From 1948 to the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty
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The Palestinian Economy: a Historical View
The Palestinian Economy: A Historical View Brian J. Friedman, CFA September 30, 2014 Among the thousands of articles written about the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, very few study the impact of the conflict on the Palestinian economy. According to the CIA approximately 2.2 million Palestinians live in the West Bank (along with 350,000 Jewish settlers) and 1.8 million in the Gaza Strip. Total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the Palestinian Authority is $6.6 billion or $1,650 per capita. By way of comparison, Israeli GDP is $273 billion or $35,000 per capita. Israel’s 1.5 million Arab citizens suffer from a significantly lower standard of living than Jewish Israelis. Nonetheless, Israeli Arab GDP per capita is estimated to be $12,000 (Israel Bureau of Statistics). Even without a formal peace agreement, a cessation of Palestinian terrorism and violence could produce a significant peace dividend for the nearly 12 million people living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Unfortunately the Palestinians only started developing a working economy in 2007 with the appointment of Salam Fayyad as Finance Minister, and then again just in the West Bank. While Israel certainly shares some of the blame for the Palestinians economic malaise, economic development was also a low priority for the Palestinian leadership. Until Mahmoud Abbas became President of the Palestinian Authority in 2005, Palestinian factions pursued armed struggle and terrorism against Israel rather than build institutions required for economic prosperity such as banks, courts, capital markets, factories or corporations. The Palestinian Economy Prior to 1967 In June of 1967 the combined militaries of Egypt, Jordan and Syria mobilized against Israel. -
Proquest Dissertations
University of Alberta The Supplicant Superpower: Reexamining the Soviet-Egyptian Relationship from 1965 to 1975 by Frederick Victor Howard Mills A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in History Department of History and Classics 1 Frederick Victor Howard Mills Fall, 2009 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 OttawaONK1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55738-9 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55738-9 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduce, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'Internet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. -
Directions for a Middle East Settlement—Some Underlying
DIRECTIONS FOR A MIDDLE EAST SETTLEMENT- SOME UNDERLYING LEGAL PROBLEMS SHABTAI ROSENNE* I INTRODUCTION A. Legal Framework of Arab-Israeli Relations The invitation to me to participate in this symposium suggested devoting attention primarily to the legal aspects and not to the facts. Yet there is great value in the civil law maxim: Narra mihi facta, narabo tibi jus. Law does not operate in a vacuum or in the abstract, but only in the closest contact with facts; and the merit of legal exposition depends directly upon its relationship with the facts. It is a fact that as part of its approach to the settlement of the current crisis, the Government of Israel is insistent that whatever solution is reached should be em- bodied in a secure legal regime of a contractual character directly binding on all the states concerned. International law in general, and the underlying international legal aspects of the crisis of the Middle East, are no exceptions to this legal approach which integrates law with the facts. But faced with the multitude of facts arrayed by one protagonist or another, sometimes facts going back to the remotest periods of prehistory, the first task of the lawyer is to separate the wheat from the chaff, to place first things first and last things last, and to discipline himself to the most rigorous standards of relevance that contemporary legal science imposes. The authority of the Interna- tional Court itself exists for this approach: the irony with which in I953 that august tribunal brushed off historical arguments, in that instance only going back to the early feudal period, will not be lost on the perceptive reader of international juris- prudence.' Another fundamental question which must be indicated at the outset relates to the very character of the legal framework within which the political issues are to be discussed and placed. -
Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979
Distribution Agreement In presenting this thesis as a partial fulfillment of the requirements for a degree from Emory University, I hereby grant to Emory University and its agents the non-exclusive license to archive, make accessible, and display my thesis in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter now, including display on the World Wide Web. I understand that I may select some access restrictions as part of the online submission of this thesis. I retain all ownership rights to the copyright of the thesis. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis. Jay Schaefer April 10, 2018 Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 by Jay Schaefer Kenneth W. Stein Adviser History Kenneth W. Stein Adviser Joseph P. Crespino Committee Member Dan Reiter Committee Member 2018 Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 By Jay Schaefer Kenneth W. Stein Adviser An abstract of a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Emory College of Arts and Sciences of Emory University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors History 2018 Abstract Push and Pull: Carter Diplomacy in the Negotiations Between Egypt and Israel, October 1978- March 1979 By Jay Schaefer This thesis is a critical examination of President Jimmy Carter’s Middle East negotiating strategy between the signing of the Camp David Accords and the signing of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty. -
Israel-Palestine Through the Lens of Game Theory
