MASARYK UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF ARTS

RIGOROSUM THESIS

BRNO 2018 MONIKA RŮŽIČKOVÁ

MASARYK UNIVERSITY

Faculty of Arts

Department of Slavonic Studies

Area and Philological Studies

Mgr. Monika Růžičková

ROMANIA - THE PROBLEMS OF THE IDENTITY

OF JEWISH WRITERS IN EXILE

Rigorosum Thesis

2018

„Prohlašuji, že jsem předkládanou rigorózní práci vypracovala samostatně s využitím uvedených pramenů a literatury.“

V Brně dne

Podpis:

Na tomto místě bych ráda poděkovala za spolupráci prof. PhDr Ivo Pospíšilovi DrSc., jehož cenné rady a připomínky pro mě byly neocenitelným přínosem. Slova poděkování za odbornou pomoc při zpracování dokumentace patří i PhDr. Jiřímu Našincovi a mému kolegovi Mgr. Milanu Malému za čas a trpělivost.

Abstrakt

Exil je možné chápat, jako odchod z domoviny. V Rumunsku se za exilové období označují léta 1945–1989, spojená především s komunistickým režimem.

V dějinách rumunského národa hrál exil vždy významnou úlohu. Z tohoto důvodu představuje literatura, psaná v exilu po roce 1945 jak rumunskými, tak židovskými literáty, nejen důležitou součást rumunského písemnictví, ale i projev národní identity. Po druhé světové válce se nejvýznamnějšími centry rumunského literárního exilu staly Španělsko, Francie, území dnešního Státu Izrael a USA, ke kterým měli rumunští spisovatelé tradičně nejblíže. Nejdříve do exilu odcházeli sympatizanti krajní pravice a monarchisté, jejichž cílem byl hlavně Madrid.

První část disertační práce nastiňuje, jaký vliv měla na život a tvorbu židovských autorů ekonomická a politická situace, jak na tyto autory působila kultura a náboženství jejich předků, sociální prostředí i vlastní přesvědčení. Jejich literární odkaz není nahlížen izolovaně, nýbrž z politického, kulturního, společenského a náboženského úhlu pohledu.

Druhá část práce seznamuje s exilovým literárním prostředím, srovnává nejvýznamnější autory exilové literatury v Izraeli a analyzuje jejich dílo. Rumunští Židé odcházeli do exilu postupně. V létech 1939–1949 v rámci první exilové vlny opustili rodnou zemi například Elie Wiesel a Aharon Appelfeld. Do druhé exilové vlny, probíhající v 60. a 70. letech minulého století, lze zařadit významné rumunské židovské intelektuály, například Alexandru Mirodana, Eugena Lucu a Šaula Carmela. Ve třetí, poslední vlně odlivu židovských spisovatelů, která proběhla od konce 70. resp. začátku 80. let, odešli do emigrace například Virgil Duda, Tatiana Lovinescu nebo Leon Volovici. Všichni tito lidé byli nuceni opustit domov a začít zcela novou životní i tvůrčí etapu v exilu.

Jedná se o téma, které dosud zůstávalo na okraji zájmu – snad i proto, že v případě Rumunska jde o postkomunistickou zemi. Je relativně nové a zvýšené pozornosti se mu dostává teprve v posledních patnácti letech. Exilová literatura je nezbytně nutná pro pochopení nejen rumunské, ale i hebrejské identity a kultury, jíž tato přijala za svou. Prostřednictvím děl vybraných autorů si lze utvořit představu o tvorbě a životě jednotlivých spisovatelů během procesu integrace v nových podmínkách a zároveň nastínit rumunský židovský literární exil v Izraeli.

Klíčová slova: Identita, asimilace, integrace, izolace, exil, emigrace, dvojí identita, diaspora

Abstract

Exile can be comprehended as leaving one’s native country. The exile period in has lasted from 1945 to 1989 (i.e. from the beginning to the end of the communist regime). As exiles have always played an important role in the history of the Romanian nation, Romanian exile literature after 1945 represents an integral part of as a whole. After World War II the most important centers of the Romanian literary exiles became , and the U.S.A. (one of the first groups is represented by the sympathizers of the extreme right wing and the monarchists whose target was mainly Madrid) because the relations of Romania to these countries had been traditionally very close.

The introductory chapter of the dissertation shows what effect exile had on the lives and work of Jewish writers, their economic and political situation, how they were influenced by the culture and religion of their ancestors, the social environment and their own beliefs. Their literary work cannot be seen individually, but from a wider political, cultural, social and religious point of view.

The second part of the dissertation presents the exile literary work environment, compares the most significant authors of literature in exile in Israel, and analyzes their work. Romanian left for Israel in waves. During the first wave from 1939 to 1949 left the Jewish writers Aharon Appelfeld and Elie Wiesel. In the second wave of the sixties and seventies left many Romanian Jewish intellectuals like Alexandru Mirodan, Eugen Luca and Shaul Carmel. In the third and final wave of Jewish writers, which ran from the late seventies to the mid-eighties belonged Virgil Duda, Tatiana Lovinescu and Leon Volovici. Romanian Jews were forced to leave their homeland and start their new and creative lives in exile.

This topic has not been paid so much heed – possibly because it concerns a former communist country. So, it is relatively new and raw. The exile literature is necessary for understanding not only the Romanian but also the new Israeli identity and culture. On the basis of its selected works it is possible to get the picture not only of the creation and lives of individual writers during the process of integration, but also of the Romanian–Jewish literary exile in Israel.

Keywords: identity, assimilation, integration, isolation, exile, emigration, double identity, diaspora

Contents

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 9 2 THE OUTLINE OF ROMANIAN EXILE ...... 12 2.1 Accessible sources of Romanian and Romanian-Jewish exile ...... 12 2.2 Exile in general ...... 15 2.3 Historical Romanian exile in literature ...... 16 2.4 Romania 1938–1989 ...... 19 2.5 An exile country – a new home ...... 24 2.6 Identity in exile ...... 28 2.7 Exile literature and its reception in Israel ...... 31 2.8 The reception of exile literature in Romania ...... 37 3 THE HISTORY OF THE ROMANIAN JEWS IN LITERATURE ...... 41 3.1 The first literary documents ...... 41 3.2 Later literary influences ...... 42 3.3 The image of the Jews in Romanian literature ...... 43 3.4 Jewish contribution to literature written in ...... 44 3.5 The dilemma of personality – a Romanian or a Jew? ...... 45 4 ECONOMIC-POLITICAL INSIGHT ...... 48 4.1 Romanian anti-Semitism ...... 48 4.2 Romanian politics and exile ...... 49 4.3 and exile ...... 51 4.4 Romanian political arena in 1945-1989 ...... 53 4.4.1 The 1950s ...... 53 4.4.2 The 1960s ...... 56 4.4.3 The 1970s and 1980s ...... 57 5 CULTURAL AND SOCIAL ASPECTS ...... 59 5.1 The cultural identity of emigrants ...... 59 5.2 Cultural associations and organizations in exile ...... 61 6 THE VIEW OF THE JEWS IN THE WORK BY VIKTOR EMIL FRANKL ...... 65 6.1 Biography ...... 65 6.2 Trotzdem ja zum leben sagen – the literary-dramatic experiment ...... 67 6.2.1 The first phase ...... 68 6.2.2 The second phase ...... 69 6.2.3 The third phase ...... 70 6.2.4 Religion ...... 71 6.2.5 Conclusion ...... 71 7 ELIE WIESEL – THE FIRST WAVE – THE LOSS OF IDENTITY AND ITS REGAINING 73 7.1 Biography ...... 73 7.2 The autobiographical novelette Memories: All Rivers Run to the Sea ...... 75 7.2.1 – historical betrayal and the beginning of evil ...... 77 7.3 Under better circumstances ...... 77 7.4 Hasidim, Hasidism and deportation ...... 78 7.5 Exile in the exile ...... 80

7.6 Jewish roots and Israel ...... 83 7.7 Religion and belief as a part of one life stage ...... 87 7.8 Literature – the sense of life ...... 90 7.8.1 Reception ...... 94 7.9 The biographical novel Night ...... 95 7.9.1 Reception ...... 99 7.10 Conclusion ...... 100 8 AHARON APPELFELD – THE FIRST WAVE – THE SOURCES OF IDENTITY AND EXILE AS A WAY ...... 102 8.1 Biography ...... 102 8.2 Life without home ...... 103 8.3 The novelette Retreat ...... 104 8.3.1 Reception ...... 107 8.4 The novelette Badenheim 1939 ...... 108 8.4.1 Language as a means of communication ...... 112 8.4.2 Change into a ...... 112 8.4.3 Reception ...... 113 8.4.4 Conclusion ...... 114 9 EUGEN LUCA – THE SECOND WIVE –EXILE AS CULTURAL IDENTITY ...... 116 9.1 Biography ...... 116 9.2 A Romanian Jew and socialist realism ...... 117 9.3 The novel ...... 119 9.3.1 Reception ...... 121 9.3.2 Conclusion ...... 122 10 VIRGIL DUDA – THE THIRD WAVE – EXILE AS A WAY OUT ...... 123 10.1 Biography ...... 123 10.2 Romania before going into exile and after it ...... 124 10.3 The novel Romania, the End of December ...... 125 10.3.1 Reception ...... 128 10.3.2 Conclusion ...... 129 11 THE COMPARISON OF THE AUTHORS AND THEIR WORKS ...... 131 12 THE RESUMÉ OF THE DISSERTATION ...... 133 13 SUMMARY ...... 138 14 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 144

1 INTRODUCTION

The main object of this dissertation is the analysis of selected works of Elie Wiesel and Aharon Appelfeld. Its main idea is the synthesis of knowledge and facts which reveal their differences, how they were impacted by holocaust and how the lives and creation of the above authors were influenced by the economic and political situation, the culture and religion of ancestors, the social environment and their own opinions. Their literary heritage cannot be observed in isolation, but from the political, cultural, social and religious angle of view.

Thus the dissertation should contribute to the deeper understanding of the problems of Jewish identity which has been formed for thousands of years mostly in the Diaspora which – in respect to the historical context – became for the Jews their “home”.

This dissertation maps the Romanian exile literary environment in Israel, gets acquainted with the most important authors of exile literature and analyzes their works. The Romanian Jews left for Israel by stages. The first wave of their emigration in 1939–1949 included Aharon Appelfeld, Sandu Davishon, Elie Wiesel, Șlomo Leibovici- Laiș, Avraham Feller,1 Israel Bar-Avi, Jicchak Bercovici, Eugen Iosif Campus and gifted avant-garde artist Marcel Iancu. The second emigration wave in 1960s and1970s was represented by Romanian Jewish intellectuals Hary Bar-Shalom, Ion Avian, Sam Watts, H. M. Bady, George Bar-On, Mariana Juster, Eugen Luca, Felix Caroly, Alexandru Mirodan, Iosif Fux, Iosif Petran, Iosif Schechter and Shaul Carmel. The third and the last emigration wave which has been in progress since the end of 1970s or the half of 1980s included Alexandru Șaim, Virgil Duda, Andrei Fischof, Tatiana Lovinescu, Leon Volovici and Victor Rusu who had to leave their homes and start a new life and creation phase in exile.

After World War II the most important target countries of Romanian literary exile were (the first emigrants were those who had sympathy with the extreme right and monarchists and who headed for Madrid), France, the Land of Israel (before the proclamation of the State of Israel in 1948 it had been the territory of Palestine under the British Mandate) and the USA which were traditionally near to Romanian intellectuals.

1 FELLER, Abraham. Chipuri, locuri, evocări. Tel Aviv, 1985. 9 The theme of this dissertation has been marginal – one of the reasons can be the fact that Romania is a post-communist country. That is why it is still relatively new and worked up limitedly.2

Exile literature is necessary for understanding not only Romanian but also Hebrew identity and culture. During the communist regime the theme of exile, respectively the relation between the and the Jews, did not attract big attention and researchers did not go inquired into it. Historical sources treating Romanian exile literature or documents which were connected with this theme were few. There were no conditions for research and the theme of exile remained taboo. Only in the post- communist period the new horizons for the issue of the relation between exile and political power opened.

The first part of the dissertation describes the literary and historical background, the importance of literature in exile, literary styles, political situation in communist Romania and its social environment. The second part presents above all Jewish doctor and writer Viktor E. Frankl, his religious and psychological approach to the Jews and main literary works and compares individual Jewish authors. The final part analyses the differences between Romanian and Jewish literary environment, the social eradication of Romanian Jewish writers and artists, their loss of identity and efforts to find it again.

It seems that the observation of the above themes from cultural, historical, sociological, literary and scientific angle of view enables a unique insight into Romanian Jewish literary exile in Israel.

It is worth mentioning that Czech scientific works dealing in the problems of Romanian Jewish writers after World War II are still few. The author of this dissertation is aware that she is not able to deal with the above theme in full. Romanian exile literature which has been forbidden and for several decades thus offers a lot of issues which have not been explored yet.

2 In this respect I can mentioned especially these works: NOVOTNÁ Jarmila, Romanian Literary Exile in the USA, : Faculty of Arts, Charles University, 2004 – the unpublished dissertation in Czech, The Department of Romance Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University; CHOJNACKÁ Olga, Exile as a Creative Process – the Chapters of Romanian Exile Literature in France, Prague, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, 2013 – the unpublished dissertation in Czech, The Department of Romance Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University. 10 This dissertation draws partial conclusions only from one of the genres of contemporary Romanian prose. Nevertheless, Jewish authors in Israel represent the integral part not only of Romanian exile literature but also Romanian literature as a whole. There are writers who have been living in Israel for twenty eight years after the fall of communism. It means that the influence of Romanian exile authors on the contemporary development of Romanian literature and culture has not weakened.

The quotations and passages from Romanian, French and German sources were translated by the author of this dissertation.

The words in other languages than English are presented in phonetic, transliterated or kept in their original form.3

3 With special emphasis on correct form of Romanian. 11 2 THE OUTLINE OF ROMANIAN EXILE

This dissertation deals in the common issues of Romanian Jewish exile which came out in consequence of relevant historical and political changes. Problem of mass Romanian exile has been existing since 19th century.

2.1 Accessible sources of Romanian and Romanian-Jewish exile

There are a lot of partial studies which have been dealing in Romanian exile since the half of the last century, but the first complete work on this theme is The Encyclopaedia of Romanian Literary Exile 1945-1989 which was published in 2003.4 Florin Manolescu, the writer, historian of literature, theorist and prose-writer (born in 1943 in ) wrote one of the most important and comprehensive work about Romanian exile. He did not have to emigrate and lived his life in Romania where he died in 2015. After finishing his studies he worked in Bucharest at the Faculty of Arts as a lecturer at the Department of Romanian literature. His comprehensive dictionary provides data on exile writers and information about exile journals, institutions and associations founded abroad by Romanian exiles.

The important part of the dictionary is represented by the portraits of individual writers and the list of their works published not only in Romanian language but also in languages of respective exile countries. In addition, this dictionary includes the list of translations of the works of those authors to international languages, the journals and even references to exile institutions including the data of their foundation and the names of their founders.

The main contribution of this dictionary consists in its comprehensiveness – both the lives and the works of exile authors are described in detail. Thus its author contributed significantly to the integration of exile authors and the systematization of Romanian literature as well.

Also some previous works are worth mentioning – for example those by Gabriel Pleşea (born in 1942 in Bucharest) who is a member of the Association of Romanian Writers (Uniunea Scriitorilor din România) and other cultural associations in the USA.

4 MANOLESCU Florin, Enciclopedia exilului literar românesc 1945–1989. București: Compania, 2003. 12 Since 1976 he has been living in New York.5 His work Scriitori români la New York (Romanian Writers in New York)6 was awarded with the Neptune Literary Award. Four his novels have been published since 1991. He is an editor of the journal Lumea libera românească (Romanian Free World) which is still published there. The works by Romanian writers living in New York brought nearer the exile authors to Romanian readers. Pleșea’s colleague Aurel Sașu (born on July 21, 1943 in ) inquired into the issue of Romanian exile in his publication Dicționarul scriitorilor români din Statele Unite și Canada (The Dictionary of Romanian Writers in the USA. and Canada).7

Laurentiu Ulici (born on May 6, 1943 in Buzau) was a Romanian literary critic and politician. In 1966 he finished at the his studies of philology and 4 years later philosophy as well. Since 1995 he has worked as a chairman of the association Uniunea Scriitorilor din România (Association of Romanian Writers). In addition he has carried out the function of a senator8 for 4 years. He died on November 16, 2000. Although he himself has never lived in exile, his publication Scriitori români din afara granițelor țării (Romanian Writers behind the Borders of the Country)9 is one of the key works relating to Romanian literary exile: “This seemingly unimportant issue has its big importance because it binds to the very ontology of exile. A man can escape from a hostile environment and from political or economic pressure, but he cannot escape from himself. Who knows this, he can chose such an escape, but it is nothing but homeopathy.”10

Dan Fornade (born on March 28, 1951 in Timisoara) graduated at the Faculty of Arts in Timisoara in 1978. He had majored in Romanian and English languages. Since 1980 he has been living in Montreal. In 1990 he founded the journal Luceafarul romanesc (The Romanian Morning Star) which is still published in Canada. He is still its editor. In cooperation with Romanian Culture Institute in Montreal he organizes numerous cultural activities. In this respect it is worth mentioning the first exhibition of anti-communist Romanian newspapers and journals published in exile. He is an author

5 ROTH, Pusa, Un reporter român la Naţiunile Unite – Gabriel Pleşea. In: Liber să spun [online]. Noiembrie 17, 2012 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://libersaspun.3netmedia.ro/tag/gabriel-plesea/ 6 PLEȘEA, Gabriel. Scriitori români la New York. București: Editura Vestala, 1998. 7 SAȘU, Aurel. Dicționarul scriitorilor români din Statele Unite și Canada. București, 2001. 8 Laurențiu Ulici, In: autorii.com [online]. ©2009–2017 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.autorii.com/scriitori/laurentiu-ulici/ 9 ULICI, Laurențiu. Scriitori români din afara granițelor țării. București: Fundația Luceafăru, 1996. 10 «Chestiunea aceasta, aparent lipsită de importanță, are totuși o semnificație răzbătătoare, ținând de ontologia exilului. Poți fugi dintr-un mediu ostil, poți fugi de presiuni politice sau ekonomice, dar nu poți fugi de tine însuți. Cine știe asta poate să aleagă fuga de sine însuși, e doar o homeopatie.» See ULICI, Laurențiu, ref. 9, p. 5. 13 of remarkable encyclopaedia11 Who’s is Who – Românii din America. 500 personalitați din America și Canada (Who is who – Romanians from America – 500 Personalities from America and Canada).12

The mentions of previous encyclopaedic dictionaries on the issue of Romanian exile and Romanian Jewish intellectuals have ever been marginal. This situation was put right by writer with Jewish roots Alexandru Mirodan who wrote the dictionary Dicționar neconvențional al scriitorilor evrei de limbă română (Unusual Dictionary of Jewish Authors Writing in Romanian Language).13 In the journal Minimum (Tel Aviv) its third volume (G-H-I) was published in 2008. The author wrote: “Our dictionary is an attempt to collect everything valuable and meaningful from the works of Jewish authors writing in Romanian language. It deals not only in authors and their works which are “drawn from the lava of life”, isolated and limited by the time, the frame of mind and the state of passion, but also the publishers of dailies, editors, cartoon-film makers, book-sellers, antique-dealers, clubs, literary associations, cafés as well as friends and enemies of literature.”14

As for foreign publications on the above theme, it is worth mentioning the comprehensive study by Eva Behring (born in 1937), the graduate from the Faculty of Romanian Language in Bucharest (1961). Her work Romanian Writers in Exile 1945–1989 – Historical and Literary Perspective,15 put near the exile from the point of view of a German woman who attempts to make the theme accessible not only to experts but also to the lay public. This comprehensive and systematic work contains useful information including the index of personalities, publications and organizations abroad.

Romanian Jewish exile has ever attempted to identify Jewish tradition. It dealt in the forms and mechanisms of communication, cultural identity and its awareness, the

11 FORNADE, Dan. Who’s is Who – Românii din America: 500 personalitați din America și Canada. Montreal, 2000. 12 Fornade, Dan. In: Holy Trinity [online]. [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.biserica.org/WhosWho/Articles/Fornade_Biography.htm 13 MIRODAN, Alexandru. Dicționar neconvențional al scriitorilor evrei de limbă română, vol. I–II. Tel Aviv, 1986–1997. 14 «Dicționarul nostru reprezenta cea dintâi încercare de a aduna într-un singur loc tot ceea ce este mai de valoare și semnificativ în universul numit “SCRIITORII EVREI DE LIMBĂ ROMÂNĂ“ nu numai autori si opere extrase din măgma vietii, si izolate, ci și aerul timpului, mișcarea ideilor, starea pașiunilor, apoi lumea propriu-zisa a literăturii: reviste, editori, animatori, librări, anticari, cenacluri, asociații scriitoricești, cafenele, prieteni ai artei, dușmani ai artei.» See Cuvînt Înainte in MIRODAN, Alexandru, ref. 13. 15 BEHRING, Eva. Scriitori români din exil 1945–1989. București: Editura Fundației culturale române, 2001. 14 solution of the problems of writing, the fate and interpretation of individual works and their integration within the framework of the national culture of a respective exile country.

2.2 Exile in general

The key terms of this dissertation, applied in the contest of Jewish history and culture – exile, emigration, identity, assimilation, integration, isolation, double identity and Diaspora – should be explained in detail.

“Exile” derivate of “ex-silium” in Latin, mostly means expulsion. It can also be comprehended as leaving a native country where the political conditions are unstable. In Romania the times of exile are dated from 1945 to 1985, i.e. in from the beginning to the end of the communist era.

“Emigration” is derivate of “ex-migrare” in Latin. It means leaving a native country and moving to another one, mostly for economic, political or religious reasons.

“Diaspora” derivate of a Greek word διασπορά, meant in origin the sowing of seeds. In the contemporary context it means the dispersion of an ethnic group out of a native country (for example the Jewish Diaspora).

This term is connected with the term “identity” meaning self-determination. In everyday life identity is not felt as intensively as when it is influenced by something or somebody else. We comprehend the loss of identity, when we comprehend the difference between us and other people. This situation can cause frequent dilemmas. If an individual leaves his native country, it is important for him to adapt to the conditions in a host country. He must adapt to its life and cultural environment. Thus he assimilates (the word is derivate of “ad-similare” in Latin), which means that he adapts to a majority society, acquires its language and amalgamates with its environment. He can reach even total assimilation which means the loss of roots and all connections with his native country, including those of language.

Some people just integrate themselves. "Integration" is assimilation when the person concerned retains their identity in the host country and at the same time at least linguistically and culturally adapts.

15 Other important term is “isolation” – separation or seclusion. In the Jewish context there are several types of isolation. One example is so-called “palpable” or “tangible” isolation when the Jews were concentrated in separate . It was isolation within a common state, where they could live together and in peace. Such an inner isolation was one of factors that led to .

2.3 Historical Romanian exile in literature

In Romania there were many writers who emigrated formerly and they can be considered the predecessors of today exiles. In the history of the Romanian nation exile – whether caused by religious, ideological or political reasons – has ever played an important role.

Let us return to the times several centuries ago, to the era of the Moldavian principality founded in the first half of 14th century. One of the first exiles was Moldavian metropolitan bishop Dosoftei (1624–1693),16 the and translator, who wrote exclusively in Romanian. He is an author of the most ancient Romanian preserved poems (the book of psalms in verse, written in Romanian) and many translations, mostly of religious character. Twice he had to leave his native country and move to . The first Moldavian chronicler Grigore Ureche (1590–1647)17 lived in exile in Poland even as a child. His father, the controller of the household in the Moldavian principality, had to move to Poland with the whole family. He was the author of Letopisețul Țării Moldovei până la Aron Vodă (The Annals of Moldavian Country till the Times of Duke Aron). Other important exile was Moldavian chronicler Miron Costin (1633–1691)18 who had lived in Polish exile as well and returned to in the age of 18. His work Letopisețul Țării Moldovei de la Aron Vodă încoace (The Annals of Moldavian Country since the rule of Duke Aron) followed up with the chronicle by Grigore Ureche. In this context it is worth mentioning one of the most well-known and renowned personalities at the turn of 17th and 18th centuries, Moldavian duke Dimitrie Cantemir (1673–1723),19 the Romanian renaissance scientist and artist, linguist, historian and writer, the author of many important historical and philosophical works and the member of the Academy of

16 SIMION, Eugen, ed. Dicționarul general al literaturii Române, vol. II, C–D. București: Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2004, p. 725. 17 Marele cronicar Grigore Ureche. In: Cultural BZI [online]. 17 Septembrie 2013 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: https://cultural.bzi.ro/marele-cronicar-grigore-ureche-4367 18 Costin Miron. In: MOLDOVENII [online]. [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.moldovenii.md/md/people/128 19 SIMION, Eugen, ref. 16, p. 42–47. 16 Sciences. He was born in Iași and died in Russian town Dimitrovka (today Dimitrovka- Orlovski). As a boy he had a private mentor, Greek theologian Iremia Cacavelas, who taught him the elements of theology, rhetoric and logics. In 1688 he was sent to Constantinople where he went studies of theology, philosophy, geography, ethics, medicine and oriental languages. In 1698 – he was less than 25 – he wrote the remarkable theosophical work about the conflict between body and soul Divanul sau Gâlceava Înțeleptului cu Lumea sau Giudețul Sufletului (Diwan or the Discord of the Wise Man with the World or the Dispute between Body and Soul). He is the author of the first Romanian historical novel Istoria ieroglifică (Hieroglyphic History, 1705). The great personalities of the Romanian society of that time are depicted as fabled animals. Although Cantemir’s works were stately, they were not admitted by the public before the half of 19th century. Till that time they have been almost unknown.

After the defeat of the revolution in 1848 there were many political frictions in Romania. A lot of writers of influence emigrated. Among them was also one of the most important personalities of Romanian exile Nicolae Bălcescu (born June 29, 1819 in Bucharest, died on November 29, 1852 in Palermo),20 the historian, prosaic and revolutionary. When he was 19, he entered the army in the rank of a junker (a member of the Prussian rural nobility). At the army school he taught the elements of history which has ever been in the centre of his attention. In 1840 he joined the revolutionary movement initiated by Dimitru Filipescu. The revolution had been nipped in the bud and the revolutionaries were imprisoned. Bălcescu served his three-year sentence of imprisonment in the Mărgineni monastery. In 1842 they released him from prison with undermined health. Since 1843 he has worked in a literary association whose members were renowned Romanian personalities – for example M. Kogălniceanu and I. Ghica. In 1844 his study Puterea armată și artă militară de la întemeierea Principatului Valahiei până acum (The Strength of the Army and Military Skills in the Times after the Foundation of Walachian Principality) in the journal Propășirea (The Progress) was published. Two years later, when the political situation in the country started to come to a head, Bălcescu went into exile in France. In Paris he met his colleague Mihail Kogălniceanu who he cooperated with on the bibliographical dictionary of Romanian historical personalities. In autumn 1848 he returned to Romania and became one of the most

20 SIMION, Eugen, ed. Dicționarul general al literaturii Române, vol. I, A–B. București: Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2003, p. 432–436. 17 important leaders of revolution. On June 11, 1848 he had been named for the function of the secretary of the temporary government which was overthrown by the Turks after a few months. Bălcescu had to escape and eventually he moved to . In 1849 he went into exile in Paris once more. His key work was Românii supt Mihai-Voievod Viteazul (The Romanians in the Times of Duke Michael the Gallant). This work was written in 1849 and issued by publisher Alexandru Odobescu in 1861-1863. In 1852 Bălcescu set out on a journey to Italy. He visited Napoli and Palermo where he died of tuberculosis.

In 1859 – under the rule of Ion Cuza – the united principality of Moldavia and Walachia originated. According to historical sources anybody of the inhabitants who had fallen out with the authority, he had to go into exile. The political situation in those times did not allow compromises. The only solution was either overthrowing the government or leaving the country. Romanian exiles leaved for Transylvania (which was a part of Hungary), Poland, Ottoman and Russia.

One of the most remarkable examples of voluntary exile is that of playwright Ion (1852–1912).21 After he was denounced of in Romania, since 1905 he has lived in Berlin. The number of exile started to increase especially in 20th century. Many exiles represented artistic avant-garde, for example renowned Romanian- Jewish poet (proper name Samuel Rosenstock, 1896–1963)22 who in 1915 left for Zurich where he founded Dadaistic movement in the cabaret Voltaire after one year. After following 3 years he had left Switzerland and moved to France, where he died in 1963. Another artist who went into exile in France was Benjamin Fundoianu (1898–1944)23 who was very sensitive to the issues of identity and racial segregation. He himself had to come to terms with double identity and it is remarkable how he succeeded in it. He lived his “double” life naturally without dramas and the feeling of the crisis of identity. On the contrary, some his colleagues lived with the feeling of split personality and fought with own identity, which must have been reflected in their works. Fundoianu was a literary critic, essayist and poet who contributed with his articles regularly to Jewish newspapers and journals. Later he became famous as a

21 MACÁKOVÁ, Karolína. Caragiale, Ion Luca. In: iLiteratura.cz [online]. 3. 1. 2013 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.iliteratura.cz/Clanek/31047/caragiale-ion-luca 22 Tristan Tzara In: Dadaismus [online]. 2. 9. 2005 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.dadaismus.wz.cz/tzara.html 23 SIMION, Eugen, ed. Dicționarul general al literaturii Române, vol. III, E–K. București: Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2005, p. 213. 18 renowned Romanian writer. In 1923 he left Romania for his new mother country – France where he issued various publications under the pseudonym . He was a very prolific author. The life of this very important Jewish intellectual ended in autumn 1944 tragically in the concentration camp in Birkenau. Another representative of Romanian artistic avant-garde was talented Jewish surrealistic poet (proper name Eduard Marcus, 1903–1946).24 He had gone into voluntary exile in 1933 and settled in Paris. His destiny was agitated as well. In 1946 he surprisingly committed suicide.

2.4 Romania 1938–1989

As the emigration of Romanian intellectuals was motivated above all by political reasons, the key period for this dissertation is that between 1938 and 1989. The most frequent exiles in those times were the Jews forced to it by religious and national reasons.

This exile when not only the Jews but also the others started to leave their country is dated to 1945. Since then it has been continuing. After 1945 when the communists grasped the power in the country even many former politicians chose emigration because of the threat to be imprisoned. Politically motivated exile between 1945 and 1989 complies with all criteria which are considered to be crucial for the evaluation of exile as such.25

The above exiles can be divided into three emigration phases. In the period between 1945 and 1949 about 50 writers and in that between 1975 and 1989 their number drew near to 200. In the course of 45 years about 12% of Romanian and Romanian-Jewish writers went into exile.26

24 SEBASTIAN, Ion Paul. Centenar Ilarie Voronca: Miliardarul de imagini. In: România literară: Revistă a Uniunii Scriitorilor din România [online]. 2003, Nr. 51–52 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.romlit.ro/centenar_ilarie_voronca__miliardarul_de_imagini 25 «În rândul emigrărilor motivate politic, social și cultural-politic enumerate aici, exilul anilor 1945–1989 întrunește toate criteriile considerate de noi ca definitori.» See BEHRING, Eva, ref. 15, p. 19. 26 See ”Avatarii lui Ovidiu” in ULICI, Laurențiu, ref. 9, p. 5. 19 The first exile period includes the years after World War II (1945–1950). The second period includes 1960s and 1970s and the third the times of communist totality till the fall of communism in 1989.27

The first more serious conflict between the leaders of the Romanian Jewish community and the regime occurred on June 14, 1944 on the occasion of the meeting of Jewish leader with King Michael I in the Peleș palace. The representative of the Jewish community asked the king to dismiss a plan of the evacuation of Jews to concentration camps approved by Antonescu’s regime. He defended the interests of his fellow-believers and attempted to explain to the king that the Jews did not refuse cooperation with the regime and were not going to revolt against him. They merely asked this cooperation to be balanced in proportion to Romanian Christians, but the king did not affirmatively dispose of their application. Doctor Filderman was imprisoned and in 1945 he had to put up with the ban of his periodical Curierul Israelit (The Israeli Courier).28 He went into exile in 1948. In his country he was condemned in his absence. The Romanian Jewish community lived in continuous fear and became the target of political attacks. For the first time it happened in 1953 during the meeting of Romanian Labour Party (Partidul Muncitoresc Român) headed by Iosif Chișinevschi (proper name Jakob Roitman, the Russian Jew, born in 1905 in Kishinev). In his speech he said:

“Jewish communities have ever been the nest of robbers and spies. They have ever had somebody like Filderman and their programme has ever included exploiting and stripping the poor and the crimes of espionage. That is why I think that we must act energetically. Damn them! They will finally grow silent. If we do not silence them, they will harm – not only us but also the whole peace community.”29 The second conflict began to burn shortly after the speech of Romanian president Gheorghe Gheorgiu-Dej (born in 1901 in Bârlad). He said: “The representatives of imperialist agencies are being investigated. This

27 The issue of exile is being dealt in by the Institute for the Investigation of the Crimes of Communism and the Memory of Romanian Exile, founded in 2009 (Institutul de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului şi Memoria Exilului Românesc, IICCMER, www.iiccmer.ro). 28 WEXLER, Teodor. Procesul sioniştilor. In: RUSAN, Romulus, ed. Analele Sighet 8: Ani 1954–1960: Fluxurile și refluxurile stalinismului. București: Fundația Academia Civică, 2000, p. 380. 29 «Comunitățile evreiești în tot au fost un ciub de jefuitori, de spioni. Comunitățile au avut întotdeauna pe un Filderman și de la exploatarea și jefuirea oamenilor săraci [...] și până la acte criminale de spijonaj, acestea au fost în programul lor. De aceea cred că aici trebuie să mergem ferm. Să-i ia dracu, dar până la urmă vor amuți, altfel ne vor dăuna, nu numai nouă, dar și întregului lagăr al păcii.» See WEXLER, Teodor. Procesul sioniştilor. Simpozion, Memorialul Sighet. In: Memoria [online]. 7–9 iulie 2000 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://revista.memoria.ro/?location=view_article&id=419 20 investigation will finish as soon as possible and the trial will begin. They are French, English, Austrian and Vatican secret agents and Freemasons. There are also Israeli agents working for the American and British Intelligence Services. And as the secret agents they will be tried for their offences. We must not give them chance to have anything to do with Zionistic organizations and their members. We have no other choice but to dissociate ourselves from the Zionists whom we caught in the act of espionage. To what extent they were supported by Israel they themselves know better than us.”30 Attacks on the Jews and hatred for them increased without intermission. In 1954 the Bucharest Military Court of Justice (Tribunal Militar București) condemned the first group of the Zionists. The events during the communist regime and violence committed towards the Romanian Jews are proved by historian S. Avy, who was questioned, terrorized and condemned. “The strong Zionist movement, i.e. the movement of the Jews who longed to leave Romania and settle in their biblical home country has existed since 1883. Zionist organisations were connected and corresponded with their central offices abroad. This correspondence is in the communist era called ‘information given to the enemy’. In August 1942 the Antonescu regime dissolved them.”31 The trials with the Zionists are one of the darkest periods of Romanian history.

