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The Palestinian Economy: a Historical View
The Palestinian Economy: A Historical View Brian J. Friedman, CFA September 30, 2014 Among the thousands of articles written about the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, very few study the impact of the conflict on the Palestinian economy. According to the CIA approximately 2.2 million Palestinians live in the West Bank (along with 350,000 Jewish settlers) and 1.8 million in the Gaza Strip. Total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the Palestinian Authority is $6.6 billion or $1,650 per capita. By way of comparison, Israeli GDP is $273 billion or $35,000 per capita. Israel’s 1.5 million Arab citizens suffer from a significantly lower standard of living than Jewish Israelis. Nonetheless, Israeli Arab GDP per capita is estimated to be $12,000 (Israel Bureau of Statistics). Even without a formal peace agreement, a cessation of Palestinian terrorism and violence could produce a significant peace dividend for the nearly 12 million people living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Unfortunately the Palestinians only started developing a working economy in 2007 with the appointment of Salam Fayyad as Finance Minister, and then again just in the West Bank. While Israel certainly shares some of the blame for the Palestinians economic malaise, economic development was also a low priority for the Palestinian leadership. Until Mahmoud Abbas became President of the Palestinian Authority in 2005, Palestinian factions pursued armed struggle and terrorism against Israel rather than build institutions required for economic prosperity such as banks, courts, capital markets, factories or corporations. The Palestinian Economy Prior to 1967 In June of 1967 the combined militaries of Egypt, Jordan and Syria mobilized against Israel. -
Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017). -
Proquest Dissertations
University of Alberta The Supplicant Superpower: Reexamining the Soviet-Egyptian Relationship from 1965 to 1975 by Frederick Victor Howard Mills A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in History Department of History and Classics 1 Frederick Victor Howard Mills Fall, 2009 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 OttawaONK1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55738-9 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55738-9 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduce, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'Internet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. -
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief Updated January 27, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44245 SUMMARY R44245 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief January 27, 2021 The following matters are of particular significance to U.S.-Israel relations. Jim Zanotti Domestic issues: March 2021 election. After the collapse of its power-sharing Specialist in Middle government in December 2020, Israel is scheduled to hold another election for its Eastern Affairs Knesset (parliament) on March 23, 2021. The election will be Israel’s fourth in the past two years—a frequency without parallel in the country’s history. Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has managed to maintain power despite an ongoing criminal trial on corruption charges that is set to resume in February 2021. Netanyahu apparently hopes to create a coalition government that will grant him legal immunity or to remain indefinitely as caretaker prime minister (as he did from December 2018 to May 2020) by preventing anyone from forming a coalition without him and his Likud party. Palestinians and Arab state normalization. On the decades-old Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Trump Administration policies largely sided with Israeli positions, thus alienating Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas. In the second half of 2020, the Administration pivoted from its January 2020 Israeli-Palestinian peace proposal to helping Israel reach agreements—known as the Abraham Accords—on normalizing its relations with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. In connection with its deal with the UAE, Israel agreed in August 2020 to suspend plans to annex part of the West Bank, though announcements related to settlement activity have accelerated since then. -
Directions for a Middle East Settlement—Some Underlying
DIRECTIONS FOR A MIDDLE EAST SETTLEMENT- SOME UNDERLYING LEGAL PROBLEMS SHABTAI ROSENNE* I INTRODUCTION A. Legal Framework of Arab-Israeli Relations The invitation to me to participate in this symposium suggested devoting attention primarily to the legal aspects and not to the facts. Yet there is great value in the civil law maxim: Narra mihi facta, narabo tibi jus. Law does not operate in a vacuum or in the abstract, but only in the closest contact with facts; and the merit of legal exposition depends directly upon its relationship with the facts. It is a fact that as part of its approach to the settlement of the current crisis, the Government of Israel is insistent that whatever solution is reached should be em- bodied in a secure legal regime of a contractual character directly binding on all the states concerned. International law in general, and the underlying international legal aspects of the crisis of the Middle East, are no exceptions to this legal approach which integrates law with the facts. But faced with the multitude of facts arrayed by one protagonist or another, sometimes facts going back to the remotest periods of prehistory, the first task of the lawyer is to separate the wheat from the chaff, to place first things first and last things last, and to discipline himself to the most rigorous standards of relevance that contemporary legal science imposes. The authority of the Interna- tional Court itself exists for this approach: the irony with which in I953 that august tribunal brushed off historical arguments, in that instance only going back to the early feudal period, will not be lost on the perceptive reader of international juris- prudence.' Another fundamental question which must be indicated at the outset relates to the very character of the legal framework within which the political issues are to be discussed and placed. -
Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979
Distribution Agreement In presenting this thesis as a partial fulfillment of the requirements for a degree from Emory University, I hereby grant to Emory University and its agents the non-exclusive license to archive, make accessible, and display my thesis in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter now, including display on the World Wide Web. I understand that I may select some access restrictions as part of the online submission of this thesis. I retain all ownership rights to the copyright of the thesis. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis. Jay Schaefer April 10, 2018 Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 by Jay Schaefer Kenneth W. Stein Adviser History Kenneth W. Stein Adviser Joseph P. Crespino Committee Member Dan Reiter Committee Member 2018 Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 By Jay Schaefer Kenneth W. Stein Adviser An abstract of a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Emory College of Arts and Sciences of Emory University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors History 2018 Abstract Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 By Jay Schaefer This thesis is a critical examination of President Jimmy Carter’s Middle East negotiating strategy between the signing of the Camp David Accords and the signing of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty. -
The Evolution of the Revolution
The Evolution of the Revolution THE CHANGING NATURE OF IRAN’S AXIS OF RESISTANCE KENNETH M. POLLACK MARCH 2020 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Executive Summary ince the earliest days after the 1979 Islamic Soleimani in January 2020 could significantly impede S Revolution, the Iranian regime has sought to build further progress. a coalition across the Middle East to help it achieve its As it stands currently, the Axis is comprised of ideological and geostrategic goals. Tehran understood both state and non-state actors. These groups include that its ability to secure the Islamic Republic in Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, the Popular Front for the Liber- overturn the regional status quo, drive out the United ation of Palestine–General Command (PFLP-GC), States, and make Iran the regional hegemon was lim- Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and occasionally the ited if it acted on its own. It could only succeed with Kurdistan Workers’ Party. State and quasi-state actors the help of others. openly aligned with Tehran include Hamas in Gaza, However, for the next two decades, the Axis was Iraq, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Syria, and the Houthis little more than rhetoric, ascribing greater unity in Yemen. of effort to an amalgam of states,semi-states , and Ultimately, the new operating method of Iran’s non-state actors than was ever the reality. It was pri- Axis of Resistance is a strategy born of necessity. It marily a psychological ploy to frighten its adversaries is a strategy of the weak, unlikely to succeed against and make its members feel less isolated in the face the strong except when they are badly constrained of American hostility. -
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 01/12/2021 10:19:09 AM
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 01/12/2021 10:19:09 AM 01/11/21 Monday This material is distributed by Ghebi LLC on behalf of Federal State Unitary Enterprise Rossiya Segodnya International Information Agency, and additional information is on file with the Department of Justice, Washington, District of Columbia. Jared Kushner Reportedly Briefs Incoming National Security Adviser on Trump's Middle East Policy by Mary F. US President Donald Trump’s son-in-law and senior White House adviser Jared Kushner was responsible for leading the “Peace to Prosperity” plan, an attempt by the Trump administration to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The plan, repeatedly refused by Palestinian leaders, was unveiled by the White House on January 28, 2020. Kushner has briefed incoming national security adviser Jake Sullivan on the Trump administration's policies in the Middle East, David Friedman, the US ambassador to Israel, confirmed Monday during a closed hearing in the Israeli parliament, Axios reported. According to Friedman, Kushner briefed Sullivan on the Abraham Accords process, through which the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain normalized diplomatic relations with Israel last year in negotiations mediated by the United States. Sudan and Morocco have agreed to similar deals with Israel. The Abraham Accords marked the first public normalization of relations between any Arab country and Israel since 1979 and 1994, when Egypt and Jordan, respectively, signed peace treaties with Israel. During the meeting, Trump advisers expressed hope that US President-elect Joe Biden will continue to encourage the normalization of relations with Israel by Arab countries like Saudi Arabia, Axios reported. -
2014 Gaza War Assessment: the New Face of Conflict
