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INDONESIA's FOREIGN POLICY and BANTAN NUGROHO Dalhousie
INDONESIA'S FOREIGN POLICY AND ASEAN BANTAN NUGROHO Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia September, 1996 O Copyright by Bantan Nugroho, 1996 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibbgraphic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Lïbraiy of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distn'buer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous papa or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïim, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substautid extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. DEDICATION To my beloved Parents, my dear fie, Amiza, and my Son, Panji Bharata, who came into this world in the winter of '96. They have been my source of strength ail through the year of my studies. May aii this intellectual experience have meaning for hem in the friture. TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents v List of Illustrations vi Abstract vii List of Abbreviations viii Acknowledgments xi Chapter One : Introduction Chapter Two : indonesian Foreign Policy A. -
Pekerja Migran Indonesia Opini
Daftar Isi EDISI NO.11/TH.XII/NOVEMBER 2018 39 SELINGAN 78 Profil Taman Makam Pahlawan Agun Gunandjar 10 BERITA UTAMA Pengantar Redaksi ...................................................... 04 Pekerja Migran Indonesia Opini ................................................................................... 06 Persoalan pekerja migran sesungguhnya adalah persoalan Kolom ................................................................................... 08 serius. Banyaknya persoalan yang dihadapi pekerja migran Indonesia menunjukkan ketidakseriusan dan ketidakmampuan Bicara Buku ...................................................................... 38 negara memberikan perlindungan kepada pekerja migran. Aspirasi Masyarakat ..................................................... 47 Debat Majelis ............................................................... 48 Varia MPR ......................................................................... 71 Wawancara ..................................................... 72 Figur .................................................................................... 74 Ragam ................................................................................ 76 Catatan Tepi .................................................................... 82 18 Nasional Press Gathering Wartawan Parlemen: Kita Perlu Demokrasi Ala Indonesia COVER 54 Sosialisasi Zulkifli Hasan : Berpesan Agar Tetap Menjaga Persatuan Edisi No.11/TH.XII/November 2018 Kreatif: Jonni Yasrul - Foto: Istimewa EDISI NO.11/TH.XII/NOVEMBER 2018 3 -
Sonderbericht Regierungsbildung in Indonesien
Indonesien Regierungsbildung in Indonesien - wie Gewinner der Wahl zu Verlierern werden POLITISCHER SONDERBERICHT Ergebnisse der Parlamentswahlen Das indonesische Abgeordnetenhaus ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR ) wurde am 9. April 2009 neu gewählt mit folgenden Ergebnissen: • Die Demokratische Partei ( PD ) um den Präsidenten Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) konnte im Vergleich zur Wahl 2004 ihre Stimmenanzahl verdreifachen und ist damit stärkste Kraft im Parlament (20,85%). • Die ehemals staatstragende Partei Golkar (Partei der funktionellen Gruppen) musste erhebliche Verluste hinnehmen und ist nur noch zweitstärkste Partei in Indonesien (14,45%). • Einen Rückgang der Wählerstimmen erlitt auch die PDI-P (Partei des demokratischen Kampfes), die nur 14,03% der Stimmen auf sich vereinigen konnte. • Die islamischen Parteien PKS (Partei der Sozialen Wohlfahrt), PAN (Partei des Nationalen Mandats), PPP (Nationalen Entwicklungspartei) sowie PKB (Partei des Nationalen Aufbruchs), erhielten nur rund 25% der Stimmen, wobei die PKS mit 7,88% stärkste Partei des islamischen Flügels ist. Das Wahlergebnis zeigt eindeutig eine Zunahme bei Parteien mit nationaler Ausrichtung, während die Entwicklung der Parteien mit islamischem Hintergrund eher negativ ist. Sie konnten im Vergleich zur letzten Parlamentswahl, bei der sie ca. 38% der Stimmen erhielten, nur noch ein Viertel der Wähler ansprechen. Koalitionsverhandlungen vor der Präsidentschaftswahl Trotz dieses eindeutigen Mandats für den nationalen Block, wurde im Vorfeld der Präsidentschaftswahl deutlich, dass die großen Parteien miteinander nicht koalitionsfähig sind. Aufgrund persönlicher Differenzen kam es zwischen dem Präsidenten SBY und seinem Stellvertreter Jusuf Kalla zu einem Bruch. Auf einem Parteitag von Golkar am 23. April 2009 wurde beschlossen, dass eine Koalition mit der Demokratischen Partei nicht weitergeführt werden solle und Jusuf Kalla selbst als Präsidentschaftskandidat antritt. -