Several decades of the communist regime in the country affected the Romanians’ national identity in many respects. From the historical point of view this era can be divided into two phases. The first phase is called “ period” (1948–1964) when the civil society was systematically oppressed by power. Stalinism destroyed traditional social and cultural structures and broke all ties with rural environment. It preferred mechanistic theories of social and economic development, strengthened police power and released the avalanche of informing whose carrier-wave was fear. The second stage is called “communist period” (1964–1989), the era of the of the communist

30 «Sunt câteva procese de agenturi imperialiste care urmează să fie terminate. Ancheta este gata, s-au terminat lucrările și urmează să aiba loc procesul. E vorba de agenții ale serviciilor de spionaz francez, englez, austriac, ai Vaticanului și francmasoni. Mai sunt și unii agenți ai Israelului care au activitate de spionaj în favoarea americanilor și Intelligence Service-ului, care vor fi judecați în calitate de agenți ai acestor servicii de spionaj, pentru a nu se spune că am avea ceva cu organizațiile sioniste sau cu elemente aparținând acestor organizații. N-au decât să se desolidarizeze de sioniști, noi am dat peste ei făcând spionaj. În ce măsură Statul Israel i-a încurajat sau nu, asta pot eis ă știe mai bine decât noi.» See WEXLER, Teodor, ref. 29. 31 «Începând din 1883 a existat în România o puternică mișcare sionistă adică a evreilor care năzuiau să părăsească România și să se stabilească în patria lor biblică […] Organizațiile sioniste aveau legături și corespondență cu centralele lor din străinătate și această corespondență este numită în perioada comunistă „Informații furnizate dușmanului“ […] În august 1942 regimul Antonescu dizolvă Organizația Sionistă.» See WEXLER, Teodor, ref. 29. 21 party under the cloak of a new society, where the working class is the ruling one. Even now – 28 years after the fall of communism – the literary environment in Romania is marked by dispassionate approach and relation towards the principles of democracy. Thus literature in Romania is very specific – communist censorship there may have been more perseverant than anywhere else. In the era of communism the freedom of expression was totally paralyzed. Romanian writers were not allowed to eulogize anybody who has been officially declared an enemy of the Romanian nation. They had to write and publish books which glorified the regime. Many educated persons – including the clerics – supported it openly. Literature was not discussed in public and so its stagnation became deeper and deeper. In fact it was almost taboo. Some writers tried to minimize the impact of the regime and the fact that they were discriminated by their outwardly passivity. In spite of it they were not able to resist the dilemmas of their own conscience.

Most of writers were under the sway of the regime. Only few of them dared protest and criticize it. One of them was Paul Goma who came up against the communist regime for the first time shortly after the Hungarian revolution in 1956 in his essay Red Week from June 28 to July 3, 1940 (Săptămâna roşie 28 iunie – 3 iulie 1940, 2002). This treatise raised agitation within the Jewish community not only in Romania and Moldavia, but also in other countries. He attempted to give reasons for the mass slaughter of Jews on the territory of by the Antonescu regime and calm relations between the Romanians and the Jews who had liking for the .32 After the declaration of the German-Soviet Non-aggression Pact, signed in August 1935 in by the ministers of foreign affairs of both countries – von Ribbentrop and Molotov – he left for Romania with his family. He has lived there till 1977 when he went into exile in France. Other opponent of communism and an active Zionist was A. L. Zisu. Along with other Zionists he was arrested in Pitești and committed to prison for 25 years.33

Romanian writers supported the regime morally because they did not show their disagreement with it. Their approaches had negative impact on the upbringing of the

32 CHOJNACKÁ, Olga, ref. 2, p. 133. 33 JEWISH TELEGRAPHIC AGENCY. Arrested Zionist Leader in Rumania Held Under Severe Conditions. In: Daily News Bulletin [online]. , March 8, 1956 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.jta.org/1956/03/08/archive/arrested-zionist-leader-in-rumania-held-under-severe- conditions 22 youth. In this respect the words of Lenin were often quoted: “Literature is a wheel, which gets the whole mechanism working.”34

In Romania the secret police had almost unlimited control over writers and focused most of its spies on them. The regime was afraid that also dissidents would raise their voice. Literature and culture have ever been for Romanian state police a delicate issue and therefore it focused its attention on them. The secret police has its collaborators and confidents whom the regime bought and provided them with privileges for their loyalty – journeys abroad, real properties etc. In spite of it there were a few individuals whose voice made its way to the West (for example that of Paul Goma).35

Since 1948 Romania has underwent the period of hard repressions towards the representatives of culture. This situation was to change in 1953. After Stalin’s death the writers supposed that the regime would relent and they would be allowed to publish freely. The regime of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej wanted neither to relent nor to transform – on the contrary, it started to work on a social-political programme, aiming at the oppression of all suggested changes36. In the middle of 1960s Nicolae Ceaușescu seized the power. His only aim was to strengthen his own authority and position in the communist party. He pretended the propagation of revolutionary thoughts, the support of intellectuals and aid in the development of culture, but before all he wanted to gain time for speculations and manipulation with naive advocates of democracy. He took measures which did not improve the cultural atmosphere in the country. They led only to partial breaking away from the Soviet Union and reducing isolation from the rest of the world. He chose delaying tactics, cumulated absolute power and put down cultural development systematically. Following 15 years were the era of Ceaușescu’s unlimited political, cultural and social power, the period of the hard police regime and censorship. Cultural repressions were frequent and frequent. When any writer emigrated, the publication of his work was automatically banned. The existing books were withdrawn from shops and libraries and the author’s name was put on the index. The last decade of Ceaușescu’s rule can be characterized by the total isolation of culture and the creative stagnation of authors. The communist regime ignored so-called perestroika (the

34 «Literatura este o rotiță care face ca mecanismul să funcționeze.» See NEGRICI, Eugen. Literatura and Propaganda in Comunist Romania. București: Editura FRC, 1999, p. 19. 35 Paul Goma, the important Romanian dissident. He went into exile in France in 1977. 36 TEJCHMAN, Miroslav. Balkán ve válce a v revoluci 1939–1945. Praha: Karolinum, 2008, p. 528. 23 economic reform launched in the 1980s in the U.S.S.R. by the secretary general of the central committee of the communist party )37 as well as other changes in Eastern Europe. Ceaușescu’s attitude towards writers remained as hard as in the Stalin’s era. He attempted in all manner of ways to restrain cultural prime. Writer Dan Deșliu wrote: “He is a man who considers himself the ‘owner’ of Romania; he is the destroyer of churches, towns and whole economy.”38 Ceaușescu’s power which he kept by means of the secret police , was absolute. It was not the communist party, but the secret police which controlled even culture. In spite of the negative impact of these politics on the society and continuous police supervision of the cultural front one important and positive psychological factor appeared – Radio Free Europe. Many intellectuals including writers listened secretly to its broadcasting which offered true information about the situation behind the borders of Romania.

In one of his works in 1994 Horia-Roman Patapievic termed the residua of the fall of the communist regime “the catastrophe of identity” and the renewal of the democratic society which would trust in freeing personal initiative “the risky task”. At the same time – with some nostalgia – he pointed to former : “For us patriotism is retrospective (instead of being both retrospective and political). For this reason it is very simple to be a patriot among the Romanians. You need not face anything, it is enough to conform – the times are well-meaning towards you. Romanian patriotism applies given ideas, expressions and ceremonial speeches and swears on the of anyone in power. Thus the people pass judgement on the extent of patriotism.”39

2.5 An exile country – a new home

The statistics show that in comparison with other historical stages exile without chance to come back in the period between 1975 and 1989 in Romania was mass. Those who had emigrated to the West attempted to be visible. One of them who succeeded in it

37 KUČERA, Vladimír, Karel SVOBODA, Miroslav VANĚK and Michal PULLMANN. Perestrojka. In: Historie.cs [online]. Česká televize, 20. 2. 2011 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.ceskatelevize.cz/ct24/archiv/1283943-perestrojka 38 «[…]omul care se socotește „pur și simplu proprietarul României“, de distrugerea bisericilor, a satelor, a întregii ekonomii.» See RUSAN, Romulus, ed. Analele Sighet 10: Anii 1973–1989: Cronica unui sfârșit de siste. București: Fundaști Academia Civică, 2003, p. 618. 39 «La noi patriotismul este în special retrospectiv (în loc să fie retrospectiv și politic). Din acest motiv și este atît de ușor să fii patriot printre români: nu trebuie să înfrunți nimic, e suficient să te instalezi însuși, să faci ca timpul să–ți fie favorabil, patriotismul românesc lucrează cu ideale, cu expresii definitive ale trecutului, cu duscursuri solemne, cu aderența la vulgata banului român, după care se judecă în popor gradele de patriotism.» See PATAPIEVICI, Horia-Roman. Anatomia unei catastrofe (1994). în Politice. București: Humanitas, 1996, p. 75. 24 was writer of non-Jewish origin Paul Goma, one of the first dissidents whom the West accepted and listened to him willingly. Goma was a confirmed anti-communist. In Paris he founded Asociație a foștilor deținuți politici (Association of Former Political Prisoners).40 Countries to which most of writers emigrated, were France, the USA and Israel. The reason was clear – it was possible to acquire political asylum there in relatively short time. Alexandru Niculescu wrote about exile: “Exiles, fighters for freedom, anti-communist partisans in the mountains, those who served their sentence of imprisonment, are today covered with the mist of shameful ignorance and indolence. They made a sacrifice on the altar of gods who regrettably did not exist.”41

Exile was defined also by literary critic Laurențiu Ulici, who had started to deal in Romanian exile literature as one of the first intellectuals. In the preface to his book Romanian Writers behind the Borders of the Country (Scriitori români din afara granițelor țarii, 1996) under the title “Ovid’s Metamorphoses” (Avatarii lui Ovidiu) he wrote:42 “Exile as escape, exile as pursuit, exile as option, exile as adventure, exile as fate. And in addition, exile as rescue, exile as therapy, exile as reprisal, exile as refusal. And: exile for personal reasons, exile for psychological reasons, exile as longing to leave, exile as dislike, exile as accident. And again: exile out of fear, exile out of courage. In respect to many metamorphoses I am under temptation to believe that there is analogy with medicine – exile can be like a disease – if it affects some functions of a system, sooner or later it will affect this system as a whole. Exile can be also recovery – a recovery of the ill system. If a man who decides to go into exile, is led by the instinct of survival, he could find a solution. Nevertheless, exile – either voluntary or compulsory – remains a solution from necessity. It is an attempt to find a vindication of the dilemmas of a man who decides for it. It can be a consequence of one of the above reasons or of none of them. And on the other hand it can cause many states, which intensify such a dilemma. That is the right thing! Exile as dilemma! We need to know exile phenomenology in order to comprehend its ontology and instruments. Phenomenology is like a house built of various bricks. We should know their consistency and shape to weld them together well.”43

40 RUSAN, Romulus, ref. 38, p. 1028. 41 «Exilul, lupte pentru libertate, partizanii anticomuniști din munți, cei ce îndurau în închisori pedepse grele au intrat astăzi în negura definitivă a unei ignorări nerușinate și a indiferenței. Ei au adus jertfe pe altarul unor zei ce, vai, nu existau.» See RUSAN Romulus, ref. 38, p. 1032. 42 See “Avatarii lui Ovidiu” in ULICI Laurentiu, ref. 8, p. 5. 43 «Exilul ca fugă, exilul ca fugărire, exilul ca sancțiune, exilul ca opțiune, exilul ca aventură, exilul ca destin. Și încă: exilul ca salvare, exilul ca terapie, exilul că revanșă, exilul că refuz. Și iarăși: exilul că revoltă, exilul 25 Laurențiu Ulici gives evidence that between 1945 and 1949 about 50 writers emigrated from Romania. Under the communist regime their number multiplied many times. In 1975-1989 following 200 writers left the country. During 45 years of the communist regime about 12% of Romanian and Romanian-Jewish authors emigrated. In comparison with other countries of Eastern Europe this percentage is much higher (even higher than that in Hungary, where the mass exile was registered after 1956).44 German research worker Eva Behring distinguishes 3 phases of the exile of Romanian intellectuals.45 Romanian exile is mapped rather well, because the exiles abroad issued publications and journals and founded cultural institutions.

Most of Romanian Jewish intellectuals and writers went for Israel, but they looked for other countries as well. The most popular and much frequented countries were France and the USA. Detailed information about Romanian exile in the USA can be found in publications by Aurel Sașu Dictionary of Romanian Writers in the and Canada46 and Romanian Culture in the United States and Canada.47

It is necessary to realize why individuals went for those countries. Because of language similarity most of exiles chose France. The USA became the terminus especially for those Jews who had relatives or some hinterland prepared by their friends there.

The Jews considered exile into Israel a comeback to Jewish traditions and religion. Laurențiu Ulici describes such an exile in the preface to his book Avatarii lui Ovidiu as follows: “First we must put the stress on a special position of Jewish writers – not all of them but several ones who left for Israel. They are not in exile there – they are in their mother country. In most cases the reasons of their exile were the same as those of

că regasire. Apoi: exilul din motive pesonale, exilul din motive psihologice. Și încă: exilul din dor de ducă, exilul din lehamite, exilul din întâmplare. Și iarăși: exilul din frică, exilul din curaj. La atâta morfologie sunt tentat să cred că analogia cu medicina e valabilă: nu există boli, există bolnavi, nu există exil, există exilați. Și mai departe, exilul – precum orice boală – înțeles ca dereglare a unor funcții dintr-un sistem, afectând, mai mult sau mai puțin, sistemul însusi. Sau altfel: exilul ca rectificare a unui sistem deja dereglat. Mânat de instinctul conservării, exilatul ar fi atunci un găsitor de soluții. Dar exilul – fie ales, fie impus – nu este, zise – se, o soluție, este, cel mult, soluția lipsei de soluție. Prin toată această tevatură semantică își face loc și cere să fie luat în seamă un înțeles bastard: exilul că dilemă. Poate fi generat de oricare din situațiile și motivele de mai sus sau de nici una. Și poate genera, la rîndu-i, un labirint de ipoteze ce vor întări cusătura dilematică a fenomenului. Asta-e! : exilul ca fenomen. Ne-ar trebui o fenomenologie a exilului ca să putem înțelege sursele și resursele lui ontologice. Dar o fenomenologie e ca o casă din cărămizi neasemănătoare. Se cuvinte să-i cunoaștem fiecăreia consistența și forma pentru a le putea „suda” corect și rezistent.» See „Avatarii lui Ovidiu” in ULICI, Laurențiu, ref. 9, p. 5. 44 Ibidem. 45 BEHRING Eva, ref. 15. 46 SAȘU, Aurel, ref. 7. 47 SAȘU, Aurel. Cultura română în Statele Unite şi Canada. 2 vol. Bucureşti: Ed. Fundaţiei Culturale Române, 1993. 26 Romanian writers. As soon as they had found themselves in Israel, i.e. in their mother country, exile ceased to exist. We can presume it, although it is not possible to count out exceptions of those who would not be able to adapt to a society where they have settled, although it is their mother country. In a special position are also writers in Bessarabia and on one hand and in in Serbia on the other. If the first ones are exiles – even from the geographic point of view – the latter ones are a minority in the state formation defined exactly both in geographic and political respect. Thus they are not in exile – they are merely Romanian writers behind the borders of Romania.”48

The Jews went into exile in Israel step by step. The first wave in 1939–1949 included writers Aharon Appelfeld, Sandu Davidshon, Elie Wiesel, Șlomo Leibovici-Laiș, Avraham Feller, Israel Bar-Avi, Israil Becovici, Eugen Iosif Campus and talented avant- garde artist Marcel Iancu.

The second wave in the 1960s and 1970s included Romanian-Jewish intellectuals who represented a special group of exiles. They were writers who wrote in Romania and had bad experience with the communist regime. They knew that it was not possible to fight against it from within and therefore they left Romania for political reasons. Because of their Jewish roots they chose Israel which they accepted as their new home- country. It was clear to them that communism would last, and if they stayed in their country, they would have troubles with communist authorities. This group of Jewish writers included Hary Bar-Shalom, Ițic Avian, Sam Watts, H. M. Bady, Mariana Juster, Gorge Bar-On, Eugen Luca, Felix Caroly,49 Alexandru Mirodan, Iosif Fux, Iosif Petran,50 Iosif Schechter51 and Shaul Carmel.

48 «Nu înainte însă de a sublinia o primă situație specială: a scriitorilor evrei, nu a tuturor ci doar a câtorva care au emigrat în Israel. Ei nu se află acolo în exil, ci se găsesc acolo în chiar patria lor. Poate că în cele mai multe cazuri motivele plecării lor din România au fost aceleași cu ale scriitorilor români. Dar odată ajunși în Israel, în patria lor, deci, condiția de exilat n-a mai existat, cel puțin așa ar fi de crezut (nu exclud, totuși, posibilitatea excepției celor care nu se vor fi putut adapta la lumea, oricum nouă, în care s-au stabilit, fie aceasta și Patria!). Și nu înainte de a remarca o a doua situație specială: a scriitorilor români din Basarabia și Bucovina pe de o parte, și a scriitorilor român din Banatul sârbesc, pe de alta. Dacă despre cei dintâi s-ar putea spune că se afla în exil, cu geografie cu tot, ceilalți reprezintă o populație minoritară în contextul unei geografii politice precis definite. În mod clar ei nu sunt în exil, ei sunt doar scriitori români din afara granițelor României.» See „Avatarii lui Ovidiu” in ULICI, Laurențiu, ref. 9, p. 6. 49 CÂRNEȚI, Radu. Arborele Memoriei – antologia poeților de limbă română din Israel. București: Orion, 1997, p. 96. 50 SIMION, Eugen, ed. Dicționarul general al literaturii Române, vol. V, P–R. București: Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2006, p. 175. 51 SIMION, Eugen, ed. Dicționarul general al literaturii Române, vol. VI, S–T. București: Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2007, p. 125. 27 The third and the last wave of the ebb of Jewish writers came about in the period between the end of 1970s and 1980s. In those times it was possible for them to make themselves felt neither in art nor in politics. Omnipresent censorship made publishing periodicals and books impossible. This period include writers Alexandru Șaim, Virgil Duda, Andrei Fischof, Tatiana Lovinescu, Leon Volovici and Victor Rusu. In comparison with other countries of the Eastern Block Romania suffered another disaster – poverty.

The Jewish intellectuals were for politicians a very good source of profit. When anybody of Jewish origin wanted to move out, the Jewish associations or communities abroad had to compensate for their leaving with unreasonable sums.

The list of Romanian Jewish authors cannot be complete. It should only confirm the fact that the Jews went into exile step by step. It could be much longer, but this is not the subject of this dissertation.

2.6 Identity in exile

The issue of identity – both personal and national – is in the course of last 15 years a very important theme of scientific research. Identity can be defined as the relation of an individual to his national a cultural community. It concerns language, history and culture. All Romanian Jews, living in Israel, are considered members of one nation because they speak the same language and share the same history and culture. We can speak about collective identity, because those individuals feel to be unified by language, relation to their mother-country, history and customs.

Identity is connected with , which in this case means national ideology. Loyalty and love to an original nation can be connected even with loyalty and love to other nations or a new mother-country. In any majority population national minorities – in this case the Jews - are characterized by different territorial identity. A minority conforms to a territory where it lives – a village, a town or any other community. It is a minority which lives out of its national state. As for territorial identity, the Jewish national minority does not differ from the majority population. European identity is not at variance with national one – on the contrary, there is a strong bond between them. National identity is related to regional and local ones. A man, who respects political and social institutions and laws of a country and acquired its nationality, is considered a member of a nation. A man, who was born in a country, lives there most of the time,

28 speaks its language and has ancestors there, is considered a member of a cultural nation. National pride is a positive feeling which an individual entertains in relation to his nation. Mostly it draws from successes in the field of culture, art, literature, sport, science, technology and history.

A newcomer to a new mother-country must undergo the complicated period of adaptation when he attempts to integrate into a new and unknown society. This leads to the problem of the loss of identity.

An individual finds himself in an unknown environment. He often does not speak local language and do not know local customs, and so it is not easy for him to find his proper place in it. He takes refuge in his own world where he compensates everything which he finds missing, especially home. He writes or creates to liberate himself from this stressing situation and does his best to assert himself in a new mother-country.

Exile authors founded in their new mother-country clubs, cultural associations and other organizations aimed at putting through Romanian culture with that of a host country.

This fact is demonstrated by the life and work of Marcel Iancu, one of the most interesting and unique Romanian-Jewish artists of last century. In 1941 he had to leave for Palestine with his family. In his new mother-country he started a new stage of his life – he was at grips with language and fought for defending his utter existence. He had assimilated and integrated into the environment which became his new home. No doubt that it was influenced by the proclamation of the independent Jewish state of Israel on May 14, 1948. After World War II most of his colleagues and friends either came back to Romania or chose other exile country – France.

In the course of the first decade after the proclamation of Israel Iancu founded a small group of artists called New Horizons (Ofakim chadashim). The group wanted to create the new forms of Israeli abstract art. Iancu said: “I believe that abstract art is a new language for everybody.” The exhibitions of works by the members of the group as well as their publicity activities became one of the historical turning points of modern art in Israel.

Iancu, Tristan Tzara’s contemporary, awarded by many prestigious prizes (Dizengoff Prize 1951, Histadrut Prize 1958 and Israel Prize 1961), was one of the most

29 popular world artists. He founded a remarkable architectonic project in the small town Ein Hod in Israel. Under the auspices of Israeli president Chaim Herzog the Museum called after him was opened there in 1983.

In Israel many Romanian-Israeli centres, literary associations and periodicals originated – for example Minimum – revista oamenilor inteligenți (The Minimum – The Periodical of Intelligent People).52 Since 1987 it has been published as a monthly. Its editor-in-chief was Alexandru Mirodan. In May 1988 an interview with him about the policy of this periodical was published there. He said: “‘The Minimum’ is not and cannot be an exponent of any political party. The reason is as clear as daylight. It was issued in April in 1987 several months after my Non-conventional Dictionary had been withdrawn from the daily ‘Revista mea’. The periodical originated on the basis of this Dictionary, which wants to include all basic trends of Romanian-Jewish art – both previous and contemporary – in Romania, Israel and anywhere else.”53

Since 1975 the periodical Izvoare – revistă literară a Asociației scriitorilor israelieni de limbă română (The Sources – The Literary Periodical of the Association of Israel Writers in Romanian Language)54 has been published. “We are a country which will fight with permanent emigration for a long time. Experience teaches us how difficult is to amalgamate, especially when it is necessary to acquire foreign language, which differ from all ones by its vocabulary and structure.”55 The periodical includes articles about literary history and the activities of the Romanian-Jewish authors in the period before World War II and during it. For example writer Eugen Luca contributed to this journal with his article Despre caracterul contribuției evreilor la literatură română (The Contribution of the Jews to Romanian Literature). The Romanian minority in Israel founded its own internet periodical, which is published once a week. Its title is Bună dimineață Israel (Good Morning, Israel). It is issued by ISRO Press, the first Israeli press agency of Romanian language. The above periodicals have been published by Romanian exiles. The articles dealt to a great extent in the issue Romanian-Jewish identity. Although

52 MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, p. 497. 53 «Minimum nu este și nu poate fi exponentul unui partid politic anume Cauză e simplă [...]. Minimum a apărut în Aprilie 1987 la cîteva luni după alungarea Dicționarului Neconvențial din paginile săptămîna – lui Revista mea. Revistă a fost creată deci, pe baza și în jurul Dicționarului, or întrucît Dicționarul vrea să cuprindă toate curentele fundamentale ale creativității evreo-române, de ieri și de azi, din România, din Izrael și de aiurea [...].» See MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, p. 498. 54 Idem, p. 425. 55 «Sîntem o țară supusă încă îndelungată vreme unei permanente imigrări și experiența ne învață cît de anevoioasă este absorbția, mai ales în ceea ce privește apropierea unei limbi atît de deosebită, prin vocabular și structură, de toate celelalte.» See MANOLESCU, Florin, ref.4, p. 426. 30 Romanian intellectuals succeeded in the creation of their own living and cultural environment in exile, some of them have never stopped returning to their home-land by means of mother tongue.

Each nation has its own national identity. The national pride of the Romanian Jews makes itself felt mostly in culture, art, and literature. In other words, culture is a core of their identity.

2.7 Exile literature and its reception in Israel

Literary exile is a cultural process which is always connected with some expectations. Because of a language barrier and bonds to national traditions a writer in exile has to undergo the period of cultural transformation.

Eva Behring distinguishes three phases of changes in exile literature. “The typology of the phenomenon of ‘cultural identity in exile’ can be determined on three levels according to the extent of a change, literary productivity and writers’ strategy.”56

The first stage consists in the necessary change of language, the second in literary creation as such and the third in a writer’s literary strategy. This model can be applied to exile authors divided into three groups.

The first group is represented by exiles who did not trust in integration in their new mother-country and had problems with the acceptance of local traditions. It was crucial for them to keep Romanian language and therefore they focused mainly on Romanian readers.

One of such authors was for example Shaul Carmel (born on July 6, 1937 in Botoșani)57 who used to write even in Romania. After leaving into exile in Israel in 1965 he went on literary creation and writing in Romanian language. Some of his books have been translated to Hebrew, Arabic and even Russian. He headed the periodical Izvoare (The Sources), was the vice-chairman of the Association of Israel Writers Writing in Romanian Language, the holder of Mihail Eminescu Prize, the laureate of the Zion Prize and the holder of many other prestigious distinctions. One of his well-known works is

56 «O sistematizare și o tipologie posibilă a fenomenului „identității culturale în exil" s-ar putea stabili pe trei niveluri, în funcție de gradul schimbării și de productivitatea literară legată de aceasta, ca și de complexul strategiei scriitoricești.» See BEHRING, Eva, ref. 15, p. 74. 57 SIMION, Eugen, ref. 16, p. 96–97. 31 Jurnal de Front (The Front Diary, Tel Aviv, 1967), Târziu (Late, Tel Aviv, 1984) and Fuga din rai (Escape from Eden, 1993).58

Another writer in the foreground of the Romanian Jews in exile is prosaic Virgil Duda (born on February 25, 1939 in Bârlad),59 the graduate from the Faculty of Laws. He made his début in literature with his works Povestiri din provincie (Stories from the Country, Bucharest 1967), Catedrala (The Cathedral, Bucharest 1969), and Al doilea pasaj (The Second Passage, Bucharest, 1975). After leaving for Israel in 1988 became an active correspondent of the Radio Free Europe. He did not stop writing even in exile. In 1991 his publications România. Sfârșît de decembrie (Romania – The End of December) and A trăi în păcat (To Live in Sin, Bucharest, 1996) were issued. In 1993 he published in Israel his book Alvis și destinul (Alvis and Fate) written in Romanian language.60

Writer Caroly Felix (born on March 3, 1933 in Iași)61, the playwright and poet, graduated from I. L. Caragiala University in Bucharest as well as the School of Theatre Art and Cinematography. As a writer he made his début in the journal Tânărul scriitor (The Young Writer) with his comedy Cu capul în norii (With Head in the Skies). In 1970 he went into exile in Israel, where he settled. He continually contributed to the periodicals Izvoare (The Sources), Ultima oră (Before the Closing Time) and Orient Express. Since 1971 he has been publishing the collections of poems assigned to Romanian readers. He was awarded by many literary prizes – for example the prize Asociația Scriitorilor Israelieni de limbă română (Association of Israeli Writers of Romanian Language) and the prize Uniunea Scriitorilor din Israel (Association of Israeli Writers). His works Golem (Golem, , 1972), La lumina lămpii (In the Light of a Lamp, Tel Aviv, 1985) and Cu dragoste, cu patimă, cu ură (With Love, Passion and Hatred, Tel Aviv, 1982) were successful.

The second group of writers accepted double cultural identity. These artists integrated into the society and acquired its language. It was the language, which became their “working tool”. Most of the Jewish writers were able to apply Hebrew on a level with their mother tongue. That is why their works are focused on both Romanian and Israeli readers.

58 MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, p. 130. 59 SIMION, Eugen, ref. 16, p. 768–769. 60 MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, p. 256. 61 SIMION, Eugen, ref. 23, p. 101–102. 32 One of these writers was Leon Volovici (born on August 10, 1938 in Iași),62 the literary historian and publisher. After finishing studies at the high school he graduated from the Faculty of Arts in Iași where he had majored in Romanian language and Romanian literature. In 1975 he had attained the doctorate there and then he worked 2 years as a professor of Romanian language. Since 1964 he has worked as a scientist at the Institute of Linguistics, Literary History and Folklore in Iași (Centrul de Lingvistică, Istorie Literară și Folclor din Iași). In 1984 he left for to Israel. He settled in Jerusalem where he worked as a scientist at the institute Jad-va-Shem – The Centre for the Study of Holocaust. In 1989 he left for Hebrew University. He was the editor of the journal Romanian Jewish Studies and contributed with his articles in Romanian to Kol Yisrael (The Voice of Israel), France Inter a (Literary Debates) and Minimum (The Minimum, Tel Aviv). He even was involved in writing for Societății de Studii Benjamin Fondane (Society for the Studies of Benjamin Fundoianu, Paris – Jerusalem). It is worth mentioning the works which relate directly to the issue of Jewish identity – Ideologia naționalistă și problema evreiască (National Identity and the Jewish Problem, Bucharest, 1995), Amintirile unui intelectual evreu din România (Memories of a Jewish Intellectual from Romania) and Întâlniri la Ierusalim (Meeting in Jerusalem, in cooperation with Costel Safirman, Bucharest, 2001).

Another writer of this group is Eugen Luca (proper name Jean Leibovici, born on June 21, 1923 in Iași),63 the literary critic, historian, essayist and prosaic. In 1941 he finished studies at the high school and in 1946 he graduated from the Faculty of Arts. Before 1949 he published under the pseudonym Ion Lucrețiu in the periodicals Opinia (The Opinion) and Lupta Moldovei (The Moldavian Fight). Later he became an editor of the periodical (The Present Times) and contributed to Iașul nou (New Jassy), Iașul literar (Literary Jassy), Gazeta literară (The Literary Gazette), Luceafărul (The Morning Star) and Viață românească (Romanian Life). In 1976 he went into exile in Israel. Since 1985 he has worked as an editor of the periodical Izvoare (The Sources) published in Tel Aviv by the Association of Israeli Writers of Romanian Language. He made his début here with the essay Despre caracterul contribuției evreilor la literatura româmă (On the nature of the Jews’ Contributions to Romanian Literature). At the same

62 SIMION, Eugen, ed. Dicționarul general al literaturii Române, vol. VII, U–Z. București: Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2008, p. 404–406. 63 SIMION, Eugen, ed. Dicționarul general al literaturii Române, vol. IV, L–O. București: Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2005, p. 111–112. 33 time he contributed with his articles to the periodicals Shevet Romania (The Romanian Sessions), Viața noastră (Our Life), Ultima oră (Before the Closing Time) and Minimum (The Minimum, Tel Aviv). As for his most important works Aproximații pe teme generale (Judgements on General Themes, Tel Aviv, 1982), Pogrom. Iași, duminică, 29 iunie 1941 (Pogrom – Jassy, Sunday, June 29, 1941, Tel Aviv 1989; in Czech it was issued by the publishing house Argo, 2007, under the title Pogrom; the book was translated by Jindřich Vacek). He died in Haifa in 1997.

Tatiana Lovinescu (born on December 9, 1924 in Ploești)64 graduated in 1949 from Bucharest University. Her branch of study was physics and chemistry. In 1989 she went for Israel. She made her début with reports in the periodicals Femeia (The Woman), România liberă (Free Romania), Contemporanul (The Contemporary), Magazin (The Magazine) and România literară (Literary Romania). She is a holder of the Haifa Prize (1992) and the ACMEOR Prize.65 Let us mention some of her prosaic works – Aproapele meu (My Neighbour, Bucharest 1979), Pescărușii (Sea-Gulls, Bucharest, 1984), Femeia lui Loth (Lot’s Wife, Tel Aviv, 1990), Reversul unui zbor (The Wrong Side of Flight, Tel Aviv, 1993), Mă numesc Alzheimer (My name is Alzheimer, Bucharest, 1995) and Abel (Abel, Bucharest, 2001).

Alexandru Mirodan (born on June 5, 1927 in Budeasa as Alexandru Zissu Saltman)66 was a dramatic adviser and journalist. In 1944 he finished Jewish high school in Bucharest by the final examination. He finished studies neither at the Faculty of Arts nor the Faculty of Laws. Then he has studied for 2 years at the University of - . Since 1945 he has worked as a journalist writing for the periodical Gazeta literară (The Literary Gazette) and as an editor of the daily Scânteia (The Shine) and the periodical Theatrul (The Theatre). In 1977 he went for Israel. In exile he has worked in the museum Beit ha-tfutzot – The Museum of the Diaspora in Tel Aviv. Since 1987 he has published the periodical The Minimum. In Romania he had written several plays, for example Cerul nu există (The Sky Does not Exist, 1957), Cineva trebuie să moară (Somebody Must Die, 1958), Noaptea e un sfetnic bun (Night is a Good Adviser, 1963) and Șeful sectorului suflete (The Chief of the Section for Psychical Affairs, 1962; this book was translated to Czech by Jiří Felix and published in Czechoslovakia in 1964). His plays

64 Idem, p. 107–108. 65 Asociația Culturala Mondiala a Evreilor Originari din România – ACMEOR is a world cultural association of the Jews of Romanian origin. 66 SIMION, Eugen, ref. 63, p. 394–396. 34 were published and at the same time played on international stages in Italy, Greece, Russia, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Cuba, Hungary, India, Cyprus, and Turkey. In addition, he wrote a lot of scenarios for radio, TV and film as well. His successes even in the era of were remarkable. After going into exile in Israel he went on publishing works of the same quality. It is worth mentioning those which were issued in Tel Aviv – Ocolul pământului într-un surâs (The Journey Round the World Paid by a Smile, Tel Aviv, 1990), Contrast special închiriat oameni (A Special Contract of the Lease of Souls, Tel Aviv, 1983) and Dicționar neconvențional al scriitorilor evrei de limbă română, vol. I–II (Non-conventional Dictionary of Jewish Writers of Romanian Language, Tel Aviv, 1986–1997).67

Șlomo Leibovici-Laiș (born on December 11, 1927 in Botoșani),68 the historian of culture and publisher, was born in a traditional Moldavian Hasidic rabbinical family. In Botoșani he finished studies at the Romanian-Jewish high school. In 1994 he passed the final examination at the high school in and enrolled on the university in Bucharest, where he majored in pedagogy and Yiddish. Since 1950 he has been living in Israel. After army service he started working at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the section dealing in the problem of bringing secluded families together. In 1995 he attained the doctor’s degree in history. He contributed to the periodicals in Romanian language Viața noastră (Our Life) and Revista mea (My Periodical). He is the holder of Jacob Groper Prize. Many of his works relate to the problems of the Jews: Lexicon. Noțiuni, obiceuri, sărbători evreiești (Lexicon: Concepts, Customs, Jewish Feasts, Tel Aviv, 1974), Șabat, cunună a creației (Sabath – the Circle of Creation, Tel Aviv, 1979), Reflecții despre iuadism (Reflections on , Tel Aviv, 1989) and Între legendă și realitate. Lumea hasidică (Between Legend and Reality. Hasidim, Tel Aviv, 1995).

