DOCSLIB.ORG

Once the Decision Toestabl1sh Ullkhontowe Sizwe Had Been Taken

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Once the Decision Toestabl1sh Ullkhontowe Sizwe Had Been Taken once the decision toestabl1sh Ullkhontowe Sizwe had been taken by the underground leadership by mid 1961, the next step was to set into motion the necessary machinery to bring this about. Not a great deal is known about the process and exact manner in Which this was done or exactly when UJlkhonto was estabUsbed, except that it was done sometime In November, according to Kandela.(1) The reason why so little information is available on the formation of Umkhonto is not difficult to understand i£ one takes into account that not only was Uakhonto a revolutionary underground organisation designed to conduct a campaign of armed violence against the State, bUt Its very existence after November 1961 depended on its abillty to maintain absolute secrecy and not to reveal anything about its leaders or structure that might lead the pollee to its door. Although some information has been revealed over the years since the beginning of the armed struggle, thls does not amount to a great deal, with the result that any account of the organisation's for- matton in 1961 remains sketchy and incomplete. Perhaps the three most usefUl and informative sources on the formation of Umkhonto are Bruno Ktolo's Umkhonto we Sizwe: The Road to the Left, which covers the origins and development of Umkhonto in Natal up to the beginning of 1963: EdWard Feit's Urban Revolt in South Africa, which deals with the history of Umkhonto in more general terms during the same period and which makes extensive use of Mtolo's court evidence in 1963/6(; and thirdly, the recently published monograph by Howard 1. Mandela, No Easy Walk to Freedom, p.110. see also Barrell, MK, p, 7 and Dawn Souvenir Issue, pp. 24 - 28. Barrell, 11K, the ANC:s armed struqqle. The latter source, which is the first up to date account of Uakhonto in years, contains inte- resting information and points of view on Umkhonto and this has been incorporated as far as possible in this chapter and the rest of the study. The setting up of an underground National High Command (NHC) for Ullkhonto was the task of Nelson Kandela. For this he was given the allber light by his colleagues in the ANC's Emergency COllaittee(of Which he was the Chairman) and the SACP's Central COllll.ittee.Hewas assisted by Joe Slovo who had been especially appointed to the task by the SACP. At its birth Umkhonto was thus a ~oint venture of radicalANC ieaders and the SAcp.(a) According to Howard Barrell In the SACP there was no equivocation on the issue. After dissolving in 1950 under threat of the SUppressJon of Communism Act, the Communist Party had secretly regrouped In 1953. At an underground congress held In a private house in Johannesburg shortly after the lifting of the post-Sharpeville state of emergency in August 1960, the SACP leadership had resolved to create an armed force •..• In view of the SACP's overlapping aembershlp with the ANt. and the vital role the Party had played from underground in keeping the Congress Alliance alive dUring the post-Sharpeville emergency, the SACP's decision strongly reinforced the argullents for araed activity coming from leading ANC nationalists such as Kandela.( S) Raving decided to form Umkhonto one of the first steps taken by the combined underground was to find a suitable place to set up an underground headquarters from which the formation and eventual operations of Umkhonto could be conducted with relative safety. Since Umkhonto was the brainchild of bOth the ANC and the SACP, the headquarters (HQ) had to be situated in an area Where the presence of Barrell, ftK, p. 7. see also ~ Souvenir Issue, pp. 24 - 28. Barrell, KK. p. 6. see also Dawn Souvenir Issue, pp. 24 - 28. Whltes~ Blacks and Indians and the constant movement of these people in and out of the area would not attract undue attention from nelghbOurs. These requirements immediately ruled out any of the Black urban areas (townships) around the country. Secondly~ the proposed headquarters had to be as close as possible to the workplace and homes of most of the underground leaders. With the majority of the underground leaders of the ANC and the SACP either working or living on the Reef, Johannesburg was a logic choice. Moveover, It was thought to be the last place that the pollee would look for such a set up. The logic behind this thinking was borne out by the fact that when the pollee began their search for Mandela and the newly created underground headquarters of the ANC (and later the SACP and Umkbonto), they first concentrated on the African townships around the Witwatersrand-Pretoria area.c.) According to the eVidence presented to the court at the trial of the NHC of Umkhonto In 1963~ the SACP played a signifIcant i£ not the leading role~ In the establishment of the underground headqUarters that facIlitated the establishment of Ullkhonto some months later. It was for instance instrumental both in the purchasing and running of the various premises at Rivonia, Travellyn and Mountainview that came to comprise the underground headquarters of the ANC and Uakhonto by the end of 1961.