Majalah Majelis Edisi Juli 2021
01-04 CVR JUL.pmd 1 1/1/2003, 12:46 AM 01-04 CVR JUL.pmd 2 1/1/2003, 12:46 AM 01-04 CVR JUL.pmd 3 1/1/2003, 12:46 AM 01-04 CVR JUL.pmd 4 1/1/2003, 12:46 AM Daftar Isi EDISI NO.07/TH.XV/JULI 2021 39 SELINGAN 74 Profil Sejarah Perjalanan Ibadah Haji Aliyah Mustika Ilham ...................................................... 08 BERITA UTAMA Pengantar Redaksi 04 Amandemen Terbatas UUD NRI Tahun 1945 Perspektif .......................................................................... 06 ................................................................................ Untuk mewujudkan PPHN memang tidak mudah karena harus ada Kolom 26 komunikasi politik yang intensif. MPR masa jabatan 2014 – 2019 ..................................................... belum berhasil mencapai konsensus untuk melakukan amandemen Aspirasi Masyarakat 47 UUD NRI Tahun 1945 terkait PPHN. Kini, MPR periode 2019 – 2024 ............................................................ kembali berupaya membangun konsensus tersebut. Gema Pancasila 36 Varia MPR ....................................................................... 66 Wawancara ..................................................... 68 Figur .................................................................................... 70 Ragam ................................................................................ 72 Dari Rumah Kebangsaan ............................................. 78 Rehal ................................................................................ 82 16 Nasional UMKM di Masa Pandemi: Pelu -
“Working Together” for Peace and Prosperity of Southeast Asia, 1945 – 1968: the Birth of the Asean Way
“WORKING TOGETHER” FOR PEACE AND PROSPERITY OF SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1945 – 1968: THE BIRTH OF THE ASEAN WAY Kazuhisa Shimada Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Discipline of Politics School of History and Politics University of Adelaide January 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iv THESIS DECLARATION vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii ABBREVIATIONS viii FIGURES ix INTRODUCTION 1 The history of international relations in Southeast Asia 2 The thesis 5 The structure of the thesis 7 1 THE ASEAN WAY – HOW HAS IT BEEN IDENTIFIED? 10 The ASEAN Way 10 Scholarly discussion of the ASEAN Way 13 (i) The principle of non-interference 14 (ii) Face-saving behaviour 18 (iii) Consultations 20 (iv) Informality 22 (v) The spirit of working together 23 The influence of Southeast Asian cultures on the ASEAN Way 24 ASEAN and its precursors: The origin of the ASEAN Way 26 Concluding remarks 29 2 AN AWAKENING OF REGIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS 31 Southeast Asia after the Japanese surrender 31 The advent of the Cold War 32 Towards self-reliance 41 The birth of regional consciousness 47 ii The political situation in Indonesia 49 The development of the plan 54 The significance of the establishment of the ASA 56 Concluding remarks 59 3 THE ATTEMPT TO FIND A REGIONAL SOLUTION TO A REGIONAL PROBLEM 60 The declaration of the Malaysia plan 60 The regional situation in a broader context 66 The reaction from potential claimants 67 Starting the verbal war 75 Seeking peaceful coexistence 83 The beginning of discord 97 The significance of the Manila agreements and Maphilindo 107 -
Volume 18 Number 1 2021 Approved: 05-06-2021