Liana Maxy (born on February 11, 1923 in ),69 the prosaic and poet, is a daughter of well-known avant-garde painter Max Hermann Maxy. She finished studies at the high school for Jewish students. In 1962 she graduated from the Faculty of Theatre and the Institute of Theatre and Film. Then she started working as a journalist and an editor of the daily România liberă (Free Romania, 1945–1971). For some time she worked as an editor of the State Publishing House of Imaginative Literature, she

67 Ibidem. 68 Idem, p. 38–39. 69 Idem, p. 275–276. 35 translated and wrote poetry. In 1974 she went into exile in Israel where she contributed to newspapers and periodicals written in Romanian language – Ultima oră (Before the Closing Time), Viața noastră (Our Life), Adevărul (The Truth), Izvoare (The Sources) and Orient Express (The Orient Express). As for her prosaic works, it is worth mentioning Nucleul magic (Magic Nucleus, Tel Aviv, 1986) and Bătrânul Ieri și nenăscutul Mâine (The Old Yesterday, the Unborn Tomorrow, Bucharest, 1997).

The third group is represented by the authors who gave up their original identity, assimilated and amalgamated with the new cultural and literary environment. The used exclusively the language of their new mother-country and addressed only local readers.

One of the prominent authors writing in Hebrew is Aharon Appefeld (proper name Ervin Appelfeld, born on February 16, 1932 in Zadova, Bucovina; died January 4, 2018 in Jerusalem). He writes his books exclusively in the language of his new home-country. In 1944 he experienced the coming of the to Romania. In 1946 he went for Palestine, i.e. before the proclamation of the independent state of Israel. In Israel he mastered Hebrew. Then he applied it as a means of communication and literary expression. He finished studies at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. In exile he underwent a lot of political and generation changes. He experienced the integration or re-integration of writers who either stayed in Israel or came back to Romania. Some of them chose other exile country. He is a very productive author – that is why it is enough to mention only some of his important works – Badenheim 1939 (Czech translation: Jiřina Šedinová, Academia 2000), On a Little Girl from Another World (Czech translation: Šárka Doležalová, Albatros 2014), The Flowers of Darkness (Czech translation: Šárka Doležalová, Plus 2014), Two Destinies (Czeh translation: Pavel Vilikovský, MilaniuM 2009), The Immortal Bartfuss, The Age of Wonders, Katerina, The Railway, All That I have Loved and The Story of Life: a Memoir, which was awarded with the French prize Prix Médicis (2004). He has been awarded with many other prestigious prizes.

Elie Wiesel (born on September 30, 1928 in Sighetu Marmației; died on July 2, 2016 in New York) was a Romanian-Jewish prosaic, essayist, playwright, philosopher, humanist, political activist and religious thinker. In 1944 all inhabitants of Sighetu – and among them Wiesel and his family – were deported to the concentration camp in Oswiecim. He and his two sisters were the only members of the family who survived. After World War II he left for France where he graduated from Sorbonne where he had

36 studied . He had lived in Israel, but after some time he moved to America which became his new mother-country.

He debuted in 1958 with his first book The Night (Czech translation: Alena Bláhová, Kartuziánské nakladatelství 2014). In that novel he described his own experiences from concentration camps. Overall he has written more than 40 novels, collections of short stories, essays, mostly on Holocaust. He is the holder of the Nobel Prize. Some of his works have been issued in Czech translations: Crazy longing to Dance (translation: Alena Bláhová, Portál 2007), Memoirs: All Rivers Run to the Sea (translation: Olga Sixtová, Pragma 1994), Memoirs II: All Rivers Run to the Sea but They Do not Fill It (translation: Tereza Horáková, Pragma 2007), The Fifth Son (translation: Eva Pokorná, Odeon 2002), The Return to Sighet (translation: Josef Mlejnek, ERM 1994), The Judges (translation: Alexandra Pflimpflová, Odeon 2011), The Stories about Confidence (translation: Alena Bláhová, Portál 2001), The Bible: Characters and Stories (translation: Alena Bláhová, Sefer 1994), The Stories against Sorrow (translation: Jana Petrová and Josef Hermach, Portál 1998), The World of Hasidim – Portraits and Legends (translation: Alena Bláhová, Sefer 1996), Talmud – Portraits and Legends (translation: Alena Bláhová, Sefer 1993).

2.8 The reception of exile literature in Romania

Exile literary works were received in two stages – in the period before World War II and after it till 1948 and in the period between 1950 and 1989.

Under the rule of Nicolae Ceauşescu only few exile works were published. They were works which the communist party could misuse for its propaganda. In fact, almost all exile authors were put on the index. Changes on the Romanian political and artistic stage after the coup d’état in 1989 did not make the exiles come back to their native country. Thanks to their long-term stay abroad most of them assimilated and integrated in their new home. Nevertheless, it does not mean that they broke with their native country. At least they attempted to co-operate with it in the field of literature, took part in book trade fairs and lectures and their contributions were published in literary journals.70

70 ANGHELESCU, Mircea. Despre exilul literar. In: Revista 22 [online]. 20. 1. 2004 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.revista22.ro/despre-exilul-literar-757.html. 37 It must be mentioned how Romanian literature written in Romanian language has been comprehended. In the preface to his encyclopaedia Florin Manolescu wrote: “For many writers exile started in 1940 after king Carol’s abdication or in 1941 after the legionary rebellion. For many of them it has not finished yet. On the other hand, the literary career of many Romanian exile writers went on after 1989 when their works were allowed to be published in Romania. If we leave those works, their critics and interviews with authors out of consideration, the contents of this dictionary will be impoverished. It can seem that in comparison with authors who are more productive abroad, those who wrote many books and were renowned when they lived in Romania are in this dictionary placed at disadvantage because they either left their country soon or published almost nothing in exile.”71

“As for this dictionary of Romanian literary exile, I include in it Jewish authors who were born in Romania and left for another country, but I omitted German, Hungarian and other ones, although they seem to be in similar situation. The main reason I considered was that Romanian writers wrote in their language (even after they left or had to leave their country) while those of non-Romanian origin (especially the Germans) could – in spite of difficulties – educate themselves in their own cultural environment (schools, publishing houses etc.) and as their means of expression they used other than Romanian language. In spite of such a situation there were connections with Romanian literature and culture, even out of the territory of Romania.”72

“While traditional Romanian literary history perceives Romanian writers as those who write in Romanian language, this dictionary deals in authors who are usually

71 «Pentru unii scriitori, exilul a început încă 1940 (după abdicarea lui Carol al II-lea) sau din 1941 (după rebeliunea legionară), iar pentru alții, el nu s-a încheiat la sfârșitul anului 1989. Pe de altă parte, cariera multor scriitori români din exil a continuat și după 1989, dată de la care cărțile lor au putut să apară și în Romănia. Ignorarea acestor cărți, ca și ignorarea comentariilor critice, a interviurilor sau a mărturiilor care le-au însoțit ar sărăci cuprinsul acestui lexicon. Din acest motiv, se poate întîmpla ca în comparație cu unii autori ceva mai productivi în străinătate, alții (cu numeroase cărți la activ și cu o reputație bine consolidată în perioada în care au trăit în România) să pară dezavantajați în acest dicționar, fie pentru că au plecat mai tîrziu din țara, fie pentru că în exil nu au mai scris decît foarte puțin.» See MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, p. 15. 72 «Am introdus în acest lexicon al exilului literar românesc scriitori evrei nascuți în România și plecați la un moment dat într-o altă țară, dar nu și germani, unguri sau scriitori de alte naționalități, aflați, cel puțin aparent, într-o situație asemănătoare. Motivul principal la care m-am oprit este că s-au manifestat ca atare în limba română (de cele mai multe ori chiar și după ce au plecat sau au fost siliți să plece din România), scriitori de alte origini (cazul germanilor este cel mai clar), care, în ciuda tuturor dificultăților, s-au putut forma încă din România în propriu lor mediu cultural (școli, publicații, periodice etc.), au folosit ca mijloc de expresie literară (preoponderent, dača nu chiar exlusiv) altă limbă decît cea românească. Firește, de multe ori au existat și în cazul acesta legături cu literatura și cultura română, iar aceste legături au fost conservate și în afara României.» See MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, p. 17. 38 bilingual (or even multilingual). As for identity, citizenship and nationality, they are split personalities. Jurisprudence expresses such a relation between a country of origin and an exile one ‘ius sanguinis a ius soli’.”73

After Romanian writers went into exile, they attempted in their host countries to found cultural institutions and associations. In 1973 Asociația scriitorilor israelieni de limba română (Association of Israeli Writers of Romanian Language) was founded as a part of Uniunii scriitorilor Israelieni (Association of Israeli Writers). It was confirmed as an Israeli legal person, i.e. a professional, non-political and independent organization. Its aim is to associate Israeli writers of Romanian language and sees to literary activities for Israeli citizens of Romanian origin. The first chairman of the organization was Maier Rudich, the vice-chairman A. Goldstein and the secretary Shaul Carmel (1973). The association has been working for 43 years. It publishes the periodical Izvoare (The Sources) and the literary almanac Premiul Sion (The Zion Prize).

Since 1949 Spanish-Romanian Cultural Association (Asociaţia Culturală Hispano- Română) has been working in Salamanca in Spain, and since 1957 Romanian Cultural Foundation (Asociaţia Culturală Românească) has been working in Madrid. In Freiburg Romanian Culture Institute (Institutul român de Cercetăr) was founded in 1949. In the same year Educational, Scientific a Research Centre for the Romanians Living in Germany (Cercul de Studii şi Cercetări Ştiinţifice ale Românilor din Germania) started its activity. Since 1957 Romanian Academic Society (Societatea Academică Română) has worked in Rome. The exiles founded step by step other associations in Austria, Switzerland, the USA, Canada, Mexico, Brazil, and Australia.

The above institutions were at a high professional level. They published the articles by Romanian authors in cultural centres all over the world and at the same time they attempted to find out how Romanian culture was accepted in host countries.

In addition to printed publications a very important role has ever played by the broadcasting of the Radio Free Europe and The Voice of America. Thanks to reporting programmes which Romanian intellectuals took part in, there was an active exchange of

73 «În timp ce în cadrul unei istorii literare românești tradiționale se poate susține afirmația că scriitori români sînt doar acei scriitori care se manifestă ca atare în limba română, principalul obiect de studiu al acestui lexicon îl reprezintă un scriitor care este aproape întotdeauna bilingv (sau chiar plurilingv), cînd e vorba de alegerea formei de expresie, și scindat între identități, cetățenii și naționalități diferite, sau între ceea ce știința dreptului numește ius sangvinis și ius soli, dacă avem în vedere legăturile cu țara de origine și cu țara de azil.» See MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, p. 18. 39 information there. The exiles knew what was happening in Romanian politics and Culture. They did their best to elucidate to Western readers and listeners the gruesome Ceaușescu’s regime which they had not had the ghost of an idea about.

40 3 THE HISTORY OF THE ROMANIAN JEWS IN LITERATURE

The Jews has ever been able to adapt their traditions and the style of life to any situation and strengthen their religion. In the Diaspora they even reinforced their identity which helped them to become the oldest living nation of the world.

3.1 The first literary documents

Romanian language is one of Romance languages. On the territory of Balkan it is a unique phenomenon because most of languages there are Slavonic ones. This language structure is dated from the times of the Roman colonization of Dacia on the territory of contemporary Romania. The first steps led to the translation of the Holy Bible to Romanian because Church liturgy took place in Church Slavonic language and the complete system of Romanian was absent. Thanks to it we can read today the first literary documents influenced considerably by religion. The early attempts to translate the Holy Bible were inspired by its Latin and Hungarian versions. The first complete translation of the holy Bible, written in Wallachian dialect and called after its sponsor duke Șerban Cantacuzin was issued in Bucharest in 1688. This so-called Bucharest Bible became the basis of literary Romanian.

The oldest preserved and complete Romanian literary document is so-called Neascu’s Letter (Scrisoarea lui Neacșu) from 1521 in which merchant Neacşu Lupu warned Brașov mayor Johannes Benkner against the threatening invasion of the Turks.

Most of the first literary documents were the translations of Slavonic liturgical texts or original works of religious character – for example Scheian Book of Psalms (Psaltirea Șcheiană) from 1482 and Voronetean Book of Psalms (Psaltirea Voronețeană).

The first printed Romanian book, issued by a printer from Brașov, was the catechism of deacon Coresi from 1559. This book of psalms was translated under the title The Book of Psalms of Saint Prophet and King David (Psaltirea Sfîntului Proroc și Impărat David). Two of the best translations were worked out by Moldavian metropolitan bishop Dosoftei in 1673. His book of psalms in verses is also the oldest work of Romanian poetry.

Also the books of Genesis and Exodus were translated to Romanian. They were enriched with legends known under the title Palia and issued in 1882. One of the most

41 renowned folklorists was (1856–1939)74 who was born in one of privileged Bucharest Jewish families. In 1873 he went for Germany where he enrolled on Wroclaw University to study philology there. At the same time he studied in a rabbi seminar. He defended his dissertation at Leipzig University. He worked as an active member of Jewish associations Jewish Colonization Society and Council of the Society for the Publication of Jewish School Books. In 1887 he became the rabbi of the Sephardic community in England, where he has worked till 1918. Some of his works were inspired by Jewish legends in two books – Sefer ha-Yashar (The Book of the Just) and Pirke de- Rabbi Eliezer (The Statements of Rabbi Eliezer).

3.2 Later literary influences

The first evidences of the activities of later Renaissance chroniclers appeared in 17th century and were related to Grigore Ureche and Miron Costin. Modern Romanian literature was born at the turn of 18th and 19th centuries in the times of Romanian National Revival. The decisive role was played by nationalism which made itself felt by longing for an own state and independent culture shed of Greek and Slavonic influences.

The propagators of nationalistic ides were above all the young Romanians, studying in France and Germany, who imbued Romanian thought with the ideas of German philosophy and the elements of French culture.

The first great literary personality bound up with modern Romanian language was Ion Heliade Rădulescu (1802–1872)75, the poet, writer and translator, as well as the founder of the and publisher of the first periodical in Romanian language on the territory of the principality Curierul românesc (The Romanian Courier, 1829). He wrote a lot of religious, philosophical and political commentaries to biblical texts. Not only him, but also other authors drew from biblical motives – for example in his one-act play on the biblical theme Eliezer (1908). Romanian- Jewish writers did not principally differ from non-Jewish ones who dealt in biblical themes. Enric Furtună (proper name Henric Pekelman, 1881–1965), the poet and author of the dramatic three-act play Abișag, went into exile in Israel for the first time in 1944,

74 CIOATĂ, Maria and Katharina KEIM. Who was Moses Gaster? The Centre for Jewish Studies [online]. The University of Manchester, 2013–2016 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.manchesterjewishstudies.org/moses-gaster-project/ 75 AFTENI, Vlad. Ion Heliade-Rădulescu, biografie (1802–1872). In: www.istoria.md [online]. ©2009–2017 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.istoria.md/articol/540/Ion_Heliade_R%C4%83dulescu,_biografie 42 but two years later he came back to Romania. As he was not satisfied there, he went into exile for the second time in 1958. This time he left for Sao Paulo, where he died in 1965. Camil Baltazar (proper name Leibu Goldenstein)76 had finished studies in Bucharest and then he became an editor of the newspaper România Liberă (Free Romania). He issued the collection of poems under the title Biblice inspired by the biblical story of Ruth and Ester.

3.3 The image of the Jews in Romanian literature

Romanian writers dealing in biblical themes created the positive image of the Jews and Hebrew language. Nevertheless, the general attitude towards the Jews in 19th century was rather critical. That is why the Jewish themes drew mostly from biblical motives. In fairy tales or anecdotes the Jews were described as a “damned” nation and Romanian folklore was imbued with many anti-Semitic elements. The Jews were depicted as the fiend’s messengers, eager for Jesus Christ’s blood, bad and cowardly people, greedy of money. The Jewish intelligence and adroitness met in literature with contempt. The roots of anti-Semitism aimed at the Jews penetrated into the whole society and led to religion intolerance, rivalry and chauvinist . The contents of literary works changed in dependence of circumstances.

For Romanian writers with anti-Semitic orientation a Jew was a man who is responsible for everything bad which happened in Romania. Prominent national writer and collector of folk songs (1821–1890)77 confirmed this fact by the very title of his collection Năvălirea Jidanilor (The Invasion of the Jews). He was an evident anti-Semite and his stereotyped image of the Jews contributed to the spreading of anti-Semitism in modern Romanian culture.

Romantic poet Mihail Eminescu (1850–1889) came upon the Jews deliberately for their “anti-Romanian” character. Bogdan Petriceicu-Hașdeu (1838–1907) considered the Jews a rabble without a mother-country, although he himself had Jewish ancestors. In 1930s when grabbed power in Germany and strengthened anti-Semitic movements in Romania, hatred towards the Jews imbued the whole country.

76 Camil Baltazar. In: autorii.com [online]. ©2009–2017 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.autorii.com/scriitori/camil-baltazar/ 77 AFTENI, Vlad. Vasile Alecsandri, biografie (1821–1890). In: www.istoria.md [online]. ©2009–2017 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.istoria.md/articol/515/Vasile_Alecsandri,_biografie 43 Nevertheless, there were writers and editors who had sympathy for Jewish religion and anti-Semitism as a “non-written law” did not accept. Sămănătorul (The Disseminator), the periodical edited by , remained indifferent towards anti- Semitism and published nothing in its spirit. It was focused exclusively on Romanian readers and characterized by its close connection with national traditions and values. Other periodicals – Viața Românească (Romanian Life), Convorbiri Literare (The Literary Debates) or Zburătorul Literar (The Literary Spirit) took up the same attitude.

One of the first Romanian writers who presented the Jews and Jewish themes and environment in their works was (1852–1912). His short story O făclie de paști (Easter Candle) offers a deep insight into the life of a common Jew.

3.4 Jewish contribution to literature written in Romanian language

In Romania which did not have too developed culture the Jews have ever played in literature an important role in spite of prejudices and restrictions. Romanian Jewish writers wrote not only about the Jews as a nation, but also about their traditions in everyday life. An important role in Jewish literature has ever been played by the issue of survival. The conflict between Jewish old and new generations on one side and the Jews and people of non-Jewish origin on the other was the theme of the prose by (proper name Aron Blumenfeld) Manasse (1901). An unambiguously positive attitude towards the Jews was taken up by writer Ion Călugăru (proper name Ștrul Leiba Croitoru). Isac Pelc in his work Calea Vacărești (Vacaresti Avenue) described – as one of the first Romanian Jewish authors – the Bucharest ghetto. The other writer (proper name Iosif Mendel Hechter) offered the image of the Romanian Jews’ life in pre-war Romania in De două mii de ani (For Two Thousand Years, 1934). In spite of inner dilemmas many Jewish authors considered themselves the Romanians, although most of them drew the themes of their works from the Jewish environment.

Jewish writers and essayists – for example the follower of Zionist revival Avram Leiba Zissu (1888–1956) and Isac Ludo (1894–1973) – propagated the ideas of return to Jewish roots. They made the public familiar with Jewish literature written in Romanian language and published short stories with Jewish themes. In spite of it Jewish literature in Romania stagnated. A. L. Zissu and I. Ludo published their articles in the periodicals Mântuirea (The Salvation), Renaşterea noastră (Our Revival) and Ştiri din lumea evrească (The Jewish World News). Their articles and translations from Yiddish drew exclusively 44 from Jewish themes.78 Isac Ludo has published since 1920 socio-cultural journal Adam, where he dealt in Judaism and works by Jewish authors all over the world and at the sime time analyzed social and political problems of the Jews living on the territory of Romania. Zissu and Ludo were ideologists. They wanted to publish Jewish literature whose themes would be assigned exclusively to Jewish readers.79 Zissu was a glowing example of such a revival. He attempted to evaluate Jewish traditions and identity, respect Romanian culture and incorporate Jewish spiritual and cultural values into Romanian environment. Jewish intellectuals often underwent the crisis of identity and the loss of connections with the Jewish cultural heritage. Romanian Jewish writers also played an important role as the propagators of avant-garde ideas. They worked out both Romanian and Jewish themes and tried to link them to the religious and literary heritage of their ancestors. Although they sometimes diverted from Jewish religious traditions, only few of them propagated total assimilation. As for real equal rights with other members of the society (especially with the Christians), the Jews reached them neither in modern times. The enlightened ideas of freedom, equality and brotherhood have penetrated into the mind of people slowly. Thus even now the word “Jew” has for many people pejorative meaning.

In Romania, where many great Jewish personalities – for example Elie Wiesel, the holder of the Nobel Prize 1986, or left-wing philosopher Lucien Goldman (born 1913 in Bucharest, died in 1970 in Paris) – came into the world, the Jews were persecuted not only in the second half of 19th century but perhaps more in the first half of 20th century. An extremely hostile attitude towards them was taken up by two organizations – “The ” (originally “The League of Archangel Michael”) and “The League for Christian Defence”. These events caused that European Jewish communities were totally decimated. Because of Nazi anti-Semitism the Romanian Jewish community under the rule of pro-Nazi marshal decreased to its half. In those critical times many writers became silent and retired from public life.

3.5 The dilemma of personality – a Romanian or a Jew?

Neither the assimilation of Jewish intellectuals in the first decades of last century led to their incorporation into the Romanian society. In spite of limited Jewish education

78 ZISSU, Avram Leiba. Breviar iudaic. Bucureşti, 1932, p. 130–131. 79 Ibidem. 45 (except writers of Bessarabia and Bukovina whose Jewish traditions were much stronger) most of them kept their Jewish roots. Jewish intellectuals in Germany and Poland even preserved double identity. In consequence of growing hatred towards the Jews and the threat of anti-Semitism the resistance of the Jews against their part in Romanian culture got stronger. They got an impression of their “difference”, felt tension caused by uncertainty whether the society would accept or refuse them and suffered from personal dilemmas which influenced on their private life. They lived in permanent inner conflict between loyalty to Jewish tradition and temptation to become renowned writers in Romanian literary environment.

The drama of double identity was depicted by a lot of Jewish writers – for example and Mihalil Sebastian. They were expelled from Romanian culture in 1937. This process came to a head during the Antonescu’s regime (1940–1944). After the proclamation of Israel some Romanian Jewish artists – for example Tristan Tzara and Benjamin Fundoianu – were ignored not only by Romanian but also Israeli readers.

Traditional Jewish environment became a springboard for some authors writing in Jewish, for example Icyk Manger (1901–1969) and Jacob Groper. German-Jewish culture flourished especially in Bukovina. That is why the most appreciated after-war writer was Paul Celan (proper name Paul Antschel, 1920–1970). A dominating language in literature, philosophy and journalism was Romanian, even in the period between the world wars. Romanian Zionists founded associations and propagated Jewish literature. Although many publications in Hebrew or Jewish were distinguished, most of Romanian Jewish readers ignored them.

In consequence of cultural changes and the modernization of the society the Jewish cultural heritage almost slipped away the mind of the following generation of Jewish writers. Only few writers went on creating in its spirit – they were authors who have grown up in traditional Jewish environment and had strong emotional connection with it. Vivid examples are the works of Benjamin Fundoianu (1898–1994) who created in France under the pseudonym Benjamin Fondane, and Jewish novelist and playwright Mihail Sebastian (1907–1945).

It i well-known from history that debates on Romanian Jewish intellectuals have not always been conciliatory. They have often been an arena for contentions between Romanian literary and nationalist circles. The Jewish authors preferred sociological

46 approach which influenced strongly on the personal development and creation of many writers. The disunity of Romanian culture and the dilemma of double identity led to the feeling of split personality which left behind vestiges in their works. Discussions and polemics in the circles of Jewish writers concerned above all the problem of identity and the only question – a Romanian or a Jew?80

Answers to this question were not homogenous, some were antagonistic. Some authors – for example Camil Baltazar – defined themselves as Romanian ones, others – for example Ury Benador – accepted double identity and spiritual roots. For poet and prosaic this theme should be debated within the framework of social science: He wrote: “To be a Jew is a destiny.”81

A Jewish writer keeps connections with the environment which he came from and at the same time he presents his work in accordance with the traditions of a country where he creates.

Regardless how Romanian-Jewish writers comprehended their identity and how strong the connections with Romanian culture were, almost all of them have been expelled from Romanian culture. They lived exclusively in Jewish communities – later ghettos – where they had to bear discrimination and faced permanent threat that they would be deported to concentration camps or shot.

80 GYÉMÁNT, Ladislau, ed. Studia Judaica XIII. Babeş–Bolyai University. Cluj–Napoca: EFES 2005, p. 153. 81 Ibidem. 47 4 ECONOMIC-POLITICAL INSIGHT

4.1 Romanian anti-Semitism

Merely several years after the pro-Nazi and pro- groups like The League for Christian Defence and The League of Archangel Michael (which in 1929 changed into the Iron Guard, the quasi-military organization with an extreme anti- Semitic programme). These soldieries terrorized the Jews and did not abominate murders. In 1927 the congress of The League of Archangel Michael took place in Oradea in Transylvania. Its participants came upon the Jaws with an approval of the Ministry of the Interior. Then synagogues were burnt down and frictions spread all over the country. The plundering of houses of prayer in Cluj and other towns passed to bloody violence (Huedin and Iași).

When Prime Minister Ducă, the objector to the dictatorial regime of Carol II, had dissolved The Iron Guard at the end of 1933, shortly after it he was murdered. Corneliu Zelea-Codreanu, the leader of The Iron Guard, has never covered up his sympathy towards Germany where the Nazis have just grabbed power.

In these times which were hard for all Jews king Carol II charged with the formation of the government. Goga used all possible means for wide anti-Jewish campaign. Under the slogan Romania to the Romanians he did his best in order that the Romanians would take over all factories and all Jews would be expelled from legal associations. Nevertheless, Goga’s government did not rule long. When on July 22, 1940 Romanian king Carol II declared Romania a national-legionary state and in September appointed marshal Antonescu82 a Prime Minister, bad times came on Romania.

The situation even deteriorated when so-called Nuremberg Laws came into force (140 000 Jews left the country). The number of exiles escaping from the Nazis increased extremely not only in Romania but also in Hungary. In 1938 and 1939 almost 94 000 Jews from Austria, 15 000 Jews from Poland and 17 000 Jews from Czechoslovakia83 were granted temporary asylum. It is almost impossible to specify how many Jews left

82 Ion Victor Antonescu (born on June 15, 1882 in Pitești, died on June 1, 1946 in the prison) was Romanian general and politician. Since September 1940 till August 1944 he has been the Prime Minister and leader of Romania. On August 23, 1944 he was arrested and on June 1, 1944 executed in the Jilava prison. 83 CARMILLY-WEINBERGER, Moshe. On three continents. Editura: HFES, 2007, p. 81. 48 their homes in the period between 1933 and 1934, find out their names and say surely where they hid or where was the terminus of their escape. Most of the Jews of Eastern Europe looked for help in the Jewish organization Rescue Committee for the Refugees in Cluj,84 founded on 1936. Cluj was a Jewish and Zionist centre where the Jews from Europe have always been given aid and temporary asylum.

When Hitler grabbed power in Germany, he was going to launch a war. He fought not only against a country, ethnic-religious or social group, but against the very principles of the civilization – equality, brotherhood, tolerance and freedom – and universal human values. All these values were embodied by the Jews and their religion. That is why politicians and scientists have been calling him an anti-Semitist in essence.85 Political scientists still argue about the differences and common features of Holocaust and Gulags, the revival on anti-Semitism, chauvinist nationalism and Jews as a symbol of human suffering.

4.2 Romanian politics and exile

Romanian writers who had to go into exile attempted to influence the political stage in their country. In 19th century (after 1848) revolutionaries left for the West to support fight for Romanian national interests.

A century after the refugees faced a different situation – especially in France where writers, artists, left-wing intellectuals and politicians had concentrated. Western countries soon found the real character of political power in after-war regimes in Central and Eastern Europe and understood that there was no chance to confirm exile caretaker governments. At least they supported so-called patriotic committees which had been founded in exile.

The voice against the Soviet occupation of Romania was raised in Paris at the end of World War II. Grigore Gafencu, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs and in 1940–42 the editor-in chief of the daily Timpul familiei wrote in his article: “The question is our soul. The regime forced upon the Jews in 1941 was filled by the army and government bodies with the same hatred which is now directed against Bolshevism. It keeps the state of uncertainty, licence and terror which can damage the interests of the state and obscure the

84 Idem, p. 80. 85 Idem, p. 53. 49 conscience of our people. I think of spiritual decay which we ourselves cause with our acts diminishing and damaging the pride of our nation and its trust in honour and justice.”86

Shortly after it he went into exile in Switzerland and after World War II he left for France. Young diplomats organized a campaign which should have helped the occupied country. The Romanian secret police Securitate declared Gafencu the main representative of Romanian revolutionary movement abroad. In 1947 he and other members of political parties in the USA attempted to establish an exile government, but it caused the American authorities big troubles. After the abdication of Romanian king Michal II in 1947 an opportunity came up to Romanian political exiles to found free committees and organizations. Nevertheless, they were not allowed to establish an official government. Their cultural and political activities had a lot of common features. The first generation of Romanian exiles consisted in former distinguished politicians of a wide political spectrum. There were 4 Romanian political groups in exile. In the first decade of the cold war the first group originated from the followers of National Farmers Party (Partidul Național Țărănesc). The second group included those of National Liberal Party (Partidul Național Liberal), the third those of Social- Democratic Party (Partidul Social Democrat) and the fourth the members of the Iron Guard (Garda de Fier). There was rivalry among them, similar to that on the political stage at home. That is why organizations like Romanian National Committee (Comitetul Național Român) were established. This organization was founded by Romanian general Nicolae Rădescu in Washington in 1949. Its co-founders were for-example Cornel Bianu, Alexandru Cretzianu (the former minister and organizer of secret negotiations with the Allies in Cairo on 1944), Mihail Fărcășanu, Grigore Niculescu-Buzeşti (the former Minister of Foreign Affairs), Augustin Popa (the former Member of Parliament), Constantin Vişoianu (the former Minister of Foreign Affairs), Nicolae Caranfil (the former Minister of Aviation) and Grigore Gafencu (the former Minister of Foreign Affairs). The last two men had hold important ministerial offices even under the rule of Carol II. Another organization abroad was Association of Free Romanians (USA).

86 «E vorba de sufletul nostru; regimul impus evreilor (în 1941), pe care mulțimea, armata ca și autoritățile de stat îi cuprind pe toți, fără nici o deosebire, în aceeași ură care se îndreaptă astăzi împotriva bolșevismului, menține stările de nesiguranță, de arbitrar, ba chiar de teroare care pot fi dăunătoare intereselor statului și pot întuneca conștiința poporului nostru […]. Mă gîndesc la scăderile sufletești pe care ni le pricinuim noi înșine prin fapte care înjosesc și care distrug mîndria și încrederea neamului în simțămintele lui de cinste, de omenie, de dreptate.» See GAFENCU, Grigore. Timpul. București, 1994, p. 184 (însemnare din 3 august 1941). 50 The committees collected data on Romanian political, economic and social situation and information not only for the USA but also other countries. These reports were regularly published in the periodicals România (Romania) and La Nation Roumaine (The Romanian Nation). The above committees gained in importance thanks to their sponsors – National Committee for Free Europe and Radio Free Europe itself.

Nevertheless, none of these exile organizations was able to force the exiles to unite into one strong front.

During the cold war there was the only one for way out for many Romanian intellectuals – exile. The aim was not to give this phenomenon political but global character and attempt at bringing Eastern and Western powers nearer to each other. Exile defined clearly the difference in the comprehension of two terms – nation and social order. All hopes of Romanian intellectuals dwindled away after Hungarian revolution 1956 when Western countries gave up any step for the benefit of their Eastern counterparts. Romanian exiles ceased to believe that the communist regime in Romania could fall.

4.3 Communism and exile

The first Romanian Jewish and Christian exiles considered Russian occupation temporary and waited for the military intervention of Western countries. They communicated with the representative of Western governments and did their best to persuade the public in host countries that situation – and not only political one – in Romania was critical. While Romanian exile ex-politicians attempted to bring off changes in their mother-country and looked for support in Western powers, the politicians in power responded to the radical requirements of exiles negatively.

One of the most radical pioneer acts was an assault on the Romanian embassy in Western Berlin in 1955. Five Romanian exiles occupied it. They looked for proofs confirming that the embassy has served as an espionage centre. This ill-judged act had fatal consequences for exiles. The communists in Romania organized a demagogic campaign against “outer” traitors. While many Romanians in exile supported this action, Radio Free Europe took a negative stand and called the organizers of the attack “criminal elements”. This was grist to communist mill. State power intervened roughly and in 1958 one of the organizers had been arrested and then deported back to his

51 native country. In spite of all efforts of Western powers and Romanian exiles he was executed in 1960. The fate of other participants in the assault was the same.

In this context it is worth mentioning the hard situation of Aurel Decei, one of the members of the Romanian National Committee, who had worked as a cultural attaché in Turkey. In 1960 he was arrested in Western Berlin, deported to Romania, imprisoned and tortured.

After 1956 the exiles faced the communist regime, strengthening its position even abroad. In 1960 Securitate disposed of so-called black list of dangerous deserters. As soon as somebody of this list was identified, he came to a bad end. In consequence of the changes in the policy of central administrative bodies, the very structure and loyalty of the exile community was jeopardized.

In the half of 1960s Romania set out on a journey to so-called . Within the framework of this ideology the communist activists initiated actions against the exiles. The ruling party was aware that exile opposition would not be silent and therefore it chose an artful step. Having taken an example from history, it started to apply “the politics of sugar and whip” and harm exiles deliberately.

