La Bible: Notes Intégrales – Traduction Œcuménique

BOOK REVIEWS

La Bible: Notes intégrales – Traduction œcuménique. 11e édition (La Traduc- tion Œcuménique de la Bible). Paris, Cerf; Villiers-le-Bel, Bibli’O – Société biblique française, 2010. (25≈17,5), 2757 p. ISBN 2-204-09382- 8. /65.00.

Gérard BILLON – Bernard COYAULT – Sophie SCHLUMBERGER – Andrée THOMAS (eds.). L’aventure de la TOB: Cinquante ans de traduction œcuménique de la Bible (La Traduction Œcuménique de la Bible). Paris, Cerf, 2010. (18≈12), 156 p. ISBN 978-2-204-09267-8. /8.00.

La publication de la T.O.B. (en 1972 pour le Nouveau Testament et en 1975 pour l’Ancien) a représenté un véritable événement: c’était la première fois au monde que des Églises de traditions différentes parvenaient à traduire, annoter et éditer une Bible commune. L’idée n’était pas neuve. Au XVIIe siècle déjà l’oratorien Richard Simon avait conçu un tel projet. Mais la révocation de l’Édit de Nantes a mis fin à ce bel espoir. Une nouvelle tentative, à la fin du XIXe siècle, a connu l’échec elle aussi. Ce n’est qu’au début des années 1960 que l’idée a pu reprendre corps et, après quelques tâtonnements, déboucher sur un commencement de réalisation. Les premiers travaux ont débuté en 1965, encouragés du côté catholique par la récente promulgation de la Constitution dogmatique Dei Verbum de Vatican II. Il convenait d’effectuer d’abord un galop d’essai. Partant du principe «Qui peut le plus peut le moins», on décida de s’attaquer au texte sur lequel protestants et catholiques s’étaient le plus durement affrontés au siècle de la Réforme: l’épître aux Romains. Une équipe d’une demi-douzaine de spécialistes du Nouveau Testament, protestants et catholiques à parts égales, se mit au travail dès 1965. Un peu plus d’une année plus tard le pari était gagné: le premier fascicule paraissait, contenant introduction, traduction et annotation communes de cette grande lettre de l’apôtre Paul. Une fois le test de l’épître aux Romains réussi, le travail pouvait commencer. Plus d’une centaine de spécialistes, tant de l’Ancien que du Nouveau Testament, furent recrutés pour former des équipes paritaires chargées de tel ou tel livre biblique. Deux équipes de coordinateurs, elles aussi paritaires, organisaient et contrôlaient les travaux. La première version des textes a été soumise pour contrôle à des vérificateurs venus de divers horizons: deux biblistes orthodoxes, puis l’ensemble des traducteurs de la T.O.B., de nombreux lecteurs et réviseurs littéraires ou liturgiques, des théologiens d’Europe et d’Outremer, les responsables de l’Alliance Biblique Universelle et ceux du Secrétariat français pour l’Unité des Chrétiens, en tout une bonne centaine de critiques. Dans de telles conditions d’élaboration et de contrôle, il est évident que la T.O.B. ne pouvait se permettre trop d’originalité ou d’options nouvelles de traduction qui font l’intérêt des autres versions. En revanche, le contrôle impitoyable exercé sur le travail à différents niveaux offre un gage de fiabilité pour la traduction et l’annotation. Cette Bible qui se veut œcuménique se devait d’inclure les deutéro- canoniques (regroupés à la suite des livres canoniques de l’Ancien Testament). Elle parut en deux versions: l’une «à notes intégrales», l’autre «à notes essentielles».

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Une première révision eut lieu en 1988, destinée notamment à harmoniser les passages parallèles. En 2003, parut en fascicule séparé une édition révisée du Pentateuque, qui fut intégrée l’année suivante dans la T.O.B. à notes intégrales; la révision portait essentiellement sur l’introduction et l’annotation, de manière à intégrer les progrès de la recherche, qui rendait obsolète la théorie documentaire dans sa forme traditionnelle. La nouvelle édition de 2010 a été l’occasion d’apporter des retouches ponctuelles à la traduction (par exemple, la «cithare» a été remplacée par la «lyre» en Gn 4,21 pour éviter l’anachronisme) et de retouches systématiques (notamment en ce qui concerne les noms divins: «le Seigneur, le tout-puissant» est devenu «Le Seigneur de l’univers»; le titre pantokrátwr est uniformément rendu par «Le Souverain»; la «guerre sainte» est devenu la «guerre de Dieu» pour des raisons évidentes; la «jalousie» de Dieu est devenue son «zèle» ou son «ardeur»; on ne parle plus du Dieu jaloux, mais du Dieu exigeant). Les passages de Jn où le mot ˆIouda⁄oi appa- raît ont été passés en revue, de manière à préciser s’il désigne les Juifs (4,9; etc.), les habitants de la Judée (11,19) ou les autorités juives (1,19 et très souvent). Mais la principale innovation consiste dans l’adjonction des livres deutérocano- niques qui sont reçus par les Églises orthodoxes (soit comme inclus dans leur canon des Écritures [Église grecque], soit comme recommandés à la lecture [Églises russe, bulgare, serbe et roumaine], cf. pp. 1646-1647): 3 et 4 Esdras, 3 et 4 Maccabées, la Prière de Manassé et le Psaume 151 (celui-ci était présent dans la T.O.B. dès la première édition, mais il fait l’objet d’une introduction détaillée et d’une nouvelle traduction), ce qui a entraîné une refonte de l’Introduction aux livres deutérocano- niques, refonte qui pose très clairement la question des canons – notez le pluriel – de l’Ancien Testament. Par là est renforcée la dimension œcuménique de la T.O.B. Pour marquer l’événement, un ouvrage intitulé L’aventure de la T.O.B. a été publié conjointement. Il décrit l’histoire de la concrétisation d’un rêve – celui d’une Bible commune aux différentes Églises chrétiennes – , rappelle comme celle-ci a été reçue en France et dans la francophonie, retrace l’évolution de la T.O.B. au fil des révisions, envisage les défis de la traduction biblique et revient longuement sur la question des «trois canons chrétiens». Un telle Bible «à canon variable» est une première à l’échelle de la francophonie, et sans doute même à l’échelle mondiale. La T.O.B. est également disponible dans une version «à notes essentielles» (avec des introductions générales et une introduction à chaque livre) à prix démocratiques (à partir de /16.50 – /8.00 pour le Nouveau Testament seul). J.-M. AUWERS

Ernst VOGT. A Lexicon of Biblical Aramaic: Clarified by Ancient Documents. Translated and revised by J.A. FITZMYER (Subsidia Biblica, 42). Roma, Gregorian & Biblical Press, 2011. (21≈15), 349 p. ISBN 978-88-7653- 655-7. /25.00.

Publié en fascicules à partir de 1947, le Lexicon hebraicum et aramaicum Veteris Testamenti de Franz Zorell est en fait exclusivement un dictionnaire hébreu. L’A. n’est pas arrivé au bout de son entreprise. L’édition de 1989 a d’ailleurs rectifié le titre de manière à correspondre à la réalité: Lexicon hebraicum Veteris Testa- menti. E. Vogt s’est employé à compléter le dictionnaire pour la partie araméenne,

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en publiant un Lexicon aramaicum Veteris Testamenti (1971). Vu l’exiguïté du corpus araméen de l’AT, Vogt a pris le parti de rassembler, pour chaque mot, une masse de ses attestations en araméen pré-achéménide, achéménide et qumrânien (mais non en araméen targoumique). C’est ce qui a fait et fait encore le mérite de cet instrument de travail; des citations de phrases entières permettent de mieux saisir le sens du mot dans les dialectes considérés. Évidemment, depuis 1971, notre connaissance de l’araméen s’est enrichie, grâce notamment à la publication intégrale des documents du Désert de Juda: à l’époque, seuls étaient parus les cinq premiers volumes des Discoveries in the Judaean Desert (1955-1968), alors qu’à présent la collection est complète (40 volumes). Éditeur des inscriptions ara- méennes de Sefîre, de l’Apocryphe de la Genèse (1QapGen) et d’un Manual of Palestinian Aramaic Texts (1978; 21994), Joseph A. Fitzmyer a traduit le Lexicon en anglais en lui apportant les corrections qui s’imposaient. La Préface annonce aussi «quelques références complémentaires aux textes araméens de Qumrân» (p. 12), difficiles à repérer. J.-M. AUWERS

Patrick ANDRIST (ed.). Le manuscrit B de la Bible (Vaticanus graecus 1209): Introduction au fac-similé Actes du Colloque de Genève (11 juin 2001). Contributions supplémentaires (Histoire du texte biblique: Studien zur Geschichte des biblischen Textes, 7). Lausanne, Éditions du Zèbre, 2009. (24≈16,5), 312 p. + 8 planches. ISBN 2-940351-05-8. /39.00.

In 1999, the Vatican Library published a facsimile edition of the Vaticanus gr. 1209, known to biblical scholars as “codex Vaticanus” or just “B”. The edition is as beautiful as it is hard to find: Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1209: Bibliorum Sacrorum Graecorum Codex Vaticanus B, Roma, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1999. It is a pity that only few libraries probably have the means to procure a copy of this expensive edition. As a consequence, not many readers will have the opportunity to enjoy this marvelous manuscript or be instructed by the three articles in the Prolegomena. P. CANART (Le Vaticanus graecus 1209: Notice paléographique et codicologique), P.-M. BOGAERT (Le Vaticanus graecus 1209 témoin du texte grec de l’Ancien Testament) and S. PISANO (The Vaticanus graecus 1209: A Witness to the Text of the New Testament) not only provide a useful overview of the state of the research on this manuscript but also take position in a debate that is inextricably bound up with B: the question of its origins (see below). The volume edited by P. ANDRIST offers a most welcome reprint of the prolegomena (with some corrections and notes to the essays by Canart and Bogaert). Together these three articles (pp. 19-45, 47-76 and 77-97; the titles cited above are those of the reprints in Andrist’s volume) form the first part of the book. The second part contains the proceedings of the conference that prompted the appearance of this volume and which was held in Geneva on June 11, 2001. Four of the five essays in this part (not counting the Closing comments by J.M. MEJÍA, pp. 193-195) also deal with the problem of the origins of B. The question is dealt with by J.K. ELLIOTT (Theodore Skeat et l’origine du Codex Vaticanus, pp. 119- 133 [the French translation of a paper originally read in English; the original

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version can be found as an appendix to T.C. SKEAT’s Collected Biblical Writings, which was edited by Elliott (Supplements to Novum Testamentum, 113), Leiden – Boston, MA, Brill, 2004, 281-294; this is not mentioned in Andrist’s volume]); P.-M. BOGAERT (Le Vaticanus, Athanase et Alexandrie, pp. 135-155); C.-B. AMPHOUX (Les circonstances de la copie du Codex Vaticanus (Vat. gr. 1209), pp. 157-176); and B. ALAND (Die Bedeutung des Codex Vaticanus für die frühe Kirchengeschichte, pp. 177-191). Only the contribution by S. PISANO (L’histoire du Codex Vaticanus B pendant quatre siècles: Les notes inédites du cardinal Mercati, pp. 105-118) deals with another aspect of the famous manuscript. Pisano presents a text Giovanni Mercati (“l’un des plus grands connaisseurs récents du codex B”, p. 105) wrote in the first years of the 20th century on the recent history of B (Mercati’s manuscript is not dated). It counts 228 pages of Latin text and was intended to be published in 1910-1911. In his article, Pisano discusses the part of the manuscript that treats the history of B from the 16th to the 20th century. He shows the enormous quantity of bibliographical details Mercati provided with regard to the period 1520-1559, when scholars from all over Europe consulted B in Rome. The qualities of the text notwithstanding, Pisano does not think it necessary to publish Mercati’s notes because they are now partly outdated. The third and final part of the volume (entitled Suppléments) consists of two essays that also deal with B and that have been written in the margins of the conference by Ph.B. PAYNE – P. CANART (Distigmai Matching the Original Ink of Codex Vaticanus: Do They Mark the Location of Textual Variants?, pp. 199- 226) and by P. ANDRIST (Le milieu de production du Vaticanus graecus 1209 et son histoire postérieure: Le canon d’Eusèbe, les listes du IVe siècle des livres canoniques, les distigmai et les manuscrits connexes, pp. 227-256). The volume concludes with indices of manuscripts and of biblical citations; a thematic index; a bibliographical list; and some pictures of B. The scholar who without any doubt contributed most to the discussion on B’s origins in the 20th century is T.C. Skeat († 2003). His article on The Codex Sinaiti- cus, the Codex Vaticanus and Constantine (Journal of Theological Studies 50 [1999] 583-625; reprinted in his Collected Biblical Writings, 193-237) proved to be a crucial voice in the debate. Skeat was not able to attend the Geneva conference to which he was invited. Andrist cites in the introduction (pp. 5-12) two of Skeat’s letters to the organizing committee of the conference and also reproduces the obituary by Elliott (pp. 13-15). According to Skeat, B and the famous codex Sinaiticus were copied in one and the same scriptorium in Caesarea and both were to be counted among the fifty copies that were to be sent from Caesarea to Constantinople on the behest of the emperor Constantine (see Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine 4,36). Skeat was rather disappointed about the way the conference had dealt with his theories (see pp. XIV-XV of his Collected Biblical Writings). The volume offers a forum for various opinions regarding the origins of B and different reactions to Skeat’s thesis, ranging from firm acceptance (Elliott) over carefully formulated partial agreement (Canart) to rejection (Amphoux and Bogaert). Amphoux argues that B was produced in Rome; Bogaert opts for Alexandria. As one working on the LXX, I propose to take a closer look at the Alexandrian hypothesis, a position that has a long tradition in LXX research (e.g. by A. Rahlfs). Bogaert deals with the question of B’s origins in the two essays he contributes to the volume. The first essay introduces to the discussion an element that is very important but that has not been sufficiently dealt with by other scholars who wrote

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on B (including Skeat). Starting from the observation that quite diverging judgments have been formulated on the textual character of B, Bogaert offers a helpful summary of previous evaluations of the text types represented by B for each book of the LXX. The overview shows a lack of “internal” homogeneity, which contrasts with the so-called “external” uniformity of the manuscript itself, as stressed by Skeat, Elliott and others (i.e., that the entire codex witnesses to the same scribal characteristics). All in all, however, Bogaert may perhaps have overemphasized the indi- cations that link B to Egypt. In his second essay, Bogaert further supports his thesis of the Alexandrian origin by focusing on codicological aspects. From a paleographical point of view, he says he can agree with scholars who defend a common origin for B and S, but it does not prevent him from advocating an Alexandrian provenance for B. Bogaert stresses the fact that Origenian influence on Sa.c. is not strong, which he interprets as an argument against a Caesarean origin. A strong argument in favor of his position is the similarity – long accepted – between B and the Festal letter of Athanasius of Alexandria: the similarities are undeniable and form the backbone of the Alexandrian thesis since Rahlfs. Scholars who propagate Skeat’s thesis have not yet found a satisfying way to deal with this objection. The suggestion of Elliott that the order of the Biblical canon in the Festal Letter is not significant (p. 121) does not convince. On the basis of these and other arguments, Bogaert concludes that B probably was among the Bibles ordered by Constans from Athanasius. However, Bogaert’s second article also contains some weaknesses. Thus it would have strengthened his case if he had also cited some evidence in support of his claim that the Hexaplaric traces in B could have entered the manuscript in Egypt. Hexaplaric influence can indeed be documented in fourth-century Egypt (cf. Ra[hlfs] 922, Ra G or Ra 927), but not in all manuscripts (Ra 998). One will also note that Canart concludes that B and S/a were written within an interval of at most 20 years (cf. p. 39). This case study constitutes an important contribution to current and future research on this fascinating manuscript. R. CEULEMANS

Christopher A. ROLLSTON. Writing and Literacy in the World of Ancient Israel: Epigraphic Evidence from the Iron Age (SBL Archaeology and Biblical Studies, 11). Atlanta GA, Society of Biblical Literature, 2010. (22,5≈15), XX-171 p. ISBN 978-1-58983-107-0. $21.95.

How literate was ancient Israel? What exactly did this literacy entail? Who where the scribes, and how have they been instrumental in the production of the Hebrew Bible? These are some of the most important questions underlying contemporary research into the early history of Israel, which have received considerable attention in recent years. According to its introduction, the present book aims to probe into them by opening a window onto writing in the Syro- Palestinian world of the Iron Age. Whereas the second part specifically focuses on the profession of scribes in ancient Israel, the first part paints the broader picture of the wider Ancient Near Eastern context and the variety of evidence available. The first chapter briefly explores the origin and early development

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of the alphabet at the beginning of the second millennium BCE. Subsequently, the second chapter narrows down the lens to the use of the Phoenician script in the eastern Mediterranean during the late second and early first millennium, and it outlines the rise of the two major daughter scripts of the Phoenician, the Old Hebrew and the Aramaic. The actual epigraphic evidence from ancient Israel is presented in the lengthy third chapter, which offers a representative but not exhaustive survey of Northwest Semitic inscriptions from the Iron Age. Although biblical scholars are probably most familiar with – and accordingly also particularly interested in – the Tel Dan inscription, the Mesha stele or the lmlk seals, a single glance at this overview suffices to realise the diversity of the corpus, which encompasses inter alia monumental and statuary inscriptions, inscribed royal and cultic items, ink ostraca, seals and bullae, funerary inscription and weights. With these introductory issues settled, Rollston enters into a more specific discussion on the human persons responsible for the production of these literary remains, the ancient scribes. As is well-known from Israel’s neighbouring cultures, scribes belonged to the upper class of society and often worked in a school context. Therefore, the introductory fourth chapter offers some short notes on the power and prestige of the scribal profession in Egypt, Mesopotamia and Israel. Rollston then moves on to the highly debated notion of scribal schools and education in Ancient Israel and contends that a formal and standardised scribal training must have existed, his argument mainly being based on the precision and synchronic consistency in the epigraphic data (incl. several digres- sions on the development of certain letters in the Old Hebrew script). Venturing further into the speculative realm, the sixth chapter considers the physical environment where scribal education in ancient Israel may have been conducted. Chapter seven addresses literacy as such, but in the end merely states the obvious, viz. that the Hebrew Bible was largely written by the literate elite and cannot be used to assume the literacy of the lower classes. Finally, the eighth chapter operates from a modern perspective by drawing attention to the possibil- ity of a forgery, which is to be borne in mind by anyone working on the basis of non-provenanced evidence. Illustrated with numerous pictures and drawings, and avoiding lengthy footnotes, this volume is clearly written with a non-specialised reader in view. Much of the more detailed discussion, however, is still of a rather technical nature, e.g. with respect to the Old Hebrew orthography, whereas certain important questions on the training of the scribes are not addressed. Moreover, the speculative nature of some of Rollston’s arguments should not go unnoticed, particularly with regard to the existence of scribal schools and the location where scribes were actually trained. His contentions do not militate against the evidence, but they do not logically follow from it either; the fact remains that the evidence is often too ambiguous to allow making bold inferences on scribal education in ancient Israel. To be sure, some parts of this book may be useful, also for academics, e.g. as a source for quick consultation in the context of an introductory course – but even then this book cannot eclipse other recent works on literacy and scribes in ancient Israel, such as David M. CARR’s Writing on the Tablet of the Heart (Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2005) or Karel VAN DER TOORN’s Scribal Culture and the Making of the Hebrew Bible (Harvard University Press, 2007). H. DEBEL