ISSN 1829-9903 (Print) 2541-6944 (Online) Submitted: 23-02-2021 Reviewed: 01-03-2021 Volume 18 Number 1 2021 Approved: 05-06-2021 Url Website: http://e-journal.iainpekalongan.ac.id/index.php/Penelitian/article/view/3492 Url DOI: https://doi.org/10.28918/jupe.v18i1.3492 Pesantren Al-Khairaat of Gorontalo: Hadrāmī Tradition and Habāib Domination Ahmad Zaenuri IAIN Sultan Amai Gorontalo.ac.id [email protected] Habibie Yusuf IAIN Sultan Amai Gorontalo.ac.id [email protected] Abstract: Al-Khairaat is an Islamic Boarding School founded by a charismatic cleric of Hadramaut descent, Sayyid Idrus bin Sālim Al-Jufrie in Palu, Central Sulawesi. Since its establishment in 1930, more than 500 branches of Al-Khairaat schools have spread in the central, northern, southeast, and western parts of Sulawesi Island to Gorontalo area. The development of Al-Khairaat became interesting because the school curriculum represents a pattern of Hadrāmī tradition offered in society (ahwal). Besides, the charismatic dominance of Sayyid Idrus bin Sālim Al-Jufrie as a descendant of the Prophet became an appeal in gaining public trust in Al-Khairaat. This research aimed to analyze the extent of how the Hadrāmī tradition applied and the influence of Sayyid Idrus Bin Sālim Al-Jufrie as a descendant of the Prophet to develop Al- Khairaat boarding school. The field research was carried out using an ethnographic method. The research results showed that the tradition of Hadrāmī in the form of wirid, dhikr, and shalawat had become an appeal. It conforms to the social conditions of Gorontalo people, who appear to be traditionalists in the practice of religion and some of their people are similar to the rituals of urban sufism. -
Australian/Indonesian Foreign Relations
Library resources WithOnePlanet Citizenship reference material > Page: 1 of 2 Australian/Indonesian foreign relations Source: Clinton Fernandes, Associate Professor, International and Political Studies Program, UNSW Australia | February 2015 Australia supported Indonesia’s independence after January 1978, followed by de jure recognition with World War II despite the objections of the Dutch the opening of negotiations on the seabed boundary and the displeasure of the British and the United in the Timor Gap in February 1979. States governments. When the Dutch used force against the independence movement, the Australian When the ALP was re-elected in 1983 and Bob Hawke government eventually referred the matter to the became Prime Minister of Australia, he continued the United Nations Security Council as a “breach of Fraser government’s negotiations with Indonesia on the peace” under Article 39 of the UN Charter. So the seabed boundary in the Timor Gap, eventually deeply did the Indonesian nationalists appreciate signing the Timor Gap Treaty in December 1989. this support that they nominated Australia as Hawke’s successor, Paul Keating (Prime Minister their representative on the United Nations Good from 1991-1996), continued in this vein, pursuing Offices Committee. Indonesia’s foreign minister, Dr closer ties with the Indonesian military. Keating Subandrio, described Australia as the “mid-wife” of the and his foreign minister Gareth Evans accelerated Indonesian Republic. Australia’s links with the Suharto regime on the basis of maintaining “order” and “stability.” Under their Australian governments consistently supported stewardship, Australia carried out more military the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. Foreign exercises with Indonesia than with any other country. -
49 BAB III ALKHAIRAAT DI KOTA PALU Pada Bab Sebelumnya Telah
BAB III ALKHAIRAAT DI KOTA PALU Pada bab sebelumnya telah diuraikan dasar teoritis tentang konsep dan peran agama dalam kemajemukan. Pada bab ini akan diuraikan tentang organisasi islam Alkhairaat yang uraiannya dimulai sejak Alkhairaat masuk ke wilayah Lembah Palu hingga uraian tentang konsep dan peran Alkhairaat dalam kemajemukan agama masyarakat di Kota Palu. Sebagai pengantar masuk ke dalam pembahasan pokok utama tersebut, terlebih dahulu akan diuraikan secara singkat situasi masyarakat Kota Palu sebelum agama Islam masuk dan masuknya Islam di lembah Palu sebelum Islam Alkhairaat. 