The most frequent targets of the interest of the communist regime were exile church and cultural institutions. Hateful campaigns have often extended behind the frontiers of Romania. Within their framework the communists organized a campaign against Valerian Trifa, the Orthodox priest, working in the USA. He was discredited, accused of being an anti-Semitist and a follower of the extreme right-wing. He had to leave the USA and go into exile in Portugal, where he died 1987. The same hateful campaign was directed against the Romanian Orthodox church in Paris headed by its senior Vasile Boldeanu. In the course of the confrontation of Boldeanu’s exile well- wishers with the Bucharest Orthodox church a war zone between them originated. The frequent targets of assaults were also Romanian Catholic churches abroad.

Well-tried policy applied by the communist regime was taking possession of the remains of renowned cultural exile personalities and their transportation to their mother-country. Nevertheless, the attempt of the communists to repatriate the remains

52 of Nicolae Titulescu,87 the ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs and former chairman of the United Nations, failed. The strong resistance of his widow and permanent interventions in French authorities moved away this affair till the beginning of 1990s. After December revolution it was decided that the remains would stay in France. In 1996 the apprehensions of the heir of George Enescu, the renowned composer, violinist and conductor, that his remains should have been transported illegally to Romania proved. The heir asked French authorities for help. They confirmed that his apprehensions were well-founded and prevented from this transportation.

The most important factor which influenced on politics and public opinion in the country was Radio Free Europe (founded in 1949 as the private initiative of refugees from central and Eastern Europe). The Romanian section headed by Vlad Georegescu fought against the communist regime of Nicolae Ceausescu by and sarcasm. Although it is not easy to evaluate the contribution of this mass medium and its impact on Romanian public, no doubt that the number of its listeners - in comparison with other countries of the Soviet bloc where Radio Free Europe broadcasted – was the highest. In communist Romania exiles have ever represented permanent opposition. That is why they have ever been a heavy burden to the regime.

4.4 Romanian political arena in 1945-1989

4.4.1 The 1950s After-war Romania started forming during the last year of World War II. Before overthrowing the Antonescu regime the movement of his opponents, the members of pre-war political parties and the princely court, had sprung up. The communist programme of National Anti-Fascist Front has not succeeded, but this situation was to change. After the operations of the Red Army in August 1944 the National Anti-fascist Front collapsed which led to the fall of Antonescu’s dictatorship. King Carol II ordered the arrest of its main protagonist. A new semi-military government was established and the war on Germany declared. The presence of the Russian occupation army and the fact that pre-war Romania had been one of the poorest countries in Europe led to the increase of the number of members of (RKS).88 The communists refused to dissolve their soldieries and at the same time they relied on two

87 Nicolae Titulescu (4/3/1882 – 17/3/1941 Cannes). Romanian king Carol II discharged him from all offices and ordered him to leave the country. Titulescu went into exile in France. 88 TEJCHMAN, Miroslav. Dějiny Rumunska. Praha: Ústav světových dějin FF UK, 1997, p. 61. 53 divisions which had been formed in the Soviet Union. It is interesting that in addition to Gheorghiu-Dej,89 one of the members of the central committee of the communist party was Jew Anna Pauker,90 the daughter of a Moldavian rabbi. This fact proves that it was possible for people of various social classes to enter the party. The communists do their best to profit even from the anti-Sovietism of “conservative” parties whose members have never stopped trusting in the help of the West against Soviet hegemony.

RKS shared the establishment of the government, but it itself has not strong position yet. The interior political affairs of the country were more and more interfered with by Allied Control Commission (SKK) leaded by Soviet general Sushakov, although American and British members did not agree with it. The communists and the well- wishers of the left-wing organized protest actions because they were not satisfied with the distribution of functions within the government, especially with the filling of the post of a Minister of the Interior. In consequence of this situation the government exposed to permanent pressure fell. Its successor, formed by general Rădescu, had merely limited province. Although it was able to put through a number of positive measures - the cancellation of anti-Jewish laws and the prosecution of war criminals – it could not prevent the Russians from filling the decisive posts by the communists, especially in Transylvania and Moldavia.

After the visit of Moscow in January 1945 Gheorgiu-Dej and Pauker criticized Rădescu’s government as a one and asked for the foundation of National Democratic Front (NDF). After convulsions on February 24, 1945 and shooting at the protesters the leftish press declared Rădescu “a murderer” and the Soviet deputy commissioner for foreign affairs asked the king for the general’s removing from office. His request was “supported” by the tanks of the Red Army which encircled the royal palace. On March 6, 1945 the government of “the will of people” consisting of the well- wishers of NDF was established. The communists filled the decisive posts and Teohari Georgescu91 became the Minister of the Interior.

The elections in November 1945 took place under the supervision of the Soviet occupation armed forces and changed into an election farce. The governmental coalition

89 Gheorge Gheorghiu-Dej was a Romanian politician and president in 1961-1965. From June 2, 1952 to October 2, 1955 he has been the second Prime Minister of the Romania. 90 Anna Pauker (proper name Hannah Rabinsohn) (13/12/1893-3/6/1960) was a Romanian communist politician and the first woman performing a function of Minister of Foreign Affairs. 91 TEJCHMAN, Miroslav, ref. 88, p.63. 54 with the communists gained 78% of votes and Romania became one of the satellites of the Soviet Union. The proof of the fact that RKS had no scruples was filling the post of the Minister of Foreign Affairs with Anna Pauker. The communists also filled the key posts in the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Defence. In December 1946 the National Bank was nationalized. Romanian economy started to orientate to the Soviet Union and other “socialist” countries. The agrarian reform led to the liquidation of country estates and national economy paralysed by these measures showed only 75% of pre-war purchasing power.

The state decided to have done with the monarchy. Although the king was still young, his position was – thanks to his resolution which he had showed in 1944 – relatively strong. He was respected especially by farmers and the members of lower middle class. As soon as the communists gained control over the army, nothing could prevent RKS from going into the offensive. On December 30, 1947 the king was summoned by the government to the hearing where he signed his abdication. After he left for Switzerland on January 3, 1948, the Romanian People’s Republic was proclaimed.92

On February 21–23, 1948 united Romanian Labour Party (RDS). 80 000 communists and a part of social democrats entered it. Next day the Parliament was dissolved and the writ of general elections issued. Their winner was Front of People’s Democracy. The National Assembly adopted the new Constitution. The police was re- organized into People’s Militia. At the same time judiciary bodies were reformed and mass purges in state administration passed off. Existing administrative bodies were cancelled and substituted by so-called committees. The largest enterprises, banks and insurance companies were nationalized and the state monopolized foreign trade. In 1948 school reform passed off and culture was “unified”. The only institution which made a strong stand against the regime was the church. It was exposed to an extreme pressure, but the separation of church and state has never happened.

In agriculture the same process as that in Czechoslovakia went off. The farmers (so-called kulaks) were declared culprits of existent situation and that is why forced collectivization went off and unified agricultural cooperative societies were founded. Like in other “socialist” countries also in Romania planned economy was applied. During

92 Idem, p.66. 55 the first two five-year plans the country should have been industrialized and electrified. In 1950s the fight against an “inner enemy” became sharp and mass purges passed off in the party bodies. Among accused persons were inter alia the members of the Politburo Paukert and Luca. One of them Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu was accused and executed. Almost 200 000 members of RDS were expelled from it. The repressions included the pressed evacuation of “class enemies” from towns to the country, especially to Baragan steppe. The regime leant on the army which had about a half of million members and more than 100 000 Soviet soldiers. At the beginning of 1950s “Stalinist” constitution was adopted. In spite of political situation, it was open surprisingly to the development of national minorities (especially in the field of educational system, press and folk culture). The only exceptions were the Jewish minority which became a victim of anti-Semitism, and the Serbian one in Banat,93 which was evacuated to the steppes of Baragan.94

In elections in 1952 the candidates of Front of People’s Democracy obtained 98% of votes, but within “people’s-democratic” countries it was not anything unusual. Nevertheless, in the party fight for power went off and had the only winner - Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej. After Stalin’s death he stood against Stalinism although he has ever been its zealous follower. The industrialization of the country was at that time supported by Czechoslovakia and Eastern Germany. Their help had even some positive results.

4.4.2 The 1960s In 1956 the leaders of Romania agreed with stifling the anti-communist rebellion in Hungary because they were afraid of the propagation of similar ideas in their country. In the second half of 1950s Romanian economy was relatively consolidated which led the ruling party to the self-important proclamations of the victory of socialism. On the background of these events the Soviet troops left the country in 1958. Romania had ambitious plans, but they did not correspond with Soviet idea of cooperation among socialist countries. During Soviet-Chinese conflict Romania took up a neutral stand. It attempted to make full use of it. It started to become friends with Tito Yugoslavia and renew diplomatic relations with Albania which was criticized by socialist countries for

93 Banat – the territory in south-east Europe. It is divided into 3 parts: the eastern part is situated in Romania, the western one in Serbia and the northern one in Hungary. Banat is a part of Panonia plain. The eastern borders are demarcated by the , the western ones by the Tisa, the northern ones by the Mures and the eastern one by the Southern Carpathians. 94 A region in south-east Romania with especially rough climate, i.e. hot summers and dry and very cold winters. The southern and eastern parts of Baagan steppe are demarcated by the Danube, the northern ones by the Buzau. 56 its leaning towards China. When in 1965 Brezhnev presented his strategy of foreign politics, Romania was the first country which protested against it. In 1965 Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej died and Nicolae Ceaușescu was elected a general secretary of the party. At that time Romania had succeeded in increasing the living standard of its inhabitants, strengthening industry and stabilizing economy. The West considered it a country which could “stab the unity of the socialist bloc in the back”. In comparison with other socialist countries including Yugoslavia, in 1967 during Arabic-Israeli conflict Romania refused to decry Israel. Although Ceaușescu was not well-disposed towards “Prague Spring” reforms because of their undermining the leading role of the communist party, he did not agree with any interference in it from without. That is why Romanian governmental and political bodies decried the occupation of Czechoslovakia by the armies of 5 states of the Treaty in August 1968.

4.4.3 The 1970s and 1980s The first five-year plan under the rule of Nicolae Ceaușescu relatively succeeded. Industry financially covered 60% of national income. Agriculture was able to supply towns and wages increased. Arm in arm with it Ceaușescu’s Personality Cult strengthened. Ceaușescu proclaimed a new ideological plan called “a small cultural revolution”. It meant tightening up the control of the party over everything. In fact it was the return to Stalinist practices. At the end of 1970s economic situation started to deteriorate again. National income stagnated, there was lack of foodstuff and Romanian National Debt increased. The tasks of the five-year plan were told to be fulfilled, but the reality was different.

In 1977 the miners in Lupeni came out on strike. Even Ceaușescu himself arrived to calm them.95 His and his clan’s influence remained the same, but the gulf between political leaders and people went on deepening. Ceaușescu ignored the crisis and focused exclusively on his own well-being and safety.

When in 1981 the problems of provision started, Ceaușescu attributed them to the “overeating” of the Romanians and imposed the allotment system (rationing scheme).96 In view of the fact that the same problems occurred in the supply of electricity, its distribution was very limited. Romanian workers were on strikes and the Hungarian minority rebelled. Romania found itself in international isolation. It succeeded in

95 The town has 1850 inhabitants. It is situated in Transylvanian province Harghita. 96 TEJCHMAN, Miroslav, ref. 88, p. 77. 57 finishing the construction of the channel between the Danube and the , but this macroeconomic “success” could not compensate the impact of drastic measures of economy. In consequence of the insufficient heating of flats (to mere 10 degrees centigrade) the mortality of socially weak groups of inhabitants, especially seniors and children, increased dizzily. Ceausescu wanted to discharge the national debt at any price, but he merely whittled down rations of energy and foodstuff (the ration, determined by the state was 300 grams of bread, 9 eggs, 1 kilo of poultry meat per month and person). In May 1989 Gorbachev warned him, but in vain. The times of events at the end of 1989 arrived at the final stage.

58 5 CULTURAL AND SOCIAL ASPECTS

5.1 The cultural identity of emigrants

When most of the Jews wrote in Romanian language, why the representatives of Jewish culture were so important? For many historical reasons the Romanian Jewish community has consisted till the end of W.W. I of various communities in Moldavia, Wallachia, Bessarabia and Bukovina. Those communities did not become a part of so- called Big Romania before 1918. Each of them had different history, traditions and language. In respect to fast cultural changes the Jews had acquired not only Jewish and Hebrew, but also Romanian, Hungarian, Russian and German languages. Cultural emancipation passed off at various levels in regard to strong traditions expressing the Jews’ spiritual bonds to Judaism and Jewish culture. Since 1936 the resistance against Jewish artists and writers has strengthened. One by one they were excludes from Romanian culture. By their contributions to various periodicals and participation in cultural activities they showed their Jewish faith and open support of Jewish literature and its readers. Assaults against Jewish writers had grown stronger and Romanian- Jewish symbiosis ended. Jewish authors had to answer for what they were writing. Many times they found themselves in unpleasant personal situations had to defend their activities and became a target of anti-Semitic assaults. The members of the Jewish elite adapted to Romanian culture, but at the same time it preserved its own cultural traditions. A question stood out whether they were either Jewish or Romanian. Even today this issue brings out strong emotions not only in Romania, but also in Israel. The situation was worse in the past, especially in the times of anti-Semitic assaults in 1930s.

Alexandru Mirodan in the preface to his dictionary wrote: “Who is a Jew? This question stands out even in connexion with our dictionary. Even in such a rigorous museum like Beit ha-tfutzot (The Museum of the Diaspora) in Tel Aviv the list of personalities includes (his mother was a Jew and his father a French of an old aristocratic family.) It seems to us to be natural that we do not omit talented individuals who came of marriages with foreigners.”97

97 «Cine e evreu? Se pune – nici nu s–ar putea altfel – și în legatura Dicționarul nostru. La un muzeu atît de riguros ca Beth Hatefutsoth (Casa diasporei), din Ramat Aviv, Marcel Proust (mamă evreică, tată francez de viță veche) este inclus printre marile personalități ale neamului evreiesc. Ni se pare firesc, deci, să nu ignorăm în paginile acestea talentele izvorîte din căsătorii mixte.» See Cuvînt Înainte in MIRODAN, Alexandru, ref. 13. 59 It is necessary to mention three phenomena which are closely connected with the issue of cultural and social insight into the situation after World War II. As for Jewish writers, who left voluntarily or had to leave their country, we can divide them into three categories. The first group consisted of emigrants who were not self-confident enough and were not able to integrate to the environment and culture of a host country. Romanian language remained their means of communication. They spoke it and wrote in it – of course, merely for Romanian readers. This group included for example Paul Goma, the Romanian writer who in 1977 went into exile in France with his family and till his death he has remained a sworn anti-communist and an opponent to the Ceausescu’s dictatorship. He started writing during it, i.e. in the times when he had lived and published in Romania. Other authors of this category were Nicu Hordiniceanu and Leon Volovici.

The second group was represented by emigrants who accepted double identity and were able to publish both in their mother tongue and the language of a host country. That is why they had opportunity to address not only local readers but also their counterparts in host countries. This group included Alexandru Mirodan, Virgil Duda, Eugen Luca, Victor Rusu a partly Eugen Ionescu, the renowned Romanian playwright and poet, one of the main representatives and founders of absurd drama. At the beginning of World War II he left for France and settled there down. He wrote in Romanian on special occasions only.

The third group included writers who gave up their personal and language identity and published exclusively in the language of a host country. They assimilated fully in their new mother-country and adapted to its culture. Their list included inter alia Elie Wiesel, Aharon Appelfeld or Emil Cioranu, the Romanian-French philosopher, who has lived since 1941 in Paris where he died in 1995 before having asked for French citizenship.

Under the communist regime no research worker dealt in the issue of exile and Romanian or Jewish identity. Romanian historical sources and documents on exile literature and exile itself were few, because they have never been conditions for scientific research in this field. The issue of relation between exile and political power on one side and creation in exile and a home-country on the other became topical after the fall of communism.

60 5.2 Cultural associations and organizations in exile

During the cold war both individuals and members of organizations in exile did their best to create a nursery for Romanian culture. They did not want it to survive but integrate to the society and become a part of public opinion both in a host country and at home. Culture was an effective ideological weapon used for propaganda by both parties. In was comprehended in a larger context as relation between a “cultural producer” and a “cultural product.” Exile culture remained the only possible means of the attainment of desired political goals. One of Romanian emigrants wrote: “Culture is the only politics which exiles are allowed to take with them.” Intellectuals were considered main public enemies. The cold war soon reflected both in relation to exile politics and that between two concerned parties – a host country and a home-one.

Cultural organizations abroad cooperated with each other, but they had lack of leaders who would be able to take decisive steps on political arena. The activities of exiles from Eastern Europe were not effective. In the view of the fact that they were not coherent and had to solve organizational problems, they were not able to attain their goals. They were not able to unify and raise their voice jointly. The cultural organizations of the Czechs, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Romanians, Yugoslavs and Poles in exile did not work and all attempts at keeping a unity of action against communist regimes fell flat. After 1945 many intellectuals decided to go into exile in France. This country was close to the Romanians because of similarity of educational systems and languages. Another country which they left for was Spain. Most of those exiles were right-wing activists. In general it can be said that politically concerned individuals emigrated to the USA, while artists preferred to stay in Europe.

In spite of different opinions and inner dilemmas literary exile was – except a few individuals – more positive than negative factor. Newspapers and periodicals published articles whose authors inclined both to the right-wing and the left-one. Eva Behring claims98 that in the course of that emigration period there were three stages of cultural identity of Romanian intellectuals in exile. The emigrants felt the pressing need of identity and declared that emigration itself did not have any meaning. Only such Romanian exiles who identified with other national and international groups, were important. Among emigrants there were misunderstandings complicating their position

98 BEHRING, Eva, ref. 15. 61 from which they could speak to the West. Efficient strategy applied by exile writers was the organizing of literary groups and founding of literary clubs. One of the most renowned and popular literary clubs was established by Mirca Eliade in March 1954 within the Romanian mission to Paris. In 1970s most of Romanian emigrants found retreat there.

And what was the situation in neighbouring countries? For example Polish exiles attempted in vain to keep the pre-war status of their exile government. They stood up to the change of its name to “National Committee”. The exile government was dissolved officially in 1945. Emigrants were divided into two groups – legislators and political idealists. Each of them claimed that it represented Polish interests. Similar situation was in Hungary which had two big organizations abroad – American-Hungarian Federation and Hungarian National Council (USA). Both of them were founded by Hungarian emigrants, the members of the pre-war governmental coalition.

The new organization Union of Free Romanians (Comitetul Național Român, London, 1940) headed by Ion Ratia proved that in the course of diplomatic negotiations with Western countries the lists of people who would be allowed to leave Romania legally had been submitted. These lists were drawn up by Romanian emigrants who had focused especially on families in mortal danger.

Another step of Romanian exiles in their fight against the communist regime was the establishing of cultural institutions and foundations. In December 1950 Carol I Foundation was incorporated within the renovation of an original fund created by the first Romanian king in 1891. The sources prove that the above foundation was a part of activities in which prominent Romanian intellectuals had participated. The opening of a library in Freiburg was of the same importance. It was founded in 1949 and should have become the source of objective information for both Romanian and foreign research workers and readers. The founding of clubs and foundations abroad has also its drawbacks, because the Romanian secret police Securitate infiltrated into them. Romanian Academic Association was founded in 1957 by Nicolae Radescu, the last democratic Prime Minister. The association then was passed over the communists who changed it into so-called simulacrum. Before that it had organized public conferences, courses of lectures and exhibitions, offered financial aid to young intellectuals and published its newspaper. Most of publications issued by the Romanians in exile were

62 supported financially by Romanian politicians. Young authors were not experienced and had no other income but scholarships or bonuses awarded by foreign institutions, Romanian organizations and individual politicians. Their aim was to address many readers – not only Romanian ones – without high expenditures.

The exiles were well aware of their cultural mission. They found themselves between two millstones. They wrote to meet the demands of Romanian censorship and at the same time they wanted to preserve Romanian culture and language in exile. They felt responsibility towards Romania. The overwhelming majority of Romanian authors were not allowed to publish. Though those who had emigrated could hardly renew broken ties with Romanian culture and literature, they had one advantage – opportunity to write and publish freely. Unfortunately, the cultural activities of exiles had only temporary impact on the Romanians – either at home or abroad. “The Dark Age” started with the limited number of publications from abroad, the lack of political leaders in exile, the ban of publishing in Romania as well as the closing of borders with the West. Western governments preferred organizations and institutions which had remained politically neutral to those which were radical, and kept in view the activities of individuals who were masking his political goals with cultural work.

In 1970s and 1980s there were two waves of going into exile in the West. In spite of different origin they both met some expectations, but in fact they did not take part in the actions against the communist regime. The only active individuals were the first exiles. Their community gradually extended its field, but it led only to the infiltration of Securitate spies into it. Nevertheless, the members of the literary elite have never given up their fight and went on informing foreign public on real political, social and cultural situation in Romania. Till the fall of communism double culture has existed – one in Romania, one abroad. Each of them lived its own life and its development has ever depended on existing circumstances and conditions.

After 1989 it seemed that nothing prevented from the comeback of exiles to their native country. But most of them stayed abroad because they were not satisfied with changes which had come about. Today it seems that the exiles living abroad are not taken into consideration and they are being forgotten, although they are literarily prolific and go on writing in Romanian language. In consequence of it the gulf between home and foreign literature becomes deeper and deeper. As only few Romanian Jews

63 have involved the main stream of Jewish-European culture and literature, European literary and cultural trends penetrated through Romanian culture and literature with long delay.

64 6 THE VIEW OF THE JEWS IN THE WORK BY VIKTOR EMIL FRANKL

6.1 Biography

Viktor Emil Frankl was born on March 26, 1905 in Vienna and died on September 2, 1997 in the same place.99 He worked as a neurologist and psychiatrist and became well-known as a founder of existential analysis and logo-therapy. He was born in a Czech Jewish family. His father, the Moravian native, was an officer in Austrian Ministry of Social Affairs. His mother came of an ancient Jewish family. They moved to Vienna from Pohořelice, the small town near Brno.

V. E. Frankl has had good family background since his young days. At Vienna University he finished the studies of medicine; his majored in neurology and psychiatry. First he had been a voracious admirer of Sigmund Freud, later he converted to the followers of his opponent Alfred Adler, but neither this satisfied him fully. After his graduation he worked as a psychiatrist. He started the application of the idea that therapy would be successful when it would penetrate into the deepest spheres of mind. He was listening to his patients and learning from them. In 1937 he began his private practice as a neurologist and psychiatrist.100

When in 1938 the Germans occupied Austria, he had to cease the treatment of Aryan patients because of being a Jew. He could go abroad, but he did not take advantage of this opportunity and stayed with his family in Vienna. He worked as a head of the neurological ward at the Rothschild Hospital. In 1941 he married Tilly Grosser. A year after the wedding a married couple was deported to a concentration camp. Frankl had been imprisoned in Terezín and then transported to Oswiecim and Tűrkheim, where he started dealing in the ideas of logo-therapy. When he had come back home after the war, he found that no one of his family except his sister who had gone for Australia did not survive war sufferings. His father died in Terezín, his mother and brother in Oswiecim and his wife in Bergen-Belsen.

After World War II in 1945 he published the book Trotzdem ja zum leben sagen. It was translated to Czech by Josef Hermach and in 2006 issued by Carmelite Publishing

99 Biography. In: Viktor Frankl Institut [online]. [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.viktorfrankl.org/e/chronology.html 100 NĚMEČEK, Filip. Vztah mezi psychoterapií a náboženstvím u V. E. Frankla. Praha: HTF UK, 2011. Unpublished thesis. 65 House. He wrote 39 works translated to 40 languages. Since 1946 he has worked at the Neurological Clinic in Vienna. In 1947 he married once more – this time Eleonora Katarina Schwindt. They had daughter Gabriela who has dealt in children psychology for all her life. In 1955 Frankl attained a professorship of neurology and psychiatry. Subsequently he founded Austrian Medicine Society for Psycho-therapy. In honour of him in the USA. Viktor Frankl Institute of Logo-therapy was established in 1970.101 At that time Frankl dealt above all in the issue of the essence of humanity. He pointed out three possibilities how life can have its raison d’étre. The first possibility is to do a good deed which exceeds a man’s ego. Such a deed need not be necessarily heroic. It will be enough when it is human and sensible. The second possibility consists in experience which can enrich and uplift. The highest emotion which such an experience can be connected with is love. The third possibility is to overcome suffering which is an inseparable part of life.

Frankl had based his research upon the ideas presented by the Freud Vienna group, but later he left its one-tracked orientation to sexuality. He focused on the second Vienna group founded by Alfred Adler, but he could not identify with some of its principles (especially that of longing for power). That is why he worked out his own analytic system. From the angle of his own life experience, conviction and psychiatric practice he looked for the sense of life. Its finding has ever been considered by him the main motive power of human activity.

He dealt in logo-therapy,102 wrote books, professional articles and gave a lot of lectures. His key work is the book Trotzdem ja zum leben sagen. He wrote its predominant part as a prisoner of the concentration camp. Everything he had experienced he perceived as an impulse to survive, because he decided to get over his testimony as a scientist, doctor, psychiatrist and human being to the world.

Human life can make sense, if a man does any altruistic deed. The finding of the sense of life through self-sacrifice is demonstrated vividly in relation between Frank and Charles in the second part of the above book, called Synchronization in Brezinka. Life can make sense even by some elating experience – above all love towards a fellow being. If a

101 The Institute. In: Viktor Frankl Institut [online]. [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.viktorfrankl.org/e/institute_agenda.html 102 The main idea of logo-therapy is looking for sense. If it does not come true, it can lead to frustration and existecial vacuum. See BATTHYANY, Alexander. What is logotherapy and existencial analysis? In: Viktor Frankl Institut [online]. [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.viktorfrankl.org/e/logotherapy.html 66 man loses hope and experiences suffering, he has to accept it as a challenge. Even ability to stand up to suffering can make human life full-value. Almost all Frankl’s works are imbued with attempt to find the sense of life.

Many Frankl’s work have been published in the . It is worth mentioning at least some of them: Will to Find Sence (translation: Vladimír Jochman, Cesta 2006), Medical Care of Soul (translation: Vladimír Jochman, Cesta 2006), “What Absents in my Books (translation Lea and Josef Švancara, Cesta 1997), Psycho-therapy for Laics (translation: Vladimír Smékal, Cesta 1998, the first edition 1993), Trotzdem ja zum leben sagen (translation: Josef Hermach, Carmelite Publishing House 2006), Theory of Neuroses and their Therapy (translation: Karel Barcal, Grada 1999), Psycho-therapy and Religion (translation: Jiří Vander and Ladislav Koubek, Cesta 2007), Sufferings from the Absurdity of Life (translation: Petr Babka, Portál 2016), God and Man Look for Sense (translation: Zuzana Burdová, Cesta 2011), Man Looks for Sense – Introduction to Logo- therapy (translation: Zdeněk Trlík, Psychoanalytic Publishing House 1994).

6.2 Trotzdem ja zum leben sagen – the literary-dramatic experiment

The book Trotzdem ja zum leben sagen is not only an authentic testimony of a man who survived the hardships of the concentration camp, but also a scientific work which has not had analogue of a kind yet. Its author, the renowned Austrian psychologist, accepted the stay in the concentration camp as a challenge and his worst life period perceived inspiration for his scientific research.

The book is divided into 3 parts. In the first one, called Psychologist, the author depicts his life in concentration camps during World War II. His descriptions have strong psychological accent. The second part, called Synchronization in Brezinka, is in fact a play in which many renowned philosophers (Socrates, Spinoza and Kant) and people who he had met with perform. It is based on the principles logo-therapy, looking for the sense of life, responsibility and personal freedom.

Frankl’s testimony103 does not concern the affliction of great heroes but the sacrifices of common people – the prisoners, exposed to omnipresent everyday suffering and death in concentration or work camps. As it is a psychologist’s testimony, it stresses the psychological aspects of oppression and considers individuals, especially camp

103 FRANKL, Viktor E. A přesto lze říci životu ano. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1996, p. 14. 67 leaders whom he describes as worse torturers than members of prison guards or SS.104 In his opinion a view of a man who has never undergone the horrors of concentration camps can be influenced with the false and even sentimental image of relations among prisoners. In fact, hard egocentric fight for own life or that of neighbours was going off there. Having watched everyday life in camps, he noticed that almost all prisoners had lost the sense of life and resigned the future.

One of the most valuable things for prisoners was a pocket of cigarettes. Those who entertained hopes that they would live to see freedom, exchanged it readily for food, for example a portion of soup which has often meant survival to the following day. But neither them could escape from death.

The author divided the psychical reaction of prisoners – including him himself – into three phases: entering the camp, living in it and the retrieval of freedom.105

6.2.1 The first phase From the psychological point of view the arrival at Oswiecim was equal to a state which he called “a shock of acceptance”.106 He had to accept the fact that what was happening all around concerned him as well. He wrote: “At this moment everybody feels how his heart ceases beating.”107 After initial shock those who were not sent to gas chambers immediately reacted logically: they looked for any indication of hope for the future. The author ‘s attention was engrossed especially by prisoners (the members of “elite working groups”) who gave impression of people who did not languish there. Naturally, he showed the instinct of self-preservation. “Why should not I find myself in such a propitious situation like these prisoners?”108 As for the selection of Oswiecim prisoners, he wrote:109“The officer of SS was slim and tall. In his shiny uniform he looked like a smart-fellow. He kept his distance from those wretched, sleepy and shabby people round him. From time to time he pointed by his forefinger with casualness to the right or to the left. After selection only 10% of prisoners were given chance to live a little longer.” By means of impressive literary form Frankl showed how these men had made the prisoners in camps afraid.

104 Idem, p. 18. 105 Idem, p. 21. 106 Ibidem. 107 Ibidem. 108 Idem, p. 23. 109 Idem, p. 23, 25. 68 He had been hiding his scientific manuscript all the time in the breast pocket of his overall, but when he tried to “pacify” a warder before the first disinfection, he lost it.110 After this episode he decided to change his approach to life. He considered this step a completion of the first phase of psychological reactions to the fact that he was in the concentration camp. It was necessary to clear of the past. If a prisoner remains its captive, he will not survive. He has to look for the sense of life in the future, although in such an environment it is very difficult. As a prisoner-doctor Frankl encountered many surprises in the camp. He was shocked that he has not noted any disease of air passages, although wringing wet and naked prisoners had to stand long hours at the camp meeting place. “The doctor draws a lesson from it. The textbooks tell lies,” he wrote. He was also astonished by the perfect state of prisoners’ gums, in spite of the fact that they have not cleaned their teeth and have gotten the limited quantity of vitamins. After these observations he stated: “A man is able to get used to everything.”111 And in another place he added: “In an abnormal situation abnormal reaction is normal.”112

6.2.2 The second phase After his arrival at the concentration camp a prisoner faces cruelty which he has not experienced before. Soon he starts showing the special forms of apathy. After initial shock he gradually “comes to terms” with existing situation. His feelings are damped down essentially. While at the beginning he turns away from cruelty to the others in the phase of apathy he stands by idly.113 “Suffering, ill, dying or living people are after several weeks in the camp something normal. Nobody is moved out.” This phase, from psychological point of view characterized by apathy, the disparaging of feelings, inner indifference and indolence, is something like a shield by which the soul gradually nerves itself.114 The consequences of this apathy, typical for the second phase of psychological reactions to life in the camp,115 are an issue which the author pays more attention to. Apathy causes among the prisoners fear to take hold of own destiny and make a decision. The author differs between its physical causes, the lack of sleep and hygiene) and psychical ones which make themselves felt above all in various complexes. The first of them is a complex of inferiority consisting in the radical change of a man’s view of him

110 Idem, p. 27. 111 Idem, p. 30–31. 112 Idem, p. 33. 113 Idem, p. 35. 114 Idem, p. 37. 115 Idem, p. 80–81. 69 himself. While in former “free” life a prisoner was “somebody”, in the prison he becomes “nobody”. This down-and-out individual falls into the state of apathy. The second complex, contrasting sharply with the first one, affected the minority of prisoners, represented by the prominent persons of the prison society (leaders, cooks, warders etc.) These two groups have often been in quarrel terminating in violence. Life in the concentration camp stifled all accustomed activities and interests. Impossibility to satisfy own needs was compensated with dreams. Thus the prisoners dreamt about bread, sweets, cigarettes or bathing. Their horrifying night dreams prove sharp contrast between dreamt-up and real life in the camp.116

In the course of the examining of life in concentration camps Frankl realized what caused that a personality broke up there.117 In his opinion the deformation of personality is a consequence of the inability of an individual to make any decision. It is necessary to find inner strength to look for the sense of life and trust in the future (looking for the sense of life and trust in the future are the pillars of Frankl’s logo- therapy). “Who is not able to trust in the future, he is lost in the camp.”118 The life of a man who succumbs to environment in which all life values are oppressed, admits his declension, does not accept existing situation as a test of his inner strength and deals merely in the past without hope for the future, comes to a deadlock. If a man succeeds to set an aim for the future, he will gain an inner victory, enabling him to survive.

6.2.3 The third phase In the first phase of life in a concentration camp a prisoner is shocked and in the second one he falls into apathy. The third, final phase starts after liberation. The feelings of a prisoner are the mixture of enthusiasm, listlessness and happiness.119 Frankl describes psychical reactions since the moment of the retrieval of freedom chronologically. First everything seems unreal and improbable like a dream. Enthusiasm changes into expectation full of apprehension whether this dream and hope will come true. The author remains that many prisoners who survived the hardships of a concentration camp were thinking of revenge. Such behaviour he calls “deformation”. Other psychical reactions are bitterness and disappointment. Bitterness starts to force a

116 Idem, p.43. 117 Idem, p. 88–89. 118 Idem, p. 94. 119 Idem, p. 109–114. 70 prisoner into questioning why has he suffered?120 It results from feeling that existing state does not meet his expectations. Disappointment appears especially in situations when dreams and ideas do not correspond with reality. “Woe is him who has lost the only thing which was strengthening him – the presence of a beloved person”.121 The death of a beloved person was the worst scenario for survival and has ever caused deep psychical depressions.

6.2.4 Religion Life in the camp was unexpectedly rich. The author mentions improvised prayers and divine services which prove the depth of the religious feeling of prisoners.122 From the psychological point of view it was an interesting paradox that people of weaker corporal constitution who had been used to religious life bore life in the camp much better than strong but unbelieving ones.123

The last psychical reaction to life in a concentration camp was a feeling that there is nothing to be afraid of except God.124

6.2.5 Conclusion Frankl’s publication Trotzdem ja zum leben sagen shows the way hoe to look for the sense of life marked out by personal experience, philosophical reflection and deduction. He refers to renowned philosophers like Spinoza or Nietzsche, who said: “Who has any why in his life, he is able to cope with every how.”125 He met two men with suicidal tendencies. They apparently had no reason to live. After following psychoanalyses he found that for the first of them a baby was waiting and the second had a possibility to compete his life-work. He tried to make them change their attitudes and find again the sense of life which would enable them to go on living.126 He pointed out that it was not essential “what they expected from life, but what life expected from them.” The first man was to become an irreplaceable father, the second one an author of a work which nobody could complete or link to it. Life expected all the time something from them – and this could become its sense. Frankl has never stopped stressing the

120 Idem, p. 112. 121 Idem, p. 113. 122 Idem, p. 49. 123 Idem, p. 51. 124 Idem, p. 114. 125 Idem, p. 96. 126 Idem, p. 99–100. 71 unique character of every individual which give human existence its sense.127 A man who is able to realize his responsibility for what he does or for a beloved person will never want to waste his life. If he understands why he lives, he will know how to dispose of his life.

