DOCSLIB.ORG

Accommodation Within Middle Eastern Strategic Rivalries: Iranian

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Accommodation Within Middle Eastern Strategic Rivalries: Iranian Accommodation Within Middle Eastern Strategic Rivalries: Iranian Policy towards Saudi Arabia 1988 to 2005 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the Requirements of the degree of Doctorate in Political Science Thomas James Devine Department of Political Science McGill University, Montreal August 2009 Copyright © 2009 by James Devine Library and Archives Bibliothèque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l’édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-66436-0 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-66436-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L’auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l’Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L’auteur conserve la propriété du droit d’auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author’s permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformément à la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privée, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont été enlevés de thesis. cette thèse. While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n’y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. Table of Contents Abstract Acknowledgements Introduction 1 Part 1: Theory and Methodology 27 1. Literature Review 28 2. Framework of Analysis 67 Part 2: The Initiation of Iranian Accommodation towards Saudi Arabia 103 1. The Iranian-Saudi Rivalry: 1979 to 1988 105 2. The Emergence of the “Good Neighbor Policy” (1988) 125 3. Causal Analysis 127 A. Motivating Factors 127 B. Stimulus Factors 148 C. Permissive Factors 177 The Initiation of Accommodation: Summary and Discussion 199 Part 3: The Dynamics of Iran’s Policy of Accommodation 200 toward Saudi Arabia 1. The Changing Dynamics of Iranian Accommodation 215 2. Causal Analysis 249 A. Motivating Factors 250 B. Stimulus Factors 263 C. Permissive Factors 276 The Dynamics of Accommodation: Summary and Discussion 309 Part 4: Conclusions 318 1. The Iranian-Saudi Rivalry and Iranian Policies of Accommodation: 319 1988 to 2005 2. Theoretical Significance of the Present Findings 324 3. Iranian Accommodation in Comparative Perspective: Syrian Policies of 367 Accommodation toward Israel in the 1990s 4. Future Research 387 Bibliography ii Tables and Figures Table 1: The Dependent Variables 74 Table 2: Causal Variables 91 Figure 1: The Interaction of Causal Roles 94 Table 3: Variables and Causal Roles 95 Figure 2: The Initiation of Accommodation 98 Figure 3: The Dynamics of Accommodation 102 Table 4: Causal Factors and the Initiation of Accommodation 337 Table 5: Causal Factors and the Dynamics of Accommodation 354 iii Abstract This study will focus on Iran’s policies of accommodation within its strategic rivalry with Saudi Arabia between 1988 and 2005. Although the two states continue to be rivals in the Persian Gulf, the Islamic world and within OPEC, Tehran has pursued a policy that has been intended to minimize conflict and reduce tensions. This study will attempt to explain why this policy was initiated and why it has taken particular forms. This time period covers two Iranian presidencies, the Kuwait crisis, September 11th and the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. This study is significant because of the states involved. The Persian Gulf is one of the most volatile areas in the world, and Iran is in the center of events. However, this study is also important for theoretical reasons. First, the term accommodation is rarely used in a systematic way. This analysis will adopt the definition Lijphart developed in the context of Dutch consociational politics. Lijphart referred to accommodation as the “settlement of divisive issues and conflicts where only a minimal consensus exists”. This is different from most of the international relations literature, which focuses on conflict resolution or rivalry termination. This study argues that Iran’s policies toward Saudi Arabia are better understood as rivalry management and therefore involve different dynamics and require a different approach to providing a causal explanation. Second, this research is significant because it recognizes that there may be important differences between the states in rivalry dyads. States like Iran, which will be referred to as regional challengers, are involved in rivalries with the US allies, and therefore face a different set of pressures/constraints than do their adversaries. Third, this study is important because it iv examines accommodation in the developing world rather than between great powers. Therefore, it considers the impact of political and economic development on rivalry behavior. Finally, this research is significant because of the methodology being employed. The framework of analysis being used not only takes into account different levels of analysis, but also different types of causal relationship. Therefore it provides for a