailll [ka2.'xei12.siI2] 'will immerse' Ikal+'ki1+sailll [ka2 • 'xil .skI2 ] 'will decompose' Ikal+'leil+sailil [ka2 ,'ieil.siI2 ] 'will sweep' Ika1+'lil+sailll [ka2 ,'iil .siI2 ] 'will kill' leil vs h;u/ Ikal+'leil+sailll [ka2+'ieil+s:i:.1 2 ] 'will sweep' Ikal+'leul+sailll [ka2+'ieul+si12 ] 'will call' Ikal+leiI2+sailll [ka2+'leiI2+si12] 'will sit' Ikal+leli12+sailll [ka2+'1e:uI2+sil2] 'walks' (habitually) lail vs lal Ihai11 [hail] 'hair' 65 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures Ihall [hal] 'stative marker' Ilaill [iail] root of 'come' Ilall [ial ] 'bone' Ikaill [kail ] negative marker Ika l2 1 [ka12 ] 'who?' I'palkall [ 'pa 1. xa 2] 'month' I'pal.kaill [ 'pal .xai2 ] 'old man' lail vs IiI Ihaill [hail] 'hair' Ihill [hill 'group of people' Indaill [ndail ] '.mouse' Indill [ndil] 'bow' l£uI va 1£1 Ikal+'l£ul+sailll [ka2 .'i£ul. s :i12 ] 'will call' lkal+'l£1+sail11 [ka2 .'1£1.s;i,,12] 'live' (habitually) I£til vs luI Ikal+l£u12+sailll 'walks' (habitually) 'will sleep' Ikal+,£ul+sailll [ka2 .,£iil.siI2] 'will walk' /kal+u12+saill/ (ka2 .'u12 .sg.12 ] 'will wave' l£uI vs·/el Ikal +l£ii12+sai I 1 1 'walks' \ (habitually) 66 Kaure Phonology Ikal+le12+sailll [ka2 .'le12 .si12 ] 'will sit' (a long time) h:uI vs leil Ikal+'lelil+sailll [ ka 2 . ' 1 e iil , s:i: 1 2 ] 'will call' Ikal+'leil+sailll [ka2 ,'lei1 .s:i:12 ] 'will sweep' Iko11"seiikll [ko12"seuRl J 'many' Ikol'seikl] [k02./sei Rl] 'crocodile' laol vs lal l'aol li11 [ 'ao1 ,li2 J 'canoe' laLlill [a2 ,'lil J 'fly' Ihal +,mbaok1 1 [ha2 . ,mbaoRl] 'take!' Imba 1 1 [mba 1 J 'house' Indao1'lill [nda02 .'lil ] 'water container' - I,ndallikll [ ,nda11ik2] 'string' laol vs 101 l'ao11i1 1 ['a011i2 ] 'canoe' 101'lil l [ 0 2 . ' Ii 1 ] 'has killed?' (pl. ) laol vs lail l'talpao11 [ 'tal .pa02'] 'mistake' Ital'paill [ta2 . 'pail] 'price' Ikai11 [kai1 ] 'without' Ika+ok11 [kaoRl] 'did he take?' 67 Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures NOTES 1 Until further research has been done, nothing more specific can be said about these languages. 2 Wh~le gathering the information for this arti,cle, the Doromel family lived in the Kaure village of Harna intermittantly from 1985 until the present. 3 The Kaure Thesaurus was published in 1991 by the University of Cenderawasih in Abepura, Irian Jaya. 4 The Kaure Conversation Book will be published soon. 5 We would like to express our appreciation to Piter Auri, Dan Auri, Sefnat Dalem, Yehuda Masita and Markus Pokoko from the Kaure language group who contributed most of the information for this paper, and to those of our co-workers within SIL whose critical comments were most helpful in writing the paper. 6 "A phonological feature widespread in ·Papuan languages( ... ) is the lack of contrast between r-type and 1- type sounds which appear usually as flaps." Wurm (1982), p. 35f. 7 As [5] does not appear to be in free variation with [s] and only inconsistently occurs in some words, the status of [5] is still unclear. 8 Speakers of the Wes dialect group tend to pronounce [j] as [tY]i some people pronounce it as [g]. REFERENCES Voorhoeve, C.L.: Languages o~ Irian Jaya: Checklist, Preliminary Classification, Language Maps, Wordlists. In: Pacific Linguistics, Series B - No.31, 1975. Wurm, Stephen A.: Papuan Languages of Oceania. Ttibingen 1982. 68