Humor As Political Protest
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR
asdf PMUNC 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR Chair: Jacob Sackett-Sanders JCC PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair Letter…………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………….………………………………………………….4 Topics of Concern………………………...………………….………………6 The Space Race…...……………………………....………………….....6 The Third World...…………………………………………......………7 The Eastern Bloc………………………………………………………9 The Chinese Communists…………………………………………….10 De-Stalinization and Domestic Reform………………………………11 Committee Members….……………………………………………………..13 2 JCC PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, It is my great pleasure to give you an early welcome to PMUNC 2015. My name is Jacob, and I’ll be your chair, helping to guide you as you take on the role of the Soviet political elites circa 1961. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, at Princeton I study Slavic Languages and Literature. The Eastern Bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, have long been interests of mine. Our history classes and national consciousness often paints them as communist enemies, but in their own ways, they too helped to shape the modern world that we know today. While ultimately failed states, they had successes throughout their history, contributing their own shares to world science and culture, and that’s something I’ve always tried to appreciate. Things are rarely as black and white as the paper and ink of our textbooks. During the conference, you will take on the role of members of the fictional Soviet Advisory Committee on Centralization and Global Communism, a new semi-secret body intended to advise the Politburo and other major state organs. You will be given unmatched power but also faced with a variety of unique challenges, such as unrest in the satellite states, an economy over-reliant on heavy industry, and a geopolitical sphere of influence being challenged by both the USA and an emerging Communist China. -
Číslo Ke Stažení V
Knihovna města Petřvald Foto Monika Molinková 4 MĚSÍČNÍK PRO KNIHOVNY Cena 40 Kč * * OBSAH MĚSÍČNÍK PRO KNIHOVNY 4 2015 ročník 67 FROM THE CONTENTS 123 ..... * TOPIC: National Digital Library – under the lid Luděk Tichý |123 * INTERVIEW with Vlastimil Vondruška, Czech writer and historian: 1 Pod pokličkou Národní digitální knihovny Vydává: “Books are written to please the readers, not the critics…” * Luděk Tichý Středočeská vědecká knihovna v Kladně, Lenka Šimková, Zuzana Mračková |125 příspěvková organizace Středočeského kraje, ..... * Klára’s cookbook or Ten recipes for library workshops: 125 ul. Generála Klapálka 1641, 272 01 Kladno „Knihy se nepíšou proto, aby se líbily literárním Non-fiction in museum sauce Klára Smolíková |129 * REVIEW: How philosopher Horáček came to Paseka publishers kritikům, ale čtenářům…“ Evid. č. časopisu MK ČR E 485 and what came of it Petr Nagy |131 * Lenka Šimková, Zuzana Mračková ISSN 0011-2321 (Print) ISSN 1805-4064 (Online) * INTERVIEW with PhDr. Dana Kalinová, World of Books Director: Šéfredaktorka: Mgr. Lenka Šimková Choosing from the range will be difficult again… Olga Vašková |133 ..... 129 Redaktorka: Bc. Zuzana Mračková * The future of public libraries in the Czech Republic in terms Grafická úprava a sazba: Kateřina Bobková of changes to the pensions system and social dialogue Poučné knížky v muzejní omáčce * Klára Smolíková Renáta Salátová |135 Sídlo redakce (příjem inzerce a objednávky na předplatné): * FROM ABROAD: The road to Latvia or Observations 131 ..... Středočeská vědecká knihovna v Kladně, from the Di-Xl conference Petr Schink |138 Kterak filozof Horáček k nakladatelství Paseka příspěvková organizace, Gen. Klapálka 1641, 272 01 Kladno * The world seen very slowly by Jan Drda Naděžda Čížková |142 přišel a co z toho vzešlo * Petr Nagy Tel.: 312 813 154 (Lenka Šimková) * FROM THE TREASURES… of the West Bohemian Museum Library Tel.: 312 813 138 (Bc. -
Chapter 32 Sec 3 End of the Cold War Section___Focus Question