1. Situasi Masyarakat Lembah Palu Sebelum Agama Islam Masuk Palu dikenal sebagai sebuah Lembah. Hal ini dikarenakan secara geologi, Kota Palu terletak bahkan merupakan sebuah Lembah. Secara singkat proses terbentuknya Lembah Palu tersebut diuraikan sebagai berikut: Menurut Abendanon, teluk Palu pernah membentuk suatu danau dengan dataran Palu bagian selatan. Apa yang dimaksudkan oleh Abendanon tersebut, semakin memperkuat cerita legenda bahwa tepi laut teluk Palu yang sekarang ini, dulunya sampai ke batas Kerajaan Bangga dan Sigi (Bora). Sebelum adanya laut tersebut, terlebih dahulu terbentuk danau gunung, kemudian menjadi laut yang bersambung dengan teluk yang sudah ada. Namun mengapa kemudian mengering dan menjadi lembah? Tidak ada penelitian yang menjelaskan proses pengeringan tersebut hingga membentuk suatu lembah, kecuali Abendanon yang memperkirakan bahwa proses pengeringan tersebut hingga membentuk sebuah lembah 49 diakibatkan oleh peristiwa gempa bumi. Kisah inilah yang kemudian oleh masyarakat setempat mengaitkan dengan cerita kadatangan Sawerigading dari Tanah Bugis ke Tanah Kaili, saat itulah terjadi Lembah Palu.1 Sehingga dapat disimpulkan bahwa terbentuknya Lembah Palu, di karenakan peristiwa alam, yakni gempak bumi. Penduduk asli Lembah Palu adalah suku Kaili. -
A Book About East Timor Jabs Indonesia's Conscience
A Book About East Timor Jabs Indonesia‟s Conscience Charles Dharapak/Associated Press On Aug. 30, 1999, citizens near Dili, East Timor, waved registration papers before a vote on independence. By JANE PERLEZ Published: August 17, 2006 JAKARTA, Indonesia, Aug. 14 — For more than two decades, the brutal military occupation of East Timor, a distant, impoverished territory, brought Indonesia little but disdain and dishonor on the world stage. Kemal Jufri/Imaji, for The New York Times Ali Alatas, a former Indonesian diplomat, has written an insider‟s account of the diplomacy related to East Timor‟s path to independence. The New York Times Decisions made in Jakarta often wreaked havoc in East Timor. The ending, a bloody rampage by Indonesian-backed militias after a vote for independence in 1999, further curdled the nation‟s reputation and left a bitter mood at home, where the loss of East Timor was treated as a subject best left untouched. The seemingly closed chapter was reopened this month with a new book by Ali Alatas, the former longtime foreign minister and ambassador to the United Nations. It is the first account by an Indonesian insider who tried to steer some of the events — which at critical moments involved the United States, the United Nations and, at all times, the heavy hand of the Indonesian Army. Mr. Alatas, always amicable, always accessible, was respected in New York as a quintessential diplomat handed the tricky task of representing his country during the rule of a secretive and authoritarian leader, President Suharto. In “The Pebble in the Shoe: The Diplomatic Struggle for East Timor,” Mr. -
The Role of Indonesia in Creating Peace in Cambodia: 1979-1992
Journal of Critical Reviews ISSN- 2394-5125 Vol 7, Issue 2, 2020 Review Article THE ROLE OF INDONESIA IN CREATING PEACE IN CAMBODIA: 1979-1992 1Ajat Sudrajat, 2Danar Widiyanta, 3H.Y. Agus Murdiyastomo, 4Dyah Ayu Anggraheni Ikaningtiyas, 5Miftachul Huda, 6Jimaain Safar 1Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta, Indonesia 2Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta, Indonesia 3Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta, Indonesia 4Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta, Indonesia 5Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris Malaysia 6Universiti Teknologi Malaysia Received: 05.11.2019 Revised: 25.12.2019 Accepted: 07.01.2020 Abstract The 1979-1992 conflicts were a thorn in the flesh for the peace in the Indochina area, and the Southeast Asia area. Because Indonesia is part of the countries in Southeast Asia, it is reasonable if Indonesia contributes to creating peace in Cambodia. Therefore, this study tried to find out the beginning of the conflict in Cambodia, to know the role of Indonesia in realizing peace in Cambodia in 1979-1992, and to understand how the impact of Cambodia peace for Indonesia in particular and Southeast Asia in general. The conflict in Cambodia caused political uncertainty in Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia countries attempted either independently or within the framework of ASEAN to resolve the conflict. Indonesia’s extraordinary contribution assisted in the peace in Cambodia, both through ASEAN and the United Nations. Indonesia as the representative of ASEAN, has successfully held several important meetings as a solution to solving Cambodia's problems. Successive is Ho Chi Minh City Understanding (1987), and Jakarta Informal Meeting (JIM) I and II (1988-1989). In the United Nations Framework, the Indonesian Foreign Minister and the French Foreign Minister were appointed Chairman, at the 1989 Paris International Conference on Cambodia (PICC-Paris International Conference on Cambodia). -