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Michael E. STONE – Aryeh AMIHAY – Vered HILLEL (eds.). Noah and His Book(s) (SBL Early Judaism and Its Literature, 28), Atlanta GA, Society of Biblical Literature, 2010. (15,5≈23), XIV-380 p. ISBN 978-1-58983- 488-0. CHF59.00. One of the numerous surprising new insights into Second Temple Judaism and its literature yielded by the scrolls and fragments from the Judean Desert pertains to the emphasis certain texts put on the figure of Noah, portraying him as the prototypical priest who prefigures the role of the righteous remnant in the end- time. Apart from their importance for understanding the development of apocalyptic thought, these texts have also fuelled the debate on the hypothetical “Book of Noah” that would have served as the common source of these “parabiblical” traditions complementing the rather scanty information on Noah in the biblical texts. At present, the scholarly world is clearly divided over the existence of a separate “Book of Noah”: whereas Florentino García Martínez considered it “completely certain”, Devorah Dimant classified it as a “scholarly fiction”. Tak- ing these conflicting opinions as its point of departure, the present book – which emerged from a senior seminar directed by Michael Stone – re-examines the many references to such (a) Noah writing(s) in Second Temple Jewish literature. In addition, it also discusses Noah traditions that postdate the destruction of the temple. Serving as an introduction to the first part of the book, which focuses on the fragments and documents associated with a “Book of Noah”, is a reprint of Stone’s state of the question published in Dead Sea Discoveries 13 (2006). Although his goal is to survey only the references to an actual “Book of Noah” in Second Temple writings – which are limited to the Genesis Apocryphon, the Aramaic Levi Document and Jubilees – Stone also includes a highly ambiguous reference to a book of some kind in Jubilees’ Table of Nations, which he too quickly classifies as straightforward evidence for a “Book of Noah”. Moreover, his conclusion that unless contrary evidence emerges, these references should be regarded as designating a lost literary work from the third century BCE or older, is entirely conjectural and points to the fundamental problem in the discussion: whether or not a “Book of Noah” once existed, cannot be demonstrated from these scanty references alone and thus remains a point of scholarly belief rather than an actual fact. Seven more detailed papers follow upon Stone’s general overview. The first two take issue with Robert H. Charles’s identification of several “Noachic” fragments in his early 20th-century commentary on 1 Enoch: Vered Hillel reaffirms Charles’s designating three passages from the Similitudes as “Noachic” (1 En 54,7–55,2; 60; 65,1–69,25), while Michael Tuval speculates that the core of the Book of the Watchers (1 En 6–11) may have been part of the “Book of Noah”. In a very well-balanced and interesting essay that likewise focuses on 1 Enoch, Arjeh Amihay and Dan A. Machiela compare various elements in the account of Noah’s wondrous birth (1 En 106–107) with their respective counterparts in the Genesis Apocryphon, concluding that both draw upon a broader tradition that reflects a tendency to intensify Noah’s role. Claire Pfann discusses the fragments from Qumran Cave 1 which Józef T. Milik published as Livre de Noé in the very first DJD-volume (1Q19), suggesting a redistribution over two distinct manuscripts. Returning to the Genesis Apocryphon, Esther Eshel hypothesizes that this

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peculiar composition originally consisted of three cycles, respectively focusing on Enoch, Noah and Abram, whose lifes and times were linked to one another through the secondary characters Lamech and Shem. Jeremy Penner moves on to another series of Qumran fragments that Milik attributed to the “Book of Noah” (4Q534-536): although there is nothing that prevents the unknown figure described in these fragments to be identified as Noah, so he concludes, one should resist drawing any certain conclusion on account of the paucity of the evidence. Somewhat surprisingly, the final essay in the first part of the book, written by Rebecca Scharbach, is devoted to Jewish and Christian works from medieval and Renaissance times that are attributed to Noah. Continuing along the lines set out by Scharbach, the second part presents itself as offering a number of essays about the reception of the Noah traditions after the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. However, a single glance at its table of contents reveals that no less than four essays – that is, almost half of the second part as a whole – deal with works still written during the Second Temple Period: the Septuagint’s rendering of Gn 6–9 (Benjamin G. Wright III), Josephus’s rewriting of these chapters in his Antiquities and his references to Noah in Against Apion (Michael Tuval), Philo’s idealisation of the figure of Noah (Albert C. Geljon), and various other examples of Second Temple Jewish literature referring to Noah and the Flood (Nadav Sharon and Moshe Tishel). Thus, the actual part on the reception of Noah beyond the Second Temple Period is limited to the next five essays surveying the rabbi’s ambiguous portrayal of Noah (Aryeh Amihay), his equally ambiguous reception in gnostic writings (Sergey Minov), his typological depiction in Syriac sources (Dan A. Machiela), the elliptic retelling of the Noah story in the Qur’an (Erica Martin), and its visual depiction in Jewish and Christian art (Ruth Clements). Another but closely related kind of reception is discussed in the first of two papers in the third part of the volume, a very short essay by Hillel and Stone on Noah in onomastic traditions. In the final article, Stone provides an overview of the key biblical verses used by treasure hunters in their quest for Mount Ararat. Although the principles behind the ordering of the essays in these three parts are not entirely clear and seem to have been inconsistently applied, the publication of this volume presents an important achievement in research on the Noah traditions from the Second Temple Period. By gathering the scanty references to Noah and his book(s) and reviewing later reinterpretations of the biblical texts about Noah, it paints a picture of a supposedly rich literary tradition that has largely gone lost. As for the existence of a “Book of Noah”, however, one should not be misguided by some of the authors’ confidence in evaluating the actual evidence. In fact, one may apply Penner’s conclusion on 4Q534-536 to the discussion on the book of Noah as a whole: although there is nothing explic- itly militating against it, the paucity of evidence should prevent us from drawing any firm inferences. Perhaps the scientifically most responsible summary may be found along the lines of the essay by Amihay and Machiela, who cautiously state: “The main arguments against the existence of such a book have been the diversity of materials attributed to the book of Noah, the fact that such a book has not been found, and problems of dating the various sources that allegedly drew from the book of Noah” (p. 68). Anything beyond that, remains reason- able guesswork at best. H. DEBEL

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Helge S. KVANVIG. Primeval History: Babylonian, Biblical, and Enochic. An Intertextual Reading (Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism, 149). Leiden – Boston, Brill, 2011. (24,5≈16,5), XVI-610 p. ISBN 978-90-04-16380-5. /184.00. $251.00. Since the announcement of Tablet XI of the Gilgamesh Epic in 1872, with its Mesopotamian story of a great deluge on earth, the scholarly world has been flooded with Ancient Near Eastern parallels to the biblical accounts of creation and flood, the two pillars on which the “primeval history” (Genesis 1–11) rests. As a consequence of these discoveries, it has now become abundantly clear that the beginning of the book of Genesis contains reworkings of ancient myths that reach back as far as the early second millennium BCE. Moreover, the discovery of fragments from the Aramaic original of 1 Enoch and related texts at Qumran has spurred interest in the story of the “watchers”, the divine beings – called “sons of God” in Gn 6,1-4 – whose craving after mortal women makes them descend from heaven and produce a race of semi-divine offspring. The aim of the present volume is to fully explore these literary traditions in which the biblical “primeval history” is to be located. The book consists of three major parts, which correspond to the three basic lines of tradition that may be discerned in Kvanvig’s view, viz. a “Babylonian”, a “biblical” and an “Enochic” line. An appendix offers a detailed comparison of the biblical “primeval history” with the story of the Watchers. In the first part, Kvanvig mainly presents three originally independent Mesopo- tamian traditions on the “primeval history”: the Atrahasis myth, the Sumerian flood story (or Eridu Genesis), and the lists of antediluvian sages or apkallus. Two other texts briefly referred to are the Sumerian lists of antediluvian kings and the Poem of Erra. Somewhat surprisingly, a number of texts that one would expect in this part are not discussed separately, particularly the Gilgamesh Epic and the Babylonian epic of creation (the Enuma Elish), which is most probably due to the fact that this monograph has a particularly focus on the story of the watchers and the flood. As for the biblical “primeval history”, Kvanvig pays primarily attention to the “P” materials, since he sides with the view espoused by J.-L. Ska and J. Blenkin- sopp that “P” represents the oldest layer within the text and the “non-P” materials its earliest commentary, elaborating upon the corruption of humanity among the descendants of Adam in order to explain the necessity of a flood. In Kvanvig’s opinion, “P”s primeval history once formed an independent composition, built from the blocks found in the Babylonian traditions, particularly the Atrahasis myth and the lists of antediluvian kings. In this regard, so he maintains, it can hardly be a coincidence that Noah resembles the flood hero Utanapisti, that Enoch occupies the (seventh) position of Enmeduranki, who was taken to heaven, or that human fruitfulness plays an important part in both the Atrahasis myth and in “P”, even if they develop this theme in opposite directions. Additionally, Kvanvig also offers a lengthy digression on the enigmatic verses Gn 6,1-4: he considers them the most challenging and also the youngest part of the “primeval history”, which cannot be assigned to either “P” or “non-P”. In these verses, Babylonian, biblical and Enochic traditions seem to intersect: human immortality and the blurring of the boundaries between human and divine also play an important part in the Atra- hasis myth, but these biblical verses also unmistakably allude to the plot of the Enochic watcher story, in which humans are the victims rather than the cause of evil on earth.

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In the third and final part of this volume, Kvanvig explores the many points of contact between Genesis 1–9 and the Enochic watcher story. Observing that a verbatim correspondence occurs only in Gn 6,1-2.4 // En 6,1-2; 7,1abc.2 and that all other correspondences take the form of remote allusions, Kvanvig argues that the watcher story as such is dependent upon the biblical “primeval history” – more specifically upon “P”, which may indicate that it was composed before “non-P” had been added – and that Gn 6,1-4 were later taken from the former and incorporated in the latter as an echo of a story well-known to the readers. As further evidence for reconstructing such a crisscross relationship, he points to the fact that the issue of human immortality – prominent in Gn 6,3 – is not yet connected to the actual watcher story in 1 Enoch, and to the lack of mentioning the nephilim in En 6,1-2; 7,1abc.2. Furthermore, he contends that the watcher story also reflects an early first millennium BCE Babylonian tradition about kings who were created separately from other human beings, engaged particularly in warfare and had immediate access to the gods – a tradition that may also stand at the roots of the biblical picture of Nimrod in Gn 10,8-12. As such, a dialogical relationship between developing traditions emerges: the story of the watchers has united Bab- ylonian and biblical traditions – which in themselves were also built upon Baby- lonian traditions – and in turn further influenced the biblical tradition. In sum, there can be no doubt that Kvanvig’s voluminous monograph has many merits. Bringing together these various traditions in a single volume, each with a thorough discussion, is itself an ambitious undertaking from which many colleagues will take advantage, and Kvanvig adds some original new insights to it. Particularly convincing is his hypothesis on the origins and development of Gn 6,1-4 – once described by Julius Wellhausen as a “cracked erratic boulder” in the “primeval history”. Thinking in terms of a complex web of literary relationships is definitely preferable to the oversimplifying chicken-or-egg discussions that scholars have all too often conducted on this passage. Kvanvig’s detailed analyses may not always be as accessible as one would wish them to be, but his concluding remarks to each part summarise his position in a very clear way (even if a general conclusion to the book as a whole is wanting). That, however, should not obfuscate the fact that Kvanvig succeeded in writing a masterly and very insightful monograph, which should not be ignored by anyone interested in the “primeval history” and/or the story of the watchers. H. DEBEL

Thomas B. DOZEMAN – Konrad SCHMID – Baruch J. SCHWARTZ (eds.). The Pentateuch: International Perspectives on Current Research (Forschungen zum Alten Testament, 78). Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2011. (24≈16), XVIII-578 p. ISBN 978-3-16-150613-0. /129.00.

To come to grips with the present state of research into the Pentateuch has become a quite ambitious undertaking in view of the proliferation of opinions and hypotheses developed in the wake of the so-called “storm” that has been raging through Pentateuchal studies since the mid-seventies. Not only should one be able to master dozens of lengthy and very detailed monographs of scholars using their own sophisticated jargon, but one should also account for the

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geographical diversification that has occurred during the past few decades: whereas, in general, European scholarship has radically reinterpreted the model of four independent sources and only accepts “P” as a plausible hypothesis, Israeli scholars lay particular emphasis on an earlier dating of “P” within the framework of the Documentary Hypothesis, and the North-American scholarly community – less preoccupied with questions of composition than European scholars – tends to still assume it as a valuable explanation for the textual growth of the Penta- teuch. Observing, in their own words, this “parochialization in the global academic landscape with regard to questions of the Pentateuch’s literary development”, the editors of this volume of proceedings of a conference held in Zurich in January 2010, aim to foster dialogue between these different approaches and to move the three seemingly isolated “schools” in the direction of a new synthesis that transcends their geographical boundaries. Most interesting for biblical scholars not specialising in the literary criticism of the Pentateuch is the first section of essays, as they provide an overview of current issues in methodology and of the main points of consensus and disagreement with regards to the origins and composition of the Pentateuch: surveying the range of solutions proposed to explain its manifold literary problems, some of them also unfold new insights. In his provocative opening essay, Baruch J. Schwartz challenges the oft-read axiom that the Documentary Hypothesis has been disproved by pointing out that much of the criticism raised against it does not pertain to its essentials, but to the details of the source division or historical reconstruction as they appear in the monumental works of scholars like Julius Wellhausen and Martin Noth. Continuing along somewhat similar lines, Konrad Schmid raises the question whether the Documentary Hypothesis has really been discarded by Euro- pean scholarship and makes a number of astute observations on the basis of quo- tations of crucial passages from the works of 19th-century source critics. More specifically, he points out that almost all hypotheses on the composition of the Pentateuch still reckon with the pre-existence of several self-contained literary units or “documents” (Urkunden), particularly – but not exclusively – “P”, which even scholars considering “P” as “source nor redaction” (most notably Erhard Blum) believe to have implied some originally independent written text. There- fore, in Schmid’s opinion the so-called “anti-documentary uproar” in Europe – a phrase coined by Joel S. Baden – is essentially directed against Von Rad’s sim- plification of the Documentary Hypothesis (followed by Noth), and actually encompasses a rediscovery of the more complex theories on the prehistory of the sources developed by 19th-century scholars. One of the designers of such a sophisticated hypothesis, Reinhart G. Kratz, subsequently explores both the common ground and the disagreements in current Pentateuchal scholarship: although the divergences are manifold, he sees a broad consensus on the presence of four identifiable strata within the Pentateuch, viz. the Covenant Code, the book of Deuteronomy, the Priestly writing (including the Holiness Code), and the non- priestly and non-deuteronomi(sti)c parts of the Pentateuch, which are believed to have originally existed as independent traditions. Taking as his lead a quote from Blum that “to be able to understand a text one should know where/how it begins and where/how it ends” and offering extensive footnotes, Kratz briefly sketches the main issues in the debate, and at the end of his essay observes that differences are often the result of misunderstandings, and that many problems originate in the terminology employed.

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The next paper in the first section, a clear and challenging essay by David M. Carr, narrows the lens to the distinction between the “P” and “non-P” layers, considered axiomatic in current research, and reconstructs two major stages in the formation of the Pentateuch by pointing to the fact that harmonisation – which he calls scribal coordination – constitutes the widely documented form of revision in Sec- ond Temple Jewish Pentateuchal texts. First, so Carr maintains, several so-called “deuteronomistic” elements within “non-P” may be understood as scribal inter- ventions aimed at bridging the pre-Priestly Tetrateuch and Deuteronomy by coor- dinating parts of Genesis, Exodus and Numbers with their back-references in Deuteronomy. Second, against the theory that “H”, the Holiness redaction, would have been responsible for the combination of P and non-P, he believes H to represent a similar sort of coordination with the Covenant Code and Deuteronomy, which therefore must have preceded the combination of P and non-P and may even have contributed to their rapprochement. Looking at the debate from a different perspective, the final two essays in this section raise a number of methodological questions vis-à-vis scholarly practices among literary critics. First, Benjamin D. Sommer jettisons the precise dating of texts on the basis of the ideas and themes expressed in them, which implies the so-called “pseudo-historicist” assumption that certain ideas can only arise within the historical circumstances deemed most fit for their emergence. In his opinion, such attempts to locate texts within a historical context are dependent more upon scholarly presuppositions than upon the texts themselves, and therefore need to be used with caution. Second, Jean-Louis Ska warns against a too rigid atomisa- tion of a text in editorial layers and sources by presenting four examples from key passages in the books of Genesis and Exodus where the tensions within the final text may also be explained in terms of Hebrew grammar and style or the text’s narrative design. Without calling into doubt the literary-critical endeavour as such, these essays rightly point to the excesses of two centuries of literary criticism within the Pentateuch. In order not to exceed the limits of what is acceptable for a book review – even a most stimulating book as this one – it may suffice to treat in a much briefer way the following sections, which present some interesting cases in point with regard to three specific complexes within the Pentateuch, viz. the book of Genesis, the books of Exodus and Deuteronomy, and the three most commonly distinguished redactional strata throughout them (the Deuteronomostic, Priestly and Holiness layers). No less than four of the six articles in the Genesis section focus on the “primeval history”: Ronald Hendel addresses the provenance of the composition’s non-priestly stratum, whereas the articles by Thomas Krüger, Michaela Bauks and Jan Christian Gertz offer detailed remarks on the two stories of creation and the account of the flood, which have always played an important role within the literary criticism of the Pentateuch. In the two remaining essays of the Gen- esis section, Sarah Shechtman draws attention to the practice of marrying Ara- mean wives in the patriarchal narratives, and Christoph Levin elaborates upon his revised understanding of the “Yahwist” as an exilic redactor of pre-existent material by discussing the three redactional strata within Genesis 39 and the Joseph story as a whole. In the section on “Exodus-Deuteronomy”, Rainer Albertz argues for the existence of an originally independent exilic Exodus composition encompassing Exodus 1–34*, and Thomas B. Dozeman points to the travel notices in Exodus and Numbers as further evidence for “P” having basically reshaped a

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“non-P” layer, possibly working on the basis of an independent source. Erhard Blum offers a new reconstruction of the literary growth of the Ten Command- ments: his “biography” of the Decalogue begins with a “heptalogue” in Exodus 20*, continues with its transformation into the first Decalogue at the beginning of the Deuteronomistic History, and regards the present text of Exodus 20 as a reworking of Deuteronomy 5. After Simeon Chavel’s analysis of the pivotal chapter 12 in Deuteronomy, Joel S. Baden reissues his earlier monograph’s affirmation of the Documentary Hypothesis through an examination of Dt 1,9-18 and 10,1-5, which in his opinion should not be considered as deuteronomi(sti)c additions to the Tetrateuch, but rather as the “pre-Deuteronomic” sources adopted and reworked by D, whom Baden believes to have worked on the basis of an independent E-document rather than a combined JE-source. The fourth bunch of essays subsequently addresses the legal sections in the Pentateuch, with essays on circumcision as sign of the eternal covenant in Genesis 17 (Saul M. Olyan), on berit) in Leviticus 26 (Jeffrey Stackert), on the composite nature) ברית the usage of of Numbers 25 (Itamar Kislev), and on the textual history of the legislation on clean and unclean animals in Leviticus 11 and Deuteronomy 14 (Christophe Nihan). In between, a more general perspective is adopted by Israel Knohl, presenting anew his hypothesis on the “Holiness School” as the final editors of the Pentateuch. The papers gathered in the final section set out to tackle another thorny issue in Pentateuchal research, viz. the formation of the Pentateuch as a whole and the question of its reaching an authoritative status in the Persian Period. It quickly turns out, however, that some essays do not actually belong under this heading: Reinhard Achenbach investigates the dynamic interplay with an emerging corpus of prophetic literature, whereas A. Graeme Auld probes into the intertextual links between Genesis and Samuel, wondering whether the authors of Genesis may not have modelled certain stories and their characters on materials drawn from the books of Samuel. More to the point, Thomas Römer explores allusions in the Psalms that may indicate the special status of the Pentateuchal narrative compared to the other books of the Enneateuch. Observing that many scholars consider the Persian period a watershed in the formation of the Pentateuch, James W. Watts suggests that during this time the Torah become ritualised in three dimensions, that is, the iconic, the performative and the semantic dimension of Scripture. Pointing to the textual evidence from the so-called “pre-Samaritan” – or “harmo- nistic” – manuscripts from Qumran, Gary N. Knoppers maintains that the Torah initially served the function of a uniting rather than a dividing force between the Samarian and Judean communities: prior to the alienation that occurred during the second century BCE, the Pentateuch may have bound them together as descendants of Jacob as a foundational father, while also providing them with the necessary precepts to structure social life. For this reason, so Knoppers concludes, the historical relationship between Samarians and Judeans should be given more attention in research on the literary history of the Pentateuch. Despite the tenor of these final essays, it should not go unnoticed that only some of the contributors to this volume locate most of the principal developments in the Pentateuch’s formation in the Persian and early Hellenistic periods; others look towards the pre-exilic period. The dating of the various phases of editing even emerges as one of the main points of disagreement throughout this collection of essays: whereas one group of (principally European) scholars is extremely reluctant to date any larger literary unit before the exile, another group – including

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most Israeli scholars – is still confident that certain developments may be traced back to the seventh or eighth century BCE. Despite this difference in opinion, however, it should not go unnoticed that hardly anyone would regard the present text of the Pentateuch as a mechanical conflation of originally independent documents. Even if individual scholars hold varying opinions on the merits and flaws of the Documentary Hypothesis, most of them adhere to more sophisticated models of compiling and redacting. Unfortunately, these models are almost exclusively focused on a single textual witness, the Masoretic text, which is silently regarded as representing the final stage of composition for each biblical book. With the exception of the essays by Carr, Krüger and Knoppers, nowhere is the question raised which consequences may be drawn from the wealth of textual evidence at our disposal with respect to the literary growth of the texts. In addition to the Septuagint and the Samaritan Pentateuch, one should also pay attention to a group of Qumran texts shortly referred to by Knoppers, the so-called Reworked Pentateuch, for which an increasing number of scholars now assume that it may have enjoyed an authoritative status among certain Second Temple Jews. Moreover, in my view one should even ponder over the insights that may be gained from the book of Jubilees, as it seems to present a further reworking of the Pentateuchal narratives that simply continues the process of literary development from which they emerged. To be sure, the editors of this volume are certainly to be congratulated for their efforts in building bridges between the different academic cultures and encourag- ing dialogue between their exponents. It is my impression, nonetheless, that at least one wall is still largely intact and remains to be torn down in light of the insights gained from the Dead Sea Scrolls, viz. the wall that separates the disci- plines of textual and literary criticism. Reading most of the essays in this book, one cannot avoid the feeling that the latter is still perceived as “higher” criticism for which textual or “lower” criticism is expected to provide the rough data. H. DEBEL

Lisbeth S. FRIED (ed.). Was 1 Esdras First? An Investigation into the Prior- ity and Nature of 1 Esdras (SBL Ancient Israel and Its Literature, 7), Atlanta GA, Society of Biblical Literature, 2011. (23≈15), XII-287 p. ISBN 978-1-58983-544-3. /25.00. $34.95.