Name ______________________ Date ___________ Chapter 32 Sec 3 End of the Cold War Section__________ Focus Question: What were Reaganʼs foreign policies and how did they contribute to the fall of communism in Europe? President Reagan believed that Peace would come through strength rather than the policy of détente. He also believed that the US had to challenge communism to weaken it. How would he do this? 1. Build up military-new nuclear weapons 2. Support and aid anti-communists around the world A. Reagan builds up the military. 1. largest peacetime military build up 2. Billions of dollars to development and productions of new weapons, B1, B-2 bombers, MX missile system 3. Reagan knew the economy of Soviet Union could not support massive military build up 4. Strategic Defense Initiative/Star Wars—land and space lasers would destroy any missile aimed at US before it hit its target B. Reagan aids and supports anti-communists around the world 1. Afghanistan --- 1979 Soviet Union invades Afghanistan US funded and trained the Mujahadeen (guerilla forces on holy mission for Allah). Soviets begin to pull out 1988 2. Grenada --- small island nation in Caribbean Government taken over by radicals aided by Cuba US invades to keep Granada from becoming Communist outpost and to help Medical students there. 3. El Salvador --- US supports a right wing (less government control of people) government. Congress said the government there “rotten” and US should not aid. Decided aid dependent on government making progress with human rights 4. Nicaragua --- New Government, Sandanistas in control, socialist form of govt. -
Baltic Sea Sweden ◆ Finland ◆ St
of Changing Tides History cruising the Baltic Sea Sweden ◆ Finland ◆ St. Petersburg ◆ Estonia ◆ Poland ◆ Denmark Featuring Guest Speakers Lech Pavel WałĘsa Palazhchenko Former President of Poland Interpreter and Advisor for Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Mikhail Gorbachev July 7 to 16, 2020 Dear Rutgers Alumni and Friends, Join us for the opportunity to explore the lands and legacies forged by centuries of Baltic history. Hear and learn firsthand from historic world leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and former president of Poland Lech Wałęsa and from Pavel Palazhchenko, interpreter and advisor for former Soviet Union president Mikhail Gorbachev. This unique Baltic Sea voyage features six countries and seven UNESCO World Heritage sites. Our program is scheduled during the best time of year to experience the natural phenomenon of the luminous “White Nights.” Experience the cultural rebirth of the Baltic States and the imperial past of St. Petersburg, Russia, while cruising aboard the exclusively chartered, five-star Le Dumont-d’Urville, launched in 2019 and featuring only 92 ocean-view suites and staterooms. In the tradition of ancient Viking mariners and medieval merchants, set forth from the cosmopolitan Swedish capital of Stockholm to Denmark’s sophisticated capital city of Copenhagen. Spend two days docked in the heart of regal St. Petersburg, featuring visits to the world-acclaimed State Hermitage Museum, the Peter and Paul Fortress, and the spectacular tsarist palaces in Pushkin and Peterhof. See the storied architecture of Helsinki, Finland; tour the well-preserved medieval Old Town of Tallinn, Estonia; explore the former Hanseatic League town of Visby on Sweden’s Gotland Island; and immerse yourself in the legacy of the Solidarity movement in Gdańsk, Poland. -
A Haif-Democratiic Russia Will Always Be a Half-Aliy to the United States
A Haif-Democratiic Russia Will Always Be a Half-Aliy to the United States MICHAEL MCFAUL AND NIKOLAI ZLOBIN T he improvement in Russian-American relations is one of the few positive fac- tors in the muddled picture of international relations today. Russian president Vladimir Putin's support for the American struggle against international terror- ism has elevated communications between two former enemies to a new level Politicians on either side of the ocean are calling the. United States and Russia "allies ." Noting the decisiveness with which President Putin supports the United States and Washington's extremely positive reaction to this, many Russian politi- cians and public figures have begun speaking openly of Russia's entry into West- ern organizations and unions. Membership in the World Trade Organization is discussed in Moscow as an obvious reward that Russia should receive for sup- porting American military actions; entry into the European Union is brought up as a relatively near goal, and so forth. The hopes are great, but do they reflect reality? Inflated expectations and skewed assessments of the speed and character of Russia's integration into the West are dangerous. It is true that the new situation brings forth many hopes, but it also provides the groundwork for possible future disillusion. Russia's drive toward integration must be welcomed, but without open discussions concerning the entire range of problems hampering the development of relations between Russia and the West, Russian and American officials are simply exaggerating unrealistic expectations, the collapse of which could seriously complicate relations in the future. This is a replay of the situation ten years ago, when an absence of pragmatism led to the appearance of hopes that were never realized. -