holist explanation that integrates different arguments from the literature. v Résumé Cette mémoire a comme focus les politiques d’accommodation que l’Iran a poursuites vers l’Arabie saoudite entre 1988 et 2005. Tandis que les deux états ont continué leur rivalité dans le Golfe Persique, le monde islamique et l’OPEP, Téhéran a tenté de minimiser les conflits et réduire les tensions. On essaye d’expliquer l’initiation de cette politique et les formes qu’elle a prises. La durée examinée ici inclut deux présidences iraniennes, la crise du Kuwait, les attaques de l’onze septembre 2001, et les guerres de l’Afghanistan et l’Irak. Cette étude est de grande portée à conséquence de l’identité des deux états impliqués. Le Golfe Persique est l’un des lieux les plus volatils du monde, et l’Iran se trouve toujours au sein des relations internationales de cette région. De plus, cet œuvre est important dans le cadre de théorie. D’abord, le mot accommodation n’est utilisé que rarement dans une manière systématique. Par contre, cette mémoire emploie la définition introduite par Lijphart dans le contexte de la politique interne néerlandaise. Selon Lijphart, l’accommodation est « la résolution des problèmes controversées et des conflits dont il n’y existe qu’un consensus minime ». Cette proposition est distinct de la plupart de la littérature sur les relations internationales, qui porte attention plutôt sur la terminaison des rivalités. Par contre, cette étude soutient que les politiques de l’Iran par rapport à l’Arabie saoudite agissaient plutôt comme la gestion d’une rivalité. De ce fait, elles avaient des dynamiques différentes de celles entendues d’habitude, et ont besoin d’une analyse différente aussi. Deuxièmement, cet œuvre accepte qu’il y ait souvent d’importantes divergences entre les deux côtés d’une rivalité internationale. Les états vi comme l’Iran, nommés ici provocateurs internationaux, sont rivaux des alliées des États- Unis, et donc rencontrent pressions et contraintes différents de celles rencontrées par leurs adversaires. En troisième lieu, cette étude se distingue des autres analyses de la rivalité en examinant l’accommodation dans le tiers monde et non entre les grandes puissances. Alors, elle considère l’impacte du développement politique et économique sur les actions des états rivaux. Finalement, cette mémoire est importante à cause de la méthode qu’elle poursuit. En utilisant plusieurs niveaux d’analyse et différents types de relation causative, elle offert une explication holiste qui intègre plusieurs opinions de la littérature. vii Acknowledgements This project has been a long time in the making, and there are many people who need to be thanked. At the top of the list, of course, is Paul Noble, who has been more than a mere advisor. Many of the ideas expressed in this thesis developed out of our conversations and his help with my fieldwork was invaluable. Most importantly, without his moral support and patience, I would not have made it through graduate school and this thesis would never have been written. I also owe a debt of gratitude to Rex Brynen, whose energy and understanding of the Middle East has been an inspiration. I must also thank McGill’s Department of Political Science as well as the Inter-University Consortium for Arab and Middle East Studies (ICAMES). Over the years, and many changes in personnel, the department, and ICAMES have provided me with an academic home. In particular, Mark Brawley and T.V. Paul have been a great help, individually and through the Université de Montréal– McGill Joint Research Group in International Security Studies (REGIS), which has provided me with timely financial support. Other members of the faculty, such as Phil Oxhorn, Michael Brecher, Hudson Meadwell and Juliet Johnson have also been generous with their support and encouragement. Just as importantly, I must also thank the support staff in the department, Helen Wilicka in particular. Without their help, nothing would ever have gotten done. There are several people and institutions that must be acknowledged for their help with my research in Iran.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Palestinian Economy: a Historical View
    The Palestinian Economy: A Historical View Brian J. Friedman, CFA September 30, 2014 Among the thousands of articles written about the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, very few study the impact of the conflict on the Palestinian economy. According to the CIA approximately 2.2 million Palestinians live in the West Bank (along with 350,000 Jewish settlers) and 1.8 million in the Gaza Strip. Total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the Palestinian Authority is $6.6 billion or $1,650 per capita. By way of comparison, Israeli GDP is $273 billion or $35,000 per capita. Israel’s 1.5 million Arab citizens suffer from a significantly lower standard of living than Jewish Israelis. Nonetheless, Israeli Arab GDP per capita is estimated to be $12,000 (Israel Bureau of Statistics). Even without a formal peace agreement, a cessation of Palestinian terrorism