Generations of scholars have been puzzled over the Septuagint’s juxtaposition of a fairly literal translation of Hebrew Ezra-Nehemiah, called Esdras B, to a work that does not even mention the name of Nehemiah and intertwines whole stretches of text from the book of Ezra with Nehemiah 8, the final chapters of the Chronicles and an unknown story of Zerubbabel winning an intellectual contest at the court of Kind Darius. Particularly in the wake of the discoveries in the Judean desert, this “first” book of Ezra in the Septuagint – labelled Esdras A – has received considerable scholarly attention, as the question arose whether this book too might faithfully represent an alternative Hebrew text and thus shed another light upon the textual development of Ezra-Nehemiah. The present volume provides a state of the question on the issue through a series of essays written by the world’s leading experts, each of them presented during a series of sessions at the SBL’s Annual Meetings of 2007-2009 and 2009 International Meeting in Rome.

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Unfortunately, the structure of the book as a whole – with one set of articles ranged under the heading of “arguing against the priority of Ezra-Nehemiah” and another dubbed arguing against the priority of 1 Esdras – creates the impression that the issue will be approached from the superseded hermeneutical framework which places the Masoretic Text at the centre of textual development by turning all other texts into a stage in either its formation or its reception. However, it quickly turns out that most of the essays themselves advocate a more complex model of development. Thus, for example, the case study by Deirdre Fulton and Gary Knoppers on Ezra 4,6-11a offering a longer text in comparison to 1 Esd 2,15, envisages a dynamic compositional history between both works that may be illuminated through a joint exercise of textual and literary criticism. Likewise, Lester Grabbe jettisons the “chicken-or-egg” approach by postulating two different streams of tradition behind Ezra-Nehemiah: an Ezra tradition in which 1 Esdras is to be located, and a Nehemiah tradition from which the references to Nehemiah in Ben Sira and 2 Maccabees crystallised. Adrian Schenker makes a distinction between the chapters in 1 Esdras that have a Hebrew counterpart in MT and the unparalleled “Story of the Three Youths” (1 Esd 3,1-5,6) – sometimes referred to as the three “guardsmen” or “pages”. In his opinion, this story of Zerubbabel’s wisdom constitutes a rather late insertion into an earlier historical narrative that stands at the origin of both 1 Esdras in its present form and MT Ezra-Nehemiah, with the latter representing a reshaping of the former. In a somewhat similar vein, the “Story of the Three Youths” plays a prominent role in a number of papers from the second part of the book. The opening essay by Bob Becking challenges the view of Schenker and others at this point, arguing inter alia that these chapters do not differ linguistically from the rest of 1 Esdras and fit in with the Hellenistic genre of court tales. It seems, however, that Becking overlooks one important consideration: if the story was inserted at the level of the Hebrew Vorlage, then no linguistic differences are to be expected. On the other hand, one should indeed be cautious not to fully isolate the story of Zerubbabel’s rise at Darius’s court from the rest of 1 Esdras, since it serves an important function in the progression of the narrative as a whole. Viewed from this perspective, it seems worth pondering over the argument of Zipora Talshir, who in her earlier monographs had called the introduction of the story 1 Esdras’s very raison d’être. Reissuing this hypothesis in her contribution to the present volume, Talshir lists the main arguments in favour of the dependence of 1 Esdras on Ezra-Nehemiah anew in dialogue with recent literature, but she also points out that both works present the literary remains of a complicated tradition of which the so-called Ur- composition is beyond reconstruction. A comparable stance is adopted by Juha Pakkala, whose very detailed study places both 1 Esdras and Ezra-Nehemiah in a long and complex textual growth characterised by massive editorial work. None- theless, in the end Pakkala believes that 1 Esdras generally reflects a rather late development, even if it may have preserved a number of more original readings vis-à-vis Ezra-Nehemiah. In addition, several other papers in this part of the volume pay attention to the role of Zerubbabel in 1 Esdras and Ezra-Nehemiah, albeit without an explicit focus on the “Story of the Three Youths”. Thus, Lisbeth Fried makes the case that, even without the story, 1 Esdras 1–7 displays ample traces of rearrangement aiming to advance Zerubbabel’s prestige by absolving him from any responsibility in the delay of the temple’s rebuilding. Likewise, James VanderKam considers

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1 Esdras as the earliest interpretation of Ezra-Nehemiah, giving Zerubbabel a more prominent place in the restoration by crediting him in 1 Esd 6,18 for having returned the temple vessels together with Sheshbazzar, and by attributing some of Nehemiah’s traits to him. Closely related to the alleged exaltation of Zerubbabel in 1 Esdras is indeed the complete absence of Nehemiah, which appears as a seemingly deliberate elimination if one includes Ezra-Nehemiah among the sources of the author of 1 Esdras. In this respect, Jacob Wright speaks of a “battle” over the memory of Nehemiah, with 1 Esdras consciously cutting him out from the account of the restoration, much in the same fashion as Ben Sira’s “Praise of the Fathers” extols Nehemiah at the cost of condemning Ezra to obliv- ion. Finally, mention should also be made of the contribution by Kristin De Troyer, which is only loosely connected to the other papers in this part but shares their general outlook on the relationship between 1 Esdras and Ezra-Nehemiah: in her opinion, another important clue is provided by 1 Esdras’s repeated reference to the “second year” of kind Darius, which appears precisely at the presumed seam points where the author of 1 Esdras broke down the narrative flow of Ezra- Nehemiah. Although the third and final part of the book announces itself as investigating the nature of 1 Esdras itself, the question of its relationship to Ezra-Nehemiah continues to cast its long shadow upon most articles. Thus, for example, Sylvie Honigman observes a threefold cyclical pattern of time in 1 Esdras, and compares it to the continuity of the Ezra-Nehemiah narrative. The alleged dependence on Ezra-Nehemiah is particularly looming in the background of the essays by Sara Japhet and Hugh Williamson, who both discuss 1 Esdras in terms of “rewritten Bible”. To be sure, Japhet is mainly interested in 1 Esdras’s purpose and historical context, maintaining that the culmination of the restoration in the leadership of Ezra is meant to serve the interests of the priesthood in the Hellenistic age, particularly to legitimize the actual political leadership of the high priest. Wil- liamson, for his part, aims to justify the characterisation of 1 Esdras as “rewritten Bible” by matching its contents to the nine criteria outlined in the seminal study by Philip Alexander. Following the lead of Alexander, however, Williamson’s study also suffers from the same flaws, more specifically the petitio principii that, at the beginning of his study, he already assumes 1 Esdras’s dependence upon the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah, thus making it “rewritten Bible” from the very outset and developing his entire argument from that perspective. Moreover, he seems to have missed some of the more recent research on “rewritten Bible”, which tends to consider it a literary technique – “rewriting Scripture” – that can also be found in Scripture itself instead of a distinct genre of texts. The remaining essays of the third part virtually abandon the problem of 1 Esdras’ relationship to Ezra-Nehemiah: Sebastian Grätz zooms in on the portrayal of the kings Josiah, Darius, Cyrus, and Artaxerxes, whereas Paul B. Harvey jr. highlights the Hellenistic colouring of the “Story of the Three Youths” and thus seems to offer further evidence for the position taken by Becking. Finally, Ralph W. Klein draws attention to a problem that is usually ignored in scholarly research on 1 Esdras, viz. the parallel between 1 Esdras 1–2 and 2 Chronicles 35–36. Carefully discussing a number of the dozens of small textual differences, Klein demonstrates how 1 Esdras subtly modifies the account of Josiah’s death. In the end, readers of this volume can only conclude that the question “was 1 Esdras first” is far from solved, as compelling arguments in both directions are

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presented throughout the essays. The book’s main achievement consists in bringing together a variety of scholarly voices on the issue, thus painting a diversified and representative picture of the present state of research. Even if the positions of the main players in the debate basically remain unaltered, all of them offer a useful summary of the views laid out more in detail in their previous studies, and they often further substantiate their claims by one or more additional arguments. More- over, a few common tendencies should not go unnoticed, such as the fact that the theory of a great “Chronistic History” that encompasses the books of Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah hardly plays a role of significance anymore, or the shift in perspective towards examining the literary characteristics of 1 Esdras as a work in its own right. Finally, irrespective of their opinion on the relative position of 1 Esdras and Ezra-Nehemiah, almost all the authors emphasise that both works arguably represent the remains of a broader and dynamic literary tradition. When all is said and done, that may be a very important conclusion in itself – perhaps the most important of all. H. DEBEL

Anthony Chinedu OSUJI. Where Is the Truth? Narrative Exegesis and the Question of True and False Prophecy in Jer 26–29 (MT) (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 214), Leuven – Paris – Walpole MA, Peeters, 2010. (16≈24), XIV-523 p. ISBN 978-90-429- 2084-2. /76.00.

Cet ouvrage est le fruit d’une recherche doctorale menée à bien à la faculté de théologie de l’Université Catholique de Louvain sous la direction d’André Wénin en 2005. L’A. y aborde la question théologique de la «vraie et fausse» prophétie par le prisme du récit des chapitres 26–29 (TM) du livre de Jérémie. Il s’agit là d’une question tellement essentielle, qu’elle a déjà été de nombreuses fois étudiée. Mais cet ouvrage l’aborde de manière tout à fait originale, en se penchant sur le texte étudié à partir d’une approche narrative du récit. De plus, l’application d’une telle méthode de lecture à des chapitres (en prose) de la littérature prophétique (généralement en style poétique) soulève des questions spécifiques auxquelles l’A. s’attache également, apportant ainsi une pierre supplémentaire à la possibilité de lire ce livre biblique comme un tout cohérent dans lequel se développe un récit mettant en scène diverses questions fondamentales liées à la prophétie: la vraie et la fausse, bien sûr, mais aussi ce qui touche à la difficulté de la mission prophé- tique, à l’acceptation ou au refus d’écouter et d’accueillir le prophète et sa parole, ainsi que les incidences que cela a sur le peuple et la ville de Jérusalem. (Ces questions ont été abordées de manière théologique ou littéraire dans des études plus ou moins récentes, par exemple: J.M. ABREGO DE LACY, Jeremías y el final del reino, lectura sincrónica de Jer 36–45 [Estudios del Antiguo Testamento, 3], Valencia, 1983; ID., El texto hebreo estructurado de Jeremías 36–45, in Cuader- nos Biblicos 8 [1983] 1-49; E. DI PEDE, Au-delà du refus: L’espoir. Recherches sur la cohérence narrative de Jr 32–45 TM [BZAW, 357], Berlin – New York, 2005; ou encore M. CUCCA, Il corpo e la città: Studio del rapporto di significa- zione paradigmatica tra la vicenda di Geremia et il destino di Gerusalemme [Studi e ricerche: Sezione biblica], Assisi, 2010).

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L’ouvrage se compose de trois parties, dont la première et le début de la troisième proposent un état de la question tant sur les études jérémiennes – essentiellement les questions de type historiques qui se posent – que sur l’approche méthodologique utilisée (1re partie) et sur les questions théologiques autour du livre (3e partie, chap. I et II). Certes, il s’agit là d’un exercice «classique» dans une recherche doctorale, mais une question se pose toutefois quant à la pertinence, pour un travail de type synchro- nique, du détour par la synthèse des questions historiques telles que, par exemple, la rédaction deutéronomiste de Jr ou encore celle de la chronologie concernant la vocation du prophète ou encore celle des différences entre le texte long et le texte court. Ainsi, ce status quaestionis risque bien souvent d’éloigner du sujet principal de la recherche. À cela s’ajoute que l’état de la question sur les problématiques théologiques ouvre pour sa part la troisième partie de l’ouvrage, ce qui donne une curieuse impression de «déjà vu». Cela dit, si ces status quaestionis ne devaient avoir qu’un avantage, ils auraient celui – et non des moindres – de situer cette recherche dans le très vaste panorama des études jérémiennes, où des études purement littéraires, qui renouvellent le questionnement théologique, voient le jour et trouvent leur place. La partie certainement la plus novatrice et la plus intéressante de l’ensemble est la deuxième, là où l’A. déploie tout en finesse une lecture des chapitres 26–29. Bien informé – on l’a dit – il aborde le texte de manière très attentive et précise. Il réussit ainsi à mettre en évidence les éléments d’unité de l’ensemble et sa cohérence narrative et théologique, toujours dans un souci d’adapter la méthode choisie à l’objet de l’étude et à ses problématiques spécifiques. Il en ressort une lecture tout à fait originale et intelligente de cette partie d’un livre pour lequel un grand nombre d’exégètes exprime souvent plus que du scepticisme sur la possibilité de le lire comme un ensemble unifié. Nous sommes aujourd’hui véritablement face à un changement de paradigme dans la lecture, un changement de paradigme que l’A. a l’audace de proposer et dont les fruits sont riches et savoureux. Une petite remarque s’impose toutefois. La démonstration aurait certainement gagné en force et en cohérence si le choix avait été fait de présenter la lecture narrative du récit selon leur unité de sens et non selon le découpage classique en chapitres, une séparation qui est surtout dommage- able en ce qui concerne les chapitres 27 et 28. Ces deux chapitres ne manquent pas liens forts d’unité (la question du joug porté par le prophète, ainsi que celles des instruments du Temple et de la durée de l’exil) et racontent ensemble «l’affaire du joug»: ce sont l’exposition du récit et la longue parole divine de jugement (chap. 27) qui permettent de comprendre les événements narrés en 28,2-17. La troisième partie de l’ouvrage tente une recontextualisation théologique, sur base de l’étude narrative menée. Si les conclusions ne sont pas neuves, la volonté d’intégrer les résultats d’une recherche exégétiques dans une réflexion théologique contemporaine est très importante. L’A. se centre essentiellement sur son pays (le Nigéria) et son Église locale, mais il n’en demeure pas moins qu’il montre à quel point le travail de l’exégèse est appelé à nourrir la réflexion théologique au sens large, qui ne peut se couper de ses textes fondateurs. Au final, la force de l’ouvrage demeure la 2e partie qui par le biais d’une belle étude littéraire, serrée et pointue, amène un élément substantiel à la recherche sur la cohérence interne du livre de Jérémie et ouvre des perspectives interprétatives qui nourriront certainement la réflexion tant sur la question de la vraie et de la fausse prophétie que sur celle de la lecture d’ensemble du livre du prophète d’Anatot dans sa version longue. E. DI PEDE

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Donatella SCAIOLA, I Dodici Profeti: Perché «Minori»? Esegesi e teologia (Biblica). Bologna, Dehoniane, 2011. (15≈21), 296 p. ISBN 978-88-10- 22154-9. 296 p. /27.50.

L’un des chantiers majeurs de la recherche actuelle dans le domaine des livres prophétiques est certainement celui de l’unité du livre des Douze «petits» prophètes. Dans cet ouvrage, l’A. relève le défis d’introduire de manière simple – mais certainement pas simpliste – à la lecture de chacun des livrets prophétiques, tout en donnant des clés théologiques qui sont autant de lames de fond unissant cet ensemble trop longtemps considéré par la critique comme un recueil disparate d’écrits. S’ils sont effectivement issus de milieux et d’époques différents, il n’en demeure pas moins, en effet, que ceux-ci forment un ensemble, que déjà la tradition juive lit comme s’il s’agissait du quatrième livre des Prophètes Seconds (avec Is, Jr et Éz). L’ouvrage se présente en trois parties et quatorze chapitres. Après une première partie qui présente l’état de la recherche sur l’unité des Douze (chap. 1), la deuxième se penche sur chacun des livrets en proposant à chaque fois un parcours semblable en deux temps: une introduction présentant la figure du prophète dans le cadre historique de son époque à partir des données de l’écrit qui porte son nom, ensuite l’étude d’un texte clé (parfois le livret dans son ensemble lorsque celui-ci est très court, comme par exemple Abdias et Aggée, mais aussi Jonas). Ainsi: Osée, «Dieu ha prêté secours» (chap. 2, avec une étude de Os 11); Joël, la promesse de l’esprit (chap. 3, avec une étude de Jl 3); Amos 7–9, la vision prophétique (chap. 4); Abdias, «Le royaume appartiendra au Seigneur» (chap. 5); Jonas, le ressentiment de l’élu (chap. 6); Michée, «rempli de force, d’esprit du Seigneur, de justice et de courage» (chap. 7, avec une étude de Mi 6,1-8); Nahum, le consolateur? (chap. 8, avec une étude sur Na 3); Habacuc, le prophète sentinelle (chap. 9, avec une étude sur Hab 2,1-4); Sophonie, «YHWH protège» (chap. 10, avec une étude sur So 2,1-4); Aggée, le prophète de la reconstruction (chap. 11); Zacharie, la vision de la fin (chap. 12, avec une étude sur Za 9,9-10; 12,10-14 et 14,6-9); Malachie, ange ou messager? (chap. 13, avec une étude sur Ml 3,13-21). Les analyses et les lectures minutieuses présentées font à chaque fois ressortir les éléments théologiques majeurs de chaque livret, tout en posant les jalons pour une lecture d’ensemble. Enfin, la troisième partie (chap. 14), reprend les éléments mis en évidence jusque là pour synthétiser et approfondir les apports théologiques de chacun des livrets. Il apparaît assez clairement que les rédacteurs finaux du livre des Douze ont produit un ensemble unifié et cohérent, une «narration» de l’histoire d’Israël qui couvre une période allant du 8e au 5e siècle qui a pour but d’esquisser une véritable critique théologique de l’histoire, une herméneutique prophétique de l’histoire, pourrai-t-on dire, qui peut être comparée, du moins par certains aspects, à la relecture deutéronomiste telle qu’elle est déployée dans le corpus des pro- phètes premiers. Cette relecture de l’histoire présente un horizon bien plus vaste que celle qui se trouve dans les livres des trois prophètes «majeurs» qui eux, à l’exception, peut-être, du livre d’Isaïe, se limitent à une période précise, celle de la mission de Jérémie ou d’Ézéchiel. Dans cet ensemble, le livret de Joël fait figure de miniature qui recèle tous les éléments développés dans les autres livrets, une sorte de mise en abîme de l’histoire. Autre élément d’unité, la thématique du «jour du Seigneur» qui exprime la foi des prophètes dans l’intervention d’Adonaï dans l’histoire, que ce soit celle d’Israël ou des Nations, car dans cette expression se parallèlement l’idée du jugement du Seigneur envers une nation arrogante, que

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ce soit Israël ou ses ennemis, et la ferme conviction du salut et de la gratuité de l’amour d’Adonaï pour son peuple. Ce dernier chapitre aborde enfin également la question de la violence qui émerge dans le livre des Douze avant de se terminer par un regard sur l’utilisation liturgique de ce livre, tant dans le monde juif que dans le monde chrétien. Une bibliographie et des index (citations bibliques et extrabiblique, des auteurs et thématique) viennent refermer cette étude passionnante et bien documentée, un ouvrage qui manquait dans l’horizon des publications sur les Douze et qui, à n’en pas douter, ouvrira des pistes de réflexion intéressantes tant pour les spécialistes que pour les personnes intéressées par la littérature prophétique. E. DI PEDE

Jean-Sébastien REY – Jan JOOSTEN (eds.). The Texts and Versions of the Book of Ben Sira: Transmission and Interpretation (Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism, 150). Leiden – Boston, Brill, 2011. (24,5≈16,5), IX-352 p. ISBN 90-04-20692-2. /128.00.