Perestroika and the Proletariat
PERESTROIKA AND THE PROLETARIAT Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin Like most western leftists of our generation, we became socialists despite the Soviet example of authoritarian Communism. We had little patience with an earlier generation given to be more apologetic for many of the events that amounted to a tragic and terrible aberration of socialist ideals. But while we celebrated the turn to political freedom in the USSR since Gorbachev, and the revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989, we were at the same time disturbed that the trajectory of change appeared towards capitalism. Was a transition to democratic socialism at all on the agenda, if not in Eastern Europe, then at least in the USSR? The answer mattered in terms of the scope for socialist politics in the West. Having been hamstrung in our politics (among many other reasons) by the negative example afforded by authoritarian Communism in the East ("See what socialist revolution leads to!"), were we now to be hamstrung again by the collapse of authoritarian Communism ("Even they have opted for capitalism! ")? With these questions uppermost in mind, we undertook a visit to the Soviet Union in June 1990. In addition to the perspective afforded by meeting some of the intellectuals, journalists, academicians, political leaders and activists who compose Moscow's political class, we especially wanted to see what impact the process of political and economic change was having on workers, and what role they were playing in the process, as this might be revealed in terms of the activities of the party, the trade unions, the informal workers committees and the relation between managers and workers in the enterprises. -
Annual Report
KENNAN INSTITUTE Annual Report October 1, 2002–September 30, 2003 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org KENNAN INSTITUTE Kennan Institute Annual Report October 1, 2002–September 30, 2003 Kennan Institute Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Kennan Moscow Project One Woodrow Wilson Plaza Galina Levina, Alumni Coordinator 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Ekaterina Alekseeva, Project Manager Washington,DC 20004-3027 Irina Petrova, Office Manager Pavel Korolev, Project Officer (Tel.) 202-691-4100;(Fax) 202-691-4247 www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan Kennan Kyiv Project Yaroslav Pylynskyj, Project Manager Kennan Institute Staff Nataliya Samozvanova, Office Manager Blair A. Ruble, Director Nancy Popson, Deputy Director Research Interns 2002-2003 Margaret Paxson, Senior Associate Anita Ackermann, Jeffrey Barnett, Joseph Bould, Jamey Burho, Bram F.Joseph Dresen, Program Associate Caplan, Sapna Desai, Cristen Duncan, Adam Fuss, Anton Ghosh, Jennifer Giglio, Program Associate Andrew Hay,Chris Hrabe, Olga Levitsky,Edward Marshall, Peter Atiq Sarwari, Program Associate Mattocks, Jamie Merriman, Janet Mikhlin, Curtis Murphy,Mikhail Muhitdin Ahunhodjaev, Financial Management Specialist Osipov,Anna Nikolaevsky,Elyssa Palmer, Irina Papkov, Mark Polyak, Edita Krunkaityte, Program Assistant Rachel Roseberry,Assel Rustemova, David Salvo, Scott Shrum, Erin Trouth, Program Assistant Gregory Shtraks, Maria Sonevytsky,Erin Trouth, Gianfranco Varona, Claudia Roberts, Secretary Kimberly Zenz,Viktor Zikas Also employed at the Kennan Institute during the 2002-03 In honor of the city’s 300th anniversary, all photographs in this report program year: were taken in St. Petersburg, Russia.The photographs were provided by Jodi Koehn-Pike, Program Associate William Craft Brumfield and Vladimir Semenov. -
Yeltsin's Winning Campaigns