and violence could produce a significant peace dividend for the nearly 12 million people living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Unfortunately the Palestinians only started developing a working economy in 2007 with the appointment of Salam Fayyad as Finance Minister, and then again just in the West Bank. While Israel certainly shares some of the blame for the Palestinians economic malaise, economic development was also a low priority for the Palestinian leadership. Until Mahmoud Abbas became President of the Palestinian Authority in 2005, Palestinian factions pursued armed struggle and terrorism against Israel rather than build institutions required for economic prosperity such as banks, courts, capital markets, factories or corporations. The Palestinian Economy Prior to 1967 In June of 1967 the combined militaries of Egypt, Jordan and Syria mobilized against Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    University of Alberta The Supplicant Superpower: Reexamining the Soviet-Egyptian Relationship from 1965 to 1975 by Frederick Victor Howard Mills A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in History Department of History and Classics 1 Frederick Victor Howard Mills Fall, 2009 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 OttawaONK1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55738-9 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55738-9 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduce, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'Internet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non­ support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats.
    [Show full text]
  • Directions for a Middle East Settlement—Some Underlying
    DIRECTIONS FOR A MIDDLE EAST SETTLEMENT- SOME UNDERLYING LEGAL PROBLEMS SHABTAI ROSENNE* I INTRODUCTION A. Legal Framework of Arab-Israeli Relations The invitation to me to participate in this symposium suggested devoting attention primarily to the legal aspects and not to the facts. Yet there is great value in the civil law maxim: Narra mihi facta, narabo tibi jus. Law does not operate in a vacuum or in the abstract, but only in the closest contact with facts; and the merit of legal exposition depends directly upon its relationship with the facts. It is a fact that as part of its approach to the settlement of the current crisis, the Government of Israel is insistent that whatever solution is reached should be em- bodied in a secure legal regime of a contractual character directly binding on all the states concerned. International law in general, and the underlying international legal aspects of the crisis of the Middle East, are no exceptions to this legal approach which integrates law with the facts. But faced with the multitude of facts arrayed by one protagonist or another, sometimes facts going back to the remotest periods of prehistory, the first task of the lawyer is to separate the wheat from the chaff, to place first things first and last things last, and to discipline himself to the most rigorous standards of relevance that contemporary legal science imposes. The authority of the Interna- tional Court itself exists for this approach: the irony with which in I953 that august tribunal brushed off historical arguments, in that instance only going back to the early feudal period, will not be lost on the perceptive reader of international juris- prudence.' Another fundamental question which must be indicated at the outset relates to the very character of the legal framework within which the political issues are to be discussed and placed.
    [Show full text]
  • Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979
    Distribution Agreement In presenting this thesis as a partial fulfillment of the requirements for a degree from Emory University, I hereby grant to Emory University and its agents the non-exclusive license to archive, make accessible, and display my thesis in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter now, including display on the World Wide Web. I understand that I may select some access restrictions as part of the online submission of this thesis. I retain all ownership rights to the copyright of the thesis. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis. Jay Schaefer April 10, 2018 Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 by Jay Schaefer Kenneth W. Stein Adviser History Kenneth W. Stein Adviser Joseph P. Crespino Committee Member Dan Reiter Committee Member 2018 Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 By Jay Schaefer Kenneth W. Stein Adviser An abstract of a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Emory College of Arts and Sciences of Emory University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors History 2018 Abstract Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 By Jay Schaefer This thesis is a critical examination of President Jimmy Carter’s Middle East negotiating strategy between the signing of the Camp David Accords and the signing of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty.