Le livre du Siracide est une sorte de puzzle: le texte hébreu n’est conservé que partiellement, et les fragments qui nous sont parvenus présentent des divergences; le texte grec est attesté en au moins deux recensions; l’ancienne version latine présente des ajouts qui lui sont propres; la version syriaque pourrait remonter à un original hébraïque perdu. Plutôt que de se lancer dans la reconstitution de l’Ur-Text perdu, les organisateurs du colloque de Metz (15-17 octobre 2009) ont souhaité que l’on s’intéresse aux différents états textuels pour eux-mêmes, comme témoins de leur milieu. Quatre communications se rapportent au texte hébreu: J. CORLEY propose un nouvel examen du manuscrit C de la Genizah du Caire; P.C. BEENTJES plaide pour une édition diplomatique des textes hébreux, sans tentative de restitu- tion; E.D. REYMOND s’intéresse aux jeux de mots dans le texte hébreu du Siracide; N. CALDUCH-BENAGES, à l’imaginaire animalier. Les versions grecques font l’objet des trois communications suivantes: B.G. WRIGHT se demande (à juste titre) si ce que le traducteur dit de son travail dans le Prologue qu’il a ajouté en tête de l’œuvre correspond effectivement à ce qu’il a réalisé; J.K. AITKEN cherche à caractériser la méthode de travail du traducteur; F. VINEL étudie ce que devient le métier de scribe dans la traduction des ch. 38–39. Trois communications égale- ment sont consacrées aux versions syriaques: W. VAN PEURSEN offre une vue d’ensemble du dossier, avec une illustration pour Sir 1,1-10; J. JOOSTEN signale des caractéristiques d’araméen occidental, ce qui pourrait indiquer que la traduction a été réalisée en deux temps; R.O. OWENS rassemble des indices qui tendent à montrer que la version syriaque du Siracide est l’œuvre d’un chrétien. Dans la première des deux contributions sur la version latine, A. FORTE précise son dispositif d’édition des ch. 25–52; T. LEGRAND propose un essai de classement thématique des additions. Les quatre dernières communications indiquent les perspectives her- méneutiques et théologiques: J. GILE prend la mesure de la multiplicité des formes textuelles; J.-S. REY se demande si l’espérance dans une existence post mortem est présente, si pas dans le texte original du Siracide, du moins dans sa version grecque – la réponse est négative (critique de la thèse de C. Kearns, dont Rey prend le contrepied); M.C. PALMISANO propose une analyse différentielle de la

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prière de Ben Sirta (Sir 36) en hébreu et dans les différentes versions; E. PUECH étudie de très près deux passages (14,20–15,10 et 51,13-30) dédiés à la recherche de la sagesse qui doit combler le cœur de l’homme en cette vie en vue des récom- penses que Dieu accorde en son temps. Voilà un ouvrage qui fait progresser la recherche sur un livre biblique à la tradition textuelle protéiforme. J.-M. AUWERS

Charlotte HEMPEL (ed.). The Dead Sea Scrolls: Texts and Context (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah, 90), Leiden – Boston, Brill, 2010. (24,5≈17). XVI-552 p. ISBN 978-90-04-16784-1. /162.00.

The year 2007 proved to be a fruitful year for Dead Sea Scrolls studies, as it hosted several conferences in celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the discovery of the first scrolls. To be sure, the existence of these scrolls was only revealed to the scholarly world and the public at large in April 1948, and it will probably remain a matter of perennial doubt whether the Bedouin actually found them in early 1947 or in late 1946, but the year 1947 is widely regarded as the quasi- canonical date for their discovery. Presenting the proceedings of an international conference held at the University of Birmingham in the autumn of 2007, this volume sets out to reconsider the Dead Sea Scrolls as well as the material remains from Khirbet Qumran in the context of Second Temple Judaism. Some established scholars mainly offer a rehearsal of their views published elsewhere, putting a slightly different emphasis or adding some new arguments and examples to their hypotheses, viz. Philip R. Davies’ musings on reconstructing Jewish history, Eyal Regev’s distinction between the yahad and the Damascus New Covenant as two distinct “sects”, or Martin Goodman’s warning against reading the scrolls through the anachronistic lenses of the rabbis and the early Christians. A few other essays compare certain texts from Qumran with other texts of Jewish origin: Vered Hil- lel maintains that both the Testament of Levi and the book of Jubilees are dependent upon the Aramaic Levi Document, Vered Noam compares early rabbinic halakha with statements on corpse impurity from Qumran, and Bernard S. Jackson explores the directions in which the Hebrew Bible’s statements on marriage and divorce developed in the Qumran texts, the New Testament and early rabbinic sources. Most of the essays are nonetheless concerned with a very specific issue that seems to exclusively address the niche of Qumran and Dead Sea Scrolls specialists, such as hand impurity in the scrolls (Jodi Magness), the temple mysti- cism in the community’s texts (Torleif Elgvin), the role of Aaronide and Zadokite priests (Heinz-Josef Fabry), the boundary language and the centrality of the temple in 4QMMT (resp. by Charlotte Hempel and by Hanne von Weissenberg), spatial imagery in the pesharim (George Brooke), or the function of 4QZodiology and Brontology ar (4Q318) as a zodiac calendar (Helen R. Jacobus). In this regard, there can be no doubt that the honour of offering the most specialised study in the volume should go to the 100-page essay by Dennis Mizzi on the glass that has been found on Qumran. Although Mizzi may be admired for his attempt to push forward our developing understanding of the nature and history of the community on the basis of evidence that may seem insignificant at first thought, the editors had better advised him to save his cumbersome list of tables and maps

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– which amount to three fourths of the article – for his actual dissertation, as they have very few to add to his argument. However, it should not go unnoticed that the remaining essays may also be of interest to the more generally oriented biblical scholar. As a sequel to his reconsid- eration of the Cave 1 texts presented at the IOQS-meeting in Ljubljana and published in the next STDJ-volume, the article by Florentino García Martínez – which is coupled with a response by Daniel Stökl ben Ezra – challenges the assumption that the texts from Cave 11, most of which were published as part of the “Dutch lot”, form a more homogenous collection with a special character. Somewhat further in the volume, Lawrence H. Schiffman offers an interesting case in point of how the historical context in which a text is studied affects the inferences made from it by drawing attention to what he calls the “first Dead Sea Scrolls”, i.e. the two medieval copies of the Damascus Document from the Cairo Genizah, originally published by Solomon Schechter as “Fragments of a Zadokite Work” in 1910. Offering a concise survey of a century of research, Schiffman demonstrates how scholarly understanding of their importance and relevance has been reshaped by the new context provided by the Qumran discoveries, to such an extent that, as noted in his conclusion, they will never again be studied outside that context. Although it may seem to be stating the obvious, his conclusion that “context is everything” should constantly be born in mind by academics – Qumran scholars included. As for the historical context of the scrolls themselves, the remarkable opening essay by Michael E. Stone cautions against making too general statements about Second Temple Judaism on the basis of the texts found at Qumran, pointing to several factors that cast doubt upon the representativeness of the actually preserved fragments for the original collection of texts. Moreover, by paining a rich canvas of references to all kinds of (allegedly) Jewish works that have gone lost to us, Stone places Qumran on a much broader landscape of literary and religious creativity. As such, he implicitly discards the Qumranocentrism that has taken root among certain scholars, who tend to attribute this vast and rich collection of texts a disproportionate place on the landscape and almost turn Qumran into the norm of Second Temple Judaism as a whole. Although one should also resist the equally problematical temptation to relegate the Qumran texts to the position of marginal writings from a sect living on the fringes of society, it should be admitted that Stone raises a valid point, and that we do well to tone down our expectations on the insights to be gained from the Qumran texts to a realistic level. At the end of the volume, Joan E. Taylor focuses on the actual landscape where the scrolls were found, which is traditionally connected to the ancient Essenes mentioned by Josephus and Philo. As is well-known, pivotal evidence for locating the Essenes in the western part of the Dead Sea region comes from Pliny the Elder, who notes that the Essenes lived in the company of the palm-trees on the shores of the Dead Sea near En Gedi. Although many introductions to the Dead Sea Scrolls limit their discussion to Pliny, a very similar piece of information seems to have been included in a lost work of Dio Chrysostom, a contemporary of Josephus, whose praise of the Essenes is quoted by the early fifth-century CE author Synesius of Cyrene. Taylor’s interesting essay offers a thorough discussion of this short note, and in the end maintains that it may be considered independent evidence for the presence of the Essenes in this area. Lastly, it may also be interesting to draw attention to the essay by the late Hanan Eshel, who highlights the process of physically acquiring the scrolls and

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fragments from the Judean Desert. Whereas the first part of his article summarises the discoveries and purchases during the “golden age” of the 1950s and early 1960s, the second part surveys the fragments that have surfaced since 1985, including those from the Bar Kokhba period. Despite the fact that Eshel’s contribution contains not so much new information, it is extremely valuable for its overview of more recent developments since the appearance of most volumes in the DJD-series between 1994 and 2002, as well as for its notes on the various public and private collections outside modern Israel with known fragments. Although the recent online publication of a fragment like XQDeut(?) has already outdated Eshel’s overview to some degree, a summary of this kind may be deemed particularly helpful and praiseworthy. In a sense, it also serves as a counterbalance for the sometimes too specifically focused analyses from his colleagues in this collection of essays. H. DEBEL

Daniel K. FALK – Sarianna METSO – Donald W. PARRY – Eibert J.C. TIGCHE- LAAR (eds.). Qumran Cave 1 Revisited: Texts from Cave 1 Sixty Years after Their Discovery. Proceedings of the Sixth Meeting of the IOQs in Ljubljana (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah, 91). Leiden – Boston, Brill, 2010. (24,5≈17), XII-290 p. ISBN 978-90-04-18580-7. /108.00.

On the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the discovery of the first scrolls from Qumran Cave 1 – at the time simply known as “the Cave” – the International Organization for Qumran Studies (IOQS) decided to devote its sixth triennial meeting, held in Ljulbljana in conjunction to the XIXth IOSOT-congress in July 2007, to a reassessment of the significance of these iconic scrolls. All of them had enjoyed a swift publication in the 1940s and 50s and in the ensuing years received a lot of scholarly attention, but from the 1970s onwards were pushed into the background by the controversies over the scrolls and fragments from Cave 4. With the publication of the Cave 4 texts virtually completed in 2007, the IOQS set out to re-evaluate the Cave 1 scrolls from the perspective of the entire collection of texts from Qumran. Of the fifty-seven papers presented at the meeting, seventeen have been included in the proceedings. With the exception of the introductory essay by Flor- entino García Martínez, all the papers deal with one text from Cave 1 in particular, variously focusing on their relationship to the related Cave 4 materials, their textual development, their communal or liturgical setting at Qumran, or their place within Second Temple Judaism as a whole. Fourteen papers centre on one of the seven large scrolls discovered in 1947, of which only the Habakuk pesher goes unmentioned in the volume. The final section offers two papers dealing with “other scrolls”, i.e. the many smaller fragments that were later recovered from the cave and published in the first DJD-volume in 1955: palaeographical analysis leads Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra to conclude that the first two of the fifty fragments assembled under the label of “1Q5”, the second copy of Deuteronomy from Cave 1, should be considered as part of one or two different scrolls; and David Hami- dovic´ focuses on the fragments published as 1Q34 and 1Q34bis, wondering whether a comparison with the Festival Prayers 4Q508 and 4Q509 may reveal something of their Sitz-im-Leben.

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Despite its ambitious title, the “overview” offered by García Martínez mainly consists of a discussion of three recent hypotheses on the Cave 1 scrolls as a separate collection of texts, viz. Hartmut Stegemann’s theory that the Cave 1 manuscripts served as master manuscripts for the production of further copies, George Brooke’s reviving of Eleazar Lipa Sukenik’s suggestion that Cave 1 should be understood as a genizah, and Devorah Dimant’s reflections on the particular respect paid to 1QS, 1QM and 1QHa, which she extends to the other scrolls from Cave 1 as well. Dis- carding each of these hypotheses, García Martínez deems the traditional view on Cave 1 as an emergency repository still the best explanation, and urges scholars to restrict themselves to the factual remains of manuscripts at our disposal. Counting the number of “biblical”, “parabiblical” and “sectarian” compositions in Cave 1, he concludes that the contents of this cave is very much in line with the profile of the other caves and of the collection as a whole. In the subsequent section on the two Isaiah scrolls, Donald W. Parry examines the Masoretic ketiv-qere readings in light of the Isaiah scrolls. He observes that many qere readings are located in the body of the text at Qumran, particularly in ;(י ,ו ,ה ,א) 1QIsaa; that they are for the most part based on four Hebrew letters and that most of them reflect older orthographic, archaic, dialectic or phonological forms. Presenting a preliminary report on the republication of 1QIsab in DJD XXXII, Peter W. Flint draws attention to the textual variants attested in this scroll, thus slightly modifying the commonly held opinion that 1QIsab should be classified as a “proto-Masoretic” text. Actually, his essay illustrates very well that, when restudied with the significance of the Cave 4 texts in mind, a more nuanced and well-balanced picture of the early scrolls emerges. The next bunch of three papers deals with the rule texts. Bilhah Nitzan focuses on 1QS 5,1-9,11 and its parallels from the fourth cave, which are considered as the heart of the Rule of the Community, a set of principle rules in the pattern of a decalogue that was preserved throughout its various recensions. Mila Ginsburs- kaya investigates the active participation of the community members in the spiritual life of the community, maintaining that members defiled by sin were admitted to the communal gatherings but denied the right to counsel, whereas physically unclean members retained their right to counsel but could not attend the gatherings. As part of his project on sexuality in ancient Judaism and early Christianity, which resulted in several monographs, William Loader explores the attitude of the Rule of the Congregation and the Cave 4 Cryptic fragments vis-à-vis sexuality. The section on the Hodayot consists of two papers, respectively on the textual development and on the purpose and setting of the so-called Thanksgiving Hymns. In a well-structured and convincing paper, Angela Kim Harkins calls for a recon- sideration of the large Cave 1 scroll (1QHa), which she considers an expansion of an earlier collection of hymns, partly preserved in 4Q428, consisting of the “Teacher Hymns” and one set of “Community Hymns” (CH II). Complementing Kim Harkins’s results, Esther G. Chazon points to the liturgical function of the scroll as a thoughtfully organised collection of human and angelic prayers. Much in like fashion, the textual development and setting of the War Scroll (1QM) are subsequently addressed. Brian Schultz reconstructs the scroll’s compositional history as having developed out of a primitive composition on the eschatological war, represented in its first nine columns. In an attempt to correlate the War Scroll to the various groups in late Second Temple Judaism, Christophe Batsch contrasts the scroll’s model of active participation for the eschatological

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battle with the armed struggle of “Zealotism”, the elitist collaboration of the Sad- ducees and the compromising position of Josephus and the Pharisees, thus yield- ing an almost too neat diagram. A third paper on the War Scroll by Lawrence H. Schiffman compares the laws of conscription to their parallels in the biblical texts, the Temple Scroll and later rabbinic tradition. It hardly comes as a surprise that the largest section of the volume is devoted to the Genesis Apocryphon, which in the wake of the decipherment of additional stretches of text through infrared-technology in the 1990s is currently witnessing a revival of research – an explosion that had a long fuse, as Daniel K. Falk aptly puts it in his essay. Describing four cases from the Noah section in which the Apocryphon seems to deliberately depart from the Genesis narrative, in contrast to all other known rewritings of the book, Falk offers tantalising evidence for further study that will need to be taken into account in discussions on the Apoc- ryphon’s purpose and social context. Daniel A. Machiela, whose recently published edition of the Apocryphon will probably become the standard for the next decades, highlights its apocalyptic worldview, arguing that the Apocryphon is among the most apocalyptic texts from the Judean Desert and may be classified as a “text-book example” of the genre. Drawing on her work into the Noah traditions evidenced in the Dead Sea Scrolls, Dorothy M. Peters considers the Apoc- ryphon’s depiction of Noah as a fusion of the Enochic literature’s emphasis on Noah as the visionary descendent of Enoch, and his position as the priestly ancestor to Levi, which she believes to have been present in the earliest Aramaic Levi traditions. Jubilees, by contrast, reflects a different trajectory in her view, turning Noah into the Torah-obedient ancestor of Moses. Finally, Beate Ego focuses on the portrayal of Abram in the Apocryphon’s reworking of the story of Abram and Sarai’s sojourn in Egypt (Gn 12,10-20), which suppresses the more ambiguous elements of Abram’s character and presents him in an unequivocally positive way. In sum, this nice volume of essays presents a convenient overview of the re- emergence of the Cave 1 scrolls in Qumran studies after almost two decades of scholars mainly putting their energy into the texts that remained to be published forty years after their discovery. Fuelled by the newly published evidence from Cave 4, old issues are approached from new perspectives, and efforts are made to consider the Cave 1 materials in the context of our changed understanding of late Second Temple Judaism. The individual studies represent the product of the unde- niably valuable work that has been conducted in the past few years, but they also demonstrate that much still remains to be done in the next decades. One can only hope that the many issues raised in this book will be taken up by future research on these scrolls that marked the beginning of a new era in biblical studies. H. DEBEL

Sarianna METSO – Hindy NAJMAN – Eileen SCHULLER (eds.). The Dead Sea Scrolls: Transmission of Traditions and Production of Texts (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah, 92), Leiden – Boston, Brill, 2010. (24,5≈16,5), XIV-272 p. ISBN 978-90-04-18584-5. /103.00.

Presenting the proceedings of a conference organised in November 2009, this volume focuses on issues of production and transmission of texts within Second

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Temple Judaism. It includes eleven essays dealing with various individual texts or groups of texts discovered at Qumran. Although they have not been arranged in subsections, several common points of interest may be detected. (1) Three articles focus upon the development of authoritative tradition. John J. Collins offers a synthesis of a number of closely related general issues, concluding that tradition always constitutes a dynamic interplay between continuity with the past and the novelties of the present. James C. VanderKam and Florentino García Martínez both draw attention to the authority-conferring strategies used in specific texts, resp. the book of Jubilees and the so-called “sectarian” texts featuring the Teacher of Righteousness. (2) Another three papers are concerned with the organic development of tradition. Eugene Ulrich tackles the issue from a general perspective, whereas Carol A. Newsom introduces the notion of “creative blend- ing” in a more detailed comparison of Daniel 4 with the Prayer of Nabonidus from Qumran (4Q242) and the two Harran stelae of Nabonidus discovered in 1956. Charlotte Hempel elaborates upon some points of contact between the so- called S- and D-traditions – the two streams of tradition usually distinguished in the rule texts – and concludes that a fluid picture of literary creativity and cross-fertili- sation emerges, which closely resembles the processes described in current debates on “rewritten Scripture”. (3) A third bunch of essays highlights scribal practices and other physical features of the Qumran scrolls: George J. Brooke discusses the contribution of the (continuous) pesharim, and Emanual Tov peers into the data that have the potential to enrich our knowledge on the actual distribution of scriptural manuscripts in Antiquity. Eibert J.C. Tigchelaar, for his part, reviews the evidence for Tov’s hypothesis of a distinct “Qumran scribal practice”, and in the end advocates a spectrum with clusters of features instead of clear-cut categories. Finally, the scope of the volume in its entirety is further widened by two individual studies focusing on different aspects of textual transmission in one or several other Second Temple Jewish texts: James L. Kugel points to a number of instances that, in his view, provide evidence of a lost Hebrew original behind the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, whereas Mladen Popovic´ explores Hebrew and Aramaic texts displaying a “scientific” interest in physiognomy and astrology, which he believes to continue specific types of learning developed in ancient Babylonia. Most interesting from the perspective of biblical studies is the article by Ulrich, who contributes to the blurring of the boundaries between textual and literary criticism by opening up his perspective on the transmission of the scriptural texts with the insights developed by literary critics. In his opinion, the process by which the texts were composed and transmitted may be labelled “evolutionary”, since this term implies the continuous adaptation of species to their environment and may thus denote the subsequent rewritings of Israel’s religious literature in view of the community’s changing needs and expectations. As a case in point for these theoretical reflections, Ulrich elaborates upon the textual development of the book of Exodus, which he maintains to have gone through no less than twelve literary editions from its earliest oral kernel to the rewriting attested in 4Q[Reworked] Pentateuch. Although Ulrich’s insights generally seem the most economical explanation of the data and definitely deserve further scholarly attention, it should be noted that the specifics of his reconstruction of Exodus editions display several flaws. For example, his distinction between two separate “Yahwist” and “Elo- hist” editions from the monarchic era, both extending from the patriarchal narratives to the conquest, seems dependent upon superseded views of source criticism

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no longer supported by the leading literary critics of the Pentateuch in European scholarship. Somewhat similarly, his discussion of the motives that may have influenced the development of individual books – particularly the elliptic para- graphs on Samuel and Kings – suffers from a lack of references to the most recent research. This is clearly a missed opportunity, as Ulrich’s perspective on the development of the scriptural texts has gained quite a lot of support from detailed textual studies in recent years. That, however, should not prevent one from enter- ing into dialogue with Ulrich’s generally valuable insights. Additionally, biblical scholars may also find it worth pondering over the reflections offered by Tov, which, in like fashion to some of his other most recent essays, combine the erudition of his master’s voice on the present state of Qumran studies at the close of an era with the melancholy of the humble scholar who, despite all his efforts, cannot infer firm and unquestionable conclusions from the scanty evidence. More specifically, the wealth of data gathered in Tov’s most useful tables perfectly illustrates the importance of the Qumran scrolls, but the speculative nature of his theory – which he readily admits – on the preservation of a single copy of each scriptural book in the Temple may likewise be considered an exemplification of the many frustrations yielded by them. In fact, the same ambiguity is character- istic for this volume as a whole: leading scholars from the field of Dead Sea Scrolls studies develop interesting new thoughts on the basis of a synthesis of the available data, but their hypotheses often cannot avoid the burden of the scarcity and fragmentary nature of the data on which they are built. It would be an intolerable example of scholarly irresponsibility, however, to ignore these data, and therefore the contributors to this volume are to be applauded for their efforts. H. DEBEL

Adolfo D. ROITMAN – Lawrence H. SCHIFFMAN – Shani TZOREF (eds.). The Dead Sea Scrolls and Contemporary Culture: Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the Israel Museum, Jerusalem (July 6-8, 2008) (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah, 93), Leiden – Boston, Brill, 2011. (16,5≈25), XX-769 p. ISBN 978-90-04-18593-7. /202.00.