7 Yeltsin’s Winning Campaigns Down with Privileges and Out of the USSR, 1989–91 The heresthetical maneuver that launched Yeltsin to the apex of power in Russia is a classic representation of Riker’s argument. Yeltsin reformulated Russia’s central problem, offered a radically new solution through a unique combination of issues, and engaged in an uncompro- mising, negative campaign against his political opponents. This allowed Yeltsin to form an unusual coalition of different stripes and ideologies that resulted in his election as Russia’s ‹rst president. His rise to power, while certainly facilitated by favorable timing, should also be credited to his own political skill and strategic choices. In addition to the institutional reforms introduced at the June party conference, the summer of 1988 was marked by two other signi‹cant developments in Soviet politics. In August, Gorbachev presented a draft plan for the radical reorganization of the Secretariat, which was to be replaced by six commissions, each dealing with a speci‹c policy area. The Politburo’s adoption of this plan in September was a major politi- cal blow for Ligachev, who had used the Secretariat as his principal power base. Once viewed as the second most powerful man in the party, Ligachev now found himself chairman of the CC commission on agriculture, a position with little real in›uence.1 His ideological portfo- lio was transferred to Gorbachev’s ally, Vadim Medvedev, who 225 226 The Strategy of Campaigning belonged to the new group of soft-line reformers. His colleague Alexan- der Yakovlev assumed responsibility for foreign policy. -
In March 1972 the Leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet
MueRecognitionller in Return for Détente? Recognition in Return for Détente? Brezhnev, the EEC, and the Moscow Treaty with West Germany, 1970–1973 ✣ Wolfgang Mueller Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/13/4/79/697792/jcws_a_00167.pdf by guest on 24 September 2021 In March 1972 the leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Leonid Brezhnev, unexpectedly suggested that the Soviet Union might be willing to recognize the European Economic Community (EEC). Until that point, the Soviet Union had refused to recognize the EEC and had regularly and vigorously attacked it as a “community of monopolists” and a stalking horse for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Brezhnev’s predecessor, Nikita Khrushchev, had conveyed similar signals re- garding possible recognition in 1962, but he never turned the idea into reality. In contrast, some ten years later, Brezhnev inspired the start of negotiations between the EEC and the Soviet bloc’s Council of Mutual Economic Assis- tance (CMEA). This article draws on Soviet archival documents as well as Western and Russian publications and memoirs to analyze the background, circumstances, and consequences of Brezhnev’s initiative. The article gives special attention to the following questions: What convinced Brezhnev and his colleagues in 1972 to change their hitherto uniformly negative assessment of the EEC? Was this change the result of a major policy reassessment or simply a byproduct of other considerations? How was the initiative linked with broader Soviet foreign policy goals? Why was it not ultimately successful? In answering these questions, the article traces the external and internal factors that inspired the Soviet initiative, including the EEC enlargement process, East-West détente, CMEA integra- tion, Ostpolitik, and Soviet and East European economic and political develop- ments. -
Mikhail Gorbachev's Speech in Murmansk at the Ceremonial Meeting on the Occasion of the Presentation of the Order of Lenin and the Gold Star to the City of Murmansk
MIKHAIL GORBACHEV'S SPEECH IN MURMANSK AT THE CEREMONIAL MEETING ON THE OCCASION OF THE PRESENTATION OF THE ORDER OF LENIN AND THE GOLD STAR TO THE CITY OF MURMANSK Murmansk, 1 Oct. 1987 Indeed, the international situation is still complicated. The dangers to which we have no right to turn a blind eye remain. There has been some change, however, or, at least, change is starting. Certainly, judging the situation only from the speeches made by top Western leaders, including their "programme" statements, everything would seem to be as it was before: the same anti-Soviet attacks, the same demands that we show our commitment to peace by renouncing our order and principles, the same confrontational language: "totalitarianism", "communist expansion", and so on. Within a few days, however, these speeches are often forgotten, and, at any