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Economics Department Working Paper Series Economics 2021 Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory Amal Ahmad Department of Economics, University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/econ_workingpaper Part of the Economics Commons Recommended Citation Ahmad, Amal, "Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory" (2021). Economics Department Working Paper Series. 301. https://doi.org/10.7275/21792057 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Economics Department Working Paper Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory Amal Ahmad∗ February 2021 Abstract Why have Israel and the Palestinians failed to implement a \land for peace" solution, along the lines of the Oslo Accords? This paper studies the applica- tion of game theory to this question. I show that existing models of the conflict largely rely on unrealistic assumptions about what the main actors are trying to achieve. Specifically, they assume that Israel is strategically interested in withdrawing from the occupied territories pending resolvable security concerns but that it is obstructed from doing so by violent Palestinians with other objec- tives. I use historical analysis along with bargaining theory to shed doubt on this assumption, and to argue that the persistence of conflict has been aligned with, not contrary to, the interests of the militarily powerful party, Israel. -
Kaminis' Lightning Quick NY City Trip Greece Feels the Heat, Moves
S O C V th ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ W ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ E 10 0 ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald anniversa ry N www.thenationalherald.com A wEEKLy GREEK-AMERIcAN PUBLIcATION 1915-2015 VOL. 18, ISSUE 916 May 2-8 , 2015 c v $1.50 Kaminis’ Greece Feels t1he Heat, Lightning Moves toward Reforms Quick NY To Unblock Loan Flow City Trip ATHENS – Hopes for a deal on Tsipras said in a television in - Greece’s bailout rose after Prime terview that he expected a deal Minister Alexis Tsipras said he would be reached by May 9, in Mayor of Athens expected an agreement could be time for the next Eurozone reached within two weeks and meeting. Spoke on Gov’t the European Union reported a Greece has to repay the In - pick-up in the negotiations. ternational Monetary Fund a to - At Columbia Univ. Greek stocks rose and its sov - tal of almost 1 billion euros by ereign borrowing rates dropped, May 12. It is expected to have TNH Staff a sign that international in - enough money to make that, if vestors are less worried about it manages to raise as much as NEW YORK – Even during a cri - the country defaulting on its it hopes from a move to grab sis, Greece – and even some of its debts in coming weeks. cash reserves from local entities politicians – can rise to the occa - The European Union said like hospitals and schools. sion and present the world with that Greece’s talks with its cred - But it faces bigger repay - examples of good governance. -
Reflections on Camp David at 40
Reflections on Camp David at 40 How the Camp David Accords became a limited Egyptian–Israeli peace effort that ultimately transformed Arab–Israeli relations across the Middle East By William B. Quandt hen President Jimmy Carter and his foreign policy team began to address the Arab–Israeli conflict in early 1977, they had several W important reference points in mind. First was the vivid memory of the 1973 October War and the threat it had posed to international security as well as economic prosperity. No one wanted to see a repeat of such a dramatic and dangerous conflict. In addition, there was the beginning of a serious diplomatic process begun under the careful guidance of Henry Kissinger, secretary of state for both Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Three agreements on the disengagement of military forces had been reached, two between Egypt and Israel, and one between Syria and Israel, which set the stage for Carter’s own diplomatic efforts in the Arab–Israeli arena. Finally, the United States had good working relations with most of the key parties in the conflict, other than the Palestinians, and Carter was eager to deepen those relations in pursuit of peace in the Holy Land, something that was particularly appealing to him as a devout Christian. All of this meant that the team around the president, which included several participants in the Brookings Report of 1975, were predisposed to support a U.S.-led effort to achieve a comprehensive solution to the Arab–Israeli conflict, including some form of self-determination for the Palestinians—the main goals identified by the report. -
The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options
ISSUE BRIEF 08.25.20 The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Ph.D, Fellow for the Middle East conflict, the Gulf states complied with and INTRODUCTION enforced the Arab League boycott of Israel This issue brief examines where the six until at least 1994 and participated in the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council— oil embargo of countries that supported 1 Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. In Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates 1973, for example, the president of the (UAE)—currently stand in their outlook and UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, approaches toward the Israeli-Palestinian claimed that “No Arab country is safe from issue. The first section of this brief begins by the perils of the battle with Zionism unless outlining how positions among the six Gulf it plays its role and bears its responsibilities, 2 states have evolved over the three decades in confronting the Israeli enemy.” In since the Madrid Conference of 1991. Section Kuwait, Sheikh Fahd al-Ahmad Al Sabah, a two analyzes the degree to which the six brother of two future Emirs, was wounded Gulf states’ relations with Israel are based while fighting with Fatah in Jordan in 3 on interests, values, or a combination of 1968, while in 1981 the Saudi government both, and how these differ from state to offered to finance the reconstruction of state. Section three details the Gulf states’ Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor after it was 4 responses to the peace plan unveiled by destroyed by an Israeli airstrike. -
Israel's Rights As a Nation-State in International Diplomacy
Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Institute for Research and Policy המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר( ISRAEl’s RiGHTS as a Nation-State in International Diplomacy Israel’s Rights as a Nation-State in International Diplomacy © 2011 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs – World Jewish Congress Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel Hai Street, Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281 Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Email: [email protected] www.jcpa.org World Jewish Congress 9A Diskin Street, 5th Floor Kiryat Wolfson, Jerusalem 96440 Phone : +972 2 633 3000 Fax: +972 2 659 8100 Email: [email protected] www.worldjewishcongress.com Academic Editor: Ambassador Alan Baker Production Director: Ahuva Volk Graphic Design: Studio Rami & Jaki • www.ramijaki.co.il Cover Photos: Results from the United Nations vote, with signatures, November 29, 1947 (Israel State Archive) UN General Assembly Proclaims Establishment of the State of Israel, November 29, 1947 (Israel National Photo Collection) ISBN: 978-965-218-100-8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction and Overview Ambassador Alan Baker .......................................................................................................................................................................... 5 The National Rights of Jews Professor Ruth Gavison ........................................................................................................................................................................... 9 “An Overwhelmingly Jewish State” - From the Balfour Declaration to the Palestine Mandate -
1948 Arab‒Israeli
1948 Arab–Israeli War 1 1948 Arab–Israeli War מלחמת or מלחמת העצמאות :The 1948 Arab–Israeli War, known to Israelis as the War of Independence (Hebrew ,מלחמת השחרור :, Milkhemet Ha'atzma'ut or Milkhemet HA'sikhror) or War of Liberation (Hebrewהשחרור Milkhemet Hashikhrur) – was the first in a series of wars fought between the State of Israel and its Arab neighbours in the continuing Arab-Israeli conflict. The war commenced upon the termination of the British Mandate of Palestine and the Israeli declaration of independence on 15 May 1948, following a period of civil war in 1947–1948. The fighting took place mostly on the former territory of the British Mandate and for a short time also in the Sinai Peninsula and southern Lebanon.[1] ., al-Nakba) occurred amidst this warﺍﻟﻨﻜﺒﺔ :Much of what Arabs refer to as The Catastrophe (Arabic The war concluded with the 1949 Armistice Agreements. Background Following World War II, on May 14, 1948, the British Mandate of Palestine came to an end. The surrounding Arab nations were also emerging from colonial rule. Transjordan, under the Hashemite ruler Abdullah I, gained independence from Britain in 1946 and was called Jordan, but it remained under heavy British influence. Egypt, while nominally independent, signed the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936 that included provisions by which Britain would maintain a garrison of troops on the Suez Canal. From 1945 on, Egypt attempted to renegotiate the terms of this treaty, which was viewed as a humiliating vestige of colonialism. Lebanon became an independent state in 1943, but French troops would not withdraw until 1946, the same year that Syria won its independence from France. -
European Involvement in the Arab-Israeli Conflict
EUROPEAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT Edited by Esra Bulut Aymat Chaillot Papers | December 2010 124 In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) became an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, modified by the Joint Action of 21 December 2006, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/CSDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. Chaillot Papers are monographs on topical questions written either by a member of the EUISS research team or by outside authors chosen and commissioned by the Institute. Early drafts are normally discussed at a seminar or study group of experts convened by the Institute and publication indicates that the paper is considered by the EUISS as a useful and authoritative contribution to the debate on CFSP/CSDP. Responsibility for the views expressed in them lies exclusively with authors. Chaillot Papers are also accessible via the Institute’s website: www.iss.europa.eu EUROPEAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT Muriel Asseburg, Michael Bauer, Agnès Bertrand-Sanz, Esra Bulut Aymat, Jeroen Gunning, Christian-Peter Hanelt, Rosemary Hollis, Daniel Möckli, Michelle Pace, Nathalie Tocci Edited by Esra Bulut Aymat CHAILLOT PAPERS December 2010 124 Acknowledgements The editor would like to thank all participants of two EU-MEPP Task Force Meetings held at the EUISS, Paris, on 30 March 2009 and 2 July 2010 and an authors’ meeting held in July 2010 for their feedback on papers and draft chapters that formed the basis of the volume. -
The Roles of O Civil Society and International Humanitarian Organizations in Managing Refugees Crisis in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Region
The Roles of o Civil Society and International Humanitarian Organizations in Managing Refugees Crisis in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Region MEHARI FISSEHA How to cite Fisseha, M. (2018). The Roles of Civil Society and International Humanitarian Organizations in Managing Refugees Crisis in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Region. Journal of Mediterranean Knowledge-JMK, 3(1), 61-80. DOI: 10.26409/2018JMK3.1.04 Retrieved from http://www.mediterraneanknowledge.org/publications/index.php/journal/issue/archive 1. Author’s information Ghent University, Belgium 2. Author’s contact [email protected] Article first published online: June 2018 - Peer Reviewed Journal Additional information about Journal of Mediterranean Knowledge-JMK can be found at: About the Journal-Board-On line submission The roles of the civil society and international humanitarian organizations in managing refugees crisis in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region MEHARI FISSEHA Ghent University, Belgium Abstract The Civil SocietyOrganization (CSO) can be categorized into domestic and international. This paperwill historically and critically analyze efforts and works of the both of them in managing the catastrophic Refugees crisis in this region;as well as the dynamics of the region’s Refugees crisis. This paper would be segmented into: a). A thorough examination of the nature of the conflicts in this region since the Arab Spring as well as the ongoing challenges in leadership, governance; and economic hardships. b).This would be about an analysis of the general roles of the CSOs andInternational Humanitarian Organizations in managing MENA’s Refugees crisis. Keywords: Refugees, MENA, UNHCR, Civil Society Organizations, Arab Spring.