The final – and largest – of three recent STDJ-volumes containing the proceedings of a large-scale scholarly gathering celebrating the sixtieth anniversary of the Dead Sea Scrolls, this book contains the papers presented during the 2008 Jeru- salem conference, eleven (!) years after the monumental congress at the Israel Museum that marked the fiftieth anniversary of the discovery. This rich and diversified collection comprises no less than 34 essays, ranging from general essays on the so-called “parabiblical” scrolls (Moshe J. Bernstein) or on the similarities between the sectarianism implied in certain scrolls and early Christian modes of self-perception (George Brooke), to case-studies on the animal bones found at Qumran (Jodi Magness) and on the messianic “Gabriel Revelation” discovered on the eastern shores of the Dead Sea (Israel Knohl). As such, it is evidently too vast to individually discuss or refer to each and every study included. It may therefore suffice to briefly mention the thematic sections in which the articles have been brought together: (1) identity and history of the community; (2) origins,

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use and nature of the Qumran library (with subsections on scriptural texts, interpretation of Scripture, sectarian and non-sectarian literature, and sectarian vis-à- vis rabbinic halakha); (3) Christianity in light of the Dead Sea Scrolls; (4) gen- der at Qumran; and (5) new perspectives (with subsections on methodological and educational approaches). As may be grasped from this quick overview, the title of the volume presents somewhat of a misnomer, since most of the essays fall within the range of the conveniently treated topics within Qumran research, and only the fifth section truly engages in new avenues of study. Even then, however, the articles in the first subsection largely operate from a historical perspective, e.g. with Albert I. Baumgarten pointing to the potential of the model of “tolerated dissent” for studying the context in which the polemicising texts from Qumran were written, or with Edna Ullmann-Margalit critically evaluating the linkage argument between the scrolls, Khirbet Qumran and ancient descriptions of the Essenes. Only in the three final essays of the volume is the topic hinted at by the title truly addressed: on the basis of examples drawn from several corners in the field of Qumran research, Susan Hazan, Stephen Pfann, jr., and Adolfo Roitman demonstrate how the new digital media have created new opportunities to study Second Temple Judaism and its literature, and to share our knowledge on the scrolls with future generations of scholars and with the public at large in the online world. Nevertheless, these critical observations on the title and scope of the volume should not obfuscate the fact that many of the essays included develop important new insights and/or offer a valuable synthesis of research into a particular topic, which may be demonstrated from a selection of the contributions by some leading scholars in the field. In a highly recommendable keynote paper, Emanuel Tov offers his thoughts as near-former editor-in-chief at the closure of the DJD publication endeavour. Further exploring a path that he had already begun to walk in some of his other most recent papers, Tov mainly highlights the many deficiencies in our knowledge on the scrolls, such as their highly fragmentary nature and the lack of objective criteria for reconstructing lost segments, the lack of clarity on the provenance of most fragments and on their original position in the caves, or the many uncertainties surrounding the total number of scrolls and the names given to them. Although such an exercise in scholarly humility comes rather unex- pected at the outset of this impressive collection of papers, it is a most welcome expression of good scholarship. Following upon this appropriate and much appreciated introduction is a set of papers focusing upon the history of the community that deposited the scrolls. Looking back upon a quarter-century of scholarship, Florentino García Martínez revisits the so-called “Groningen Hypothesis” that he issued at a time when only seven DJD-volumes had been published. With the full publication of the texts, the Groningen Hypothesis clearly appears as a product of its own time, so García Martínez admits, and both the “pan-Essenic” perspective from which it was conceived as the strict distinction between “sectarian” and “non-sectarian” literature probably need to be corrected or abandoned. At the same time, he contends that the basic insight of the Groningen Hypothesis still stands, viz. that the people who owned the scrolls represent an offshoot from a wider “apocalyptic” movement. However, in an essay that mainly consists of an analysis of CD 1,5-11, James VanderKam casts doubt upon this central aspect of the Groningen Hypothesis, wondering whether any text offers sufficient indication for a split within this par- ent movement.

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Closely related to these studies on the prehistory of the community, but somewhat strangely included in the subsequent section on sectarian and non-sectarian literature, is the essay by John J. Collins, who subjects Gabriele Boccaccini’s heatedly debated theory of a distinct “Enochic Judaism” to scrutiny. In Collins’ opinion, the Enoch literature does indeed reflect a distinctive form of Judaism from the late third or early second century BCE, but it would be an oversimplifica- tion to simply equate it with the ancient Essenes, whom he still believes to represent the community described in the Rule of the Community and the Damascus Document. Moreover, like VanderKam he challenges the occurrence of a “schism” in the larger movement to which the inhabitants of Qumran belonged, thus dis- carding a central element of both Boccaccini’s “Enochic/Essene theory” and García Martínez’s “Groningen Hypothesis”, on which Boccaccini is dependent at this point. As the wide array of literature found in the caves reflects various traditions, both Enochic and Mosaic, as well as sapiential and apocalyptic, Collins rightly advocates that one should avoid the temptation to reduce these different sources of inspiration to a single line of tradition. In the section devoted to the scriptural texts from Qumran, Peter W. Flint presents a sample from the (at the time) forthcoming final DJD-volume with a re-edition of the two Isaiah scrolls from Cave 1. Thus focusing upon one of the few scrolls that – unlike the thousands of fragments from Cave 4, which were only discovered in 1952 – were indeed celebrating their sixtieth anniversary in 2007-2008, Flint reissues the argument raised in his contribution to STDJ 91, that the affinity of 1QIsab, the so-called Hebrew University Isaiah scroll, to the consonantal text of MT is less intimately close than is generally presumed. Continuing along similar lines, Eugene Ulrich addresses some fundamental methodological issues in a paper that, somewhat unfortunately, has been reprinted in a volume that was eventually published at an earlier date (Rediscovering the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2010, see ETL 87 [2011] 464- 466). As the saying goes, however, repetition is the mother of study, and the issues he outlines are of prime importance for our attempts to gain a better insight into the canonical process from which our Scriptures emerged. In fact (but I doubt whether Ulrich would agree), a good example of the fuzzy boundaries between what was considered Scripture and what not may be found in the Genesis Apocryphon, which is the subject of the article by Esther Eshel. Pointing out some of the unifying tech- niques applied by the author of the Apocryphon, Eshel elaborates upon her hypothesis that the composition may be divided into three distinct cycles centred on Enoch, Noah and Abraham, taken from different sources, and linked to one another through the secondary characters of Lamech and Shem. Adopting a different perspective on the origin and growth of the Apocryphon, James Kugel argues that its author(s) drew much material from the book of Jubi- lees, rather than the Apocryphon having served as the source for a number of stories told more concisely in Jubilees, but Loren T. Stuckenbruck is probably right in maintaining that both may simply have been familiar with similar traditions, instead of one having directly borrowed from the other. This, however, is not the main focal point of Stuckenbruck’s essay, which probes into the special characteristics of the Aramaic texts found at Qumran. Observing that many of them put forth apocalyptic visions within a testamentary framework, Stuckenbruck argues that they may reflect the increasing popularity of the first person discourse in the Hellenistic era, which in a sense may also be found in the book of Jubilees’ use of the voice of the Angel of the Presence.

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In view of recent developments within the field of Qumran studies, at least one more paper needs to be mentioned, viz. Eileen Schuller’s review of research into the presence of women at the site and their role in the texts. By sketching the increase of interest in these questions during the 1990s and then painting the broad strokes of scholarly work in the past decade, she shows how this theretofore completely neglected topic grew to prominence, but at the same time points out that it has not yet been fully integrated into the study of the scrolls. At any rate, Schuller’s overview clearly demonstrates how certain sensibilities within contemporary culture have actually influenced the scientific study of the scrolls and generated new insights. This, in fact, brings us back to Tov’s humble considerations at the beginning of the volume: whereas some facts will always remain uncertain or unknown to us, we should also acknowledge that some – fully justified – questions have not been raised during the majority of the past sixty years, due to the fact that so many texts were as yet unavail- able, or simply because scholars approached the material with their own biases and presuppositions. As such, this collection of essays does not only offer excellent up- to-date summaries of research into Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, but it also leaves one with the impression that there is still much work waiting ahead. H. DEBEL

Chris BOESEL. Risking Proclamation, Respecting Difference: Christian Faith, Imperialistic Discourse, and Abraham. Cambridge, James Clarke & Co., 2010. (23≈15,5), XX-286 p. ISBN 978-0-227-17314-5. $42.50.

Chris Boesel’s fairly recent book undertakes a renewed contemplation of Jewish and Christian relations, meriting a serious look at the two main culprits historically responsible for Christian imperialism: anti-Judaism and supersessionism. He distinguishes between a “hard” supersessionism, Christianity’s attempt to replace entirely the Jewish faith, and a “soft” version, the latter being more of a “dis-placement” rather than “re-placement” in Boesel’s own words. There is, for him, an inherent “interpretive imperialism” present within the Christian faith, one that has dictated much of Christianity’s sentiments toward Judaism throughout time. What Boesel is hoping to avoid, however, is committing the misguided error of reading the “other” entirely through one’s own lenses, something that he immediately seeks to frame within several contemporary discourses that attempt to speak more from the place of the “other” (feminist, postcolonial). What he detects, nonetheless, is that there is already a form of “Jewish imperialism” implicit in their claim to be the “chosen” ones of God that has, and will continue, to affect one’s Christian identity. This is a fact, moreover, that cannot simply be shrugged off (and as many have sought to do) through an attempt to shed this latent imperialistic (some might add “sovereign”) discourse and pretend as though there were a universal core to our faith that went beyond the historical particularities of Christian truth-claims. Such, he contends, is what has generated a great deal of recent “ethical” positioning in an attempt to get beyond the particular truth of the person of Jesus Christ. The problem, however, is that “Ceasing to see Jewish neighbors through the lens of Christian faith by seeing them, instead, through the lens of ethical responsibility may nevertheless be to continue to see them through a supersessionistic lens of interpretive imperialism” (p. 17). This is the real argument of the book, and one well-worth hearing today whether or not one agrees with its conclusions, as I hope to make clear.

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Many philosophical and theological viewpoints today are concerned with the lasting legacy of sovereign power, what to do with it, how it should be acknowledged or jettisoned, if indeed it can be. For some, especially those working within the field of “political theology”, such contentions are what determine the layout of the theological tout court. To claim that one should distinguish between “more” or “less” imperialistic Christian discourses, but not do away with the latent imperialism embedded at its core altogether, is then a blatant concession to a violent ontotheological logic, for some, or, for others, the “only” way to go forward – not simply a concession then, but a dealing-with the inescapable reality before us. Since this book clearly sides with the latter group, it comes as no surprise that the author will aim to make things more “complex” in an effort to provide some much needed clarification to the issue. In short, he will do so through the defining of a form of imperialism that in fact risks being “offensive”, though it avoids doing “damage” per se. Whether he succeeds in doing so will ultimately remain up to the reader; the stakes of the argument, however, I would suggest, are enough reason to pay this work its due attention. The major “plot” of the book unfolds in a manner that is unique enough, though perhaps a bit too complex to neatly summarize. He first reads Kierkegaard’s telling of the Abrahamic sacrifice as indicative of our modern theological context, insofar as it deals with three essential things: imperialistic discourses, faith’s relationship with ethics and the particular-universal debate. These three thematics, more or less, are then traced through a staged contrast between Karl Barth and Rosemary Radford Ruether, two theological heavy-weights of the past century. Though the context of the argument spans several chapters, its trajectory is quite clear: Ruether’s critique of Barth is itself the source of a major imperialistic problematic. The formation of a “universal-elsewhere” perspective (such as Ruether allegedly develops in contrast to Barth’s supposed “sectarian-particular” viewpoint) is itself a product of certain, often veiled forms of anti-Judaism and supersessionism. Boesel’s efforts are therefore directed toward critiquing such a critique, but also toward a re-reading of Bar- th’s theological claims in the hopes that Barth’s potential for constructing a paradigm of the “particular-elsewhere” be demonstrated. Boesel interestingly seeks to confirm his suspicions of Ruether’s subtle imperialistic discourse through a turn to those more contemporary masters of suspicion, Jacques Derrida and Emmanuel Levinas, figures whom he advocates as providing some of the most sound critiques of “universal-elsewhere” perspectives in recent memory. He is subsequently able to join Barth’s resistance to any universalizing systems of thought with such postmodern voices in order to form his own vision of the “particular-elsewhere” paradigm. The difference between this way of seeing things and the others before it is that this way claims that the truth has visited it (in its particularity), but does not rest in it permanently (hence, its “elsewhere” status). No individual or ecclesial structure can claim that it alone has the truth; rather, justice can be performed only on the basis that Christians understand how the truth does lie in the person of Jesus Christ, but does not remain in their sole possession. And this is what will hopefully, in Boesel’s eyes, allow “others” to eventually receive the truth in their own contexts as well – this is how Christian witnessing actually takes place. Christianity may be somewhat imperialistic then, but it has no “weapons” at its disposal. This is a provocative – though perhaps, in the end, slightly traditional – claim to make, though it is one that certainly deserves its retelling in a contemporary context. C. DICKINSON

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Theodore of Mopsuestia, The Commentaries on the Minor Epistles of Paul. Translated with an Introduction by Rowan A. Greer (SBL Writings from the Greco-Roman World, 26). Atlanta GA, Society of Biblical Litera- ture, 2010. (23≈15,5), XLIV-839 p. ISBN 978-1-58983-279-4. /250.00.

Les positions christologiques de Théodore de Mopsueste († 428) lui ont valu d’être condamné à titre posthume au deuxième concile de Constantinople en 553, ce qui, à partir de cette date, a nui à la diffusion et à la conservation de son œuvre. Il est assuré qu’il a commenté l’ensemble des épîtres pauliniennes, mais son com- mentaires de Romains et 1–2 Corinthiens est perdu, tandis que le commentaire des épîtres suivantes (de Galates à Philémon, sans l’épître aux Hébreux – c’est ce qu’on appelle ici les «petites épîtres» = CPG n°3845) est conservé dans une traduction latine (très littérale) qui a été découverte dans un manuscrit de Corbie du IXe ou du Xe s. Il s’agit d’un commentaire continu, verset par verset, qu’ouvre un argumentum sur chaque épître – mot dont R. Greer justifie la traduction, à première vue surpre- nante, par setting (pp. XVII-XVIII). Ce texte a été édité par H.B. Swete en 1880-1882, sur base du Corbeiensis et d’un autre manuscrit. De l’original grec, il ne reste que des fragments sous forme de scholies dans les chaînes exégétiques. Le fort volume sous revue reproduit le texte de l’édition de Swete (avec des corrections, qui sont justifiées aux pp. XXIX-XXXIII; l’Éd. passe ensuite en revue d’autres cas litigieux, mais se range en définitive au jugement de Swete). Le texte latin occupe la page de gauche, la traduction anglaise occupe celle de droite. Pour les passages où un fragment grec est attesté, l’Éd. divise la page de gauche et la page de droite en deux colonnes pour donner le texte grec en parallèle avec son correspondant latin et, sur la page de droite, la traduction anglaise de ces deux textes. L’Introduction présente avec une grande économie de moyens la découverte du texte, l’exégèse des épîtres pauliniennes que Théodore met en œuvre et la théologie qui en émane. On lira avec intérêt l’exégèse de Ga 4,24 que propose l’évêque de Mopsueste: après avoir rap- pelé qu’Abraham a eu un fils de Sara, la femme libre, et un autre d’Agar, la servante, Paul écrit que «cela est allégorique». Les Alexandrins prenaient appui sur ce verset pour justifier leur pratique exégétique tournée vers la lecture allégorique. Théodore, en bon représentant de l’herméneutique antiochienne, ne peut l’admettre:

Il y a des gens qui mettent tout leur zèle à changer le sens des Écritures divines, à supprimer tout ce qui s’y trouve et à inventer eux-mêmes des fables absurdes, donnant le nom d’allégorie à leur propre folie. Ils abusent de ce mot de l’Apôtre, comme s’il leur conférait le pouvoir de bannir tout sens de l’Écriture divine, du moment qu’à la suite de l’Apôtre ils s’efforcent de parler de manière allégorique (per allegoriam); ils ne comprennent pas eux-mêmes combien ce que l’Apôtre a dit dans ce passage diffère de leurs propos. L’Apôtre, en effet, n’abolit pas l’histoire et il n’évacue pas les faits passés. Mais il les a présentés comme ils se sont alors passés, et il s’est servi de l’histoire de ce qui s’était passé pour son interprétation personnelle … Quels sont ces événements qu’on dit s’être passés jadis et où se sont-ils passés, puisque l’histoire qui les rapporte ne signifie pas cela, d’après eux, mais quelque chose d’autre? Quelle place y aura-t-il encore pour cette parole de l’Apôtre: ‘Mais j’ai grand peur que comme le serpent a séduit Ève?’ (2 Co 11,3). S’il n’y a pas eu de serpent, il n’a pas existé non plus d’Ève, ni d’ailleurs de séduction de sa part. Et en beaucoup d’autres passages il est évident que l’Apôtre a utilisé le récit de faits passés comme tout à fait authentique … Il appelait allégorie le rapprochement qui peut être fait entre des évé- nements qui se sont déroulés jadis et le temps présent (pp. 112-120).

J.-M. AUWERS

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Christophe GUIGNARD. La lettre de Julius Africanus à Aristide sur la généalogie du Christ: Analyse de la tradition textuelle, édition, traduction et étude critique (Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 167). Berlin – Boston, de Gruyter, 2011. (24,5≈17,5), XIX-521 p. ISBN 978-3-11-024099-3. /139.95.