2014 Gaza War Assessment: The New Face of Conflict A report by the JINSA-commissioned Gaza Conflict Task Force March 2015 — Task Force Members, Advisors, and JINSA Staff — Task Force Members* General Charles Wald, USAF (ret.), Task Force Chair Former Deputy Commander of United States European Command Lieutenant General William B. Caldwell IV, USA (ret.) Former Commander, U.S. Army North Lieutenant General Richard Natonski, USMC (ret.) Former Commander of U.S. Marine Corps Forces Command Major General Rick Devereaux, USAF (ret.) Former Director of Operational Planning, Policy, and Strategy - Headquarters Air Force Major General Mike Jones, USA (ret.) Former Chief of Staff, U.S. Central Command * Previous organizational affiliation shown for identification purposes only; no endorsement by the organization implied. Advisors Professor Eliot Cohen Professor of Strategic Studies, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University Lieutenant Colonel Geoffrey Corn, USA (ret.) Presidential Research Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law, Houston JINSA Staff Dr. Michael Makovsky Chief Executive Officer Dr. Benjamin Runkle Director of Programs Jonathan Ruhe Associate Director, Gemunder Center for Defense and Strategy Maayan Roitfarb Programs Associate Ashton Kunkle Gemunder Center Research Assistant . — Table of Contents — 2014 GAZA WAR ASSESSMENT: Executive Summary I. Introduction 7 II. Overview of 2014 Gaza War 8 A. Background B. Causes of Conflict C. Strategies and Concepts of Operations D. Summary of Events -
Isratin: the One-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
Isratin: The One-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Ken-Ben Chao War in the 20th Century Mr. John Bickel January 6, 2011 An anxious crowd of two hundred and fifty people gathered and waited outside the Tel Aviv Museum on May 14, 1948. Within the next thirty-two minutes, the State of Israel was formally established. After nearly two millennia in exile, the Jewish homeland was reborn. The next day, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq attacked Israel, prompting the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Within the next sixty years, several other wars would be fought over the Israeli-Palestinian question. Today, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, or Arab-Israeli Conflict, remains a critical obstacle to world peace and stability in the Middle East. Though peace talks have been in progress for decades, numerous issues continue to obstruct success in the negotiations. If a viable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is not created and implemented, the conflict will continue to plague the region with terrorism and war. Despite many proposed solutions, obstacles such as Jerusalem, the Israeli settlements, and Palestinian terrorism impede significant progress in the peace talks. With the numerous issues regarding the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, the best solution is a gradual reintegration of Palestinians into the Holy Land, a relaxation of tensions between the various factions, and the beginning of serious negotiations towards an eventual one-state solution. History In order to fully comprehend the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, an understanding of the region’s bloody history must first be attained. The origin of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict goes as far back as the Biblical era. -
European Involvement in the Arab-Israeli Conflict
EUROPEAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT Edited by Esra Bulut Aymat Chaillot Papers | December 2010 124 In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) became an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, modified by the Joint Action of 21 December 2006, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/CSDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. Chaillot Papers are monographs on topical questions written either by a member of the EUISS research team or by outside authors chosen and commissioned by the Institute. Early drafts are normally discussed at a seminar or study group of experts convened by the Institute and publication indicates that the paper is considered by the EUISS as a useful and authoritative contribution to the debate on CFSP/CSDP. Responsibility for the views expressed in them lies exclusively with authors. Chaillot Papers are also accessible via the Institute’s website: www.iss.europa.eu EUROPEAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT Muriel Asseburg, Michael Bauer, Agnès Bertrand-Sanz, Esra Bulut Aymat, Jeroen Gunning, Christian-Peter Hanelt, Rosemary Hollis, Daniel Möckli, Michelle Pace, Nathalie Tocci Edited by Esra Bulut Aymat CHAILLOT PAPERS December 2010 124 Acknowledgements The editor would like to thank all participants of two EU-MEPP Task Force Meetings held at the EUISS, Paris, on 30 March 2009 and 2 July 2010 and an authors’ meeting held in July 2010 for their feedback on papers and draft chapters that formed the basis of the volume. -
How the Evolving Political Landscape in the Middle East Affects Israeli Strategic Thinking
Note de recherche stratégique n°7 How the evolving political landscape in the Middle East affects Israeli strategic thinking Pierre Razoux1 Research Director, IRSEM Today, more than ever before, Israeli strategic thinking is engaged in a tug-of-war between the pragmatic, realist vision of military strategists who have long been entrusted with this task, and an ideological vision that reflects the discourse of a political class that has gradually superseded the military institution. Neither the media nor the academic worlds are capable of imposing an alternative strategy for the time being. No White Paper exists to lay the foundations. With this dual context, Israeli strategists – whether from political or military backgrounds – remain attached to the concept of the ratio of forces, certain that in order to command respect in the Middle East, they must not hesitate to show their power and use it. Taking an extremely Clausewitzian approach, they consider war and military operations to be merely the pursuit of politics by other means. Afraid of losing control of the situation, they maintain the status quo, as can be seen in the Palestinian, Syrian and Iranian cases. This paradoxical lack of foresight pushes them to opt for an ambivalent strategy that is offensive, even pre-emptive, at the tactical level and defensive at the strategic level. As a result, we have an increasingly prevalent “citadel under siege” syndrome that the recent geopolitical developments in the Middle East have merely worsened (Arab uprisings, multiplication of no-go areas near Israel’s borders, worsening of the Syrian civil war, change in U.S.