    [Show full text]
  • European Involvement in the Arab-Israeli Conflict
    EUROPEAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT Edited by Esra Bulut Aymat Chaillot Papers | December 2010 124 In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) became an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, modified by the Joint Action of 21 December 2006, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/CSDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. Chaillot Papers are monographs on topical questions written either by a member of the EUISS research team or by outside authors chosen and commissioned by the Institute. Early drafts are normally discussed at a seminar or study group of experts convened by the Institute and publication indicates that the paper is considered by the EUISS as a useful and authoritative contribution to the debate on CFSP/CSDP. Responsibility for the views expressed in them lies exclusively with authors. Chaillot Papers are also accessible via the Institute’s website: www.iss.europa.eu EUROPEAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT Muriel Asseburg, Michael Bauer, Agnès Bertrand-Sanz, Esra Bulut Aymat, Jeroen Gunning, Christian-Peter Hanelt, Rosemary Hollis, Daniel Möckli, Michelle Pace, Nathalie Tocci Edited by Esra Bulut Aymat CHAILLOT PAPERS December 2010 124 Acknowledgements The editor would like to thank all participants of two EU-MEPP Task Force Meetings held at the EUISS, Paris, on 30 March 2009 and 2 July 2010 and an authors’ meeting held in July 2010 for their feedback on papers and draft chapters that formed the basis of the volume.
    [Show full text]
  • Position Paper © 2017 Thinc
    ARE THE ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS IN THE WEST BANK ILLEGAL UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW? Position Paper © 2017 thinc. The Hague Initiative for International Cooperation An initiative to study the relation between Israel and the nations, in order to promote inter- national peace and security, friendly relations amongst nations, and peaceful resolution of disputes based on the principles of justice and international law. Authors: Andrew Tucker, Matthijs de Blois Cover image © NASA This publication contains excerpts from a report being prepared by The Hague Initiative for International Cooperation on the role of international law in relation to the State of Israel. For the maps used in this publication every effort has been made to trace the holders of copy- right and to acknowledge the permission of authors and publishers where necessary. If we have inadvertently failed in this aim, we will be pleased to correct any omissions in future editions. www.thinc.info Table of Contents Executive Summary 5 1 Historical Background 8 2 Legal Issues 12 2.1 Pre-Existing Rights of Israel and the Jewish People with Respect 13 to Jerusalem and the “West Bank” 2.2 The Borders of the State of Israel at Independence in 1948 14 2.3 The 1949 Armistice Lines 14 2.4 Resolution 242 15 2.5 The International Law of Belligerent Occupation 16 2.6 The Parties’ Rights and Obligations under the Oslo Accords 18 2.7 The Rights of the State of Israel to Territorial Integrity, 19 P olitical Independence and Secure Borders 2.8 Protecting the Unique Status of Jerusalem 21 2.9 The UN Charter Principles 22 2.10 “Palestinian Statehood” under International Law 23 3 Conclusions and Recommendations 26 Appendices I.