La Lettre de Julius Africanus († vers 240) à Aristide (CPG n°1693) tente d’accorder les généalogies différentes de Jésus que donnent les évangiles de Mat- thieu (qui passe par Salomon et les rois de Juda) et de Luc (qui passe par Nathan et une lignée non royale) en faisant appel à l’institution du lévirat (lorsqu’un homme meurt sans enfant, son frère est censé épouser sa veuve, et le premier fils de cette union est considéré comme le fils du défunt): un homme peut donc appartenir à deux filiations distinctes, selon qu’on considère la filiation biologique (Luc) ou la filiation légale (Matthieu). Cette Lettre n’est pas transmise en tradition directe; W. Reichardt l’a publiée en 1909 (TU 34/3) d’après la tradition indirecte (en particulier l’Histoire ecclésiastique d’Eusèbe et ses Questions évangéliques), qui ne permet pas de la reconstituer dans son intégralité. Le mérite de C. Guignard est d’avoir procédé à un nouvel inventaire, approfondi, de l’ensemble de la tradition textuelle (témoins grecs, latins et syriaques), qui lui a permis de découvrir un fragment grec inédit (dans la chaîne de Nicétas sur Luc), de remettre en cause la relation entre les témoins établie par Reichardt et de proposer une nouvelle reconstitution et une nouvelle édition de la Lettre à Aristide (pour les §§ 24-27, l’Éd. se base sur le fragment qu’il a identifié). Ce fragment nous documente sur une tentative d’harmonisation des généalogies de Jésus jusqu’ici inconnue: les évangélistes citeraient les mêmes per- sonnages sous des noms différents. Cet ouvrage propose également une étude appro- fondie du contenu de la Lettre, qui est replacée dans le contexte des débats exégé- tiques de la première moitié du IIIe s. Africanus défend une lecture strictement historique des généalogies, contre ceux qui, en en faisant une lecture théologique (en inscrivant Jésus dans une lignée royale, Jésus de Salomon Matthieu voulait affirmer la royauté et le sacerdoce du Christ), se résignaient à admettre le caractère irréconciliable des généalogies sur le plan de l’historicité. On voit ici combien la dualité des généalogies de Jésus a agité les chrétiens des premiers siècles. J.-M. AUWERS

Luca BIANCHI (ed.). Sant’Agostino nella tradizione cristiana occidentale e orientale: Atti del’XI Simposio intercristiano. Roma, 3-5 settembre 2009 (Simposi intercristiani). Padova, Edizioni San Leopoldo, 2011. (20,5≈14), 299 p. ISBN 978-88-96579-04-6. /14.00.

The present volume contains the proceedings of the XI Simposio Intercristiano. This oecumenical conference gathered Catholic and Orthodox scholars – specialists of the Pontifical University Antonianum and the Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum (Rome) and the Aristotle University (Thessalonica) – to reflect upon the position of Augustine in the oecumenic dialogue between the Christian East and West. Augustine himself was deeply concerned about ecclesial unity. The contributions in this volume deal with a large variety of topics, however, one of the main issues explored in this volume is an argument against the perception that

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Augustine’s theology is one of the causes of the theological split between East and West: the contributors of this volume show that Augustine is respectfully received in the East and that specific Eastern problems regarding Augustine are frequently based on a misunderstanding of (parts of his) thinking. For this reason I. Spiteris pleads to carefully study Augustine, in order to evaluate the claim that he caused the theological rupture between the Christian East and West. G. Mar- tzelos writes that Augustine’s distinction between mind and will, which resulted in scholastic theology, is absent in the Greek theological traditions. J.B. Freyer elaborated on the presence of Augustine in the Franciscan School, and its interaction with Aristotle (via Avicenna and Averroes). N. Cipriani deals with one of the core discussion points between East and West – the Trinity – by discussing Augustine’s doctrine of the Trinity in general and his reflections on the position of the Spirit in particular. P. Yfantis shows how both Augustine and Simeon the New Theologian conceived of the concept of “God’s sweetness”. P. Skaltsis studies the liturgical celebration of Augustine in the East. V. Grossi stresses the theological nature of Augustine’s anthropology, its similarity with the theological anthropology of the Orthodox traditions. F. Ioannidis compares Augustine’s doctrine of grace and human freedom with reflections of this theme given by John Chrysostom and Diadochus of Photicea. P. Vassiliadis and M. Konstantinou elaborated on Augustine’s teachings concerning sexuality and marriage. R. Dodaro clarifies Augustine’s thought that on earth nobody is (spiritually) perfect, except Christ. M.G. Mara juxtaposes Origen and John Chrysostom with Augustine, using Gal 2,11-14 as a test-case. A. Koltsiou-Nikita gives an overview of Greek transla- tions of Augustine’s writings and C. Arampatzis of their reception in post-Byzan- tine literature. B. Petrà concludes by pointing out the relevance of Augustine’s reflections on lying for contemporary Orthodox ethics. These contributions gather several test-cases, examples, and bring to light several theological themes where East and West could meet with Augustine as a discussion partner. As such, it is an interesting exploration of Augustine’s potentialities for contemporary oecumenic dialogue, which could be an interesting and substantial basis for a further, more systematic and elaborate study. A. DUPONT

Richard O. BROOKS – James Bernard MURPHY (eds.). Augustine and Mod- ern Law (Philosophers and Law). Farnham – Burlington, Ashgate, 2011. (24,5≈17), LIV-517 p. ISBN 978-0-7546-2894-1. £160.00.

This anthology of studies on legal aspects of Augustine’s work is a most welcome tribute to the patristic origins of many strands of Western legal thought. It is a timely reminder that the modern divide between law and theology is rather pointless if we wish to understand the history of Christianity, or, for that matter, the history of Western law. It has been pointed out not wholly without reason that, during the 20th century, the Catholic Church went through one of the strongest antinomianist periods in its long history (see Ch. DONAHUE, Jr., A Crisis of Law? Reflections on the Church and the Law over the Centuries, in The Jurist 65 [2005] 1-30). Certainly in the wake of the Second Vatican Council, many in the Church felt that a return to the ‘original’ Church meant that one had to move away from

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the scholastic and juristic legacy of the late medieval and the early modern theologians and turn back to the Bible and to the Fathers of late antiquity. In light of the antijuridical nature of many of these movements, the obvious familiarity with the Roman legal tradition displayed by great Church Fathers such as Augustine has gone relatively unnoticed in recent decades. It is the praiseworthy aim of the ‘Philosophers and law’-series, in which the book under review was published, to highlight the legal aspects in the work of thinkers whose names are not immediately associated with law, but who were nevertheless influenced by the legal tradition and, often, left an indelible mark on legal thought. The volume on ‘Augustine and modern law’ has successfully achieved this ambition. The volume opens with a compelling introduction in which the editors try to decern the meaning of Augustine’s spiritual and intellectual legacy for today’s world. Much emphasis is laid on Augustine’s novel concept of man and history and the break it represents with pagan philosophers such as Plato. From the centrality of love in Augustine’s thought, the editors infer that ‘there is an invitation to moral creativity in Christianity unlike anything in Plato’ (p. XIX). Augustine takes the dignity of man, personal uniqueness and the radical creative freedom of the individual as a starting point for his thought, which probably explains why our modern view of linear history must be ascribed to the Bishop of Hippo (p. XVI and pp. XXI-XXVI). In addition, the editors point out that shared love, and not justice in a Ciceronian or Justinian sense, is the basis of the republic in Augus- tine’s view. However, the suggestion that ‘Augustine’s foundation of republic based upon a shared love offers an alternative rationale for our modern welfare state’ might be a bit overblown (p. XXXII). As regards the political views expressed in Augustine’s work, the editors wish to read Augustine as a ‘chastened idealist, who puts his treasure in Heaven and works for modest amelioration of our suffering here on Earth’ rather than to adopt Niebuhr’s notorious description of Augus- tine as the classic theorist of political realism (p. XVI). On account of his neatly distinguishing between the City of God and the City of Man, Augustine is also credited with the title of ‘pioneering theorist of the “secular”’ (p. xxvii). The collection of 23 articles dealing with different aspects of the relationship between Augustine and law is preceded by a selected bibliography. This will certainly remain a valuable working instrument for many scholars who want to explore the subject, but, almost inevitably, it is not without its flaws. One wonders, for instance, why no reference has been made to John Maurice BUCKLEY’s The Use of the Writings of Saint Augustine as Sources of Canon Law (Canon Law Studies, 445), Washington, Catholic University of America, 1965. From a legal historical perspective, there is no doubt that the most profound influence exerted by Augustine on the Western legal tradition occurred through the incorporation of many fragments of his work in the Decretum Gratiani (1140) and the Liber Extra (1234) – two monuments of classical canon law which remained in vigor until the Code of Canon Law of 1917. Another limitation of the selected bibliography is that it concentrates almost exclusively on contributions that have been published in English. It goes without saying that this leaves the reader with an impoverished picture of the bibliography that is out there on Augustine and law. For example, no mention is made of K.K. RAIKAS, Audientia episcopalis: Problematik zwischen Staat und Kirche bei Augustin, in Augustinianum 37 (1997) 459-481. The omis- sion of a reference to the recent anthology in German of legal aspects of Augus- tine’s life and work would also seem to be an unhappy consequence of an unduly

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narrow, linguistic selection criterion (see J. HELLEBRAND, Augustinus als Richter (Cassiciacum, 39/5), Würzburg, 2009. The editors have done a great job in assembling 23 articles that highlight various aspects of the relationship between Augustine and law. The first part deals with the life and world of Augustine in general, including contributions by Whitney J. Oates and Robert Markus. The second part is devoted to Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities, including contributions by Rex Martin, D.J. MacQueen, Gaylon L. Caldwell, Ernest L. Fortin, Peter Burnell and Michael J. White. The third part seeks to assem- ble articles by authors who have dealt with Augustine’s philosophy of political authority and law, such as Anton-Hermann Chroust, R.A. Markus and Francesco Lardone. Part four contains contributions on fundamental principles of jurisprudence and political theory in Augustine by Eric O. Springsted, Reinhold Niebuhr, Theodor E. Mommson, Rüdiger Bittner, Eugene Vance and Ernest L. Fortin. The last part is an anthology of contributions to selected legal topics, particularly just war, heresy and marriage. It contains contributions by Richard Shelly Hartigan, R.A. Markus, John R. Bowlin, P.R.L. Brown, John von Heyking and Charles J. Reid, Jr. Again, one may regret that none of the selected articles has been written in a language other than English. Also, if exception is made of contributions such as Francesco Lar- done’s Roman Law in the Works of St Augustine, legal historians may feel slightly disappointed at the selected works because of the lack of articles that take on a more juristic approach to Augustine’s use of Roman legal grammar and vocabulary, or to his role as a judge, or to the legacy of Augustine’s work in medieval and modern legal sources. One may regret that too many articles that have been selected are of a rather speculative nature. Yet, despite these flaws, Augustine and Modern Law will prove to be a useful reference work for anyone who seeks to bridge the artificial gap that has emerged between historical scholarship in theology and law, respectively. W. DECOCK

Gisèle MATHIEU-CASTELLANI. Les larmes d’Augustin (Épiphanie) (L’Évan- gélisation des profondeurs), Paris, Cerf, 2011. (19,5≈13,5), 174 p. ISBN 978-2-204-09594-5. /18.00.

In writing the Confessiones – the autobiography of his own quest for truth and happiness –, Augustine intended to present his audience with a mirror: by narrating his own conversion history, he hoped that his readers would also realise the limita- tions of their own human condition (theologically translated: to “confess”, confiteri, their own sinful state) and consequently, for them to become aware of the merciful God who is always assisting and is always present in their lives (to “praise”, confiteri, the greatness of God’s grace). Mathieu-Castellani perceives this project and aim of the Confessiones to also be at work on a micro-level within this classic: through several of Augustine’s expositions on tears, his accounts of his own tears and the tears of his mother, his reflections on the tears of children and the tears of all men. Augustine cries out of sorrow for his sins, and out of joy for the happiness of the Christian life. Mathieu-Castellani argues that tears are a poetic leitmotiv within the Confessiones (and that it is related to writings such as the Soliloquia, De beata uita, Contra Academicos, De musica and De ciuitate Dei), that they psycho- logically express the unrest of Augustine’s heart (and the emotions/passions of all

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of humanity) and that they are an ethical exhortation – for Augustine and for all of us – to purge our desires (distinguishing good from bad tears). The author did not intend to present a scientific study of the Confessiones or of the presence of lacrimae in Augustine’s writings and thoughts. Rather she gives a literary analysis of the poetic, psychological and ethical theme of tears, and indicates the interfaces with other protagonists of classical literature (e.g. Plato, Aristotle, Vergil, Plutarch, Dante, Petrarch, M. De Montaigne, J.J. Rousseau, …). As such it is however a pity that the article of Martine Dulaey (“Scatentes lacrimis confessionum libros”: Les larmes dans les “Confessions” [Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 85], Roma, 2003, 215-232) and the relevant lemmas (e.g. confessiones, dolor, gemitus, gaudium, lacrima, paenitentia, tristitia, …) of the very instructive Augustinus-Lexikon are not taken into consideration. The present volume illustrates, in a meritorious and cultivated way, that Augustine’s account of the odyssey of his own crying soul in the Confessiones deserves its place in the canon of Western literature and that it remains to be an inexhaustible source for reflection. A. DUPONT

Andrea NIGHTINGALE. Once Out of Nature: Augustine on Time and the Body. Chicago IL – London, University of Chicago Press, 2011. (16≈23,5), XIV-244 p. ISBN 978-0-226-58575-1. $39.00.

From an interdisciplinary approach (philosophical, sociological, social history, literary theory, etc.) Nightingale studies Augustine’s reflections on body and time, a study in which Augustine’s writings are in dialogue with contemporary theories. Augustine’s anthropology is well known: humans are embodied souls dwelling in time (p. 2). Nightingale’s main contention is that, according to Augustine, humanity moves in two “time zones” since body and soul belong to two different sorts of time. Augustine believes that different temporalities govern body and soul. Bodies are subject to “earthly time” and minds are distended in “psychic time”. The body belongs to the created world, containing the danger of sinful distraction, characterised by “external time”: being born, aging, dying. This is the “earthly time”, the linear timeline of change. “Psychic time” is the inner time consciousness of Confessiones 11, the dis- tentio animi which moves away from the present to the past and to the future respectively via memory and expectation. The author concludes her Introduction (pp. 1-22):

In sum, this book examines Augustine’s conception of the human being as an embodied soul that is doubly temporalized. In addition to analyzing Augustine’s views on the soul and the body, I introduce a heterochronic theory of time. By introducing psychic time and earthly time, I focus on the temporalities that govern the mind and the body (respectively). I thus explore the notion that the human being dwells in two different time zones: while the body changes in earthly time, the mind stretches away from the present in psychic time. The mind’s transcendence of the earthly here and now gives humans a sense of being out of nature. Yet their bodies are physical orga- nisms dwelling in the natural world. In examining human and transhuman life in Eden, on earth, and in heaven, I focus on the metaphysics – and the physics – of presence. Augustine seeks for synchrony in a heterochronic world; he longs for bodily presence in the realm of transience and mutability. In his discourses on embo- diment, Augustine laments over the human condition and anticipates transhumation, where the earth is shucked off and humans are taken completely out of nature (p. 22).

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Chapter 1 Edenic and Resurrected Transhumans (pp. 23-54) explains the notion of transhumanity: being partially (Adam and Eve) or completely (eschatological saints) removed from “earthly time” and minimal participation in “psychic time”. As bodies, humans are part of the food chain. By the fall, Adam and Eve lost their transhuman status, became a part of the food chain, and were integrated in the said twofold temporality: body (hunger, sexual desire, etc.) and soul (inner distension between memory and expectation). Adam and Eve before the fall, and the saints in heaven after resurrection are transhumans. They stand outside time and nature and live in an eternal physical and metaphysical present. There are some small differences between the edenic and heavenly transhumans. Adam and Eve were situated in earthly time, but not submitted to it: they ate and could procreate without bodily mortality. Heavenly saints however will not eat nor procreate. Adam and Eve had in paradise a memory of God’s commandments. Saints have a memory of sin and sinners (a memory that is, however, rational, and not submitted to sadness, anxiety, pain), but since they live in the eternal present, which is also the eternal future in the presence of God, they do not have expectations anymore. Chapter 2 Scattered in Time (pp. 55-104) deals with humans scattered both in “earthly” and “psychic time”.

I use psychic time to refer to Augustine’s claim that the mind distends away from the present into the past and the future (via memory and expectation). I use earthly time to refer to the aging and changing of bodies in the natural world as the seasons pass. As I argue, Augustine’s notion of psychic time cannot be understood in the absence of the natural world, where the mortal body dwells. The human mind always stretches away from the present moment, but this is not a random or abstract present. Rather, a person’s mind distends from the presence of his or her own body. Yet the body itself, though it dwells in the passing now, changes and ages as earthly time moves forward (pp. 56-57).

Confessiones X states that memory connects past experiences with future possi- bilities, which is the basis of the human experience of time. Confessiones XI shows the interaction between “earthly time” (aging) and “psychic time” (mental distension). The heterochronic time where two temporalities intersect in human embodi- ment is the result of the double punishment of the Adamic fall: the body ages in “earthly time”, while the mind distends in “psychic time”. As such, humans are “resident aliens”. The distension of mind prevents self-presence. They feel to be out of nature, while simultaneously their body belongs to nature. Humans are thus both in and out of nature. Augustine’s final objective is to transcend nature, both “earthly” and “psychic time”, to become transhuman at the end of time. Chapter 3 The Unsituated Self (pp. 105-131) reconsiders Augustine’s persistent quest for himself. In “earthly time” Augustine can never reach the mind, both the object and subject of his introspection, since it is situated in the permanent and changeable flux of “earthly time”. The mortal self is the result of the interaction between human mind and body, in which also the mind is both inner and outer (bodily sensations, mental images based on the bodily world in the memory). During life on earth, human experiences always change, and always suffer absences and lacunae. For this reason, humans become a self only as a resurrected saint. Only then can they reach integrity and self-presence. Chapter 4 Body and Book (pp. 132-163) indicates that books are an interface between matter and meaning – meaning transcends the physicality of the text –, between “earthly time” (book as material object) and “psychic time” (understand-

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ing calls for a distended mind). Two specific books are closely investigated: the Bible (mediation of divine truth and as such an invitation to reflect upon our mortality) and the Confessiones (autohagiography as a visible writing to be an imitated model for conversion, a public memorization). Chapter 5 Unearthly Bodies (pp. 164-196) deals with Augustine’s perception of martyrs and ascetics. The holy bodies of martyrs are sites of divine presence, and have an unearthly status. They bring heaven to earth, and as holy places they present an intersection of past, present and future (memory of the past, situated in the present, expectation of resurrection). By mortifying their bodies, ascetics step outside the food chain, they respond to mortality, they prepare for their resurrection, they attempt to make the earth less “earthly”, to elevate their earthly body to heaven. In an epilogue Mortal Interindebtedness (pp. 197-209) Nightingale offers the alternative opinions of Herman Melville, Henry David Thoreau, and Karel Çapek who reject the notion of transhumanity and embrace the earthly condition. The appendix Augustine on Paul’s Conception of the Flesh and the Body (pp. 211-217) summarizes Augustine’s reception of Paul’s distinction between sôma (body, rather positive) and sarx (flesh, rather negative). Augustine sometimes distinguishes the body from the flesh – the body being appreciated by Paul and the flesh rejected – sometimes he regards them as constituting the same whole which is positively evaluated by Paul. The issue of Augustine’s theory/theories on the body-soul relationship is a topic of huge scholarly debate within Augustine research. By putting forward a new structural framework to read Augustine’s body-mind doctrine, Nightingale introduces an innovative and intriguing approach and succeeds in unravelling a complex puzzle. Her sharp and scholarly analysis will undoubtedly find its way to all who are interested in the (history of) philosophical anthropology in general, and for researchers in the field of Early Christianity and Augustine in particular. A. DUPONT

Manfred PROBST. Besessenheit, Zauberei und ihre Heilmittel: Dokumentation und Untersuchung von Exorzismushandbüchern des Girolamo Menghi (1523-1609) und des Maximilian von Eynatten (1574/75-1631). Unter Mitarbeit von Mark REINHOLD, Markus HERMANN und Matias KRISTOPEIT (Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen, 97). Münster, Aschen- dorff, 2008. (23≈15,5), XXIII-302 p. ISBN 978-3-402-04076-8. /45.00.