At the end of his book the author presents an extract of his speech uttered in Vienna in 1988.128 He reminded that good people were less than bad ones and warned against the latent threat of sufferings in case that bad people would grab power. Everybody is able of Holocaust!

127 Idem, p. 100. 128 Idem, p. 189. 72 7 ELIE WIESEL – THE FIRST WAVE – THE LOSS OF IDENTITY AND ITS REGAINING

7.1 Biography

Elie Wiesel (proper name Eliezer Wiesel) was born in an orthodox Jewish family on September 30, 1828 in Sighetu Marmației in the Marmaros district.129 He was a prosaic, essayist, playwright, philosopher and political and religious thinker.130 His mother Sarah was a daughter of Dodje Feigh, one of voracious Hasidim from Vyzhnitskyi, the small town in western . In the Hasidic community he was considered to be a respectable and educated man. Elie’s father Shlomo Wiesel did his best to instil into the mind of his young son the awareness of the necessity of education and sense for duty. He helped him in his study of Hebrew and literature, while his mother aided him in his study of Torah and religious practices. The family spoke at home mainly Jewish, but also Romanian, German and Hungarian. Wiesel had three siblings – older sisters Beatrice and Hilde and one younger sister Tzipora. In 1944 the whole family along with other Jews was imprisoned in the ghetto. In May of this year (Elie was at that time 15) the inhabitants of the Marmaros ghetto were deported to the concentration camp ion Oswiecim-Brezinka. After the deportation about 90% of Marmaros Jews died. Fifteen-year old boy entered the hell called Oswiecim with his registration number A-7713, tattooed on his left arm.131 Immediately after the arrival his mother and youngest (7 years old) sister Tzipora ended in the gas chamber. Elie remained alone with his father. While the Red Army was approaching Oswiecim, they both were deported to the concentration camp in Buchenwald within the march of death. Elie’s basic motive for survival was the awareness of the presence of his father and the fact that they both still lived. “I knew if I died, he would die too.”132

Buchenwald was liberated by the 3rd American Army on April 11, 1945, only several days after Elie’s father death. The Americans freed the camp when it was to be evacuated totally. Sufferings which Elie underwent were intensified with the fact that

129 Sighetu Marmație is a border town in northern Romania on the left bank of the Tisa. It demarcates the frontier with Transacarpathian Ukraine. It has more than 38 000 inhabitants ad is the second largest town in the Marmaros district. 130 Elie Wiesel. In: The Elie Wiesel Foundation for humanity [online]. 2016 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.eliewieselfoundation.org/eliewiesel.aspx 131 Eliezer Wiesel. In: Nobel Peace Laureate Project [online]. ©2007–2017 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.nobelpeacelaureates.org/pdf/elem_EliezerWiesel.pdf 132 OPRAH. Inside Auschwitz. In: Oprah.com [online]. 05. 24. 2006 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.oprah.com/world/Inside-Auschwitz/5 73 only two his sisters, Beatrice and Hilda, had survived. They all met after World War II in a French orphanage. Hilda and then Elie left for the USA, while Beatrice went into exile in Montreal.

After World War II Elie decided to join 1 000 children surviving Holocaust and go to Ecouis, the town in northern France, where the French humanitarian organization OCE (Oeuvre de secours aux enfants) established an orphanage. Then he left for Paris to study there. At Sorbonne he majored in literature, psychology and philosophy. After graduation he worked as a journalist. In fact he has worked as a newspaperman since the age of 18. He was writing in French, teaching Hebrew and contributing to French and Hebrew newspapers. After the terrorist attack against the King David Hotel in Jerusalem in 1946 he tried to join the Zionist organization Irgun, but in vain. In 1949 he went for Israel as a correspondent of the French daily L’arche (The Arch) and settled down there. He was not satisfied there, in spite of the fact that in 1950 he acquired Israeli nationality. As a terminus for his exile journey he chose the USA. Nevertheless, he has often returned to Israel. In the course of Israeli conflict in Gaza he condemned the Hamas organization for using children as human shields.133 He has often stressed the connection of the Jews and their religion with Jerusalem. He even criticized Obama government for its pressure on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanjahu in order that he would stop the Israeli settlement of its eastern part. He declared that Jerusalem was more important than politics. While in the Holy Bible its name is mentioned more than six hundred times, in the Koran it is not mentioned at all. Jerusalem belongs to the Jews because for them it has ever been more than merely a town.134

Even ten years after the war Wiesel refused to write about his experience with concentration camps and the horrors of Holocaust. He did not turn his mind to writing a book depicting his experience with the camps of death before his meeting with French writer Francois Mauriac, the holder of the Nobel Prize for literature in 1952. Thus the book Un di velt hot geshvign (And the world Was Silent) which he had written in Jewish and which he published for the first time in Argentina. Later Wiesel re-wrote this ample testimony in French. In 1955 it had been published under the title La Nuit (Night) and

133 ALMASY, Steve a Josh LEVS. Nobel laureate Wiesel: Hamas must stop using children as human shields. In: CNN [online]. August 3, 2014 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://edition.cnn.com/2014/08/03/world/meast/elie-wiesel-hamas-ad/ 134 WIESEL, Elie. Statements and appeals. In: The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity [online]. [cit. 2018- 01-27]. Available from: http://www.eliewieselfoundation.org/statementsandappeals.aspx 74 then translated to English. In the same year Wiesel left for New York where he started working as a correspondent of the periodical Yediot achronot. In 1969 he married Marion Ester Rose. They had a son whom Elie gave his father’s name Shlomo. The family settle down in Greenwich in the state of Connecticut. In America he started writing about Holocaust. As an author he was awarded by several literary prizes. He is considered one the most important authors writing about Holocaust. In 1986 he and his his wife Marion established Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity.135 He was a co-founder of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington which welcomed its first visitors on April 23, 1993. In 1986 he was awarded by the most prestigious distinction - Nobel Peace Prize. When he was taking it over, he said: “Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant.”136 Since 1976 he has worked as a professor at Boston University where he gave lectures about religion and philosophy. In honour of him the University founded Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies. Since 1972 to 1976 he was a professor at the City University of New York and a member of American Federation of Teachers.137 In addition, he worked at Yale University and Columbia University.

Elie Wiesel is a fundamental representative of Romanian literary exile. He has ever attempted to preserve Jewish identity in his works. Although he does not write in his mother tongue, his literary heritage is of worldwide importance. He has written more than 50 works. Some of them have been translated to Czech language. He died on July 2, 2016 in New York at the age of 87.

7.2 The autobiographical novelette Memories: All Rivers Run to the Sea

The key work by Elie Wiesel is his autobiographical novelette All Rivers Run to the Sea. He depicts in it his first steps at liberty, his first journey to France, looking for the sense of life, love and employment and attempts to find his identity. The colourful depiction of his life is in permanent interaction with Judaism (“For me, the Jew that I

135 The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity [online]. [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.eliewieselfoundation.org 136 REILLY, Katie. Elie Wiesel, Holocaust Survivor and Nobel Peace Prize Winner. In: Time [online]. Jul 02, 2016 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://time.com/4392239/elie-wiesel-dead-holocaust-survivor 137 About us. American Federation of Teachers [online]. [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.aft.org/about 75 am”)138 Hasidism and exile influenced by neighbours and the author’s attempts to assert himself.

Exile is a nightmare for every emigrant. An exile experiences the inner dilemma of a man who has to leave his mother country and is not allowed to come back home. Wiesel attempts to describe Jewish identity in the context of political, cultural and religious aspects of after-war years. The book was published in 1994. It is the author’s testimony topped by the year 1969. It is divided into nine parts in chronological order. Nevertheless, the author sometimes infringes this chronology in order to provide a reader with stronger experiences. The book starts in the author’s childhood affected with experience from concentration camps, continues with his journey to France, looking for him himself, developing relations to others who have survived, finding new friends, jobs and fruitless loves. A reader can accompany him in his life journey from the very beginning till the times when he worked as a war correspondent in the course of the six-day war in Israel. He found his refuge in the USA, but his real “second home” have ever been France and Israel.

He describes his memories of Sighetu in the times before the coming of “evil”. He enables a reader to look into his privacy, explains the motives of his behaviour, identity and life “years after”. He considers his testimony which should never remain concealed but be continuously remained to be a mission. When having written Memoirs he was 65. He had several reasons to write them. He explained them during the discussion with those who had advised him not to do it. “I belong to the generation being in pursuit of care to preserve everything and trade it. For none of generations the Zachor139 commandment has ever been so important.”140 He asked him himself whether it was right to delay writing memoirs and only watch what was happening all around. “As the future is becoming uncontrollable, we have to create it.”141

When having spoken about the reasons leading to writing his memoirs, he made it clear that he had omitted deliberately some events in order not to make his friends

138 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 134. 139 Shabat before Purim is called Shabat Zachor. 2 scrolls from the Torah are taken out and from the second scroll of the Fifth Book of Moses 3 verses are recited: “Remember what Am´a-lek did unto thee by the way, when we were come forth out of Egypt.” 140 WIESEL WIESEL, Elie. Paměti: všechny řeky spějí do moře. Praha: Pragma, 1997, p. 23. 141 Idem, p. 25. 76 uneasy because of undue getting stuck in his privacy and the privacy of the others. And above all, he did not want to harm the Jewish nation.

7.2.1 Czechoslovakia – historical betrayal and the beginning of evil In his work Wiesel reminded also the problem of “double betrayal” of Czech and Slovak nations. He perceived Czechoslovakia a hospitable democratic country, at one point the envy of whole central and Eastern Europe. The terms democracy and freedom were connected by him above all with Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and Edvard Beneš. He considered The Munich dicate in 1938 and the occupation of Czechoslovakia by the armies of the Warsaw Treaty in 1968a betrayal. He evaluated also Vaclav Havel, the third important statesman, especially in respect to the fact that his prestige was strengthened inter alia by the feeling of guilty which Western countries had felt in connexion with the above betrayals.142

The first ones who responded to the omen of bad times were the Poles. They started escaping from the German army to regions near Sighetu. The local Jews consoled themselves with belief in the civilized state of Germany. They were not able to imagine something like “wanton arresting, systematic humbling, mass pursuit, and massacres.”143 People round Wiesel ignored the warnings of shames Moshe. This Jew, with whom the author has often met, has survived playing havoc by the Nazis on the Polish territory. Fortunately he survived and come back to Sighetu where he talked about atrocities he had witnessed. Nobody believed him – on the contrary, they all considered him to be a madman. His testimonies were a shock for the inhabitants of his town. Some of them even refused to listen to them. “The deported were all massacred and buried naked in anti-tank trenches near Kolemej, Stanislav and Kamenec-Podolski.”144 He cited the words of Shames Moshe who was depressed that the inhabitants of Sighetu did not listen to him: “Jews! Listen to me! That is all I want of you! I beg neither money nor mercy. Listen to me, nothing else!”145

7.3 Under better circumstances

For Wiesel relation to his father who instilled into him the bases of religious upbringing has ever played a principal role. “Does not a father impersonate for his son a

142 Idem, p. 35. 143 Idem, p. 37. 144 Idem, p. 38. 145 WIESEL, Elie. Noc. Praha: Sefer, 2007, p. 11. 77 mystery of the origin and beginning of the kin?”146 Wiesel described that he used to see his father as a shabby, worried but eloquent man who has ever done his best to help other Jews suffering from uneasy fate embodied either by prison or exile. The father is depicted as a person who takes care of the others and helps them. Wiesel respected his father’s attitude towards life, but at the same time it was problematic for him to cope with it. “I would like to speak to him about my nightmares and the dead who are leaving their graves at midnight and coming to the big synagogue to pray.”147 But the father – at least according to his son – “preferred the sons of others, the weak, the needed and the madmen.” In spite of it he loved his father and respected his wisdom. Those whiles, when the father had held his hand during walks round Sighetu, he considered the whiles of happiness and safety.148

A person whom he loved and esteemed no less than his father was his grandmother Nissel. On Fridays he used o visit her. They were talking hours about various issues. The grandmother was a widow. The grandfather – after whom he was called Eliezer – had died long ago. He remembered his grandmother as an independent and good woman who aided his parents in their shop. She was the only one who foretold she would never come back to Sighetu. “She was sole who was ready. In the train she was silent – from the beginning to the end.”149 As for his loving mother who he had been dependent on in his childhood, he described her in the same way. “I dreamt I would never leave her,” he wrote.150

7.4 Hasidim, Hasidism and deportation

In his memoirs Wiesel dealt in the issue of Hasidism which has been closely connected with his relatives. He described Hasidim as friends whose mutual relations are fruitful and creative. These people represent a community whose members are equal both before God and rabbi. The rich help the poor and the strong help the weak. A Hasid comes to a rabbi not only to meet him himself but also friends who have just come for the same reason. He feels to be connected with each of them by “the root of soul” (the term used in Hasidim literature).151 That is why he described the environment where he

146 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 140, p. 10. 147 Idem, p. 11. 148 Idem, p. 10. 149 Idem, p. 15. 150 Idem, p. 17. 151 Idem, p. 56. 78 had lived as “Hasidic”. As if he remembered the spiritual heritage of his father. In his memories he dissolved the past into the present. He introduced his neighbours – Jerachmiel Mermelstein, who he used to learn Hebrew with, or Ica Junger, his generous school-mate. He also reminded Khaimi, his friend from Sighetu in connexion with his death in 1989. He described him as a strong and square-built young man with whom everybody had felt safe during the night high jinks in Sighetu. Unfortunately, later they parted because of different opinions. Khaimi was under influence of Satmar Hasidim who acknowledged neither Israel nor Zionism, which was in contradistinction with Wiesel’s longing for Israel.152 In spite of it, he left vestiges in Wiesel’s life. “In the camp I used to think of my friends from childhood and all those who shared the creation of my spiritual landscape.”153

“And then a fatal moment came – not war, but something much worse, total destruction. March 19, 1944.”

Wiesel remembers vividly a moment which changed his life. Everything began with a divine service which was interfered with an unknown newcomer. He was shouting and warning against the danger which was hiding behind the gates of the town. The rest of the time of the inhabitants in Sighetu in safety in their mother town started to be counted off. During the first hours and days the family remained together. Elie was feeling uncertainty, discussing and praying. Although behind the gates of the town a danger was spying on the people, they attempted to live “normally”. “One customer is buying salt, another one is buying sugar. Tsipuka with her friend are trundling at the courtyard along a hoop. The father tries to find what happened. Nobody in Sighetu suspects that our fate has been sealed.”154 In the course of following days the news from the front came – especially this about the forward march of the Nazis. This was coming about on the eve of Pesach, the Jewish Easter. Wiesel remembers how the inhabitants were getting ready for their feast. They were preparing non-fermented bread called maces and listening to the news about acts of violence on their fellow-believers and about students thrown from trains in motion, humiliated women and pursued children.155 Bad experience with Nazism influenced on life in Sighetu in many respects. The Jews were obliged to wear the symbol of yellow star, they were afraid that they

152 Idem, p. 59. 153 Idem, p. 62. 154 Idem, p. 67. 155 Idem, p. 69. 79 would be shot, their property would be confiscated and they themselves would be isolated and pressed to relocate to the ghetto. Face to face to these horrors Wiesel was thinking of leaving for Palestine, but in respect to his family it was not possible.156

The events started moving fast and the tragedy of the Jews assumed a fatal form - the first transport to the ghetto, the separation of families whose members would never meet again, following transport which Elie, his father and several relatives spent in cattle vans, the endless journey by train to the camps of death, dead bodies all around, people void of their humanity, unbearable stench.

In the concentration camp he and his father have spent almost all war. The events there he described in his book The Night. Close relation to his father, strengthened with their common journey to the hell of Oswiecim, ended by his death shortly before liberation. “I was sixteen when my father was dying. Now he is dead and nothing hurts me. I do not feel anything. Someone in me has died – me myself.”157 Wiesel mentioned both the pity of some warders and the aggressiveness of some Jews towards their fellow- countrymen. He remembered Greek Jakob Fard, the camp warder, as a pitiful man who has never beaten any prisoner. His antithesis was the son of Polish Zionist leader Grinbaum who tortured brutally and killed Jewish co-prisoners. Thus Wiesel illustrated the fact that “good” and “bad” people had been on both sides.158

7.5 Exile in the exile

The following part of memoirs describes Wiesel’s journey to France after liberation. The fact that he did not apply for French citizenship because he did not speak French, was considered by him a principal mistake. During the first day of the stay there he and his friends attempted to live “normally”. During free time he has often prayed kadish.159 The prisoners were telling stories and remembering forgotten songs. The realized their lot as those who have survived. One of his co-prisoners was the Jew named Gustav. Although he was a member of the movement of resistance, he did not hesitate both to attack to some Jews and favour other ones. Then he took part in the killing of collaborators. At the end he found himself before “court” consisted of survivors. Wiesel

156 Idem, p. 66. 157 Idem, p. 109. 158 Idem, p. 101. 159 Khadish- in Aramaic “saint” – is a Jewish eulogy serving as a dividing line in a prayer. It is usually recited by khazan, the man who celebrates common prayers in a synagogue. 80 reminded those events to point out the fact that not all Jews were at that time unbreakable and unbroken.

After the war Wiesel got up against some members of Israeli social elites, especially Minister of Foreign Affairs Golda Meier. He criticized the Jewish leaders on the British mandate territory of Palestine for their insufficient involvement in actions in aid of the European Jews.160 He resented especially the fact that the agents of Palmach (the unit of the unofficial Jewish army charged also with news service) have not been sent to European territories settled with the Jews to warn against Nazi atrocities.

The important event in Wiesel’s life was an unexpected meeting his sister Bea who – like his second older sister Hilda whom he met much later – has survived the war. At that moment – which he first off could not believe – he felt that his personality and will were becoming stronger.161

After several post-war weeks in French Écouis those who have survived – including Wiesel – were divided into 2 groups - the first consisted of believers, the second of non-believers. The believers were transferred to the chateau in Ambloy and partly to Palestine. In Wiesel’s life it was a fatal moment. The stay in France had influenced him and he admitted that his fate was a freak of chance. “Would I have become a writer? Would I have written the same stories?” Life at the chateau recalled him to that in a holiday camp. He was learning there new things and deepening his relations to the others. In the course of one of evening divine service he for the first time met “ingenious madman” Mar (Monsieur) Chouchani who was to influence him in the future. “Children” – how the survivors were called – had to decide how they would dispose of their lives after leaving Ambloy. The first country they could leave for was Palestine and the second one the USA (or Canada, Colombia and even Australia in case that they had had relatives there). The last chance was to stay in France. Wiesel chose this one, but he had to learn French. As the future showed, this decision had been essential.162 He met Chouchani again in 1947. Since then he has paid attention to the personality of this ingenious Jew, the philosopher and “destroyer” of traditional thought.163 Whenever they were within easy reach of each other, Chouchani was his mentor. Wiesel did his best to find the truth

160 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 140, p. 75. 161 Idem, p. 128–129. 162 Idem, p. 135. 163 Idem, p. 136–145. 81 about him, but he has never succeeded. Chouchani had ingenious memory and talent to influence both believers and unbelievers. When Chouchani’s personality “absorbed” Wiesel totally, he was young. He was only 19.

He wrote about his mentor Chouchani as follows: “I could not come off my mentor and I did not want it. He is one of those who accompany you, mystify you and remain in your heart long after they left you. He applied his knowledge to break and disrupt points of support. He built and broke his systems in one breath and by means of the same instruments.”164

During his stay in France he did not forget his family. Therefore he decided to visit his sister Bea who at that time was working in the American zone on the German territory. He was not discouraged complicated administration. As he was a man without nationality he had to undergo many controls. The journey by train across defeated Germany shocked him. He wrote: “I am passing through defeated devastated Germany. When looking at its subjugated inhabitants and horrified torturers, I feel satisfaction. Their power is gone. Is it possible that yesterday supermen are today subgenera? The winners are merely human beings. And the defeated as well.”165

From the above quotation is clear that the author felt contempt and anger. For one who had survived concentration camps it was understandable. In Germany they did not treat the Jews well. They have often lived in conditions which reminded those in concentration camps. Their only chance was either to go into exile or come back to the places which they have been evacuated from by power. But the conditions for exile were demanding. “They treat the homeless as if they were lepers or criminals. Each exile had been exposed to slighting before he succeeded in acquiring visas.”166 When these people decided to come back to their home-countries, they were exposed to ill-treatment from the side of local inhabitants. Their killing was not anything rare. “The cages in Poland were the scene of a real pogrom. During the day the rabble massacred more than 50 Jews who had survived concentration camps,” Wiesel wrote. “When Bea returned to Sighetu, she found in our house unknown people who had moved into it.”167 After several vain attempts to go into exile Bea succeeded in leaving for Montreal.

164 Idem, p. 142. 165 Idem, p. 156–157. 166 Idem, p. 160–161. 167 Idem, p. 167. 82 Also his brother looked for the solution of the issue of his following existence. His friend Kalman told him after coming back to Versailles that he has just decided to leave for Palestine along with a few surviving “children”. Wiesel was corroded by his inner voice. “Like him I love the country of our ancestors passionately. Jerusalem has ever been a part of my warmest dream. Jerusalem, my cradle, my prayer.”168

He did not succumb to the situation and stayed in France. He went on studies and looked for the direction of the way of his life. In studies he attempted to find the sense of existence. At the same time he did not cease being interested in events in the Jewish world. In the meantime his friend Kalman returned whose journey to Palestine had failed. Wiesel decided to study at the Faculty of Arts of Sorbonne. For the sake of material welfare he tried to write philosophical articles which at the beginning were not successful. He worked temporarily as a private teacher of Hebrew and religion. His financial situation was so bad that he even thought of suicide. Those depressions have haunted him for several months. In such a situation which looked almost insolvable his friend Francois aided him. He was bringing him medicines all the time. After some convalescence Wiesel started being interested again in events in Palestine. He thought of how to help the Jewish movement of resistance and the Jews in Palestine. He sent a letter to the printing house which has issued newspapers of Irgun, one of the groups of the above movement. Nevertheless, he was sure that “nothing would ensue from his impulsive gesture.”169

7.6 Jewish roots and Israel

The fact that he found a new job and became a journalist was very joyful for him because it meant financial welfare and the end of hardship. “I will get the salary as a millionaire – 30 000 (very old) francs a month. Up till now I have lived hand-to-mouth existence with the quarter of this sum. I will have done with anxiety which I felt at the end of every month. Eventually I will succeed in finding a room with a wash-basin – the top of luxury. Long live journalism and the future!”170

As a member of the movement of resistance he had to go on his father’s heritage. For a young journalist this movement impersonated something moral and noble, imbued

168 Ibidem, p. 166. 169 Ibidem, p. 175. 170 Ibidem, p. 179. 83 with courage, willingness to self-sacrifice and be sympathetic with the others. He considered this change a chance how to support in Sighetu underground movement fighting against foreign oppressors. The first obstacle which he had to overcome was language. Thus his first task was to translate several articles from Hebrew to Jewish. At that time he found that Jewish had a lot of forms. For example Polish Jewish differed from Lithuanian one. He started to work on him himself - he read the works by renowned authors writing in Jewish and tried to acquire this language.

In the editorial office he started meeting people who were the active members of the underground movement of resistance. At that time he felt inner need to be a patriot. The historic moment – meeting the requirements of the Jews concerning the proclamation of their own state Israel – was drawing near. At that time Wiesel decided to join the army and leave for Israel171 – in spite of inward conflict. “And if I was killed in action? I have not done anything in my life, I have not described anything of my visions and nightmares and I have not shared them.” Along with his friend Nicholas he had himself registered in the list of recruits. After medical check-up he – in contradistinction to his friend – was not admitted. He felt sorrow and helplessness and came back to his colleagues of the editorial staff to support the proclamation of independent Israel.

After it a very important event occurred – within the fight for power among Jewish groups the Ben Gurion’s fraction had the Altalena sink by his order.172 Wiesel got actual information and so he had perfect knowledge of facts. He responded to the fact that the Jews killed the Jews by an article which he wrote under the pseudonym Ben Shlomo. He was inspired by the biblical story of Kain and Abel. “I would have never thought that the Jew would be able to shed Jewish blood and wage a war against the Jews. And now there are Jews who shoot on their brother who have escaped from hell and came to help them.”173 As the Irgun editorial office had been closed, Wiesel became an unemployed man. The orders for translation were few and so he focused on the study of modern French literature. In respect to this situation he decided to leave for Israel as an external correspondent. Since the moment when the Negba left its French port he has often felt

171 Idem, p. 184–186. 172 The American ship transporting weapons and ammunition for Irgun, the paramilitary unit which refused to subordinate to the headquarters of Hagana, the main military power of the arising state. It floated from Marseille to Tel Aviv. It was supposed to land on June 20, 1948 during the war for independence. In the course of the exchange of fire only 20 men were killed, but the conflict itself became a symbol of fratricide. 173 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 140, p. 191. 84 fear. He started asking existential questions again and even turned his mind to put an end to everything. A beautiful woman called Inge who he fell in love with at first glance snatched him away from the clutches of death, but he was afraid of intensifying this relation.174

After his arrival at Israel Wiesel became a foreign correspondent which enabled him to look in political events which a lid was kept on. He was travelling across Israel by jeep and lorry and listening to the stories of the participants in the war. Israel captivated him, but he noticed only its positives and even thought of settling down there. Nevertheless, in his enthusiasm the first splits soon appeared. He found that the Jews slighted those who had survived concentration and work camps. “They treat those who came through the camps as if they were ill, outsiders or at best the poor. Did they suffer? It was their mistake – they should have left Europe or fought against the Germans. The immigrants embody everything what a young Jew refuses to be – a weak Jew on his knees, a victim which needs protection and represents Diaspora and its dishonour.”175 Hatred for them has deepened – for example children at school were nicknamed “soaps”.176 The adults were considered cunning traders who have survived only thanks to their intrigues. At the beginning of 1950s the first plans for establishing Yad-va-Shem177 appeared. It should have been institution for the remembrance of the victims of World War II. Up to this time Holocaust has not been taught in Israel. Thus many immigrants who have survived German camps fought feelings of those who were undesirable and troublesome. “I feel uneasy out of such an insane and demoralizing atmosphere. It taints my joy that I am breathing Jerusalem air.”178 Wiesel had worked shortly as a corrector of local newspapers and then as a tutor in the children village Beer Jacob.

In 1967 he returned to Israel, his mother-country, because he wanted to be an eyewitness of events starting with so-called “six-day war” which changed the character of Israel for ever. He reminded how this historical event changed the Jews all over the world and especially in Diaspora.”The Jews offered Israel as its most reliable and faithful ally their unconditional support. Intellectuals who have suffered from their Jewish identity

174 Idem, p. 197. 175 Idem, p. 202–203. 176 BALVÍN, Jaroslav. Utíkala před nacisty i komunisty. In: iDnes.cz [online]. 9. 4. 2015 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://usti.idnes.cz/vzpominky-dcery-zidovskeho-lekare-z-usti-nad-labem-hany- adlerove-ph7-/usti-zpravy.aspx?c=A150409_2154045_usti-zpravy_alh 177 The monument for the victims and heroes of Holocaust in Israel, established in 1953 in Jerusalem. 178 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 140, p. 204. 85 now avow it openly. Everybody feels his responsibility for the collective survival of the whole nation. Send us your children and we will take care of them.”179 At that time he began thinking of leaving for Israel. He wanted to help it. In spite of initial pessimism as for the future of Israel he eventually departed in order to work there as a war correspondent. Aboard the plane he met other Jewish writer Andre Schwarz-Bart. They had a common goal – to give a testimony. Wiesel started writing A Beggar in Jerusalem (New York, Random House, 1970).180 He became an eyewitness of the celebrations of victory which had changed him. The town itself astounded him. “And now I am in Jerusalem. I am dreaming.”

In spite of it he was not able to live in Israel permanently. He addressed the Israeli daily Yediot achronot which was near to go bankrupt and offered his services as a Paris foreign correspondent. He had found job and returned to France. After his comeback there he felt “bracing wind” and longing for becoming a new man.181 From time to time he lived on writing articles for Yediot achronot, but because of its one-tracked orientation he felt done-for. “Actual themes are many. They would cause euphoria of every foreign correspondent. To tell the truth, they could be put on a shovel. But for me, a helpless one, they remain inaccessible. My editors are not interested in them.” The feeling of being limited in writing and bad financial situation which was getting worse made Wiesel leave for Israel again. After becoming acquainted with Jehuda Moses,182 the influential owner of the above newspaper, he decided to leave for Morocco as a company of the representative of Jewish Agency. The journey across France and Spain had fascinated him and therefore he described it in detail. One of events which he experienced reminded him his own experience and influenced him as a permanency. In Madrid he met a boy who begged for something to eat. Before Wiesel had gotten over, the boy disappeared.183 “When I stand in front of a restaurant, I feel that I will encounter him. He has hundred faces and names and is permanently hungry.” During the journey he was meeting local Jews, discussing and saying prayers with them. He was deeply impressed by Moshe ben Abraham, who settled in Israel. In Morocco he met many Sefard Jews who he had liking for. “I like the Sefardic Jews. As a child I imagined Messiah as a

179 Idem, p. 464–465. 180 Idem, p. 467. 181 Idem, p. 207-210. 182 An Israeli businessman and press-magnate who influenced substantially the character of the Israeli daily Jedi´ot achronot. 183 WIESEL Elie, ref. 140, p. 218. 86 man with dark skin, black beard and deep eyes. In one word, I thought that Messiah was a Sefardic Jew (sorry, the Ashkenazis!)”184 During the journey an agent of Mosad who passed himself for a local Jewish young man kept guard over him. Wiesel found it many years later.

He returned to France where he became an interpreter. During the conference in Geneva he interpreted the speech of Nahum Goldman,185 the chairman of World Jewish Congress. The close of his speech shocked him. Goldman refused khadish for the victims of Holocaust which – because of his own experience - shook Wiesel considerably. He asked him himself whether he would share this information with the others and lose well-paid job or be silent and betray his own memory. He decided not to be unfaithful to his conscience and sent a short message on Goldman’s statements to Israel. The message raised a storm. When Wiesel was leaving the conference, he was desperate.186 He respected Nahum Goldman, especially for some values which he professed, as well as for his eloquence.

Wiesel also took part in the first negotiations of the representatives of Western Germany and Israel at the chateau Vassenaar in the Netherlands in 1952. They spoke mainly about German war repatriations for the benefit of Israel. Not only participants of the meeting but also inhabitants of Israel were split. On one side there was a big amount (1 billion dollars), on the other the normalization of relations which the author considered betray on the remembrance of the dead.187 Repatriations had been after following negotiations paid off which led to the development of Israeli industry. Wiesel tried to see through the foundation of a Jewish weekly, but – like in the USA later – had to face the problem of sponsoring.188

7.7 Religion and belief as a part of one life stage

Wiesel has ever been influenced substantially by Chouchani’s asceticism which he was interested in. As he has not heard about his tutor for long time, he decided to leave for India to compare Jewish asceticism with that of Christianity and Hinduism there.189 At the same time he was interested in Buddhism. He wanted to search its similarity to

184 Idem, p. 223. 185 A Zionist leader, founder and in 1948-1977 also a chairman of World Jewish Congress. 186 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 140, p. 233–234. 187 Idem, p. 238. 188 Idem, p. 247. 189 Idem, p. 253. 87 Christianity and Judaism. After troubles during the journey across Suez and Aden he found himself in Bombay. In the book Le Serment de Kollvilag he described his experience with local children who were undergoing terrible hardships at that time. He did not understand how could exist so much sufferings in so civilized country. In this context he pointed out the difference between Judaism and Hinduism: while in Judaism it is possible to reach perfection during this life, in Hinduism it is possible by means of . He wondered especially Indian caste system. Even in Judaism there are three castes, but their members have the same rights. The imperfection of Hinduism is connected especially with the caste of the lowest, so-called “untouchable” whose existence is “one endless misfortune”.190

In his Memoirs he mentioned a casual meeting with one of the influential rich who - after a dialogue which had lasted several hours – gave him his visiting card which enabled him to travel without limitation on the territory of India. He took advantage of this offer later.191 He was travelling across the country and making himself familiar with local Jews and their traditions, failures and successes. “Although I fell in love with India, especially its spiritual power and intellectual possibilities, the time came to leave it. Its conception of existence and God is too different. I have no right to put off my mercy till another reincarnation. What I do not do today, I will never do – I will not have chance.”192

Another Wiesel’s refuge became Brazil where he was sent as a young journalist in connexion with the activity of the Christian church, which tried to attract the Jews emigrating from Europe. The reward should have been 200 dollars – under the condition that an individual in question would convert to Catholicism. Wiesel was charged with writing a report on it. In the course of voyage to Sao Paulo he went on writing his memoirs from the concentration camp. “I write to give my testimony. I write to prevent the dead to die. I write to justify my survival.”193 When the ship entered the port he witnessed how local officers refused to let the group of Jewish immigrants enter the dry land. Although they were migrants who had taken advantage of the offer of Catholics, they were not allowed to step in the Brazilian territory. Wiesel stayed with them aboard to give his testimony on their discrimination. Then he was sailing with them for several weeks. In Buenos Aires he met his distant relatives and sent his notes to

190 Idem, p. 256. 191 Idem, p. 257. 192 Idem, p. 260. 193 Idem, p. 273. 88 France and he handed over his memoirs to Jewish publisher Mark Turkov. The Jews aboard were freed by the Jewish community which aroused displeasure among Catholic millionaires.194 In the meantime Wiesel’s first love was waiting for him at home in France. Although he has ever tried to avoid intimacies – in respect to his faith – in Paris he fell in love with a Jewish girl called Hanna.195 First he loved her platonically – Hanna did not return his emotions. That is why their relation was at the beginning very complicated. Wiesel assumed that she felt aversion to him. They parted for long. When they met again, inaccessible Hanna declared him her love unexpectedly and before departure to Brazil she asked him whether he wanted to marry her. Although they both were fallen in love, he put off his decision to the times after the return from his planned six-day journey across Brazil. Because of the delay – he accompanied the Jewish refugees to Sao Paulo – he did not catch to come back in time. He wrote Hanna several letters where he explained everything, but the addressee remained unattainable. Wiesel returned to Paris, full of expectations which have not been met.196 When he encountered Hanna after 15 years in Jerusalem, he considered unnecessary to explain her once more his fatal delay. That day he saw her for the last time.