    [Show full text]
  • JCC Six Day War: Israel SILTMUN IV
    JCC Six Day War: Israel SILTMUN IV Chair: Brian Forcier Political Officer: Sam Bugaieski Vice Chair: Kelly Roemer December 7nd, 2013 Lyons Township High School La Grange, Illinois Dear Delegates, My name is Brian Forcier, and I will be serving as your chair for SILMUN IV. My political officer is Sam Bugaieski, and my Vice Chair is Kelly Roemer. I am a junior at Saint Ignatius, while Sam and Kelly attend Lyons Township. I enjoy studying history, politics, and current events. I have been in Model U.N. since I was a freshman. My name is Sam Bugaieski, and I will be your PO in this year’s SILTMUN conference. I'm looking forward to seeing the interesting debate I'm sure you will all have when we start committee this December. I have been doing MUN for a little over a year now, and have taken part in a variety of conferences, both local and international. This is my first time participating as a leader in an event like this, and I can't wait to get a view of things from the perspective of the dais. I'm sure you will all do great when opening ceremonies end and the fun begins. I wish you all the best of luck in your research, and am excited to see the resolutions you come to early next year. The way we have arranged this cabinet is to provide the greatest depth into the topic. However, this obstacle proved to be difficult, accounting for the length of the war. I have decided to choose these topics as they provide the greatest depth, even though they shift in time.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Peace Initiative: Israel's Strategic Loss and Historic
    The Arab Peace Initiative: Israel’s Strategic Loss and Historic Opportunity About Molad Molad is an independent progressive think tank dedicated to the core issues of Israeli social and political life. Our aim at Molad is to provide reliable, quality content, based on the highest standards of research and analysis coupled with an unflinching commitment to a progressive vision for Israeli society. Fellows and researchers at Molad engage in questions of foreign policy and security, civil equality and the nature of the Israeli political community, and equitable economic practices. 2 Executive Summary: Since its inception in March 2002, the Arab Peace Initiative (API) has not been given its proper place in the political strategies of either Israel or the international community. Although the Initiative expressed a fundamental shift in the positions of Arab nations and a historic opportunity for the State of Israel, it largely passed unnoticed in Israel due to a combination of unfortunate timing and a distorted representation of its content and meaning to the Israeli public. This decade-long disregard for the API has caused, and continues to cause, serious strategic harm to Israel. The Initiative offers a clear deal: Israeli withdrawal to the 1967 lines, an agreed upon solution to the refugee problem, and the establishment of a Palestinian state, in return for “normal relations” with numerous Arab states including their recognition of Israel's legitimate right to exist “in peace and good neighbourliness”. Although the Initiative is not entirely without its problems, all the alternatives to an affirmative response— inaction, bilateral negotiations with the Palestinian Authority or unilateral steps— suffer from similar problems yet benefit from none of its advantages.
    [Show full text]
  • The Israel-Palestine Conflict in International Law: Territorial Issues Scobbie and Hibbin
    T The Israel-Palestine h e I s r a e l - P Conflict a l e s t i n e C in International Law: o n f l i c t i n Territorial Issues I n t e r n a t i o n a l L a w : T e r r i t o r i a l I s s u e s Iain Scobbie with Sarah Hibbin and an Introduction by Henry Siegman S c o b U.S./Middle East Project b i e and a n d the Sir Joseph Hotung Programme for Law, Human H i Rights and Peace Building in the Middle East, School b b i n of Oriental and African Studies, University of London The Israel­Palestine Conflict in International Law: Territorial Issues Iain Scobbie with Sarah Hibbin Introduction by Henry Siegman The U.S./Middle East Project and The Sir Joseph Hotung Programme for Law, Human Rights and Peace Building in the Middle East School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Copyright © 2009 by the U.S./Middle East Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. This report may be quoted or reproduced, provided the appropriate credit is given to the authors of this report and to the sponsoring organizations. The Sir Joseph Hotung Programme for Law, Human Rights and Peace Building in the Middle East works to highlight and promote the use of international law and human rights in respect to the engagement of all parties, including third States, to Israeli‐Palestinian relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Timeline: 1967 to the Present
    T h e A r a b - Israeli Conflict & Peace Process T I M E L I N E : 1967 TO THE PRESENT 1967: Khartoum Resolution Eight Arab heads of state met in Khartoum August 29-September 1, 1967 and adopted the “3 NOs” policy— no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, and no negotiations with Israel. 1967: UN Resolution 242 Resolution 242, adopted unanimously by the UN Security Council on November 22, 1967 in the aftermath of the Six-Day War is one of the most widely affirmed resolutions on the Arab–Israeli conflict. The Resolution’s authors, who have been criticized for their use of vague language, maintained that the choice was purposeful and was intended to prompt negotiations among the parties. UN Resolution 242 formed the basis for later negotiations, which led to peace treaties between Israel and Egypt (1979) and Jordan (1994), as well as the 1993 and 1995 agreements with the Palestinians (Oslo I and II). 1967 – 1970: Attrition Battles / The War of Attrition During the 1967 War, Israel gained land from Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. While Israel maintained that Jerusalem would remain a unified city, with all religions having access to their holy sites, it stated that it was open to returning other territories in exchange for peace and recognition of its right to exist. Egypt began small-scale attacks against Israeli positions along the Suez Canal which continued until Anwar Sadat came to power in 1970. During this same period, the PLO attacked Israeli military personnel and civilians from bases in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt.