Australia and Indonesia Current Problems, Future Prospects Jamie Mackie Lowy Institute Paper 19
Lowy Institute Paper 19 Australia and Indonesia CURRENT PROBLEMS, FUTURE PROSPECTS Jamie Mackie Lowy Institute Paper 19 Australia and Indonesia CURRENT PROBLEMS, FUTURE PROSPECTS Jamie Mackie First published for Lowy Institute for International Policy 2007 PO Box 102 Double Bay New South Wales 2028 Australia www.longmedia.com.au [email protected] Tel. (+61 2) 9362 8441 Lowy Institute for International Policy © 2007 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part Jamie Mackie was one of the first wave of Australians of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (including but not limited to electronic, to work in Indonesia during the 1950s. He was employed mechanical, photocopying, or recording), without the prior written permission of the as an economist in the State Planning Bureau under copyright owner. the auspices of the Colombo Plan. Since then he has been involved in teaching and learning about Indonesia Cover design by Holy Cow! Design & Advertising at the University of Melbourne, the Monash Centre of Printed and bound in Australia Typeset by Longueville Media in Esprit Book 10/13 Southeast Asian Studies, and the ANU’s Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies. After retiring in 1989 he National Library of Australia became Professor Emeritus and a Visiting Fellow in the Cataloguing-in-Publication data Indonesia Project at ANU. He was also Visiting Lecturer in the Melbourne Business School from 1996-2000. His Mackie, J. A. C. (James Austin Copland), 1924- . publications include Konfrontasi: the Indonesia-Malaysia Australia and Indonesia : current problems, future prospects. -
US Knew Indonesia Intended to Stop East Timorese Independence
US knew Indonesia intended to stop East Timorese independence 'through terror and violence' Documents reveal ‘muted’ attempts to convince Indonesian officials to allow free vote to proceed Helen Davidson Wed 28 Aug 2019 12.00 EDT The US government knew for months that Indonesia’s military was supporting and arming militias in East Timor in the lead-up to the 1999 independence referendum but continued to push for stronger military ties, declassified documents have revealed. The hundreds of documents provide a window into US policy on the months of terror inflicted on the Timorese and the “muted” attempts by the US to convince Indonesian officials to allow a peaceful and free vote to proceed. The formerly classified documents are released in a briefing book by the National Security Archive’s researcher Brad Simpson on Friday to coincide with the 20th anniversary of East Timor’s independence referendum on 30 August 1999. They reveal extensive and early awareness within the US government of the Indonesian military (formerly ABRI, now TNI) and its “determination to thwart an independence vote in East Timor through terror and violence”. State department v Pentagon Clinton Fernandes, a professor of international and political studies at the University of New South Wales, said the documents illustrated a split between the US state department concerned with the TNI-backed militia violence and the Pentagon striving to preserve a military relationship in the face of widespread opposition. Fernandes said one key document – describing a meeting between US secretary of defence William Cohen and the Indonesian commander of the armed forces, General Wiranto, less than two weeks after International Force for East Timor (Interfet) forces landed in East Timor – starkly demonstrated that it was the military which mattered to Indonesia.