La grande collection de recherche sur l’histoire et la théologie des sources et pratiques liturgiques a proposé en 2008 un volume sur deux manuels d’exorcisme de la Réforme catholique du XVIe siècle. En plus de la connaissance de deux sources anciennes sur ce domaine marginal de la théologie et de la liturgie, l’ouvrage de Manfred PROBST nous met en contact avec deux textes qui ont influencé le rituel de l’exorcisme du Rituale Romanum de 1614. C’est l’apport principal de cet ouvrage technique et très détaillé, destiné d’abord à des scientifiques très spécialisés. Le plan de l’ouvrage est simple: deux longues parties descriptives et analytiques sur les manuels de Girolamo Menghi de 1576 (pp. 7-74) et de Maximilian von Eynatten de 1584 (pp. 75-236), précédées d’un bref état de la question et conclues par une brève comparaison. Le long index des incipits sera une ressource précieuse pour les chercheurs (pp. 247-295). Il est dommage que la courte bibliographie ne

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mentionne pas en littérature secondaire (pp. XVI-XVII) la thèse, disponible malheu- reusement uniquement en microfiches, de Patrick DONDELINGER, L’exorcisme des possédés selon le Rituel Romain et son interprétation ecclésiale dans l’Occident contemporain, Paris, Université Paris 4 – Institut Catholique de Paris, 1996, 744 p. A. JOIN-LAMBERT

Stefan WARTHMANN. Die Katholische Tübinger Schule: Zur Geschichte ihrer Wahrnehmung (Contubernium: Tübinger Beiträge zur Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 75), Stuttgart, Steiner, 2011. (24,5≈17,5), XI-639 p. ISBN 978-3-515-09856-4. /94.00.

At the outset of his/her research, every scholar wishing to study the Catholic Tübingen School is faced with the same problem: what exactly does the term “Catholic Tübingen School” entail? Whereas some scholars tend to deny its very existence, mostly from a historical perspective (R. Reinhart, A.P. Kustermann, J. Köhler), others formally state that a distinct Catholic Tübingen School may be discerned, though understood as a “theological entity” (theologische Großheit) (M. Seckler, B. Hinze, G. Kaplan). This fundamental question serves as the point of departure for this extensive volume on the Catholic Tübingen School. Stefan Warthmann has divided his work in two main parts: the first one tackles the question through a detailed study of the reception of the Catholic Tübingen School, whereas the second discusses the more general understanding and definition of the Catholic Tübingen School itself. As scholars in favour of the existence of a distinct Catholic Tubingen School call upon its long history of theological reception, the first two chapters of the book describe the attention the Tübingen theology has received in Germany and France throughout the past two centuries. First and foremost, Warthmann focuses on the two periods in the German reception: a first period in which the school itself and its (self-)understanding were developing, and a second period, from 1850 to the First World War. In this second period an external reception and defining of the School was definitely present, but Warthmann believes the 19th century Tübingen School was also identified and defined through the self-identification of several early 20th century Tübingen scholars like S. Lösch, K. Adam and most importantly R. Geiselmann. Warthmann confirms the commonly accepted vision that it is mostly Geiselmann who introduced a “new understanding” of the Catholic Tübingen School by republishing and commenting on some original texts and works by J.S. Drey and J.A. Möhler. In Geiselmann’s opinion, the theology of these Tübingen scholars should be understood in its Romantic context, particularly in view of their “organic” thinking. His writings manifestly stimulated the study of the Tübingen Theology in the 20th century. In the following chapter the French reception is explored. Surprising as it may seem, this presents a logical choice, as the Tübingen theology has indirectly influenced the innovations of the Second Vatican Council through its reception in the works of D. Chenu and Y. Congar. Although several studies in the past already hinted at the influence of the Tübingen School on 20th century French theology, Warthmann should be credited for being the first to describe it systematically and exhaustively. After the French reception, the School’s influences in Italy, England

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and Spain is surveyed. This reception was less profound than in France and Ger- many. The first part of Warthmann’s study ends with two very interesting sections on the Tübingen School’s relations with both the 19th century “Roman School” and J.H. Newman. After mapping out the reception of the Catholic Tübingen School, the second part of Warthmann’s survey focuses on the more general understanding and definition of the School itself. As the history of its reception shows, a clear definition of the Tübingen School is fraught with many difficulties. As such, the first and second parts of the book are very much connected; such a connection manifests itself in the numerous cross references. At the outset of the second part of this voluminous work, Warthmann discusses the different names that are used to describe the Catholic Tübingen School, as well as the historical problems linked to its foundation (the replacement of the university of Ellwangen in 1817). In addition, he reflects on the Catholic School’s delin- eation vis-à-vis the protestant Tübingen schools. According to Warthmann, these first set of problems are apparent when one considers the Catholic Tübingen School as an institution, identifying it with the theological faculty of the Tübingen university. In the following chapter, the author reaches for a deeper level of understanding, discussing the Catholic Tübingen School as Richtungsbegriff and as Qualitätsbegriff. Understood as Richtungsbegriff, the Catholic Tübingen School is depicted as a specific theological school of thought which distinguishes itself from other schools of thinking. Specific attention is paid here to the relation between Tübingen theology and Scholastic and Neo-scholastic ways of thinking. Second, to understand the Catholic Tübingen School as Qualitätsbegriff, means associating the Tübingen School with the quality of its theological training, and also with the high scientific character which the School attained at the beginning of the 19th century. The very specific theological system which the Tübingen scholars developed was unique. However, in the next chapter it is clear that Warthmann’s preference in defining the identity of the Catholic Tübingen School and its theology extends to its understanding as Richtungsbegriff, unpacking the specific theological content of the School’s thinking. In this chapter, Warthmann (finally!) discusses what he calls the “identity markers” (Identitätsmerkmale) of the Catholic Tübingen School, namely: (1) the synthesis of history and Idea resulting in a specific way of per- ceiving the tradition, the developments of doctrine and the historical method; (2) a theology which combines a scholarly nature, a practical involvement with the present, and a firm but critical ecclesial fidelity (selbständiger Kirchlichkeit); (3) their independent way of thinking and (4) lastly the idea of the Kingdom of God. These are the theological and methodological structures and topics which unite the scholars of Tübingen into a School. Stating this, Warthmann positions himself clearly and with sound arguments – expounded in the previous chapters – in the camp of those scholars who are convinced that one can rightfully speak of a Catholic School of theology in Tübingen. The theology of the 19th century Tübingen scholars has been studied and discussed extensively the last two centuries. The doctoral research of Stefan Warth- mann, of which this book is the result, is not a direct contribution to this corpus of Tübingen studies but envisages in the first place to take the corpus itself as its study object, in order to define the identity of the Catholic Tübingen School. As such, he restricts himself to surveying the reception and meaning of the Tübingen

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School as a whole and not taking the individual reception into account of scholars like J.A. Möhler or J.E. Kühn. Therefore, the main emphasis, also in his second part, is on “secondary” literature, without encompassing the primary sources of the early 19th century Tübingen scholars, a choice which some may find to impov- erish the project as a whole. Warthmann is also aware of the fact that his study only provides an oblique remark of the rather important reception the School had in the United States during the second half of the 20th century. Nonetheless, Warthmann presents a very rich and detailed study of the different interpretations and meanings assigned to the Catholic Tübingen School. In most of the chapters Warthmann confines himself to presenting the position of different authors, but towards the end it becomes clear to the attentive reader that he also takes positions himself in different discussions surrounding the definition of the Catholic Tübin- gen School. The many cross references compel the meticulous reader to navigate a lot throughout the book, but also shows the well structured and strong argument towards the conclusion of the book. In any case, Warthmann’s voluminous study, containing an extensive bibliography of literature on the subject and useful indexes, is indispensable for scholars studying the Catholic Tübingen School. S. GOYVAERTS

Christian BAUER. Ortswechsel der Theologie: M.-Dominique Chenu im Kontext seiner Programmschrift «Une école de théologie: Le Saul- choir» (Tübinger Perspektiven zur Pastoraltheologie und Religion- spädagogik, 42), Münster, LIT, 2010. (23,5≈16), pp. 1-439 + 441- 906. ISBN 978-3-643-11213-2. /79.90.

Ortswechsel der Theologie is the publication of the doctoral dissertation of Christian Bauer (promotion 2001). Over the last ten years, Bauer has earned a reputation as a specialist in the theology of Chenu. Since 2003, he has been a fellow at the Institut M.-Dominique Chenu (Berlin). It is in this capacity that he has taken an active part in the project Collection Chenu that aims to edit, translate and comment on the theological work of Chenu. In 2003, he published in this same series the German translation of Chenu’s major work Une école de théolo- gie: Le Saulchoir. This work also occupies a prominent place in Ortswechsel der Theologie. According to Bauer, it is one of the most important works of the twentieth century, being a source of inspiration for the Second Vatican Council, lib- eration theology and theology today, especially pastoral theology. Ortswechsel der Theologie is divided into three parts. In the first part (Orts- bestimmung) the research project, its context and method, are defined. The second part (Archivrecherchen) offers a kind of intellectual biography of Chenu, mainly during the period 1895-1942. The third part (Ergebnissicherung) contains reflections upon the impulses given by Chenu regarding actual historical, systematical and pastoral theology. With his study, Bauer enters into conversation with Chenu in the historical, concrete context of Une école de théologie. In order to obtain as firm a compre- hension as possible of the discourse in Une école de théologie in its complex web of historical connections, Bauer appeals to Foucault’s method of “archaeology”. Applied to Une école de théologie, Bauer intends for instance to analyze the

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intradiscursive dependencies with the earlier and later works of Chenu, the inter- discursive dependencies with his discursive non-theological works and the extradiscursive dependencies with his non-discursive pastoral experiences. In this way, Bauer aims to study Une école de théologie like Chenu himself studied Thomas’ Summa theologica, which is, in order to gain a better understanding of Chenu’s work, Bauer places Chenu’s work back in the context of its time – in its intra-, inter- and extradiscursive dependencies. Yet, Chenu’s approach of Thomas’ work was also highly “genealogical”: he read the Thomist “discours archive” with problems of his own time in mind. From there, he arrived at a creative difference, which was fruitful in treating these problems. Bauer points out that, in the case of Chenu’s work, a great deal of preparatory “archeological” work needs to be done before one can attempt to elaborate a truly productive “genealogy”. Consequently, the natural core of his study is thus situated in the domain of “archaeology”. This “archeological” section is structured in three parts that marks shifts in geographical or discursive loci in the life of Chenu. The first part “Primat der Kontemplation (1895-1914)” deals with Chenu’s childhood and youth in Soisy- sur-Seine and his first years in Le Saulchoir (Kain-lez-Tournai). Under the title Diskursarchive der Vergangenheit (1914-1932), the history of Chenu’s study and promotion in Rome and his first years as professor in Le Saulchoir (Kain-lez- Tournai) is reconstructed. The title of the final and most important part Praxis- felder der Gegenwart already indicates the essence of the shift of theological loci. It deals with Chenu’s early years as rector of Le Saulchoir (still in Kain-lez- Tournai) and offers an in-depth analysis of Une école de théologie with its shift of theological loci and the resulting conflicts between Le Saulchoir (now in Éti- olles-sur-Seine) and Rome. The three key words used by Bauer to structure Chenu’s biography are thus spirituality (contemplation), theology (discourse archive) and pastoral care (field of praxis). Bauer aptly remarks that it is better not to talk only about “two Chenu’s” – the medievalist studying the thirteenth century and the theologian active in the pastoral field of praxis of the twentieth century – but about “three Chenu’s”: the third Chenu is the Chenu of contemplation, in which theology and pastoral care are held together in a productive tension. Without the contemplative Chenu the two others would not have been possible. Due to the importance of contemplation in his life and theology, Bauer even counts Chenu as one of the great mystics of the twentieth century (I, p. 164). On the basis of a wealth of archival sources and secondary literature, Bauer traces the presence of the shift of theological loci in Chenu’s works and activities against the larger background of his biography. In addition to the publication of Une école de théologie (1937), three biographical milestones catch the eye: the doctoral dissertation on contemplation, the historical research on Thomas and the pastoral engagement for workers. In the context of a revival of spiritual theology after the First World War, Chenu chose to write his doctoral dissertation on contemplation on the work of Thomas Aquinas (De contemplatione, 1920). The promoter of the dissertation was the most influential spiritual theologian of the time: Réginald Garrigou-Lagrange. Bauer points out that the theological shift of loci in Une école de théologie – the characterization of religious experience as locus theologicus – was already pre- pared in De contemplatione: for Thomas, spirituality was a constitutive part of theology. Yet, this idea, together with the emphasis of the shift of theological loci

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in Une école de théologie, created the seeds for some conflict. Therefore, the presentation of Garrigou-Lagrange’s critique and corrections on Chenu’s dissertation are very interesting. Garrigou, for instance, criticized Chenu’s historical orientation and his appeal to human sciences (e.g. psychology) as loci theologici alieni that enjoy a true authority in theology. The new approach to Thomas by Chenu is characterized by Bauer, following Fouilloux, as “thomisme au risque de l’histoire” (I, p. 253). This kind of Thom- ism aims at historically recontextualizing Thomas in order to revive him and rediscover aspects of value in his work. Bauer points here to the influence of the nouvelle histoire of the Annales school: Chenu developed the historical method of Le Saulchoir in the direction of a “Christian history of mentalities” (I, p. 260). This came down to abandoning the “disincarnated” history of Christian doctrines for the benefit of integral history, whereby the work of Thomas is placed in its economical, social, political and cultural context. The constitutive milieu of nas- cent urban culture, the evangelical movement, mendicant orders, the University, etc. exist in order to represent a proper authority in the sense of the loci theologici. “Letztlich handelt es sich um ‘lieux théologiques en acte’ der Vergangen- heit, die im Rahmen einer strukturanalogen Problemkonstellation auf die entspre- chenden Praxisorte der Gegenwart verweisen” (I, p. 268). Thomas’ works cannot be rightly understood without taking account of this context. From 1932 onwards, Chenu was also familiar with the pastoral field of praxis in the present. 1932 is the year in which he came into contact for the first time with the Christian Worker’s Youth (Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne). According to Bauer, this decisive encounter marks the most fundamental shift of theological loci in Chenu’s life. “Sie führte zur epochalen Entdeckung der Lieux théologiques en actes, jener theologischen Praxisorte also, die eine Autorität auch für die wis- senschaftliche Rede von Gott darstellen” (I, p. 302). This pastoral turn also brought Chenu in contact with the Mission de Paris and Mission de France, Basic Communities, Marxists, other Christian confessions, laics, etc. Une école de théologie: Le Saulchoir (1937) marks the end point of the “hinge period” that had started with the decisive pastoral turn of 1932. The main thesis of Bauer’s study is that Une école de théologie represents “einen zentralen theologischen Ortswechsel des 20. Jahrhundert, dessen kircheninterne Genealogie geradewegs zum Zweiten Vatikanum führt” (II, p. 459). Bauer discusses this in detail in the content of the five chapters of Une école de théologie. The shift of theological loci is first located in the second chapter (Esprit et Méthodes) of Une école de théologie. The present life of the Church and the actual experience of Christianity are described here as the immediate and immediately fruitful locus from which theology draws its donné. Yet, most important with regard to the shift of theological loci is the second section (Foi et histoire) of the third chapter (La théologie), in which Chenu presents history as the object of faith and theology due to the historically attainable mystery of the Incarnation: the Son of God is a person of history. Indeed, it is the law of Incarnation that has led the School of Le Saulchoir into the danger zone of historical thinking. The historical- systematical relationship between faith and history refers Chenu directly to the field of praxis of actual pastorate: one can gain an insight into the Word of God in the world, where it is in action in the Church; God speaks today. As examples of loci theologici in actu (lieux théologiques en acte) Chenu mentions: a rediscovery of the Christian East, a postcolonial understanding of mission, a worldwide

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reinforcement of the ecumenical movement, an enhancing of cultural pluralism in a globalizing world, social fermentation and finally the pastorate of a Church that regains a new youthfulness in this world (Catholic Action, specialized movements). For Chenu, these lieux théologiques en actes have the same discursive authority as the classical loci theologici of Melchior Cano (Scripture, Tradition, Fathers, Councils, Popes). “In dieser Entdeckung Chenus und ihrer historisch- systematischen Begründung von der eigenen thomanischen Inspiration her liegt die eigentliche Bedeutung seiner Programmschrift” (II, p. 502). Bauer calls this shift of theological auctoritates a “revolution of theology” (II, p. 477), a “1492” of theology in the twentieth century, as a new continent appears on the theological “map of the world” (II, p. 716). The Second Vatican Council has acknowledged the authority of the lieux théologiques en actes. For Bauer, this decision of the Council has made Chenu a “Church Father of the modern age” (I, p. 12). After the exhaustive “archaeology” of the shift of loci realized by Chenu, the short third part of Bauer’s study deals with its meaning for the present (“genealogy”) on three levels of theological discourse: historical, systematical and practical theology. This part is less coherent in nature, but offers nonetheless some highly interesting, stimulating and innovating analyses and reflections, like the analysis of the “theologiegrammatische Parallele” (II, p. 653) between Thomas’s Summa theologica and the pastoral constitution of the Second Vatican Council (Gaudium et spes). To conclude, one cannot but admire Bauer’s immense study Ortswechsel der Theologie, as it contains an impressive wealth of information and reflection, appealing to both historians of Nouvelle théologie and to systematic and pastoral theologians. W. DE PRIL

Benoît-Marie SOLABERRIETA. Aimé-Georges Martimort: Un promoteur du Mouvement liturgique (1943-1962). Préface de Robert CABIÉ (Histoire: Biographie). Paris, Cerf, 2011. (23,5≈14,5), 351 p. ISBN 978-2-204- 09533-4. /31.00.

Enfin! Il manquait dans la recherche historique et liturgique une monographie sur Aimé-Georges Martimort. Le texte le plus abouti jusqu’alors était un article de son successeur Robert Cabié dans la Maison-Dieu. L’actuel professeur de liturgie de l’Institut Catholique de Toulouse comble ici partiellement cette lacune en publiant un ouvrage sur son illustre prédécesseur. Fruit de sa thèse de doctorat, Benoît-Marie Solaberrieta n’exploite ici que ses recherches sur la vie, l’œuvre et la pensée de Martimort jusqu’au concile Vatican II. Le sous-titre est donc adé- quat: il s’agit de saisir au mieux le rôle joué par Martimort dans le Mouvement liturgique. Son influence s’est étendue bien au-delà des frontières françaises, faisant de lui un des acteurs majeurs de cette vague à la fois profonde et ample qui a engendré la réforme liturgique. La documentation exploitée par l’auteur est abondante, y compris des entretiens accordés par Martimort peu de temps avant son décès. – Le plan adopté est à la fois chronologique et thématique. Une pre- mière partie traite de la formation de Martimort, la deuxième de son rôle dans le lancement d’une «pastorale liturgique» en France et la création du Centre de Pastorale Liturgique, la troisième de ses préoccupations pastorales dans

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l’enseignement et la recherche, la quatrième focalise sur l’insistance permanente de Martimort sur l’assemblée liturgique. Toute l’œuvre de Martimort est typique du Mouvement liturgique: une solidité à toute épreuve dans son rapport aux sources historiques et un engagement indéfectible pour un renouveau de la vie chrétienne grâce et par une liturgie elle-même renouvelée. Le livre de Benoît- Marie Solaberrieta est une pierre précieuse pour mieux connaitre le Mouvement liturgique aujourd’hui largement ignoré dans la théologie catholique et parmi les responsables pastoraux, car paraissant si lointain. En écho, on ne peut que recom- mander aussi aux Éditions du Cerf le livre de Frédéric DEBUYST sur le grand théologien allemand Romano Guardini (L’entrée en liturgie: Introduction à l’œuvre liturgique de Romano Guardini [Liturgie, 17], Paris, Cerf, 2008). On peut d’ailleurs regretter que le présent ouvrage n’ait pas pris place dans la prestigieuse collection «Liturgie», ce qui lui aurait peut-être assuré un plus grand rayonnement. À l’heure où des groupes traditionalistes prétendent réduire la réforme liturgique à un évènement très circonstancié et susceptible d’être rapidement déclaré caduque, revisiter ces années de la guerre jusqu’au Concile permet de constater le foisonnement tant théologique que pastoral, et l’évidente nécessité d’une réforme liturgique. Il est très clair qu’on ne peut pas dissocier la réforme théologique (conciliaire et les livres) et pratique de sa préhistoire d’au moins un demi-siècle. Merci donc à Benoît-Marie Solaberrieta et vivement la suite, tant le rôle de Martimort au Concile et dans la mise en œuvre de la réforme fut important. A. JOIN-LAMBERT

Lieven BOEVE – Frederiek DEPOORTERE – Stephan VAN ERP (eds.). Edward Schillebeeckx and Contemporary Theology. London – New York, T&T Clark International, 2010. (24≈16), XXXIV-297 p. ISBN 978-0-567- 18160-2. £65.00.