    [Show full text]
  • From 1948 to the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty
    L E S S O N 4 FROM 1948 TO THE ISRAEL-EGYPT PEACE TREATY In this lesson, students will examine a range of different types of documents central to the formation of the State of Israel, the Wars of 1948 and 1967, and the Peace Treaty between Israel and Egypt. Essential Questions How does nationalism both unite and divide people? What types of unity and division emerged in the Middle East after Israel declared its independence? Learning Outcomes Students will be able to: Understand the impact of the founding of Israel on the region as well as the wider world. Consider the consequences of both the 1948 War as well as the Six Day War in 1967. Follow the peace process between Egypt and Israel which lead to an agreement in 1979. To situate a modern conflict in its historical, cultural, and geographic context. Determine the meaning of words and phrases used in a text. Determine the central ideas or information from a primary text. Materials Needed MULTIMEDIA RESOURCES Adobe Spark: From 1948 to the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty: Primary Sources, Key Words, and Maps, available online PRIMARY SOURCES All of these sources are available online as pdfs or online in an interactive digital format. DOCUMENT 1: Establishment of the State of Israel (1948) DOCUMENT 2: Declaration on the Invasion of Palestine (1948) and Map DOCUMENT 3: Two Resolutions: Khartoum Resolution and UN Resolution 242 (1967) and Map DOCUMENT 4: Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty (1979) and Map VIDEO CLIP 1: British Movietone report, June 5, 1967: http://bit.ly/June5-1967 VIDEO CLIP 2: ABC News report, June 8, 1967: http://bit.ly/News1967 HANDOUTS Videos as Primary Sources Summary Analysis Exit Slip www.icsresources.org 1 THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT AND PEACE PROCESS LESSON 4 Lesson Plan 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Unresolved Issues in the Arab - Israeli Conflict
    UNRESOLVED ISSUES IN THE ARAB - ISRAELI CONFLICT Diplomatic Relations Since its founding in 1945, the Arab League has maintained a hostile stance toward Israel and an official economic boycott. After the 1967 War, the league passed the Khartoum resolution calling for no peace, no recognition, and no negotiations with Israel. Currently, only Egypt, Jordan, and Mauritania have diplomatic relations with Israel (following the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty, the league suspended Egypt's membership for a decade). In March 2002, the Arab League proposed and endorsed the Arab Peace Initiative, a plan including full recognition of Israel by all Arab League states. The proposal offered Israel peace in return for Israeli withdrawal from all territories captured in the 1967 War, recognition of an independent Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and a “just solution” for Palestinian refugees. The proposal is viewed by some as a major breakthrough given the stance of Arab nations since the Khartoum Resolution in 1967. Israel welcomed the proposal, but does not accept all of its demands, particularly that it withdraw to the pre-1967 borders as a precondition to negotiations. Even though there is no official recognition between other Arab states and Israel, there have recently been news reports of cooperation between Israel and other nations in the region, including Saudi Arabia and some of the Gulf States. In 2015, Israel opened its first diplomatic mission in the United Arab Emirates. www.icsresources.org - 1 UNRESOLVED ISSUES IN THE ARAB - ISRAELI CONFLICT Final Borders In the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel gained control of Gaza and the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria.
    [Show full text]