When Wiesel returned to Paris, he felt “happy, busy, enthusiastic and wanted.”197 This change resulted from new geo-political situation and interest in him in Tel Aviv. A Jewish correspondent thus became a journalist writing freely and without limitation. The editorial staff of Yediot achronot called on him for an interview with Prime Minister Mendes Franc. He himself could not contact him, but by some lucky chance he was brought together with Josef Givon who knew a lot of important political personalities. Wiesel spoke about him as about “the secret companion of Stalin and Mao.”198 Givon arrived at Paris because of the date with Mendes Franc and offered Wiesel to accompany him. Thus Wiesel and his special companion found themselves at the Prime Minister’s with whom they were to have lunch. But Franc himself did not come. They met long after. In the meantime Franc ceased carrying out his function. Friendship between Wiesel and Givon was firm and long. Givon was a very interesting personality who raised contradicting reactions: “Let us say he could not make up everything. But how can I

194 Idem, p. 274–276. 195 Idem, p. 148–155. 196 Idem, p. 271–276. 197 Idem, p. 281. 198 Idem, p. 282. 89 find difference between truth and fabrication?”199 During his stay in Paris Wiesel had met many people who became his friends and influenced his work. For example Mane Katz wanted to present him his most valuable works but Wiesel did not accept them. He said that if he received them, it would be in contradistinction with journalists’ ethics.200 In fact, his reasons were different: “I refused because I was too poor to own such valuable works. As a professional wanderer and a homeless I owned no more than one typewriter and one suitcase. And artistic works could not be simply put into it!” Against the vision of getting rich were his morals and a personality of Hasid who preferred God to wealth. Another man whom he remembered was painter Avraham Suckever who wanted him to share publishing a book on famous scholars and their disciples which he would illustrate. Wiesel hesitated, as if he was not able to appreciate Suckever’s contribution.

He set out on journey to Israel again. Suddenly he had not gotten on the plane which then crashed. So he travelled by ship.

7.8 Literature – the sense of life

Wiesel was sent to the USA for an interview for admission at United Jewish Appeal201 but he failed. In return he met the members of his family. The first was his Uncle Sam Wiesel who was not too rich but he was interested in his nephew. Wiesel described difference between them as follows: “I prefer Sam who is not rich. I like his modest and plain living.”202 Thus he showed that his character inclined to modesty. In New York he was given a post in the U.N. He became a member of Association of Writers. Thanks to this job he acquired useful information. He was shocked by those which gave testimony on murdering Jews. When having looked for materials about mafia he found many Jewish names. In this connexion he remembered one Jew in Sighetu who had been condemned of murder. It happened when Wiesel was a child.

He has often argued the change of the Jewish nation. “It is necessary to admit unthinkable. We are becoming a nation similar to other ones – a nation of the just and the irreligious.”203

199 Idem, p. 289. 200 Idem, p. 290. 201 An American Jewish social fund – a charitable organization founded in 1939 in the USA. 202 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 140, p. 326. 203 Idem, p. 330. 90 He has never omitted his sincere relation to Jewish. He was proud of his Lithuanian accent received from Chouchani. He spoke about songs in Jewish as well as of the need of this language for his inward life. “I need Jewish to laugh, cry, celebrate and regret. Without Jewish language literature on Holocaust would have not soul.”204 In these words it is possible to descry really deep inward relation to mother tongue. In this context he mentioned Uncle Sam who popularized his articles among friends and neighbours.205 His following activity as a journalist was influenced by an episode. During a walk a car knocked him down. His ward became a place of discussions with colleagues. In the course of his convalescence he became friends with Hilel Kook whom he knew from various stories as a saver of European Jews. While Wiesel was waiting for compensation due to the accident Kook paid for his stay in the hospital. After releasing from the hospital Wiesel he came into office in the United Nations again. He was rather absorbed in debates during the assemblies of the Security Council.

Because of complicated American and French administration relating to the prolongation of the validity of his residency permit and bad health conditions Wiesel started to suffer from depressions strengthened with the lack of money.206 One of immigration officers advised him to apply for permanent residence which would enable him to become an American citizen. At the beginning Wiesel had not believed in this possibility, but after 5 years he really acquired American nationality. One live stage has ended. “A homeless like me tried to win over an officer who – when he was in a bad mood – hardly looked at him. It is a typical feeling of people without nationality – they feel to be surplus everywhere.” After acquiring nationality Wiesel decided to travel through the American inland. There he met many Jews. He did not omit his work of a journalist and attempted to find a topic (by journalists called scoop) which would catapult him to aces among journalists. He has almost reached this goal in 1962. At that time small boy Josef Schumacher was kidnapped from Israel. His grandfather kidnapped him from his parents. He accused them of the lack of care of the son’s religious growth. Mosad, the Israeli intelligence service, along with FBI started tracking down small Josef all over the world. Some information suggested that he was somewhere in Brooklyn near Wiesel’s domicile. Nevertheless, one of Mosad agents, Wiesel’s friend Gur-Arye did not confirm this information. Finally they succeeded in finding him there. In order not to lose

204 Idem, p. 334–335. 205 Ibidem. 206 Ibidem. 91 Wiesel’s friendship, Gur-Arye enabled him an interview with Josef. This interview became Wiesel’s first scoop.207

In the U.S. Wiesel changed his publisher several times. That is why he dedicated a part of Memoirs to discussions with his critics. They reproached him with his one- tracked orientation to the theme of Holocaust and sufferings of the Jews during World War II. One of the members of the jury for granting the Goncourt Prize was said to declare: “”We will grant him the prize after he brings us a novel with a different topic”. Another criticism was added by Jewish historian Joseph Wult. “It is not your duty to let the others know, narrate or remind.” Wiesel did not agree with such a criticism. “I do not understand why some people are anxious to make a writer silence a witness in him himself. Do people really prefer to make the survivors be silent in order not to have to clap their hands to their ears? How is it possible that they do not see that a silenced witness betrays not only those who live but also those who died?”208 Wiesel went on listening to his inner voice which prevented him from being silent, because if he did it, he would betray all dead.

In 1960s Wiesel worked as a member of the editorial staff of The Jewish Daily Forward, the most influential Jewish newspaper written in Jewish. His duty was to work out the news from world press agencies, translate contributions from the New York Times and write leading articles. He was absolutely satisfied with this job and got well with his colleagues.209 An important landmark in his journalists’ activity was a chance to inform about Eichmann trial. He wrote actual reports for The Jewish Daily Forward and The Arch. He was describing this trial in detail. “I am watching this person charged with war crimes unceasingly. He is closed in his glass cage and behaves like a common man, as if crimes against humanity and the Jewish nation which he has been accused of glided on his face without leaving traces there.”210 As an eyewitness of this important historical moment when justice has been satisfied he discusses this theme with other Israelis. “What is the duty which retrieved independence imposes upon the Jews?” Of course, also the issue of a punishment for Eichman was brought up for discussion. Wiesel believed Israeli justice and hoped that it would punish this Nazi war criminal appropriately.211

207 Idem, p. 381–383. 208 Idem, p. 391. 209 Idem, p. 407. 210 Idem, p. 413. 211 Idem, p. 414. 92 “Why he gives me such a fright? Is there anything like ontological evil embodied in a human being who need not act to make the others feel his criminal power?” He considered Eichmann whom he had seen in Sighetu a mischief-maker, the embodiment of evil which reflects in his soul.

In 1964 he decided to visit his native town. He had many questions on mind and looked for the tracks of the past. He depicted his comeback in his novel Town beyond the Wall (published by Shocken Books, New York 1995) which was – except the first chapter – a fictitious story. After his return to Sighetu he first visited the graveyard to pay homage to his neighbours and said a prayer for them. “I hardly recognize this small town. The streets are full of hurrying people. The park is neither smaller nor better cultivated. Trees and benches are standing on their places. Everything is the same, everything except the Jews. No Jews are here. I am looking for them. In whose memory they still live? They may live in the memory of the dead.”212 He was passing through his town and delighting in the view of houses where his neighbours, family and grandfather lived. He was accompanied with a local communist writer writing in Jewish. Eventually he helped him to leave for Israel. Having walked in the town, he felt compassion. Later he came back to Sighetu with the staff of an American television channel which had decided to map the fate of this town.

In 1965 Wiesel decided to help the Jews in the Soviet Union. He was warned against the methods of KGB which would attempt to break him. He considered this mission something exceptional which would enrich and change him. He became acquainted with the Jews who – in spite of Nazi playing the devil and Stalinist purges – still lived with their Judaism – even in gulags. During my stay in the Soviet Union I had a lot of meetings and adventures and every day I felt that I was inwardly richer and richer and my intrinsic nature was flying high up.”213 It is clear from his words that he was enriched most by the inward strength of the Soviet Jews that has been transferred from one generation to another. He did what he had promised and published The Jews of Silence (published by Schocken Books, New York 1987). He described there the sufferings of the Soviet Jews. Of course, this aroused the displeasure of the Soviet government bodies.

212 Idem, p. 433. 213 Idem, p. 446. 93 During his second visit of the Soviet Union KGB decided to arrest him after any provocation. Israeli chargé d’affaires David Bartov warned him in time. He asked him to depart, but Wiesel on the eve of Yom kippur refused it. During following days KGB examined his room and confiscated the only copy of his book which he had taken with him. The events then were moving fast. Wiesel had to escape from the plane to the embassy where he spent three days and three nights in safety. He knew that if he left it, he would be arrested immediately. He contacted all colleagues who succeeded in transporting him from the Soviet Union. Like during the war he felt fear at that time. “Time is skinning me. The war still has the same consequences – fear of impossibility of leaving and returning home. An idea that I will stay here locked up a week a month or whole life – or even longer – devours my heart.”214 It was fear what made him contact his friends and with the aid of them return home. After his return he decided to fight for the Jews whom he had met in the Soviet Union. At the end of his Memoirs he depicted his relationship to Saul Liebermann with whom he developed the ideas of Hasidism. They were meeting and discussing all the time. The professor became his tutor and faithful friend.

7.8.1 Reception Elie Wiesel drew his topics above all from the past, i.e. from his immediate experiences and states. He was deeply and in person influenced especially by Holocaust. He knew that memories are the only thing which nobody would purloin him and he would be allowed to take them to his new home. The work he had left behind was a heritage for the whole nation. He has never forgotten Holocaust and reminded it till the end of his life. Thus he expressed his personal attitude. He did not want to revenge, but he could not be silent. He was sure that it was necessary to write and speak about crimes. If not, even their victims would not be mentioned and this would give scope for other crimes. He relished writing emotionally and considered it a mission. Although he experienced exile, uprooting and the loss of identity, he kept trust in God and loyalty to Jewish traditions. His work is a perfect map of Holocaust. Its author not only narrates but also evaluates according to ethical norms. Till 2008 he has published 57 books written in French, English, Jewish and Hebrew. His autobiographic novelette Memoirs: All Rivers Run to the Sea still waits for its translation to Romanian language.

214 Idem, p. 451. 94 7.9 The biographical novel Night

Night is a novel, the first part of the trilogy Night, Dawn and Day. While Dawn and Day are literary fictions, Night is a real testimony of the author’s experiences. Along with works by Primo Levi and The Diary of Anna Frank it belongs to the most important works on Holocaust. Wiesel was preparing its publication in 1957. The original manuscript in Jewish had 862 pages. Wiesel had shortened it to 245 pages, but then he handed over to publisher Lindon the text which had only 178 pages. The book was very successful and its author even had a talk about it in one of television studios.215 “Next day people in the streets recognize me.” Congratulations and positive critic followed. He commented them: “The more enthusiastic critics are, the stronger is my anguish. Eventually I will form an opinion that if people like what I wrote, it means that they understand nothing.” He sensed that his book would shock.

In connexion with this novel he remembered Mr. Mauriac, the writer who helped him to publish it and make it familiar among readers. In 1956 the first version of Night under the title Un di velt hot geshvign was issued in Argentina. Two years later it was published in the French publishing house Les Éditions de Minuit in French under the new title La Nuit. In 1960 it was published under the English title Night by New York publishing house Hill & Wang. Since then the book has been translated to many other languages. The Czech translation from the French original with the preface was published in 1999 and 2007 in the publishing houses Sefer and Cartesian Publishing House. In 2004 a complemented copy of the third edition with the author’s actualized preface. The book was followed by Paroles d’étranger which was published in the translation of Josef Mlejnek by the publishing house ERM in 1994. This book widened a reader insight into the author’s childhood in Sighetu and depicted the life stories of people who had influenced him. The author reconciled with God and described his return after twenty years of forced deportation to his birth-place which he perceived as an estranged town.

The biographical novel Night is an essential work which summarizes the author’s memories of childhood and is a testimony of the fifteen-year Jew, deported in 1944 along with his family to the concentration camp in Oswiecim. This year is the last one of his childhood and during one night a growing up boy changed to a homeless exile. Elie

215 Idem, p. 378. 95 was the third child and the only son of his parents. His mother to whom he has ever had close relationship, made him feel safe and dauntless. He described her as a loving person who he had depended on in his childhood. “I dreamt I would never leave her.”216 The evacuation of the orthodox Jews was accompanied with cruelties and violence which young Elie has not been able to imagine even in the most feverish dreams. He was severed from the rest of his family and stayed only with his father. In the camp they helped one another to survive. In his book he depicted the horrors of Holocaust and the sufferings of the Jews in the concentration camps in Oswiecim, Birkenau, Buna and Buchenwald. It was noting rare that he even derided God and ceased trusting in his goodness. He witnessed hoe the concentration camps changes people to animals. Strong sons wanted to get rid of their fathers to survive. People were not able to fight side by side to the death for a slice of bread. The book is imbued with the author’s strong longing for survival. Close relationship with his father, the only real companion in that hell, should have helped it. Their links were severed by his father’s death. The novel ends with the liberation of Buchenwald by the American army in 1945. In his first part the author depicts life in Sighetu and revives memories of his family, especially his grandmother Nisel whom he used to love, respect and visit on Fridays. He remembers her as an independent and good woman who has ever helped parents at work and who foretold that she would not come back to Sighetu. “She was sole who was ready. In the train she was silent from the beginning to the end.”217

He also mentioned shames Moshe, his first tutor. In spite of his age, Wiesel was very inquisitive and emotional. He often prayed and cried. When shames asked him why he had cried he answered: “I do not know. Something in me felt the need to cry.”218 Wiesel perceived a prayer as a dialogue when man asks and God answers.219 “WE cannot understand it because it ensues from the depth of soul where it stays till death.” He spoke about prayers with humbleness even as a young man.

Although news came to Sighetu about German anti-Jewish campaign, people tried to comfort one another. After 3 days the German soldiers appeared in the streets of the town. The author described his first experience with them as follows:220 “Officers took

216 Idem, p. 16. 217 Idem, p. 17. 218 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 145, p. 8. 219 Idem, p. 8–9. 220 Idem, p. 13. 96 lodgings at privacy, even at the Jews’. They have never asked for impossible things, they have never done biting remarks. Sometimes they even had a smile at an owner of a house.” The Jews refused to lose hope of normal life. An eight-day feast Pesach came. Everything has been normal – till the seventh day. At that time “the cartoon rose and the Germans started to arrest the representatives of the Jewish community.”221 There was no doubt that the peaceful days in Sighetu were all over. During several days it was decided that the Jews were not allowed to own any wealth – gold, jewels or other valuables - and as the members of the Jewish race they had to wear the yellow star symbol. They were not allowed to enter social institutions, restaurants and cafés, go by train, assembly in synagogues and stay away indoors on evenings.222 Wiesel described days in the ghetto which preceded their deportation to concentration camps.223 The Jews were allowed to take only necessaries, basic food and some clothes. Other things stayed in their houses. Nothing belonged to anybody. The houses looked like “open graves”. Hungarian gendarmes were willing toadies. “Faster! Faster! Hurry! Lazy fellows! They were our first oppressors, the first envoys of hell and death.”

Those who were to be deported to the camps of death were closely packed, unbearable smell was everywhere. It was hope that allowed them to survive. “It was unthinkable for us to lie or sit down.”224 Sufferings in the course of journey were immense. Wiesel depicted cruelty and helplessness as follows: “Somebody started to recite kadish. I do not know whether the recitation of prayers for both the living and the dead has ever been happened in the long history of the Jewish nation.” Wiesel described the first night after the transport had arrived at Oswiecim. “I will never forget this night, the first night in the camp which changed my life to long darkness in which they turned the key seven times. I will never forget the smoke, the faces of children whose bodies were changing before my very eyes to white-hot spirals under the silent skies. I will never forget the flames which have scorched my faith. I will never forget night silence which has deprived me of desire to live forever. I will never forget the moments which have killed my God, my soul and my dreams and have suggested me those in the desert. I will never forget it, neither if I was condemned to live as long as God Himself. Never!”225 This testimony shows an absolute shock which changed the small boy’s perception of the world up to a

221 Idem, p. 14. 222 Ibidem. 223 Idem, p. 16–24. 224 Idem, p. 25. 225 Idem, p. 34. 97 principle. If there was any hope in his mind, it disappeared face to face to Nazi murdering wheels within wheels. This moment has affected him forever. “When we left our homes, the ghetto and the train? Did it happen a week ago? It happened during one night – the only night!”226

In following days, weeks and months Wiesel witnessed murders and humiliation which shook him strongly. He admitted that the only really meaningful word was “chimney”. Life in the camp has its everyday routine. “From white notice boards a skull with the warning ‘Beware of the danger of death’ was staring at us at every step. Step into groups of five! March from the camp and back!”227 Elie and his father were lucky. They succeeded in finding work and keeping it. That is why they avoided of being “useless”. He felt as if he “became merely a body with hungry stomach. Only my stomach felt how time was passing.” During the stay in the concentration camp he has often doubted about God. “Let the name of the Eternal be blessed! Why, why I bless Him?”228 Each pore in his body mocked it. Why should he sing praises to God? Is it because he allowed burning thousands of children in cremation furnaces? Is it because he was keeping furnaces in operation day and night, in Sabbath, on feasts? Is it because he created Oswiecim, Birkenau, Buna and other death factories in His omnipotence? “Let the name of the Eternal, the Lord of the Worlds be blessed! Him, who chose us among all nations to be tortured day and night and see our fathers, mothers and brothers marching to the crematoriums? Let the sacred name of Him be blessed!” He was talking to God and accusing Him of allowing evil he has witnessed. This braced him to bear everything. He did not want to admit that God would not remedy it. Nevertheless, he has often felt that he did not understand the sense of His doings. Why God has allowed it all?229

The situation was getting worse, in spite of the fact that the Russian front was drawing near. The death marches were more and more. Wiesel felt something like reconciliation. “I passed by the graveyard among stiffened bodies looking like pieces of wood. Nobody lamented, nobody complained. It was only general, silent agony. Nobody begged for mercy. They were dying because they had to die. Nobody made troubles. In each of stiffened bodies I was me myself.”230 He also could die at any time. He was strengthened

226 Idem, p. 37. 227 Idem, p. 39. 228 Idem, p. 62. 229 Compare with FRANKL, Viktor, ref. 103, p. 18. 230 WIESEL, Elie, ref. 145, p. 81. 98 with awareness of the fact that his father was with him. Unfortunately he died – only a few kilometres from the place which meant salvation. Young Elie has stayed in Buchenwald till April 11, when the camp was liberated. “I did not cry. It hurt me that I was not able to cry. My tears have dried up. And if I searched in the depths of my feeble consciousness, maybe I would find something like an outcry After all I am free!”231

Wiesel has remained all the life connected with his memories which he could not believe and wanted to bear testimony to. He wanted to bear testimony to them and to hope which has ever been an integral part of Jewish identity. This hope enabled him to survive the most difficult life loading test.

7.9.1 Reception Elie Wiesel has ever trusted in justice and law. He took into his head an uneasy task which he has ever considered his life mission – to point out crimes on the Jews and argue against telling lies of them. His artificial contribution consists in depicting immediate experiences relating to Holocaust. His work is imbued with memories reflecting his individuality.

In 2005 Elie Wiesel National Institute for the Study of Holocaust (Institutul Național pentru Studierea Holocaustului din România Elie Wiesel – INSHR) was established. It is a public institution which was founded on the proposal of president Ion Iliescu. It supports study, scientific research and educational programmes concerning Holocaust. Once a year it publishes the miscellany Studii și Cercetări (Study and Research). Since its foundation 12 years ago it has been collecting materials on Holocaust in Romania. In 2006 the book Night by Wiesel was published by the Romanian branch of Penguin Books Ltd. Two years later the second complemented edition was issued. Another English publication issued in 2003 was the book Twilight. In 2012 the publishing house Corint took up the translation of the book Night (Noaptea). Another work by Wiesel, the novel Nebuna dorința de a dansa (Crazy Longing to Dance), was published by the publishing house Trei in the translation from French by Doru Mares (its original title was Un désir fou de dancer).

Wiesel’s work was appreciated not only in France and the USA but also in Romania where Wiesel was born. France – his second home, as he wrote in his Memoirs – has remained “an affair of his heart”. That is why he still writes his works in French. Thanks

231 Idem, p. 100. 99 to translations to various languages his books appear at bookshops in other countries as well. Since he settled in America he has written in English – his works are accessible to most of readers all over the world. Mostly they are books which I mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. Under the Ceausescu regime his works were not published – above all because he had been the Jew. Situation changed after 1989 when his novels started to be translated to Romanian language.

7.10 Conclusion

Elie Wiesel is an example of a Romanian Jewish author who gained the experience of an exile in more than one country. Due to historical facts he found himself in a role in which – thanks to circumstances, education and talent – he stood up. For next generations he left behind a great literary heritage. Contemporary literary critics evaluate his work as a unique contribution to the mapping of the history of Holocaust and Nazi crimes in the course of World War II.

Autobiographical novelette Memoirs bears testimony to events which he himself experienced and learned from his colleagues–journalists. The book is imbued with Talmudic thoughts and religious motives. It enables to a reader an insight into the author’s privacy and his public activities, especially unselfish aid to the Jews. After the war he experienced in exile both humbleness and poverty, but rallied his strength to set himself on his feet. He became an eyewitness of one of the most tragic events in 20th century.

All Wiesel’s works were evaluated with respect. Literary critic Gertrude Samuels said about his novel Night: “A slim volume of terrifying power.”232

While many writers living in exile write in the language of their mother-country, Wiesel remains faithful to French and English. When fate rooted him out of his family background, he was still young and therefore he was able to adapt to the languages of countries where he stayed. He uses mostly French and English, although he has been speaking Jewish from his childhood. He is considered a master of language who is able to apply with craft its sophisticated instruments, especially syntax, by means of which he

232 Gertrude Samuels (1910–2003), the New York journalist, evaluated the book like this: “A slim volume of terrifying power.” See Famed Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel has passed away at 87. In: Gradient [online]. July 2, 2016 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.gradient.is/reactions/famed-holocaust-survivor-elie-wiesel-has-passed-away-at-87 100 can express even the most inward feelings of pain, sorrow and suffering. This ability places him among really modern authors.

101 8 AHARON APPELFELD – THE FIRST WAVE – THE SOURCES OF IDENTITY AND EXILE AS A WAY

8.1 Biography

Aharon Appelfeld (proper name Ervin Appelfeld) was born on February 16, 1932 in Zadova-Cernovice in Bucovina.233 His father was a respected and educated industrialist and Vienna chess champion, his mother was a housekeeper. Ervin was their only child. Later he often remembered how his parents had been pampered him with sweets, ice-cream, toys and fairy tales.234 Shortly after the annexation of Bucovina and following Soviet occupation (1940–1941) the Romanian army and got its northern part under control again. Ervin was an eyewitness of the brutal murder of his mother and grandmother. He and his father found themselves in the ghetto, where they have been waiting for transport. In 1941 – Ervin was at that time 9 years old – they were deported to the Nazi concentration camp in the Dnestr region.235 After torturous journey full of hardships they arrived along with other Jews at an empty kolkhoz which served as a concentration camp. After the arrival children were immediately separated from their parents. “My father disappeared. I was less than ten. I found myself absolutely alone in the world.”236 He was aware he would either escape or die. He really escaped. Three years he hid in Ukraine and worked there as an attendant. As soon as he felt he was in danger he escaped again and joined the thefts of horses. After some time he left them and lived in the underworld. In 1944 he joined the Red Army where he worked as a cook. He experienced it entering Romania. After World War II he passed through Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia to Italy where he spent several months in a refugee camp before leaving for Palestine.237 In 1946 he left for his “biblical home-land”. When he came there – it was before the proclamation of Israel – he looked in the lists of Jewish agencies for the names of those who had survived concentration camps. He found there the name of his father who had been deported to the refugee camp Beer Tuvia. Meeting with him was so emotional that he has never been able to write about it.

233 In 1774–1918 Bucovina was a part of Habsburg monarchy. After World War I it was annexed by Romania and in 1940 by the Soviet Union (today the northern part of Bucovina belongs to Ukraine and its southern part to Romania). 234 SHAVIT, Ari. My Promised Land: The Triumph and Tragedy of Israel. New York: Spiegel, 2013, p. 165. 235 Dnestr Moldavian Republic, the state in Eastern Europe, borders on Moldavia and Ukraine. It is a narrow tract along the Dnestr. During World War II the Romanian Jews were deported there. 236 SHAVIT, Ari, ref. 234, p. 167. 237 VALOVÁ, Jana. Appelfeld, Aharon. In: iLiteratura.cz [online]. 28. 12. 2005 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.iliteratura.cz/Clanek/18425/appelfeld-aharon 102 In Israel he mastered Hebrew. In addition, he was able to make himself understood in Ukrainian, English and Russian languages. At home – like many members of Romanian Jewish families – he spoke Jewish. “I am happy that I write in Hebrew. Hebrew is a very exact language.”238

8.2 Life without home

Under the weight of events which he experienced, he has never chosen German as his literary language. He even refused to speak it. He wrote short stories, novelettes and novels whose contents could be explained metaphorically. Instead of describing personal experience, he describes Holocaust in metaphors. His style is clear, exact and very modern and reflects his philosophical and literary opinions. Like Elie Wiesel he also survived Holocaust, but it influenced on him in a different way. While Wiesel experienced several exiles, Appelfeld experienced only one. In addition, his leaving the mother-country need not be considered an exile at all. It can be “a return to the biblical homeland”. But at the beginning also Appelfeld felt “uprooted”. Since the age of 7 he has not known his home. When he came to Italy in the age of 13, he said: “I am deeply disoriented. I have never attended school, only the first grade, which I started and have never finished.”239

In Israel the majority society looked at him with contempt. He knew neither their language nor environment. He did not feel at home in the country which he nowadays loves so much. He belonged to the first wave of the emigration of the Romanian Jews who left for Israel after World War II. Many exiles experienced both “inner” and “outer” exile. Inner (inward) exile concerned most of the Romanian Jews who could not publish for racial reasons. When they succeeded in emigration, they immediately started experiencing also outer exile. Appelfeld’s situation was rather different. He experienced both inner and outer exile in Israel. During World War II he had to live on menial jobs. He was a servant, a thief of horses and a cook. The main thing was to survive. When after the war he arrived at Israel he had time enough to educate and look for his own way of life. He lived in a foreign country, but he learned its language. When he was 35, he bought his first Hebrew book which he finished with the aid of the dictionary. He

238 PARSON, Ann. Interview: Aharon Appelfeld. In: Boston Review: a Political and Literary forum [online]. December 1982, issue of the Boston Review [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://bostonreview.net/archives/BR07.6/appelfeld.html 239 Ibidem. 103 attempted to live and acquire experience under new conditions. The strength to survive Holocaust and adapt to Israel confirms his strong character and will to change his life. He considered exile the only way out of the situation, the only chance to find a new home and integrate into the new society. This decision became a guide post for long way which changed Appelfeld’s life forever. “I was disoriented for so many years. I came to Israel to a big refugee camp. There were Jews from all over Europe there. There were many refugees and many orphans. So it took me many years to communicate - who am, what I am in Palestine when I was not born there, where were my parents. In the big rush I could not understand. It took me years to reconstruct myself as a person.”240

In respect to the fact that he lived in Israel he wrote on life there: “I am a Jewish writer. I am writing mainly about Jewish fate. Jerusalem, I would say, is the heart of Jewish history. So I cannot imagine myself being a Jewish writer and not being in Jerusalem. It is not a question of it is noisy, it is not noisy. It is not a question of politics even. I am a Jewish writer, I am living among my people, and I am trying to understand the complex of Jewish existence. So where can a Jewish author live?”241

Most of the topics of Appelfeld’s works relate to the life of the European Jews242 before, during and after World War II. In respect to the fact that he has been an orphan since his childhood, the leitmotif of his works is looking for his mother who at the same time plays the leading role in them.

8.3 The novelette Retreat

The novelette Retreat is a psychological drama about people from pre-war Austria who found themselves in an absurd world to which was not possible to react normally. The first part came about in a sanatorium in Austrian mountains and depicted the involved fates of the Jew who came here to look for and find them themselves, forget the past and rally their strength for life.

240 „I was disoriented for so many years. I came to Israel to a big refugee camp. Jews from all over Europe. Many refugees, many orphans. So it took many years to communicate–who I am, what I’m in Palestine when I wasn’t born there, where were my parents. In the big rush, I couldn’t understand it. It took me years to reconstruct myself as a person.“ See PARSON, Ann, ref. 238. 241 „I’m a Jewish writer. I’m writing mainly about Jewish fate. Jerusalem, I would say, is the heart of Jewish history. So I cannot imagine myself being a Jewish writer and not being in Jerusalem. It is not a question of it’s noisy, it’s not noisy. It is not a question of politics even. I’m a Jewish writer, I’m living amongst my people, and I’m trying to understand the complex of Jewish existence. So where can a Jewish writer live?“ See PARSON, Ann, ref. 238. 242 APPELFELD, Aharon and Yoav ELSTEIN. What is Jew in Jewish literature? Cambridge (Mass): Harvard University Press, 1993. 104 The story comes about in the second half of 1930s on the background of Anschluss. The main character of it is Lota Schloss, the theatre actor of smaller roles who – like most of other characters – is a Jew. Appelfeld attempted to depict in this novelette as many Jewish features as possible – both positive and negative ones. He described the complicated lives of a group of the Jews in a sanatorium “far from civilization” and their way from relative luxury and affluence to survival and fight for bare living. He did not write his own memoirs like Wiesel. He depicted his own experience with his life as a Jew during World War II in allegory and metaphorically.

The novelette begins with the journey of Lotta Schloss who had been relatively successful and well-known Jewish actor from Wirzbaden to the sanatorium – or more exactly Institute for the Education of Adults – with the accompaniment of her daughter Julia. Relationship between the women is complicated. “Their conflict has been lasting for two months. To tell the truth, it was an echo of a storm which set itself against quietening.”243 Similar relationship Lotta had with her former husband Manfred, Julia’s father, “the dead-and-alive man with glasses and baldhead,” who had seduced and then married her when she was 24.244 Later they parted which Lotta embraced. She experienced a fall because of being a Jew. “Before her eyes experiences from last days floated – roaming in the streets and visiting agencies where she had to answer to officers’ startling questions. In a small town where she spent her childhood, youth and adolescence nobody had any use for her. Everybody avoided her as if she suffered from any contagious disease.”245 At the end of 1937 she had played several smaller roles and then the fall came. She turned to her daughter and son-in-law with whom she had complicated relationship due to her profession as an actor. Eventually they found common solution - a stay in “a spiritual centre” in the mountains.246 The hero of the story realized that in such a situation she had no other way out and at the same time she attempted to find the reasons of her exile. Who is guilty of it? Why the circumstances make a man look for a new home and move from one place to another? During the journey Lotta and Julia debate on family relationships and find more and more complications in them. “I will come and see you,” Julia said. “Do not trouble about it,” answered Lotta.247 Her relationship with Julia’s husband almost comes to a head. She considers him a typical

243 , Aharon. Sebeklam. Praha: Academia 2000, p. 9. 244 Idem, p. 46–48. 245 Idem, p. 33. 246 Idem, p. 12–13. 247 Idem, p. 23. 105 Austrian from middle classes who although does not pray goes to the church, and a boozer for the sake of whom she decides to join the Jews.248 There she met journalist Herbert Zunz to whom she talked about her fate. Before her eyes last events were floating and she realized that she wreaked her anger at the people round her who had repudiated her for her being a Jew on her daughter Julia. 249 “As everybody ignored and avoided her, she wreaked her wrath on her daughter. Just now she realized what she dad done. She wanted to write to her daughter a long letter and ask for pardon.”

The main characters of this novelette are people who were expelled from the society and isolated in the environment where they should have gotten rid of their “insufficiencies”. Everybody believed they would become new “re-educated” people.

Appelfeld presents himself as a careful examiner whose attitude towards individual characters is almost meditative. His language is both reserved and poetic and his interest is sincere. He presents to a reader a common man who fights s for survival in hostile environment. He refused moral judgements. He realizes that it is not necessary to dramatize Holocaust but on the contrary “it is necessary not to dramatize it. What happened to Jews is not tragic. It is something beyond tragic. If we are saying tragic, it means it has to be something focused on the individual. What happened in the Second World War is beyond tragic. It is untranslatable in your mind.”250

“All of sudden, in privacy and the darkness without farewell she tore a threat of life to pieces.”251 Death which they were confronted with shook the Jews in the sanatorium deeply. As if they came to knowledge human life had no value. The author stresses memories, sorrow and the loss of life certainties. Proportionately to situations memories of the past appear in the book more and more often. “Damn memories! Without them life would have passed in a different way and people may have put up with some things.”252 Even Lotta remembered her father and home. And the people put in mind better, shiny days “when they were disciplined, got up early and went to bed soon, breakfasted on bread

248 Idem, p. 49. 249 Idem, p. 32. 250 „What happened to Jews is not tragic. It is something beyond tragic. If we are saying tragic it means it has to be somewhere focused in the individual. What happened to Jews in the Second World War is beyond tragic. It is untranslatable in your mind.“ See KERBEL, Sorrel, ed. The Routledge Encyclopedia of Jewish Writers of the Twentieth Century. New York: Tylor & Francis Group, 2003, s. 82. 251 APPELFELD, Aharon, ref. 243, p. 70. 252 Idem, p. 85. 106 and yogurt and refined their accent.”253 At that moment Lotta realizes that her aversion towards her son-in-law is exorbitant. As a cultured woman she undergoes the process of inward change. She is not the only one who goes through hard life tries-out, but all people in retreat. The presence is felt like exile the past as home.

At the end of March the owner of the hotel died. His successor said about him: “He was a big man. We were not able to appreciate it duly. His thoughts got ahead of many generations. We must admit that we have never been able to understand him. “254 The death of the hotel-keeper – a Jew who gave of his sacrifice to other Jews - hit everybody deeply. After his death the Jews were endangered with pursuit by local villagers. Appelfeld depicted in a masterly was the atmosphere before the attacks against the Jews and the attempts of those who have assimilated to get rid of their Jewish features and merge together with inhabitants round them.