The published results of the international symposium Theology for the 21st Century: The Enduring Relevance of Edward Schillebeeckx for Contemporary Theology, held in Leuven, Belgium, from December 3-6 of 2008, present a varied portrait of Schillebeeckx’s legacy. Among the articles is a preface by Edward Schillebeeckx himself, which sets up a guiding line of inquiry for the rest of the volume, and while the symposium papers were certainly finished long before anyone ever read his introduction, Schillebeeckx places them in a unique perspective. He sets a tone for how his own theology must be taken: it is “only as a starting point” for future theology and certainly not as an end in itself (p. XIV). There is no notion that his work forms a complete whole or a self-contained system, but instead he makes a plea for a continued search for God at the limit of human experience. The authors certainly use Schillebeeckx as a starting point in most cases to further their own theological reflections and in line with their own modes of thought and research. This last aspect coupled with Schillebeeckx’s introduction are what, in fact, sets this volume apart from similar symposia and collections centered on a particular author. The book as a whole neither seeks to parrot Schillebeeckx’s language and thought nor does it delve so deeply into particular aspects of his theology that only a specialist could appreciate it. One major strength is the variety of different perspectives that either start from a specific

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point in Schillebeeckx’s work or begin elsewhere and then incorporate his work in a meaningful way. The articles are broken down into six main topics following a preface from co-editor Frederiek Depoortere which gives an overview of the symposium and the papers presented in this volume. Also present is an introduction from co-editor Lieven Boeve. The introduction establishes the future significance of Schille- beeckx’s work in a postmodern context and affirms the continuing need for his voice and spirit in theology. Following Boeve, the first section concerns theology and modernity and includes contributions from Anthony J. Godzieba and Depoor- tere. This is followed by articles from Vincent J. Miller and Jürgen Manemann on political theology. The third part pertains to interreligious dialogue featuring authors Gemma Tulud Cruz and Jean-Louis Souletie. Assessments of Schille- beeckx’s category of ‘contrast experience’ and suffering come from Kathleen McManus, Mary Catherine Hilkert, and Elizabeth Kennedy Tillar. Experience and contemporary context is the subject of papers by Hans-Joachim Sander, Oliver Davies, and Marc Dumas while co-editor Stephan van Erp and Benoît Bourgine provide perspectives on philosophy and theology. Finally there is a concluding section where papers by Erik Borgman (whose article forms a nice inclusio with Boeve’s introduction), Robert J. Schreiter, and Kathleen Dolphin survey both the symposium and the future relevance of Schillebeeckx’s work in the 21st century. The diversity of the volume is at times its own weakness, given that a few of the contributions barely touch on the work of Schillebeeckx and their inclusion feels much like an afterthought rather than a considered reflection. On the whole, however, the pieces are germane both to the topic of the symposium and to contemporary theology at large. Far from being soft on Schillebeeckx, this volume is often critical of his theology’s shortcomings including an all-too-easy alliance with modernity and the radical shift in context between the mid-twentieth century and the present (from late-modern to postmodern). Herein a specialist is bound to find this volume valuable in its entirety, while the contributions are of such quality that they could be selectively used in teaching, perhaps even on the level of advanced undergraduates. Schillebeeckx’s own recommendation that theology be conducted according to the spirit of his work, and not necessarily the letter, reflects his own assessment of Christian faith as “proportional” in its continuity; it is the Christian’s relationship to the context which is the basis for orthopraxis and the continuity of orthodox Christian identity (Borgman, 242). D. MINCH

Maurice CHEZA (ed.). Paroles de chrétiens en terres d’Asie. Avec la collaboration de John BORREMANS et Jacques BRIARD. Postface de Michel Maxime EGGER (Chrétiens en liberté). Paris, Karthala, 2011. (21,5≈13,5), 357 p. ISBN 2-8111-0514-3. /26.00.

Après un volume de textes consacrés à l’Afrique (Théologiens et théologiennes dans l’Afrique d’aujourd’hui, Paris, Karthala, 2007 — Cf. ETL 84 [2008] 266), M. Cheza présente un recueil d’articles issus du continent asiatique, dans la collection «Chrétiens en liberté» dirigée par René Luneau. Beaucoup de textes de ces 23 auteurs ont déjà été publiés dans diverses revues telles que Voies de

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l’Orient, Mission de l’Église et Spiritus, mais un tel volume les fera connaître à un large public. Leur rassemblement en fait tout l’intérêt: pour des Occidentaux, une fenêtre s’ouvre sur un monde qu’on sait exister, mais dont on connaît mal les directions de pensée, les engagements et aussi la variété des positions en matière d’inculturation. Chrétiens de diverses confessions et croyants d’autres religions et spiritualités, tous sont profondément insérés dans la réalité sociale et religieuse, intéressés au dialogue interreligieux et aux échanges œcuméniques. Cette Asie est minoritairement chrétienne, excepté les Philippines; les chrétiens ont appris à témoigner de l’Évangile dans un tel contexte. Leur expérience peut être éclairante pour les chrétiens occidentaux qui vivent de plus en plus en milieu pluraliste. L’ouvrage s’ouvre par quelques textes du continent asiatique traitant notamment de la mission et de la conversion, de christologie «féministe» et du cheminement des églises locales après Vatican II. Ensuite la parole est donnée à l’Inde et au Sri Lanka (libération de la théologie, démasquer les démons par l’humour, revendication dalit et christologie dalit, etc.). L’Asie orientale (Japon, Chine, Corée, Indonésie, Philippines) est la partie la plus fournie. On y entend un Chinois déclarer (pp. 191-201) qu’il n’est pas possible de concilier le Tao (la Voie) avec la Parole (révélation chrétienne), tandis qu’une bibliste chinoise constate la proximité de la Bible et de la littérature traditionnelle chinoise (pp. 203-212). Enfin, la dernière partie présente quelques «regards croisés» où un Sikh, un Hindou et un Bouddhiste livrent leur appréciation du Christ et du christianisme. Inutile de dire l’importance de cette dernière partie, car trop souvent les Occidentaux ont oublié d’interroger leurs interlocuteurs et de recueillir les leçons de la réception. À signaler encore une «Interprétation du Prologue de saint Jean» (pp. 231-234) par un prêtre japonais. Une précieuse bibliographie et des élé- ments biographiques concernant les auteurs terminent ce recueil. A. HAQUIN

Guido MARINI. Liturgie: Mystère du salut. Préface de Mgr Raymond CENTÈNE. Perpignan, Éditions Artège, 2010. (17≈11), 68 p. ISBN 978-2-3604-0030-0. /6.90. [Orig. italien: Liturgia: Mysterium Salu- tis, Cinisello Balsamo, San Paolo, 2010.]

Il n’est pas de doute sur l’objectif de ce livre: traiter quelques questions débattues aujourd’hui à propos de la liturgie. Le cérémoniaire de Benoît XVI en considère cinq: le caractère sacré de la liturgie, l’orientation de la prière liturgique, la liturgie comme adoration de Dieu, la participation active et la musique dans la liturgie. Bien loin du ton de Vicesimus Quintus Annus, la Lettre apostolique de Jean- Paul II publiée à l’occasion du 25e anniversaire de la Constitution sur la liturgie du concile Vatican II (4 décembre 1963/1988), ce petit ouvrage tente d’imposer une lecture de la Constitution et une compréhension de la liturgie qui s’appuient essentiellement sur les écrits de Joseph Ratzinger. La «réforme de la réforme» y est clairement souhaitée en se réclamant de «la fidélité à Église et au Pape». Ces derniers mots de la conclusion, échos d’un argument d’autorité, ont du mal à cacher la faiblesse théologique du contenu, l’auteur (Docteur en droit civil et canonique au demeurant) semblant voir l’«authentique esprit liturgique» princi- palement dans le respect des normes liturgiques. P. BOVENS

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Catherine VINCENT – Jacques PYCKE (eds.). Cathédrale et pèlerinage aux époques médiévale et moderne (Bibliothèque de la Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique, 92), Louvain-la-Neuve – Leuven, Collège Érasme – Universiteitsbibliotheek, 2010. (25≈16), 330 p. /45.00.

It is rather unusual to link cathedrals to pilgrimages. This explains why the phenomenon has not yet thoroughly been studied. The cathedral represents the bishop and the hierarchy, rather than popular religiosity. Yet bishops and chapters are also zealous collectors of relics, and relics are often the reason for pilgrimages. Indeed, pilgrims visit sacred places to venerate relics or miracle working images of saints. Taking this into consideration, it is not so strange at all to look at a cathedral like any other basilica or sacred space, housing famous relics or statues. That is exactly what the collaborators of this volume intended by publishing the acts of the conference Cathédrale et pèlerinage (Paris, 28-29 March 2008). This volume in the series “Bibliothèque de la Revue d’Histoire ecclésiastique” is a collection of 19 essays, covering a period from the 13th to 18th Centuries and it includes some very provocative contributions. Mireille Vincent-Cassy opens with an article on the cathedral of Paris. The cathedral did not attract many people, until the relics of Saint Etienne-des-Grès were discovered and transferred to the Paris cathedral (this was done during the same period of the building of the new cathedral, 2nd half of the 12th Century). The chapter of the cathedral ordered new “images” of saints (e.g. the one of the Virgin Mary in 1332) and reinstalled processions. Dany Sandron, in his article, explores the teaching of the mis-en-scène of the relics in the monumental scenery of the Paris cathedral in the second half of the 13th Century. The cathedral was not only rebuilt for architectural purposes, but apparently it was also rebuilt in order to function around public devotions. Jacques Pycke studies the case of Tournai (Belgium) from the 13th to 15th Centuries. It is one of the rare contributions in this volume that pays attention to what pilgrims did. In his essay on the modern times of Toul, Philippe Martin does the same. He shows the different aspects of such a pilgrimage (still recognizable today), which includes the pilgrimage itself, the stay in town during a pilgrimage, the visits to the site, and finally, the procession. Christian Sapin states that crypts are not necessary for the liturgy in cathedrals. Many cathedrals have a crypt and the only explanation can be the cult of saints. It is a place to receive pilgrims. Vincent Tabbagh studies crypts and mis-en-scènes in Rouen and Sens. The essay by Mathieu Lours is of particular importance. He pays attention to a rarely studied topic. In the 18th Century, the interiors of the majority of French cathedrals radically changed. The medieval altars, which had a huge impact on the veneration of relics, disappeared. Many affective liaisons between the cathedral and the faithful faded away. Only during the 19th Century the relationship was restored. Some pilgrimages to cathedrals were born in the 15th Century and the beginning of the 16th Century. The goal of those pilgrimages was to see the graves of bishops who recently had died. These pilgrimages had not only religious purposes, but also political ones. They were done in order to experience the manifestations of the power of the bishops and the unity of the dioceses.

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André Vauchez wrote the conclusion, which gives a comprehensive, rather than a comparative summary. One question that could have been explored is: are there any differences between pilgrim’s visits to cathedrals and what constituted the usual sacred spaces? The volume stresses the similarities between the two phe- nomena, but does not pay attention to differences (if any). H. GEYBELS

Martin KLÖCKENER – Bruno BÜRKI (eds.). Der Zeit voraus / Devancer son époque: Liturgiewissenschaft an der Universität Freiburg Schweiz / La science liturgique à l’Université de Fribourg Suisse. Geschichte, Kon- zepte, Projekte / Histoire, concepts, projets 1956-2006. Fribourg, Aca- demic Press, 2011. (23≈15,5), 256 p. ISBN 3-7278-1634-5. /37.00.

Les livres abordant exclusivement une discipline théologique dans une faculté sont rares. C’est une raison supplémentaire pour remarquer l’ouvrage dirigé Martin Klöc- kener et Bruno Bürki à l’occasion du Jubilé de la chaire (devenue Institut en 1999) de science liturgique / Liturgiewissenschaft de l’Université de Fribourg en 2006. Cette chaire bilingue unique en son genre fut aussi une des toutes premières créées dans cette discipline récente de la théologie. Les trois professeurs ordinaires qui s’y sont succédés ont contribué chacun à sa manière au renom et au rayonnement de la chaire: Anton Hänggi (1956-1968) par ses recherches historiques et théologiques, Jakob Baumgartner (1968-1991) par un souci pastoral plus prononcé, Martin Klö- ckener (depuis 1994) par de nombreux ouvrages de recherche dirigés depuis Fri- bourg, des articles de référence et la direction de la prestigieuse Archiv für Litur- giewissenschaft. Par les contributions de 13 collaborateurs, l’ouvrage commence par une réflexion historique (dont les onze professeurs ayant enseigné la liturgie depuis 1891) et systématique sur la science liturgique en Suisse et dans la francophonie et le monde germanophone (partie I), suivi de souvenirs et réflexions sur Anton Hänggi et Jakob Baumgarnter (partie II), puis les projets de recherches et d’édition de l’équipe actuelle (partie III), pour finir par les liens et engagements au service de l’Église catholique en Suisse (partie IV). Les annexes présentent l’ensemble des recherches menées à Fribourg depuis 55 ans, tant celles des trois professeurs ordinaires que celles du liturgiste réformé Bruno Bürki (professeur titulaire), que les thèses, thèses d’habilitation, mémoires de licence (master) ou de diplôme ecclésias- tique. Le tout témoigne de la vitalité de ce lieu majeur de la recherche francophone en liturgie aujourd’hui, qui est aussi incontournable dans la recherche germanophone. A. JOIN-LAMBERT

Catherine FINO. L’hospitalité, figure sociale de la charité: Deux fondations hospitalières à Québec (Théologie à l’Université, 16). Paris, Desclée de Brouwer, 2010. (23,5≈15), 461 p. ISBN 978-2-220-06325-8. /32.00.

Catherine Fino est salésienne, docteur en médecine (Paris V – 1986), et docteur en théologie de l’Institut Catholique de Paris et de la Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Le livre dont il est question ici est tiré de sa thèse de doctorat en théo- logie soutenue le 30 novembre 2007, devant un jury composé des professeurs

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Geneviève Médevielle et Alex Liégeois (directeurs de la thèse), ainsi que de Phi- lippe Bordeyne, Thomas Knieps Port-le-Roi et Catherine Marin. Dans cet ouvrage, Catherine Fino propose une étude historique et théologique de l’hospitalité, à travers deux hôpitaux de Québec fondés ou gérés par des religieuses hospitalières, selon une périodisation qui permet de comparer trois périodes précises, ou trois figures sociales de la charité hospitalière: l’Hôtel-Dieu au service des amé- rindiens à Saint-Joseph de Sillery (1639-1644), qui devient un hôpital colonial, l’Hôtel-Dieu de Québec (1644-1759) et l’asile-hôpital Saint-Michel Archange (1893-1939). Malgré sa dimension historique, il ne s’agit pas d’un livre d’histoire, mais d’un ouvrage de théologie morale dans lequel l’auteur veut «éclairer à nou- veaux frais la complexité de l’expérience hospitalière d’hier, et … désigner le rôle que la charité y a tenu, afin de recourir de manière renouvelée à cette tradition hospitalière et d’en recevoir des pistes pratiques pour aujourd’hui» (p. 16). Catherine Fino procède en deux étapes. Tout d’abord, dans un premier chapitre, elle présente son projet épistémologique en se distançant explicitement de la méthode de Michel Foucault. Selon elle, la méthode structurale est «un espace, un langage, une pratique, une manière de voir, de dire, et de faire l’histoire, qui ne permet pas de rendre compte de l’expérience du sujet moral», et il est difficile «au plan théorique, d’envisager une telle épistémologie au service d’un questionnement éthique» (p. 54). Dans une deuxième étape, elle expose, en trois chapitres distincts, les trois figures historiques de la charité qu’elle a sélectionnées, en pré- sentant, pour chacune d’elles, la place de l’expérience théologale des hospitalières dans le façonnement de leur hôpital. Pour construire ces trois chapitres, l’auteur s’est servie essentiellement des Constitutions des religieuses, de leurs Annales, des ouvrages spirituels qui leur étaient proposés, des programmes de formation, des instructions ou lettres qui leur étaient adressées, ainsi que des notices biographiques écrites sur l’une ou l’autre d’entre elles. Dans sa conclusion, où elle affirme expressément «que l’hospitalité est bien une vertu sociale, qui déploie la charité théologale dans l’espace publique» (p. 395), Catherine Fino propose une réflexion sur la pertinence d’une approche théologique – appuyée sur une «généalogie reconstructive» – afin de redéfinir pour aujourd’hui les éléments significatifs de l’hospitalité. Après avoir défini ses critères épistémologiques, elle propose quelques pistes «pour valoriser aujourd’hui la vertu d’hospitalité comme force de proposition sociale, en réponse à la vulné- rabilité des personnes» (p. 396). P.J. ROY

Joël MOLINARIO. Joseph Colomb et l’affaire du Catéchisme progressif: Un tournant pour la catéchèse (Théologie à l’Université, 15), Paris, Desclée de Brouwer, 2010. (23,5≈15,5), 493 p. ISBN 2-220-06208-2. /38.00.

Enfin une thèse qui enrichit à la fois la connaissance historique et la réflexion théologique, y compris pour des questions de grande actualité: voilà ce que le lecteur peut dire après avoir parcouru la recherche doctorale de Joël Molinario, maître de conférence au Theologicum de l’Institut Catholique de Paris. Il étudie de manière très précise la crise qui toucha la catéchèse française en 1957, révéla- trice de conflits de compréhension sur la nature même et les modalités de la

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pédagogie catéchétique. Cette crise dite du «Catéchisme progressif» a abouti à l’éviction de Joseph Colomb, son promoteur principal. Les tensions qui se mani- festent alors ont perduré sous diverses formes dans les années postconciliaires jusqu’à nos jours. Pour Joël Molinario, ce n’est pas un hasard, mais cela traduit des options théologiques différentes. Premier élément à relever, il n’y a eu que peu de thèses en catéchétique francophone depuis 30 ans. L’auteur en évoque cinq seulement. – Deuxième élément, l’ample recherche documentaire sur des sources d’archives inédites. Cette crise de 1957, si forte et frappante en son temps, n’avait pas bénéficiée d’un traitement approfondi. C’est chose faite, grâce aux archives notamment de l’Église de France et des prêtres de Saint-Sulpice. Les rôles joués par les divers protagonistes sont dorénavant clairs, surtout les deux principaux, Joseph Colomb et le Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani, mais aussi Mgr Charles de Pro- venchères, André Boyer, Pierre Lemaire, François Coudreau, Henri Lussau, le Cardinal Jean Honoré, Cécile Damez. Tel est le grand acquis de la première partie (pp. 19-277). – La seconde partie analyse et reprend la crise de 1957 du point de vue théologique. Un chapitre décortique la pensée théologique du Saint-Office sous Pie XII (pp. 281-331). On y voit bien l’influence incontournable du Cardi- nal Ottaviani, jusque dans les débats autour de la constitution Dei Verbum au concile Vatican II. «Il a fallu les débats houleux du Concile pour mettre en évi- dence cette pensée du Saint-Office, comme une théologie d’une école particulière, mais non pas la Tradition authentique de l’Église» (p. 330). Ce chapitre est déci- sif pour mesurer les enjeux théologiques de la crise de 1957, et au-delà, les tensions qui traversent régulièrement la catéchèse encore aujourd’hui, notamment en France. Un second long chapitre est consacré à la pensée catéchétique de Joseph Colomb (pp. 333-475). Joël Molinario analyse précisément les dimensions didac- tiques et pédagogiques à l’œuvre. Il relève le rapport novateur à l’histoire sainte et à la liturgie, désormais sources privilégiées du catéchisme. Joseph Colomb est clairement dans la dynamique du renouveau biblique et du mouvement liturgique. Joël Molinario expose enfin le lien à la doctrine et la place qui lui est faite dans l’ensemble du projet, enjeu majeur du conflit avec le Saint-Office. Dans ce dernier point, la notion d’expérience surgit dans le débat catéchétique, à une époque où l’attention de théologiens est justement éveillée dans ce sens. L’auteur montre bien l’influence du philosophe John Dewey sur Joseph Colomb dans un premier temps, mais aussi la prise de distance du Français par la suite sur plusieurs points, notamment le rapport à la tradition (pp. 419-443). – Le grand mérite de Joël Molinario n’est pas d’abord d’avoir réussi à analyser un épisode complexe et très révélateur de l’histoire contemporaine de l’Église, mais surtout d’avoir démontré que la catéchétique était bien une discipline théologique à part entière. A. JOIN-LAMBERT

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