rate, the theses contained in them do not figure during businesslike political negotiations and contacts. This is a very interesting point, an interesting phenomenon. It confirms that we are dealing with yesterday's rhetoric, while real- life processes have been set into motion. This means that something is indeed changing. One of the elements of the change is that it is now difficult to convince people that our foreign policy, our initiatives, our nuclear-free world programme are mere "propaganda". A new, democratic philosophy of international relations, of world politics is breaking through. The new mode of thinking with its humane, universal criteria and values is penetrating diverse strata. Its strength lies in the fact that it accords with people's common sense. -
Embargoed Until
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: Ashley Berke Senior Public Relations Manager 215.409.6693 [email protected] MIKHAIL GORBACHEV TO RECEIVE 2008 LIBERTY MEDAL AT THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION CENTER Award to be presented by President George H.W. Bush Philadelphia, PA – The National Constitution Center’s 2008 Liberty Medal will be awarded to former Soviet leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Mikhail Gorbachev for his courageous role in ending the dangerous, decades-long Cold War and in giving hope and freedom to millions who lived behind the Iron Curtain. The public Liberty Medal ceremony will take place on Thursday, September 18, 2008, at the National Constitution Center on Independence Mall in Historic Philadelphia, and will set the stage for international commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 2009. “This year’s ceremony will be a memorable tribute to a revolutionary thinker with courage and conviction who believed in the power of liberty and openness,” said National Constitution Center President and CEO Joseph M. Torsella. “Mikhail Gorbachev is someone who truly changed the course of history, and we are honored to recognize him.” “During the Cold War, Gorbachev helped replace confrontation with negotiation and established a new climate between East and West,” said Torsella. “He bravely opened the doors of Soviet society to the winds of freedom and change, and he continues to be a voice for an open society today. His vision and strength were central to bringing about a peaceful end to the Cold War, and his remarkable leadership has led to profound and lasting consequences for our nations and for all people who treasure liberty.” This took both vision and courage. -
Reform and Human Rights the Gorbachev Record
100TH-CONGRESS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES [ 1023 REFORM AND HUMAN RIGHTS THE GORBACHEV RECORD REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES BY THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE MAY 1988 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1988 84-979 = For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE STENY H. HOYER, Maryland, Chairman DENNIS DeCONCINI, Arizona, Cochairman DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida FRANK LAUTENBERG, New Jersey EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts TIMOTHY WIRTH, Colorado BILL RICHARDSON, New Mexico WYCHE FOWLER, Georgia EDWARD FEIGHAN, Ohio HARRY REED, Nevada DON RITTER, Pennslyvania ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JACK F. KEMP, New York JAMES McCLURE, Idaho JOHN EDWARD PORTER, Illinois MALCOLM WALLOP, Wyoming EXECUTIvR BRANCH HON. RICHARD SCHIFIER, Department of State Vacancy, Department of Defense Vacancy, Department of Commerce Samuel G. Wise, Staff Director Mary Sue Hafner, Deputy Staff Director and General Counsel Jane S. Fisher, Senior Staff Consultant Michael Amitay, Staff Assistant Catherine Cosman, Staff Assistant Orest Deychakiwsky, Staff Assistant Josh Dorosin, Staff Assistant John Finerty, Staff Assistant Robert Hand, Staff Assistant Gina M. Harner, Administrative Assistant Judy Ingram, Staff Assistant Jesse L. Jacobs, Staff Assistant Judi Kerns, Ofrice Manager Ronald McNamara, Staff Assistant Michael Ochs, Staff Assistant Spencer Oliver, Consultant Erika B. Schlager, Staff Assistant Thomas Warner, Pinting Clerk (11) CONTENTS Page Summary Letter of Transmittal .................... V........................................V Reform and Human Rights: The Gorbachev Record ................................................