Shortly after the hotel-keeper’s death rest and peace set in the sanatorium.

“People neither complained nor quarrelled. As if the agreed that no ideal change would be possible, this was their fate and it would be better to stop unnecessary declaiming.”255 People began putting up with fate and adapting to it.

Situation in the country started changing radically. The Jews were not welcome. Those from the sanatorium stayed in the mountains. They put up with destiny and lived in their memories.

8.3.1 Reception Appelfeld perceives objective reality very subjectively. As for Holocaust, he writes on it as if it was enveloped in mystery. He evokes memories in a reader’s mind but they are too painful to be fixed upon them. He writes about the consequences of terrible facts of the war catastrophe which terminated in the death of about 6 million European Jews in 1939-1945. He is a master of self-restraint and self-control. He depicts the tragedy of Holocaust in allusions. But allusion can be in many cases more effective that real description itself.

Appelfeld is a renowned writer all over the world and a holder of many prestigious literary prizes. For the first time he was awarded in 1965 by Anne Frank Prize. Other

253 Idem, p. 87. 254 Idem, p. 121. 255 Idem, p. 132. 107 prizes soon followed – in 1963 Israel Prize for Hebrew Literature and in 1983 state prizes for the books Badenheim 1939 and The Immortal Bartfuss (National Jewish Book Award for Fiction (Badenheim 1939 and The Immortal Batrfuss).256

During his life he has been awarded with 40 prestigious literary prizes. Some of his works were translated to Romanian language. In 2007 the publishing house Polirom in Iași published his book Badenheim 1939 translated by Antoniete Ralianu. In 1939 the same publishing house issued the autobiography Life Stories (Povestea unei vieți) by Ana Shilon and in 2010 the book Unexpected Love (Pe neașteptate, dragoste). The novel For All Blames (Pentru toate pacătele) was translated by Mirian Bercovici – in 2000 it was published by the publishing house Hasefer in Bucharest.

The author gained credit with readers all over the world, especially thanks to his attitude towards them. Although he gave a new dimension to writing, he has never forgotten his Jewish roots. Doctor Alan Mintz claims257 that Uri Zvi Greenberg258 and Aharon Appelfeld belong to the best Hebrew writers of the literature of Holocaust. Appefeld’s technique of writing is simple and his vocabulary is rich. His style is similar to Kafka’s. As for the theme of holocaust, he said: “I do not write the literature of Holocaust, I only narrate the stories on the Jews and for the Jews who they experienced them in a certain historical period. If both the Preacher259 and Kafka echo from my books, it is because my view of thing is traditional and minimalistic which is typical for Jewish literature.”

8.4 The novelette Badenheim 1939

Appelfeld located his novelette Badenheim 1939 in an Austrian town of the same name. He describes life in a spa at which many visitors arrive every year. On the background of war events – above all the oppression of the Jewish inhabitants – the fates

256 Prizes, Awards, and Honors of Aharon Appelfeld. In: Hebrew Literature Archives [online]. Ben-Gurion University of the Negev [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://in.bgu.ac.il/en/heksherim/Archives/Pages/Appelfeld_Prizes.aspx 257 Mintz, Alan. Chana Kekst Professor of Jewish Literature, New York, USA. 258 Uri Zvi Greenberg (22/9/1896 – 8/5/1981) was a renowned poet and journalist. He wrote in Hebrew and Yiddish. He was born in in a prominent Hasidic family. In 1824 he went into exile for Palestine. See Biography: Uri Zvi Greenberg (1896–1981). In: SAVE ISRAEL: Articles and Thoughts on the Jewish State [online]. ©2005–2009 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.saveisrael.com/greenberg/greenbergbio.htm 259 The book Ecclesiastes or The Preacher (Kohelet) is cited within the Jewish liturgy during the feast Sukot. 108 of local people mix with those of spa guests. The quiet spa changes step by step to the ghetto from which the Jews are to be deported to Poland.

The small town prepares for its festival. Spa guests are looking forward to its pompous atmosphere under the surveillance of its impresario doctor Pappenheim. He promised rich programme with many surprises to them. He had addressed a lot of famous artists who assured him that they would come. There is an atmosphere of intense expectations everywhere. Truda, the ill wife of a local pharmacist, looks from the window and waits for the postman with her daughter’s letter. Because of her disease she and her husband spent hard winter. Appelfeld presents Truda by means of metaphors. She suffers from manic depressions and hallucinations. She is sure that the world round her is as ill as her and that her daughter Helena is even beaten black and blue by her husband Leopold. These hallucinations resulting from her chronic disease transfer slowly to her husband Martin, which exhausts him a lot.260 Truda “often used to remember her parents and a small house at the bank of the Vistula.”261 A motive of memories of the past which have ever been one of possibilities how to cope with the present appears again.

One day something happened. Something like this Badenheim has not experienced yet.262 “The inspectors of the hygienic administration set out to the town and started surveying, building fences and hoisting flags. The porters piled up the rolls of wire and concrete pillars which evoked wild celebrations.”

But instead of it an unseen loop started to be tightened round the Jews. Some of them did not see it. “This year it will be all very jolly. The festival seems to be a great event. Why the hygienic administration would do its best?”263 The southern town entrance was closed, but the employees of the hygienic administration went on building fences and hanging flags. This institution gained stage by stage more and more power and influenced the lives of local citizens. Eventually it issued a decree that all Jews had to register which would be the first step to the purification of the country of all non-Aryan citizens.

260 APPELFELD, Aharon, ref. 243, p. 139–141. 261 Idem, p. 145–147. 262 Idem, p. 150. 263 Idem, p. 151. 109 While the Jewish intellectuals argue with Ostjuden about who should – or should not – register at the hygienic station, its administration attempts secretly to collect as much information as possible on all Jews in Badenheim. “There was a buzz, one rumour substituted for another. Some people claimed that it was merely a medical case which the hygienic administration wanted to solve. Other ones thought that it was nothing else but the activity of the tax authority which was masked for the hygienic station.”264 Unfortunately both versions were false. The Jews – under the pretext of quarantine – were not allowed to enter the town as well as to leave it.

Special uneasy atmosphere dominated in the town. On the building of the hygienic station posters with following text hung: “Work is our life. Air in Poland is clearer. Float on the Vistula. New regions call you. Get to know Slavonic culture.”265 The employees of the hygienic administration tried to create an image of new Poland. They acted very ingeniously. “The station was open even at night. Its entrance was decorated by lamps. Inside the journals, calendars and brochures on agriculture, industry, art and recreation were scattered on low tables. A man could sit down on an armchair, listen to music, leaf through magazines and dream about Poland.”266 The idyllic image of Poland was not anything else but a fraud. In spite of it the hygienic administration succeeded in arousing optimism among people. They ceased being scared and started asking questions.267

Doctor Langmann: “Let us confess sincerely that doctor Pappenheim succeeded in waking up sleeping ghosts.” Karl: “What do you mean by that?” Doctor Langmann: “Is it necessary to explain anything?” Karl: “In your opinion – if I understand it well – we should send our sons to a military school?” Doctor Langmann: “Is it bad when boys go in for sport a little?” Karl: “I hate physical training.” Doctor Langmann: “So would you pleased to go to Poland, to Lodz, to Ostjuden. They also detest sport. Instead of it they work hard in their shops.” Karl: “As for me, I consider retail business nothing bad. Shopkeepers are better than cadets. In any case they do not stoke up with cabbage.”

264 Idem, p. 148. 265 Idem, p. 163. 266 Idem, p. 164. 267 Idem, p. 171–172. 110 Doctor Langmann: “As I say, Pappenheim was able to wake up sleeping ghosts.” Karl: “If you mean those retailers, I tell you I would like to be one of them. I hate sport, I detest hunting. My muscles are soft, my face is pale, I am temperate in eating and I do not drink beer. Des not such a life appeal to you?” Doctor Langmann: “No.” Karl: “So why did you register?”

The above dialogue between doctor Langmann and Karl offers the attitudes of two men who are bound by the same fate but they differ in their opinion on it.

The time passed and people started asking about their departure. Registrations at the hygienic station were over. The people waited for following instructions. As if their train of life derailed. From time to time a forgotten letter came. It has always aroused emotions. “After a few days nothing will be the same. We face a radical change. Don’t be afraid – many Jews live in Poland. After all, a man should come back to his roots.”268

Strange people started appearing in the town. The town became a repository of the Jews. They were waiting for their end God knew where. The supplies of food have decreased. Soup and bread –it was all they got. An owner of a sweetshop said to a baker: “The point is to send Ostjuden back to the East. Recently they overflew Austria.” The baker asked: “And what about a hotel-keeper?” And an owner of a sweetshop replied: “He is Austrian, but they lured him into it. He brought that guy, that doctor Pappenheim who is Ostjude and an originator of all evil. Who made up this stupid festival? Was not it doctor Pappenheim? Who brought those morbid artists and second-rate spa guests?” “And what about me?” the baker asked. ”You were born here like your parents. You are a Jew as for your faith, but you are not Ostjude,” the confectioner answered.

The events got on the move. The Jews were lining up, the policemen were supervising them. Doctor Pappenheim speculated that they would not be transported far because the wagons they should have gotten in were extremely dirty. “If the wagons are so dirty, it means that we will not go far.”269 The unlucky Jews got in the train with feeling that ther deportation to Poland was not more than a temporary step.

268 Idem, p. 211. 269 Idem, p. 260. 111 Red morning sky appears above the town and Truda’s delusions and disillusions become reality. The Jews are marked, and the trains will come to deport them somewhere far, towards their cruel destiny and death.

8.4.1 Language as a means of communication Appelfeld – like other exile authors – was well aware of his limited language potential. After his arrival at Palestine he was not able to write in Hebrew immediately. The first Hebrew book he saw in the age of 25. He could read it only with the help of the dictionary. After some time he decided to write at least several short stories. Thus one of his novelettes Badenheim 1939 originated. It reflects the author’s personal experience with Holocaust. He preferred Hebrew to Romanian as a means of expression. After the publication of the first short stories he ceased to feel second-rate. This feeling had most of exiles. Step by step he assimilated, reached language symbiosis and found his own identity. Although he speaks several languages, his means of communication and literary expression is Hebrew, the language of the country which adopted him. He grew up in a family speaking German, but he has never been able to overcome his aversion for Nazism. In contradistinction to him another Jewish writer from Bucovina Paul Celan270 who has lived since 1947 in Austria where he assimilated fully chose German as his communication and literary language. Although he himself experienced concentration camps and his parents ended in one of the transports, he went on writing in language which was close to him. It is interesting that Appelfeld’s works are very close to those by Paul Celan – even closer than to the novelettes by contemporary Israeli writers. Appelfeld is today one of the most renowned Israeli authors. The themes of his works draw from his testimonies and personal experience with Holocaust. He – unlike Wiesel - has never written his own memoirs. He presents his memories, inward experiences and testimonies by means of his works which reflect above all his unique view not only of the Jews but also mankind as a whole.

8.4.2 Change into a ghetto Appelfeld has often pointed out conflicts among Jewish intellectuals who engaged in so-called main European cultural stream. They decided to get rid of all remainders of their Jewish past including language and uneducated Ostjuden, the Jews from Eastern

270 Paul Celan (proper name Paul Antschel) was born on November 23, 1920 in Cernovice-Bucovina). He was a Romanian poet, translator and writer. In 1947 he went into exile in Vienna and later in France where he committed suicide on April 20, 1970. 112 Europe, mostly merchants and traders. Ostjuden abided by Jewish traditions, but they have ever been so busy with their business activities that they did not protest against their casting out of the majority society. In substance they substituted it for prosperity. This conflict often appears in Appelfeld’s works. He noticed the decadency of European Jews after Hitler had grasped power. The Jews of both groups felt they outwardly hated each other because of their mutual estrangement. This hatred strengthened with the majority society is a rudiment of destruction which affected all Jews without exception.

Both groups have been misled from the very beginning, i.e. since the rise of Nazism not only in Germany but also in Eastern Europe. Jewish intellectuals wanted to be a part of “the main cultural stream” and that is why they did not protest, although the Nazis started to limit their rights and freedoms. Ostjuden did not want to jeopardy their financial interests and so they ignored political decisions which made them second-rate citizens. As a handful of people who had survived the war they became inhabitants without identity and home.

Both groups had little mutual understanding. They were without solidarity which should have been their main recourse in the most critical period of their life.

In the novelette Badenheim 1939 the atmosphere of mere “surviving”271. Such an atmosphere was also depicted by Thomas Mann in his work Der Zauberberg.272 In addition this novelette echoes some tones of “literary paranoia” so typical for the novel Der Prozes written by .273

8.4.3 Reception The novelette Badenheim 1939 (in Hebrew original Ir nofesh) published in 1979 in Jerusalem by the publishing house Ha –kibutz Ha-meuchad is symptomatic of its author. Although its main theme is Holocaust, it is not depicted roughly. The novelette had been re-written to a play which was performed in 2007 at Gerard Behar Centre in Jerusalem. In the Czech Republic it was translated by Jiřina Šedinová and issued in 2000 in the publishing house Academia along with the novelette Retreat under the common title Self-delusion. In 1989 it was appreciated with national Jewish Book Award for Fiction.

271 People in the sanatorium are a special community, something like “a state within the state” whose members mostly resigned and were merely surviving. 272 Mann Thomas (born on July 6, 1875 in Lűbeck, died on August 12, 1955 in Zurich), the German prosaic, essayist and holder of Nobel Prize (1929). Der Zauberberg was published in Czech by the publishing house Melantrich. The book was translated by Jitka Fučíková, Pavel Levit and Jan Zahradník. 273 Der Prozess was published for the first time in 1925 by the Berlin publishing house Die Schmiede. 113 Appelfeld has ever called for his readers’ knowledge of historical situation. If a reader is not “in”, the novelette will cease to have effect because the author evokes a real situation indirectly. He mostly does not describe painful moments and does not attempt to horrify a reader. The protagonists of a story mostly take things easy.

8.4.4 Conclusion Since his childhood Appefeld has lived alone and isolated from all his next of kin. Due to historical events he remained a boy without home and his life has been a makeshift for many years. For him as for one of those who had survived Holocaust this painful experience was an impulse for future literary creation. He created his own inward world which had its conditions and rules.

A lot of exiles who had to leave their homes remained faithful to their language from which nobody could alienate them. Appelfeld’s situation was different – his literary language was that of a country which adopted him.

In exile he underwent many political and generation changes. He experienced the integration or re-integration of writers who after the world stayed in Israel, returned to Romania or left for other exile country. After 1989 all exiles found themselves in the same situation and faced the same decision. At that time Appelfeld was fully assimilated and had no bond to his native country.

The novelette Badenheim 1939 took place in the period between summer and autumn. Summer in 1939 was rather strange. The small town has changed into a ghetto. All Jews had to get themselves and their property registered in an administrative procedure and their contacts with the surroundings were more and more limited. Dialogues and concrete situations in the book show that the Jews were sure till the end that nothing could happen to them. They ignored events which were an omen of their tragic fate. Those who had assimilated and did not perceive their identity were suddenly called Jews liable to all authoritative rulings and restrictions.

Appelfeld had readers unravel the plot by themselves. As if subtlety with which he depicts individual events soothed them. Similarly the atmosphere of a small spa town should have soothed its visitors. Nazi threat which was drawing near and whose goal was to wipe out all Jews is within the framework the author’s literary means and style depicted metaphorically. It looks like a black tunnel. There is no light at its end. Inner

114 imaginary light emits from the very personality of the author and interpenetrates his literary work as a whole.

Appelfeld asks for an answer to the question how such a disaster could have happened. His works focus above all on the period before Jewish deportations to concentration camps. They describe situations when the property of the Jews was confiscated, when they were separated from their kin, they had to leave their homes and hide.

He talks about the Jews who are afraid about their lives and therefore they escape which is their only hope. Appelfed’s fictitious literature on Holocaust makes a reader conceive of unconceivable. The author looking for him himself has experienced in exile difficult moments. In spite of the fact that he found himself in the age of 13 in an unknown country he rallied his strength to educate and overcome troubles resulting from the lack of finances. It is admirable that he has been able to create valuable literary works which only a few authors could be proud of for more than 40 years.

115 9 EUGEN LUCA – THE SECOND WIVE –EXILE AS CULTURAL IDENTITY

9.1 Biography

Eugen Luca (proper name Jean Leibovici) was born on June 21, 1923 in Iași and died on July 13, 1997 in Haifa.274 He was a renowned literary critic, journalist and prosaic. In 1941 he finished in Iași his studies at a high school and after graduation from the faculty of Arts there (he majored in Romanian, French and aesthetics) he started writing articles under the pseudonym Ion Lucrețiu and contributed by them to the periodicals Opinia (The Opinion), Lupta Moldovei (The Moldavian Fight). Since 1949 he has lived in Bucharest where he edited the periodical Contemporanul (The Present). In addition, he published in the periodicals Iașul nou (New Jassy), Iașul literar (Literary Jassy), Gazeta literară (The Literary Newspaper), Luceafărul (The Morning Star) and Viața românească (The Romanian Life). In Romania he was one of the first “constructive” literary critics along with well-known ones, for example Mihail Novicov, Ion Vitner and .

In 1946 he went with his family (wife Tamara and daughter Roxana) into exile in Israel where he engaged in cultural activities and went on writing. Since 1985 he has worked as an editor-in-chief of the literary journal Izvoare (The Sources). It was a periodical issued in Tel Aviv by Scriitorilor Israelieni de limbă română (Association of Israeli Writers of Romanian Language). Here he published articles and essays (for example Despre caracterul contribuției evreilor la literatura română (About the Character of the Contribution of the Jews to Romanian Literature).275 In addition, he co-operated with the periodicals Shevet Romania (The Romanian Sessions), Viața noastră (Our Life), Ultima oră (Before the Closing Time), Minimum (The Minimum) and many others. One of his first literary-critical works was the monograph by poet Marcel Breslași (Poezia lui Marcel Breslașu, 1959). By this work he fell into the rank of the first “proletarian” literary critics. He overestimated this poet himself, while he omitted the professional analysis of his text and any reflection on it. Similarly, in case of Poezia tinereții avântate: Nicolae Labiș (Poetry – Enthusiastic Youth: Nicole Labis, 1966) critical remarks are very few again – feelings prevail. Luca returned step by step to traditional value which can be demonstrated in his treatise Grigore Alexandrescu, poet satiric (Grigore Alexandrescu, the

274 SIMION, Eugen, ref. 63, p. 111–112. 275 BĂLĂIȚĂ, George. Scriitori israelieni de limbă română – Antologie. București: Editura Hsefer, 1998. 116 Satiric Poet, 1971). Before going into exile he published 2 critical studies sau Elogiul rațiunii (Mihal Sodoveanu – The Praise of Reason, 1972) and Demers critic (Critical Intervention). Luca was awarded by several literary prizes, for example Premiul Sion (Zion Prize, 1990) and Premiul Izvoare (Sources Prize, 1993).

In exile he dealt in the issues of Holocaust, Jewish identity, the loss of a mother country and uprooting. In 1982 he published Aproximații pe teme generale (Approximate Judgements and General Themes, Tel Aviv). Nevertheless, he went on focusing on Holocaust. In 1989 –shortly before the fall of the communist regime – he issued the autobiographical novel Pogrom. Iași, dumunică, 29 iunie 1941. (Pogrom – Jassy, Sunday, June 29, 1941; translation Jindřich Vacek, Argo 2007). Unfortunately he did not catch to publish his two last novels which remained in manuscripts. The first of them – a novel without a title – offered a new view of the work of Jicchak Bashevis Zinger, the second one Sâmbăta lui Ilie (Illie’s Saturday) depicts life in Iași (in Czech a part of it was issued in Jewish Yearly 2001-2002).

9.2 A Romanian Jew and socialist realism

“The words tragic and tragedy are heard everywhere and echo very often. The history of our nation also experienced such a tragic event which has influenced and still influences our mentality and personality, and left deep vestiges behind.”276

This chapter focuses on the personality of Eugen Luca, the literary critic, essayist and prosaic. In contradistinction to other Romanian writers who showed courage and attempted to get out of the influence of the communist regime (Paul Goma and others) Luca collaborated with it in the name of its ideology and “constructive” literature. Along with Mihail Novicov, Ion Vitner, Paul Georgescu and others he belonged to the literary critics of “constructive” prose in the times when its framework was defined by ideological propaganda. He was a follower of so-called new way of literary creation seen from the “socialist” angle of view. After the communists grasped power the image of literature changed in a drastic way. In 1950s the era of political trials and pursuit of those who stood up to the regime started. Many authors had to cease to write, some went into exile or found themselves in prison.

276 «Cuvântul tragic și tragedie se aud repetate în mai toate părțile și de multe ori. Istoria poporului nostru nu este lipsită de astfel de apariții tragice care au influențat și influencează mentalitatea și firea noastră, care au lăsat urme âdinci în sufletul nostru.» See SAMOILĂ, Gheorghe. Eu știu că ei mă vor ucide. Iași: Editura PIM, 2013, p. 117. 117 During the Ceausescu regime literary exile has been continuous – since its start to its end. Going to exile increased especially in 1970s when the largest group of Romanian and Romanian-Jewish authors left their country. While on 1965-1970 exile was relatively peaceful, after 1971 it was without exaggeration a mass escape. In July of that year Ceausescu took in culture many anti-cultural measures (“national festivals”, compulsory celebrations of the official regime and sharper censorship).

Eugen Luca like a propagator of “socialist realism” presented himself with one - tracked schemes of both characters and environment of his literary works. Their stories were mostly located in the country or in a factory. The works of “socialist realism” reflected “authentically” communist ideology which was detrimental to artistic quality. “Eugen Luca and Arel Martin were charged with the task to stabilize Stalinist literature after the period of relative freedom.”277

Step by step Luca started to feel as somebody who did not belong to the country where he has lived. He longed for the freedom of speech. Like many other authors he experienced double exile – inner and outer. The first stage has longed for about 27 years when he worked and lived on literature but he was not allowed to present his opinions freely. So he had time to deepen his knowledge and look for his own way of life. The second stage started with leaving his mother country and going into exile in Israel. This aroused his interest in on the issue of exile, return to Jewish traditions and the lot of a man in new living conditions. He perceived exile as a return to Jewish roots.

Before leaving for Israel in 1976 – at that time he was 53 – he wrote and published many literary-critical studies. The choice of exile at a more advanced age gives evidence for the author’s will to change an environment and own life. He chose exile as the only way out of unbearable cultural and political situation. His own experience with Holocaust, the demagogy of the Ceausescu’s regime and omnipresent censorship decided. In 1976 he left his mother country definitively.

“I was sitting in the conference room of the editorial office where I worked and in my mind I asked the question who of those present would raise his hand and stab his knife into my breast in case of a new pogrom. Something like this could not be counted out. There was the only remedy for my disease – to apply for permission to return home to my

277 «Eugen Luca sau Aurel Martin preiau misiunea de restabilire a stalinismului literar după o perioadă de relativă destindere.» See GOLDIȘ, Alex. Critica în tranșee. București: Polirom, 2011, p. 113. 118 country. And I did it. I left everything I retired from it and started once again from the beginning.”278

He settled down in Israel and his literary creation set out on a new journey. He paid heed and most of time to the cultural association of the Romanian-Jewish community and went on literary activity which was not enabled him in Romania. Although he lived in exile, he wrote in Romanian language and came back to Jewish traditions to which he oriented most of his works.

9.3 The novel Pogrom

The book was published for the first time in 1989 shortly before the fall of iron curtain in the publishing house Godell in Tel Aviv.279 In 2006 its Hebrew translation by Roxana Reichman and in 2007 the Czech one by Jindřich Vacek were issued. It is the first book by Luca written in exile. The author dealt in its theme long. It arouse from his own experience and memories of Holocaust which he had experienced in his birthplace in Iași. He became an immediate participant in the pogrom which came about during the only day in 1941. On that day about 15 000 Jews died. Luca remembered his kin. He knew that he would never see them. The hero of the novel – he himself – depicts that fatal day as follows: “That morning at the end of July none of us suspected that a pogrom which Romania has never experienced had been prepared. None of us suspected that according to the ingenious plans of respective experts machine-guns had been arranged around to end thousands of lives. None of us suspected that in the Jewish cemetery in Pacurari they had dug a huge hole to throw into it dead bodies like rubbish. None of us suspected that the divisions had been transported to allotted zones to drag out the Jews from their homes and drive them like cattle to the slaughterhouse which differed from any current one because it was a human one.”280 The theme of pogrom has in the works by Luca an important place. The novel, written in exile, is an immediate testimony of the author’s experience with Holocaust. The author wrote: “They dragged us out of houses. Some of us were still in pyjamas. They offended us, scolded us, execrated us, made threatening gestures at us, spitted on us, slapped us, pummelled us, beat us by sticks and riding-whips, beat us to heads, backs and shins, by bludgeons, revolver cases, rifle butts. We were full of bruises, stained with blood, injured, confused. They lined us up and with the

278 LUCA, Eugen, Pogrom, Prague: Argo 2007, p. 100–101. 279 LUCA, Eugen. Pogrom, Iași duminică 29 iunie 1941. Tel Aviv: Godell, 1989. 280 LUCA, Eugen, ref. 278, p. 13. 119 accompaniment of the applause and laugh of the crowd and under the surveillance of armed soldiers and policemen they led us to the police headquarters where they had prepared machine guns to blow us to pieces.”281

The novel describes Holocaust on the background of events which afflicted Romanian Jews living in Iași. There was fight between the good and the evil which comes about within each of us. The evil is embodied in the Antonescu Nazi regime which made a hard impact on the Jewish inhabitants of the country. As a Jew Luca and many others was brought to the police headquarters where either deportation or death by firing squad was in store for them.

The novel is imbued with reflections on death. “I should have never seen him. They killed him at the yard of the police headquarters or in the wagon of death. Nobody knows anything. Should I forget this small boy who guessed that they had passed a death sentence on him?”282

Critical voice is raised against whole twentieth century which pretends to be developed and progressive but – in spite of historical facts – it still stokes up anti-Jewish prejudices. Even in 2002 violence against the Jews occurred in Romania!

The main character of the novel attempts to get at the reasons of Holocaust. In exile he comes to a conclusion that it is history itself which is to blame. It sets the Jews moving, forces them to look for a new home and wander from one place to another, routes them to concentration camps where they form an opinion that human life has no value.

It is necessary not only to know Holocaust but also and above all to understand it. The novel has been passing to the present which is called “another hell”. “We got rid of the nightmare of the war and considered ourselves free. We were living in hope and illusions and at the same time we were sinking deeper and deeper to another hell.”283 The novel was published in 1989, i.e. in the times of the fall of communism. Its author spares a thought for the fate of local Jews and asks the question whether it could be possible to be exposed to pogroms even under the rule of the communists. The hero – the author himself – sees the events under the angle of a survivor of such a pogrom. From the

281 Idem, p. 95. 282 Idem, p. 10. 283 Idem, p. 96. 120 memories of eighteen-year boy he puts together a mosaic of information not only about him himself but also about relationship among the Jews in their community. He succeeds in escaping from the police headquarters but he has to face strong psychical pressure. He lost his relatives who were not as lucky as him and did not escape from death. He was disappointed with his grandmother. He wanted to take shelter at hers but she was afraid about her own safety and turned him away. Due to the fact that his relative refused to help him he suffered from loneliness – the worst he has ever felt. “Having been hated by the strangers who wished my death and even tried to kill me, who ridiculed me, humbled me and harassed me, as well as having been refused flatly by the members of my own nation and even some of the next of kin, I felt ALONE – for the first time in my life.”284

The main character of the novel undergoes uneasy development marked above all with strong experiences and the fact that he faced death. Experience at the police headquarters influenced his following metamorphosis. In the course of twenty seven years of “inner” exile his personality changed. At the end of this change he found the only way out of the situation, i.e. “outer” exile. In spite of horrors which he experienced, he seems to keep aloof. He does not tell his story with preoccupation which could be expected. With some irony he likens some Jews to comics from slapstick comedies.

The style of narration is very impressive. The dramatic atmosphere of the book is intensified with the tragic story which describes real events and the way of depiction. The characteristic stylistic feature is the repeating of sentences and the selection of words which describe authentically the state of mind of the author who was dragged away from home by armed soldiers and had to wait for judgement. It could be favourable to him, but it did not seem to be presumable. “At one corner a commissioner in the uniform with a peak-cap and braids was sitting. He looked a Jew straight in the eye and scanned him. When he saw it fit, he gave him a slip of paper on which the only readable word was written: FREE.”285

9.3.1 Reception Eugen Luca was renowned in Romania before his going into exile. He gained credit especially in the field of literary critics and thanks to many articles. His work has been and still is popular, especially the books which deal in the issue of Holocaust. The view of exile writers in Romania is still rather sceptic and abstract, maybe because they unlike

284 Idem, p. 73. 285 Idem, p. 34. 121 others succeeded in escaping from the hardships of communism. Nevertheless, it cannot be said about Luca who has spent most of his life in Romania to the last bit.

Israeli critics received well both the novel Pogrom and its Romanian author with Jewish roots. The novel was awarded with Premiul Sion (Zion Prize, 1990) and Premiul Izvoare (Sources Prize, 1993). It met with a wide acceptance both in Israel and in Romania. Its author considers such a success which he achieved in Israel a result of long and hard life struggle. In exile he enriched his life with new experience from which he attempted to draw as much as possible for his literary creation.

9.3.2 Conclusion The aim of this chapter was to elucidate the personality of a renowned exile author who – like most of Romanian Jewish writers – had immediate experience with Holocaust. His novels, essays and articles with which he contributed to newspapers and periodicals have not only literary but also documentary values. The author went into exile in the times of the hardest cultural repressions of the Ceausescu regime when he left behind many literary works.

He was very assiduous which reflected in his attempts to succeed in the field of literature. He pursued his goals consistently. He was an eyewitness of the evil which has been done by the communist regime and which became a driving force of his exile. Since then Romania has been fighting the destructive consequences of the Ceausescu regime.

Dilatory attitude to the problem of squaring up with the communist past was one of the main reasons why Luca did not return after 1989 to his native country. Although he felt uprooted at the beginning, eventually he integrated in Israeli society. Nevertheless, he preserved Romanian language as his literary and communication language. His merit consists in his memory which – like in case of most of exile writers – represents an inexhaustible source of themes.

Luca’s novels as those by a Romanian-Jewish writer are an insight into the soul of a man who did not suffer for what he did but for whom he was – a Jew. At the same time they pointed out the oppressive impact of World War II and relating events on the psyche of the Jews.

122 10 VIRGIL DUDA – THE THIRD WAVE – EXILE AS A WAY OUT

10.1 Biography

Virgil Duda (proper name Rubin Leibovici) was born on February 25, 1939 in Barladu in the family of a trader. In his native town he finished studies at basic and high schools and in 1952 he enrolled at the Law Faculty in Bucharest from which he graduated in 1960. His mother Uca Leibovici worked as a clerk and his father Carol Leibovici was a retailer.

In 1961–1970 Duda worked in Baia Mare as a lawyer and in Ploesti as a law consultant in the oil refinery Telejean. In 1970 he changed his place of work and started working as an editor. After 2 years he began working as a producer in the Bucharest film studio Studioul Cinematografic București și la Casa de Filme 1 (Bucharest Studio of Cinematography and House of Film 1) where he has worked till 1987. In 1988 he went into exile in Israel. In Tel Aviv he worked as a librarian and editor of the periodicals Viața noastră (Our Life) and Ultima oră (Before the Closing Time) and cooperated actively with Radio Free Europe.

In Romania he drew attention to himself in the periodical Gazeta literară (The Literary Newspaper, 1964) by his literary first-fruit Sentiment and in 1967 by his book Un sentiment (Stories from the Country). The novel Catedrala (The Cathedral) first saw the light in 1969. Duda was awarded with two prizes granted him by the Central Committee of the Union of Young Communists. Following works were not long in coming. In 1971 he published the novel Anchetatorul apatic (Dilatory Investigator) and in 1973 the novel Deruta (Confusion). In 1975 the novel Al doilea pasaj (The Second passage) and in 1977 the novel Cora were published. His novel Măștile (Masks) was awarded with the prestigious prize Premiul Asociației Scriitorilor din București (Bucharest Writers’ Union Prize). Then the cycle of autobiographical novels Războiul amintirilor (The War of Memories, 1981) awarded with Premiul Uniunii Sciitorilor (Writers’ Union Prize), Hărțuiala (Skirmish, 1984) and Oglinda salvată (Saved Mirror, 1986). He described his memories in novels written in Israeli exile. In Tel Aviv in 1991 the novel România. Sfârșît de decembrie (Romania, the End of December) was issued. Following novels were published exclusively in exile. In 1993 the novel Alvis și destinul (Alvis and Fate), the novel A trăi în pacăt (To Live in Sin, 1996) and the last of

123 autobiographies Viață cu efect întârziat (Timed, 1998) were published. In the novel Șase femei (Six Women, 2002) he had uncovered slightly the veil of the intellectual atmosphere in communist Romania and then he returned to Jewish topics, especially by his book of essays Evreul ca simbol – Mihail Sebastian și alții (A Jew as a Symbol – Mihail Sebastian and Others, 2004).286 And by his work Despărțirea de Ierusalim (Saying Good- Bye to Jerusalem, 2006).287 The last of his publications was the novel Un cetațean al lumii (Cosmopolitan, 2011).

10.2 Romania before going into exile and after it

Virgil Duda belongs to the third and the last wave of the outflow of Romanian Jewish writers from the country at the end of 1980s. This unique emigration came about close to the fall of iron curtain. The society at that time looked at Duda with contempt. His novels and novelettes come about mostly in Romanian environment which he mapped perfectly and which reflects his philosophical and literary approaches. He experienced double exile – inner one during the communist dictatorship as a member of the Jewish minority and outer one after going into exile in Israel. In Romania he introduced himself for the first time in the periodical Gazeta literară (The Literary Newspaper) by his literary first-fruit Un Sentiment (Sentiment). It was followed by Povestiri din provincie (Stories from the Country) which evoked the author’s stories from his childhood which he had spent at the banks of the Vistula. It was his first literary experiment reflecting the author’s firm bond to the environment which has ever aroused his sentiment. In Romania in 1970s and 1980s he was one of renowned authors. He was popular and even literary critics favoured him.

Before he went into exile – at that time he was 56 – he had published many books in Romania. Going to exile at an advanced age bears witness of his character. His aim was to change the environment where he has grown up, write and begin a new life stage in the native country of his ancestors.

For last 20 year he has attempted in his works to understand the social consciousness of a man who was a part of an inauspicious experiment called socialism and who has ever been an inwardly split personality. During the Stalin era in 1950s and the Ceausescu totalitarian regime he was allowed to publish his work, but only in a

286 DUDA, Virgil. Evreul ca simbol – Mihail Sebastian și alți. București: Editura Hasefer, 2004. 287 DUDA, Virgil. Despărțirea de Ierusalim. București: Editura Albatros, 2005. 124 curtailed form. In addition, they had to be under the sway of the regime. Although he wrote in harmony with communist ideology, he did his best to see the world in a realist way. Literature was for him a way out of difficult psychic situation. It was not easy in communist Romania to regain life harmony.

At the end of 1980s Duda’s home country started to change step by step. In spite of it – like many other Romanian Jewish writers – he did not come back home after 1989. Although Ceaușescu dictatorship was over, he did not find any reason for his return. Nevertheless, his works are still published in Romania and he himself from time to time visits it.

10.3 The novel Romania, the End of December

The novel Romania, the End of December was issued in 1991 in the publishing house Cartea Romanesca. It belongs to the genre of literary fiction and something between a novel and a report. After Duda settled down in Israel (1988) only several months after the fall of Ceausescu regime he published novel which was a disturbing testimony of the tragedy of the author’s mother country and the despair of Romanian intellectuals who decided to go into exile.

The novel is an autobiography depicting the author’s memories of life in the communist regime and dilemmas which he as a Jewish writer underwent in that communist society as well as the feelings of uprooting from the native country which he has ever loved so much. He tries to answer to the questions which he asked, which made him uneasy and pursued him in the times of Ceausescu dictatorship. The main themes of almost all Duda’s novels – and this one is not an exception - are the irony of life, social schizophrenia and the fate of an individual in opposition to a collective. To survive communist tyranny meant to wear an imaginary mask. In fact, such a mask deformed his real self.

The author often plays the role of an observer or a witness and attempts to remain dispassionate. Only in this way he is able to understand the reality into which the communist regime threw him. He looks at situations and motives of behaviour from various angles. The main idea of the work is relationship between politics and apolitical attitude, fight between courage and cowardice and life in which it is necessary both to live and dream.

125 The following fragment can serve as of one of the key moments of the story. “At the counter in the office of the State Secret Police a comic figurine of a captain screamed blue: You Jews studied at universities, but you have not learnt Romanian Language yet! People in the queue asking for a permit to move out – most of them were of Jewish origin – hurried to set me at ease.”288 He documented this experience before going into exile in the dialogue with Leon Volovici: “Anti-Semitism is an eternal and universal phenomenon, but we, the Jews, are very sensitive to when and how we should react to such a ‘grunting’ /a word used by Thomas Mann/.“289

The work documents the last years of the communist regime which was typical of terror, the tragic of weekdays and will to survive which meant to procure hot water and food. At that time many authors thought that the Romanians in the main deserved such sufferings under the communist regime. In this respect Duda pointed out that communism in Romania grew through to the very roots of the Romanian society and therefore it was not easy to destroy it. It was strong and survived long because it succeeded in the application of the mechanism of lies, threats and intimidation. The public had no information about social problems and the practices of the ruling communist party. The regime of intimidation and terror was not exclusively a Romanian phenomenon – it existed in all “socialist” countries with no less than destroying consequences.

The author does not try to “dissect” Romanian society. He recapitulated his own inward break. He understood that Romania has ceased to be his home country. He has not been able to live in the country of his ancestors. “I am a Jew who was born in a small town in Moldavia. I wanted to live and die in Romania like my ancestors who have had here their roots for thousands of years. The only thing I wanted was to write. I came to Jerusalem as a pilgrim who did not belong to any of three main world religions. I am in Israel. Why? To be brief, I am a writer and I came because of my profession. Life is like literature and literature is like life. A writer is tied to a country and its environment which

288 «La un ghişeu al Securităţii, o stîrpitură de căpitan i–a strigat scriitorului român care eram: Voi, evreii, aţi făcut studii superioare, dar tot n–aţi învăţat româneşte!? Oamenii de la acea coadă de candidaţi la exil, majoritatea români etnici, au sărit să mă liniştească.» See VOLOVICI, Leon. Dalog electronic: Leon Volovici şi Virgil Duda. In: România literară [online]. 2006, Numărul 16 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.romlit.ro/leon_volovici_i_virgil_duda 289 «Antisemitismul e un fenomen etern şi universal, dar noi, evreii, sîntem foarte receptivi la cît şi cum se reacţionează contra acestui grohăit, cum l–a caracterizat Thomas Mann.» See VOLOVICI, Leon, ref. 288. 126 formed him. Only a deformed regime like that of Ceausescu is able to uproot him from such a place.”290

The decisive impulse for going into exile was the loss of confidence in the regime which had neither logic nor sense for reality. Duda was sure that not only the Romanian society, but also literature underwent a period which he did not hesitate to call genocide. This and other reasons broke his trust in the political system. Romania was a country where he may have lived and worked but he did not feel longing or need to create there. For one who was convinced that writing was his profession and mission, “real reason for both private and public existence,”291 it was unthinkable to cease writing. There was no psychic barrier, but there was existential crisis. “One day I found that my inward surety that had resulted from the knowledge of who I was disappeared. Good and bad things, pleasant and unpleasant ones were gone. When I understood it I was terrified. How would I survive without my mother country?”292

Duda has ever had a sense for duty. He gives evidence that a writer does not live as an isolated individual but in symbiosis with other people. Writing is for him an act of revival, courage, knowledge – even of his self – and a certain form of therapy. Although autobiography is not his cup of tea, it played in his literary career an important role. It was not any stylistic masterpiece but it has its value as a testimony - it reflects objective reality, explains the author’s standpoints, asks questions on identity and gives the image of its creator.

The novel depicts characters pursued by their own “fictitious demons” (embodied for example by a communist activist, an officer of Securitate or a woman who uses her body to find better job and social benefits). Duda’s writing is risky to a certain extent because it is for him an instrument for the understanding of his self. The hub of his novels is relationship between literature and life, fiction and reality. Aurel Obramovici, the hero of the novel Saying Good-Bye to Jerusalem is sure that “in fact books come into the world merely from what is important to live for.”293

Glasberg, the hero of the above novel, lives in two worlds – the world of memories of the times when he used to live in Romania, and the world of reality where he lives

290 DUDA, Virgil. România. Sfârșît de decembrie. Tel Aviv, 1991, p. 66. 291 Idem, p. 10. 292 Idem, p. 39. 293 Idem, p. 325. 127 now. In similar situation is also Anton from the novel Un cetațean al lumii (Cosmopolitan) who lives both in the memories of his childhood in Bucharest and in the reality connected with the career of a journalist and a potential writer.

10.3.1 Reception The novel was written after the author’s going into exile in 1991. First it was published in Romanian language in Tel Aviv and then in Romania in the publishing house Cartea Românească under the title România. Sfârșît de decembrie (Romania, the End of December).

The literary work by Duda is still very popular in Romania. As he went into exile shortly before the fall of communism, he often comes back to his mother country and takes part in various symposiums and literary sessions. Although many exile authors face some critics of local writers who either could not or did not want to go into exile, Virgil Duda is not among them. The reason is simple – he went into exile shortly before the fall of the communist regime during which he experienced a lot of sufferings – inter alia for ethnic reasons. His books are published for Romanian readers not only in Israel but also in Romania. After the autobiography Romania, the End of December he published in Israel other novels and novelettes imbued with his own experience and memories of his mother country. In 1993 the novel Alvis și destinul (Alvis and Fate, the publishing house Fundația Culturala Română), the novel A trăi în pacăt (To Live in Sin, 1996) and the last of his autobiographies Viață cu efect întârziat (Timed Life, the publishing house Hasefer, 1998 and 2006) were published. In his novelette Șase femei (Six Women, the publishing house Albatros, 2002) he described the life of intellectuals in communist Romania. Then he returned to Jewish themes and the problem of the loss of identity and uprooting in his book of essays Evreul ca simbol (A Jew as a Symbol, 2004) and the novel Despărțirea de Ierusalim (Saying Good-Bye to Jerusalem, the publishing house Albatros, 2006). The last of his novels was Un cetațean al lumii (Cosmopolitan, the publishing house Polirom, 2011 whose contents differs from that of all previous works. It is a story of three friends who leave Romania and start ne life in a foreign country. Even the title is symptomatic – Cosmopolitan. No Jew, no Romanian, but Cosmopolitan.

Romanian critics received Duda’s novels positively and range him with the best Romanian prose-writers. Literary critic Mircea Iorgulescu said about him: “Virgil Duda is

128 one of the most important contemporary Romanian prose-writers.”294 His novels were awarded with several prestigious prizes not only in Romania but also in Israel: Premiul Uniunii Scriitorilor din România (Romanian Writers Union Prize, 1981), Premiul Organizației Sioniste Mondiale pentru întreagă opera (Prize of World Zionistic Organization for the Support of Literature, 1993), Premiul Sion al Asociației scriitorilor israelieni de limbă română (Zion Prize, Association of Israeli Writers of Romanian Language, 1999), Premiul ‘Sebastian Costin’ al Cercului cultural din Ierusalim (Sebastian Costin Prize, Cultural Association in Jerusalem, 2001), Premiul Asociației scriitorilor din București (Bucharest Writers’ Association Prize, 2003). The author has been cooperating with the periodicals Izvoare (The Sources) and Ultimă oră (Before the Closing Time).

Duda enriches his life experience with exile and projects personal memories to the heroes of his works. By his novels he won over both Israeli and Romanian readers. They witness the general validity of his works and the rightfulness of their appreciation. Editor Bianca Burta-Cernat in connexion with it wrote: “Within the evaluation of Romanian post-war prose Virgil Duda will take up in the chapter on prose-writers-analysts a special position.”295

10.3.2 Conclusion This chapter introduces a Romanian exile writer who left for Israel within the third and the last wave of the outflow of Romanian Jewish authors. Like some of his fellow- countrymen he became a respected personality of exile literary production. His novels and novelettes have both artistic and documentary value. He went into exile relatively late – at the end of 1980s, i.e. in the times when he was well-known as an author of many literary works. The reason of his going to exile was disagreement with the Ceausescu regime, especially the lack of possibility to write freely, hard censorship and necessity to keep his opinions secret. His prose is characterized by looking for relationship between fiction and reality as well as a writer and his alter-ego. In many features his works are similar to those by Philip Roth. Like Roth he also asks questions on fictitious dividing line between reality and fiction. Thanks to the richness of topics and means of literary

294 «Virgil Duda este unul dintre cei mai importanți prozători români de ăzi.» See Virgil Duda. In: artline.ro [online]. Martie 2014 [cit.2018-01-27] Available from: http://www.artline.ro/Virgil-Duda-33048-1-n.html 295 «În contextul unei reevaluari a prozei românesti postbelice, lui Virgil Duda s–ar cuveni un loc special în capitolul dedicat prozatorilor analiști.» See BURȚA-CERNAT, Bianca. Între două lumi. In: Observator cultural [online]. 13-11-2008 [cit.2018-01-27] Available from: http://www.observatorcultural.ro/articol/intre-doua-lumi 129 expression he nowadays belongs to the most renowned Israeli authors writing in Romanian language. Exile and the loss and retrieval of identity are still the most frequent themes of his books. He is not able to forget fully what he has experienced.

130 11 THE COMPARISON OF THE AUTHORS AND THEIR WORKS

This brief chapter is one of the pivotal parts of the dissertation. Its aim is to compare the life attitudes and literary production of two biggest and most renowned Romanian Jewish writers and specify their common and distinct features. Romanian Jewish literary exile can be likened to a coin whose sides are characterized most truthfully by the above authors. Elie Wiesel was born in an orthodox Jewish family. His father was an educated and respected Hasid who aroused his son’s interest in the study of literature and contributed to the forming of his intellectual profile. Aharon Appelfeld was born in a family of a comparably educated but much more practical-minded industrialist. It is a paradox that while Wiesel’s literary style was realistic and his criticism of the existing situation point-blank, Appelfeld advanced his views in metaphors and in his judgements he was milder. He let a reader himself to evaluate situations he wrote about although it could seem – in respect to the background in which they both grew up – that it would be the other way round. Maybe this is one of reasons why Appelfeld did not write his memoirs.

In many respects the fate of these two men was similar – they both were the Jews. They both were the eyewitnesses of the discrimination and unprecedented oppression of the Jewish nation in consequence of the rise of European Nazism whose worst attributes were devious theories of racial superiority and hardened anti-Semitism. They both found out what was the ghetto, experienced the nightmare of Holocaust and underwent the horrors of concentration camps where they realized what it meant to be a Jew. For them it was both unavoidable and logical to choose exile as the only way out of the black tunnel on whose end was not the light of life but the darkness of death.

In exile they underwent the period when they looked for and tried to retrieve their own identity and overcome language barriers. They did their best to assert themselves both in society and art, assimilate and integrate in a new environment. For both of them literature, journalism and cultural work became not only the means of the expression of their philosophy of life, opinions and self-realization but also and without exaggeration the sense of life which they looked for. Many literary appreciations and in case of Elie Wiesel even Nobel Prize bear witness that they gained successfully their literary ends. Elie Wiesel as an exile passed through several countries among which he preferred France as his new “mother country” because he both studied and taught there – in spite

131 of the fact that in respect to existing political situation he eventually exchanged it for the United States. He repeatedly returned to Israel which most of the Jewish exiles after 1948 considered their “promised land”, although he did not agree with everything what came about on its political arena. His main means of literary expression became French and English, but even Hebrew and Jewish were not unknown to him and he has never lost all love for his mother tongue - Romanian. He considered America his shelter, France his second home and Israel a soil which his Jewish roots grew in. He has never assimilated fully in any host country but has always preserved his Jewish identity and strong bond to Jewish traditions and culture. After 1989 when communism in Eastern Europe fell he was allowed to come back to his native country and go on his literary career, but like most of Jewish exile writers he did not do it. In spite of it Romania today has a possibility to make itself familiar with his works which have been translated to many languages including Romanian one.

Unlike Elie Wiesel considered a Romanian Jewish writer, Aharon Appelfeld who went into permanent exile in Israel is considered more an Israeli than a Romanian author. He chose Palestine (Israel) as a terminus of his literary and life journey and he still speaks about it as about his biblical homeland. Although Jewish and German are his mother tongues he chose Hebrew as his literary and communication language. In his new mother country he assimilated fully and he feels no bonds to Romania. Nowadays he is considered one of the best Hebrew authors writing about Holocaust. It is evident that both Elie Wiesel and Aharon Appelfeld had the same reasons for exile – not only political and religious but also generally human ones. Nevertheless, each of them perceived this fatal event which had given their lives new directions and dimensions in a different way. In respect to the mission which they fulfilled by their works and attitudes to the last bit, these differences are not decisive. It is important that both authors can serve as examples of the legitimacy of Romanian Jewish literary exile and its capacity for action. Its reasons are in sharp contrast with the motives of contemporary exiles who are led abroad exclusively by the vision of better economic situation and more comfortable living.

132 12 THE RESUMÉ OF THE DISSERTATION

The second half of 20th century was for the Romanians and the Jews one of the most difficult periods in the history of the Romanian state. Romanian literature found itself under the pressure of Ceausescu propaganda. It tried to free from it but it has not always been successful. Many authors found themselves on the black list of forbidden ones and their works were liquidated. The mains artistic stream was so-called socialist realism which has influenced and formed Romanian literature for more than 40 years. A lot of Romanian writers became silent. They either went into exile because they did not want to create and propagate this genre of literature, or submitted to the regime and were under the thumb of political and cultural events. One of them was for example Romanian Jewish writer Ion Călugaru who was under the sway of the regime which he confirmed by his socialist prose Oțel și pâine (Steel and Bread). In the second half of 1960 censorship became weaker, but this period was too short and it was followed by that of even harder repressions.

The dissertation gives deeper insight into Romanian Jewish literary exile in Israel, its history, importance, function, social context and aesthetic contribution. In the Czech Republic this topic has not been worked up or interest in it is merely marginal. The above dissertation is one of the first studies which deal in the issue of Romanian Jewish literary exile and the literary production of Romanian Jewish authors in Israel. It analyses its importance for Romanian and Israeli literature whose specific genre it represents. It deals in the social context of the origin of those literary works and their influence on readers both in Romania and Israel. The most debatable issue is its aesthetic contribution296 and evaluation criteria.297

Exile is an escape from a mother country caused mostly by political changes. It has penetrated the whole history of mankind and has had strong influence on cultural – and consequently also literary – sphere. I set the topic of Romanian literary exile to the period between 1945 and 1989. I perceive exile as the making of home abroad. Exiles wanted to feel in a foreign country as if they were at home. They suffered from the feeling of uprooting and breaking family ties. They longed for home and did they best to

296 MARTÍNEK, Libor. K pojetí estetické hodnoty v díle Jana Mukařovského a jeho následovníků [online]. Opava: Bohemystika, 2008 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: http://www.bohemistyka.pl/artykuly/2008/ART_Martinek.pdf 297 CHVATÍK, Květoslav. Strukturální estetika. Praha: Host, 2001. 133 preserve it. Each of them has his own angle of view of exile. Most of Romanian Jews in Israel tried to preserve Romanian language. They published in their mother tongue and were socially, culturally and literarily very active. The founded associations for their fellow-countrymen, had their own publishing house, published newspapers and kept relationship to their native country. Although they preserved some original identity, they had to build up a new one.

In their new home they attempted to show that they were the representatives of a cultural nation, give information on their original native country and depict it in the best way. Israel, the new retreat of those exiles, was an advanced country as for culture and literature and that is why it was not easy for them to assert themselves there. Most of Romanian Jews succeeded, although with some difficulties. Those people longed for return home, but in the communist era something like this remained merely wishful thinking. They idealized their original home to a certain extent. When after 1989 they had chance that their dream would come true and they would be allowed to come back to their native country, most of them refused.

Some individuals attempted to assimilate and avoided their fellow-countrymen because they wanted to find their feet to settle in a new environment and language. For Romanian Jews who came from families of believers and grew up on the background of Jewish traditions such assimilation was easier and faster. Not all individuals had opportunity for traditional education. For most of them exile was a very difficult starting line for life in a strange environment with a language which did not resemble their mother tongue at all.

German research worker Eva Behring said about exile literature as follows: “Having been aware of the fact that exile would be long, writers, critics and historians created a new conception. In addition to prevailing conservative traditional concepts in the literature of socialist Romania our criticism appear. Its focus is belief in own literary production. We did not doubt about exile literature sui generis. We spoke about criticism, history, methods and theories which were unique in exile. Works got into shape of real literary creation in contrast with official literature in the home country.”298

298 «O dată cu certitudinea că exilu lva fi de durată mai lungă, apare și o nouă concepție asupra rolului scriitorului, al criticului și al istoricului literar. Pe lângă principiile preponderente până acum, ale conservării tradițiilor și deliminării lor de literatura cultivată în România socialistă, se iveau criterii noi. În centru apărea credința unei creații artistice proprii. Literatura de exil „sui generis” nu mai era pusă la 134 In my dissertation I focused above all on the issue of the identity of Romanian Jewish literary exile in Israel. My methodology consisted in the analysis of the literary heritage of Aharon Appelfeld, Elie Wiesel, Eugen Luca and Virgil Duda with regard to how they were affected with their experience with Holocaust, the loss of identity, the economic, political, cultural and social situation of the host country and religious traditions of their ancestors. On the background of life stories of exiles in Israel I attempted to map Romanian-Jewish exile where not only common but also different features can be found. Romanian Jewish writers went into exile gradually and their creation has always been defined by political, social and cultural context. Many of them had one common impulse – Holocaust. The participants in the first wave of the outflow of exiles in war and post-war periods had personal experience with it. In a new mother country they had to integrate and cope with the lack of finances, hardships and fight for survival. Exile meant for them not only freedom but also the change of social, economic, religious and political environment in which they had no other choice but to gain credit and new identity. Adaptation in a new country did not do without the feeling of uprooting and helplessness which reflected in their works. They left their country because they were of Jewish origin. The post-war political regime had for them neither compassion nor opportunity to assert themselves in the society. They were considered to be a burden and their ideas something incompatible with new “progressive” opinions.

For many Jewish writers literature was a way of escape from reality. Thanks to it they could be in certain contact with both their mother country and their mother tongue. By writing they faced their bitter lot. At the beginning they applied their mother tongue by means of which they took refuge in an imaginative world which protected them from the real one. They returned in literature to their native country and in memories they preserved its image. Romanian Jewish writers wrote mostly – but not always - in their mother tongue. Some authors – for example Elie Wiesel – wrote in Jewish and French, others – for example Aharon Appelfeld – wrote in Hebrew. The works of those two authors demonstrate a “double face” of Romanian literary exile. Both of them assimilated fully and felt uprooting from their native country, resigned their mother tongue and wrote exclusively in the language of the country which adopted them. While Aharon Appelfeld wrote in Hebrew, Elie Wiesel wrote in several languages. Unlike

îndoială. Era vorba de o folosire critică și istorică a metodelor și teoriilor care erau marcate de condițiile specifice ale exilului: scrierile căpătau tot mai mult valabilitate fiind creații opuse modelelor oficiale din patrie.» See BEHRING, Eva, ref. 15, str. 63. 135 Appelfeld he used Yiddish, French and English. Authors who assimilated partly wrote in their mother tongue. At the beginning they were apprehensive of their ability to draw near to a new reader. When they made themselves acquainted with a new language and cultural environment some of them started writing in Hebrew. Many of them were bilingual. Bilingualism has often prevented them from full assertion in their profession. While they wrote novels, short stories or newspaper articles in the language of the host country, in professional publications the preferred their mother tongue.

Why the Jewish intellectuals went in the second half of 20th century into exile? They did not agree with the communist regime in Romania. In exile they attempted to point out the situation in their country – the iniquity and tyranny of the Ceausescu regime. Although nowadays, i.e. 28 years after the fall of communism it is merely the past, exile literature has still its un-exchangeable values. For the sake of the mapping of Romanian Jewish exile in Israel dictionaries, essays and plays by Alexandru Mirodan, polemic and critical articles by Leon Volovici and anti-Communist articles and prosaic works by Virgil Duda were written. “Why the Romanians support dictatorship and do not protest?”299

The literary production of Jewish writers before going into exile was represented both y the authors who were allowed to publish and those who were not. After their going into exile their works were withdrawn from public libraries and bookshops. In their new homeland they had the freedom of speech and could express what they felt. In spite of it they faced some problems – above all they did not know how readers would accept their works. Many of Jewish authors took refuge in traditional themes from Jewish environment or in the theme of Holocaust. The works written in exile nowadays do not attract contemporary readers too much. The exceptions are those which return to the issue of Holocaust. Some works of Romanian Jewish writers are published even in Romania – especially those of Aharon Appelfeld, Elie Wiesel, Virgil Duda, Eugen Luca, Leon Volovici, Tatiana Lovinescu and others. These authors suffered from the loss of identity, but as they had no other chance they gradually came to terms with exile. They did not wonder which works were more important – either those written in exile or those written in their mother country. The works were published in Romanian and Hebrew, in Israel and in Romania. While in Israel their works were known mostly among the members of the Romanian-Jewish minority, in Romania they were assigned

299 «De ce suportă românii dictatura, fără să se răzvratească.» See MANOLESCU, Florin, ref. 4, s. 256. 136 to the general public. A contemporary Romanian reader perceives the works of Romanian Jewish writers as an integral part of literature as a whole and does not ask the question whether they originated in exile or on the territory of Romania.

That is why one of the main goals of this dissertation was not only to analyze the literary production of the above authors but also to include it in the context of contemporary Romanian and Israeli prose. Literature which originated on the territory of Israel is today published also in Romania. Such a situation remains a unique phenomenon within world literature as a whole.

137 13 SUMMARY

The first Jewish intellectuals, writers, and journalists writing in Romanian language in the second half of the nineteenth century, came predominantly from Bucovina and Galicia. As they settled in Moldavia or Walachia, they brought along a heritage acquired in Hasidic families; they knew Hebrew and Yiddish. Many of their earliest literary efforts were in those languages, but most of them integrated quickly, adopting Romanian for their journalistic and literary work even as they treated exclusively Jewish topics. Thus a large and diverse group of Romanian Jewish writers emerged. The earliest of these persionalities, acknowledged as a significant figure was Moise Ronetti–Roman (1853– 1908). In his work and particularly in his drama named Manasse (1900) he was one of the first pioneers who openly brought up the question how to treat the dilemmas of Jewish identity and the experience of assimilation as a literary theme. Many of his successors also addressed the existential crises of acculturating Romanian Jews. They sought to express the suffering of the Jews together with their own torments as writers torn between their desire to pursue a Romanian literary career and the urge to give voice to the situation of their own community and cultural traditions.

At the same time that Jewish intellectuals were acquiring prominence in Romanian culture, resistance and opposition to and equality was gaining strength. Even in the nineteenth century, Romanian literature and journalism were involved deeply in the creation of an antisemitic stereotype in culture, and became a significant element in Romanian nationalist ideology. While some addressed Jewish subjects and others were part of broader cultural trends, it was not uncommon for writers to address Jewish topics in some of their works. Of those for whom Jewish national consciousness was at the forefront of their concerns, Abraham Leib Zissu (1888–1956) is often considered a founding figure. His novels and short stories are concerned exclusively with Jewish topics. Zissu’s closest disciple was the journalist and writer Isac Ludo (1894–1972). Through the reviews Mântuirea (The Redemption; 1919– 1922), and Ştiri din lumea evreiască (News from the Jewish World; 1922–1940), Zissu and Ludo became leading figures of a “Jewish literature” in Romania, with Jewish themes. They targeted mainly Jewish audience. From 1929, Ludo edited the social–cultural review Adam, a substantial publication dedicated to Judaism, to the works of Jewish writers worldwide, and to the social and political issues of Jewish life in Romania. The

138 reviews and newspapers managed by Zissu and Ludo attracted a substantial group of journalists and writers. While the writers were generally unremarkable, the journalists fulfilled a significant cultural and social function in Romanian Jewish life. At the beginning of their literary careers, two of the most important Jewish writers, Felix Aderca (1891–1962) and Beniamin Fundoianu (1898–1944), were very close to the circle dominated by Zissu, Linked to the avant–garde group (after his emigration to France in 1923, as a French poet and philosopher, he used the name Benjamin Fondane), Fundoianu’s ties to A. L. Zissu and his topics concerning modern Judaism remained strong and significant. Jewish writers represented a strong component of the Romanian literary avant–garde, an affiliation explained by the absence of xenophobia among Romanian modernists and by the solidarity among literary radicals. The international spirit of the group promoted its affiliation with the European avant–garde movement, both in painting (Marcel Iancu [1895–1984] – emigrated to Israel, [1903–1966] – emigrated to France, and others) and in literature primarly focusing on describing Romanian Jewish life, stressing social issues (poverty, alienation, decline of the values treasured by the traditional Jewish world) or narrating episodes from the chronicle of antisemitic discrimination and persecutions.

The integration of many Jewish writers into Romanian culture generated identity dilemmas and inner debates that often had a considerable effect on their work. Such questions and dilemmas became more acute in the 1930s. Debates touched on the dilemma “Jewish writer or Romanian writer,” and on the soul and inner structure of writers with dual cultural roots. Reflections of such torments were expressed by several Romanian writers aware of the problems agitating their Jewish colleagues. A review edited by Romanian intellectuals of socialist convictions (Facla) even organized a survey titled “Romanian Writer—Jewish Writer” (in 1935), asking writers to respond and “solve” the issue. As expected, the answers were contradictory. Some respondents, including I. Peltz and C. Baltazar, identified themselves as Romanian writers exclusively; others, such as U. Benador, treasured their dual spiritual roots.

As political forces grew stronger, and especially after 1933 with the rise of Nazi power, prominent Jewish writers were engaged in fierce confrontations not only in defense of their legitimacy and against antisemitism, but also with the nationalist Jewish press. A scandal was set off by Sebastian’s novel De două mii de ani (For Two Thousand Years; 1934), which addressed the themes of dual cultural roots and the confrontation

139 with antisemitism. The preface written by his former spiritual guide, the orthodoxist philosopher , who had meanwhile abruptly converted to the ideology of the Iron Guard, was a clear and implacable theological justification of antisemitism.

The denial of Jewish writers’ legitimacy, supported ideologically in “scientific” studies on the Jews racial inferiority and on the harmful “Judaic spirit,” as well as in aggressive press campaigns, also led to administrative measures: Jewish writers were excluded from the Romanian Writers Society in 1937. They were excluded from publishing in the Romanian press, their books were removed from bookshops. In just a few years, all these writers, regardless of what they considered themselves or of how attached they were to Romanian culture, ended up totally excluded from Romanian literary life and—willingly or unwillingly—were confined to a symbolic ghetto.

During World War II, the Jews shared the wave of discriminatory laws and even faced the reality of living in ghettos, deportations and death. As they were prevented from publishing, some continued their creative work focusing more than before on Jewish themes and creating exceptional testimonies on the Jewish intellectual situation under the Marshal Ion Antonescu regime, a loyal supporter of Hitler. The Jewish community’s faced daily threats of deportations to the concentration camps, deprivations, and antisemitic laws. Antonescu viewed the Romanian Jewish population as "Judeo–Bolshevik" and with this image in the mind of average Romanians, had a free hand to put in motion his plans to kill as many Jews as possible.

Before WWII the Jewish Community in Romania stood at 800,000 Jews. At the end of the WWII only 400,000 Romanian Jews remained. Of those remaining Jews, more than 350,000 Jews immigrated to Israel in early 1950's and 1960's. (Today there are only about 7,000 – 9,000 Jews left in Romania, most of them elderly). Most members of the Jewish Community live in Bucharest.300

The dilemmas Jewish Romanian writers faced were extended, in different forms and in a completely different context, during the decade following the establishment of the Communist regime. The reintegration of many Jewish artists and writers into cultural life, and even their promotion to positions of cultural prestige and political authority,

300 Statistici ale evolutiei numerice a populatiei evreiesti din Romania in perioada 1930 – sfarsitul celui de-al doilea razboi mondial. In: CER și pământ românesc [online]. 31/10/2013 [cit. 2018-01-27]. Available from: https://cersipamantromanesc.wordpress.com/tag/statistica–populatiei–evreiesti–in– romania/ 140 were acquired in exchange for an ideological conformism that jeopardized their work. Some, such as Isac Ludo or Ury Benador (who also participated in anti-Zionist campaigns), did not resist the new realist-socialist temptation that seemed to provide a perfect solution to the dilemmas of identity.

The communist regime which ruled Romania for 50 years did its best to ignore Romania’s responsibility towards the suffering of its Jewish minority. In order to avoid potential problems created by their Jewish origins many Romanian Jews who chose to remain in Romania Romanized their Jewish names. Those that did not do so were suspected of not being loyal to Romania. Some of them paid for this commitment with artistic failure. The most gifted of them, had emigrated primarly to France, Izrael and the USA.

The evocation of was notable even during the communist period when literature was dominated by the official ideology. The trauma of pogroms, the Transnistrian camps or the concentration camps were reflected in numerous literary expressions in the first years after the war with outstanding achievements in the poetry and in the prose. A first version of Paul Celan’s famous “Todesfuge” was released in Petre Solomon’s translation (he himself was an outstanding Jewish poet and translator) when Celan was still in Bucharest (was born in Bucovina and emigrated to Vienna, later settled in France where he died). The holocaust theme also appeared with literary complexity in the works of Romanian Jewish prose writers Aharon Appelfeld [1932– 20218], Virgil Duda [1939 – ], Elie Wiesel [1928 – 2016] and other emigrants and concentration camp survivors.

The emigration of the Jews from Romania in the very first period of the communist rule was a period that witnessed a strong Aliyah due to several factors such as the creation of the State of Israel on May 14, 1948, and Romania’s social and political conditions at the time. Thus, the rights that Jews had between the two World Wars were not fully restored; moreover, the Jews did not have faith in the new regime and they continued to face acts of anti-Semitism. One important factor was the activity of the Zionist movement. Its leaders urged Jews to emigrate. The scale of the Aliyah wave, during the 1950s, was an unpleasant surprise for the Romanian authorities. They feared this fact would bring about a negative image of Romania abroad. As far as Jewish emigration was concerned, the Communist Party had a confusing, changing attitude,

141 over time. By the end of 1952, one third of the Jewish population from Romania (about 110,000 people) had already gone to the State of Israel.

The rediscovery of Jewish traditions can also be detected with several writers from the generation immediately after the war. Alexandru Mirodan (1927–) inaugurated the new spirit of returning to sources in dramatic works. In a variety of forms—lyrical motifs, biblical , choosing literary characters from the Jewish environment, evoking the holocaust, memories, confessions, essays—the Jewish universe, dealt with directly or only suggested, can be detected in the prose of Virgil Duda and in the critical and essayistic works of Ovid S. Crohmălniceanu (1921–2000), (1930–2001), the immediate holocaust experiences are confessed in the novels of Aharon Appelfeld (1932–2018) and the prose of Elie Wiesel (1928–2016) two famous writers who survived holocaust they wrote about the evacuation of Jewish homes, forced labor, deportation to Transnistria, the antisemitic universe, and the cultural life of the Jewish community during the war. Against this background, some Jewish writers of the younger generation initiated a process of rediscovering the Judaic tradition.

During the Communist years, and especially during Nicolae Ceauşescu’s dictatorship, an unusually large number of Jewish writers left Romania and settled in Israel, where they continued to write in Romanian. Among those who made this choice were the poet Maier Rudich, the literary critic Iosef Eugen Campus (1915– ), Shaul Carmel (1937– ), Solo Har–Herescu (1928– ), the prose writer Iosif Petran (1932–2005), Iosif Schechter (1934–2007), the playwright Alexandru Mirodan (1927 – 2010), later followed by the writers Virgil Duda (1939–), Andrei Fischof (1940–), Tania Lovinescu (1924– ) and others.

After the fall of communism, they were able to publish their work in Romania. While editing the monthly review Minimum (since 1987) in Israel, Mirodan wrote Dicționarul neconvențional al scriitorilor evrei de limbă română (Unconventional Dictionary of Jewish Writers in Romanian; the two first volumes were published in 1986 and 1997), a captivating combination of literary erudition and personal reflection. Virgil Duda eventually published novels and essays with a marked receptivity toward Jewish surroundings and the fate of Romanian Jewry during the holocaust. Eugen Campus (1915), Ileana Vrancea (1929–) Eugen Luca (1923–1997), Josif Petran (1932–2005) and Leon Volovici (1938–) continued their literary careers in Israel.

142 During the inter-war and post-war period in Romania the existence of literature was a guarantee for providing people with spiritual values. The instauration of the communist regime in Romania has blurred the researches regarding the history of Romanian Jewish literature, the well-known ideological perspective of people role in the history and of class struggles had as consequence the minimization and falsification of historical role. Within this cultural context, the history of literature, of outstanding characters came again to the attention of the Romanian research.

143 14 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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