(·) The search for a suitable premise to set up the underground headquar- ters apparently began shortly after May 1961, when Michael Harmel, a member of the SACP using the alias Jacobson~ began visiting various estate agents in the Johannesburg area. According to Jacobson he needed a relatively secluded place to house his brother-in-law who was sick and needed peace and quiet. Some weeks later, after a number of properties were found to be unsuitable for his ·sick t. The World (Johannesburg), 1961.05.14 (Police still looking for underground). 5. Supreme Court, Transvaal Division, Case 65/64~ The State against H. Mandela and others, Opening Address by Dr. Percy Yutar, pp. 4 - 5. brother-In-law·, Jacobs"onfinally settled for a small-holding of some 28 acres In RivonJa just outsIde Johannesburg. The nalleof the property was Ll111esleaf Farm. The owner of the property, Mr. Fyffe, wanted R32 000 for it but In the end a purchase prlse of R25 000 was agreed upon. Of this amount R10 000 had to be paid as deposit while the balance of R15 000 had to be paid in three equal instalments of RS 000 each. (.) The "sick brother-In-law· on whose behalf the property was beIng purchased was Vivian Ezra. But Ezra was neither sick nor did he have the Jloney to pay for the property. He acted only as a front for the purchase of the property, which he bought on behalf of a company that was st1l1 to be formed called NAVIAN (PTY) LIMITED. The directors of this fictitious company were Vivian Ezra himself and a fellow member of the Communist Party by the nalleof Harold Wolpe. .Wolpe was a junior partner in the legal firm of KANTOR, ZWARENSTEIN AND PARTNERS in Johannesburg.(~) To meet the deposIt requirements for the Lililesieaf property, a cheque of R2500 and a bankers guarantee for the remaining 27 500 to make up RIO 000 were released to the estate agents handling the sale. Once this part of the transaction was completed the registration of Navian (Pty) Limited and all further dealings with the purchase of Ll11iesleaf was handed over to another Johannesburg firm of attor- neys. At thIs poInt, probably to erase any possible connection between the purchase of the Rlvonia property and the SACP, the naae of Harold Wolpe as co-director of Navian (Pty) Limited was removed froll all further documentation. Yet, Inspite of all this clever manoeuverIng, the firm of Kantor and Partners remained in control of Ll11iesleaf Farm. All payments in respect of the property, including the purchase of furniture, were done by Vivian Ezra through the offices of Kantor and Partners. To minlmlse the possibilIty of anyone 6. Supreme Court, Transvaal Division, Case 65/64, The State against N. Mandela and others, Opening Address by Dr. Yutar, p... See also K. Norval, Inside the ANt, p. 63. 7. Supreme Court, Transvaal Division, Case 65/64, The State against N. Mandela and others, Opening Address by Dr. Yutar, p... See also Norval, Inside the ANC, p. 63. beIng able to trace any of the purchases made In connection wIth the Rivonia property to the SACP or Lts .embers, most, If not all transactions, were made In cash,(.) which conH rmed the allegations made by Jordan Ngubanethat, since the SACP came to control the activities of the ANt after 1960, there were all of a sudden large amounts of money available to the organisation. (see Chapter two, pp. 84 - 89.) Once Lilliesleaf Farm had been bought, it was rented out to Arthur Joseph G01drelch, whom it later turned out was not only a senior member of the SACP (prObably a member of its Central Committee), but one of the founding leaders of Uakhonto. Goldreich, according to Slovo, served UIlkhonto In an auxilIary capacity as a member of its JohannesbUrg Regional Command.c.) Lilliesieaf farm was rented to Goldrelch and hIs family for a nominal rent of R100 a month with effect from I December 1961. No records, however, were ever found to confirm that he indeed paid the rent. thus, on the surface, Lillieslea£ farm was legally occupIed by Arthur Goldreich, hIs wife and two children as fro. December 1961, but in reality it was the headquarters of Ullkhonto'sNBC. (JoO) ",. While Goldrelch and his family occupied the maIn building, the out- buildings were occupied by the African and Indian members of Umkhonto's HaC, which presumably was set up between July and November 1961.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 135 Newcontree the Birth of Umkhonto We Sizwe: Old And
    NEWCONTREE 135 THE BIRTH OF UMKHONTO WE SIZWE: OLD AND NEW SOURCES Vladimir Shubin (Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences) The history of the South African liberation movement is still to be written. Academic books and articles published so far left too many of its pages blank or contain information which can't withstand a scrutiny. Among the bibliographies on the anti-apartheid struggle Peter Limb's "The ANC and the Black Workers in South Africa, 1912-1992" should be singled out as well as books by Thomas Karis and Gail Gerhart. However, no special bibliography on "Umkhonto we Sizwe" (MK) has been compiled so far except for an introductory bibliography prepared by Sandi Ie Schalk and the author for the Conference on the Beginnings of the Armed Struggle in South Africa convened in December 1995 by the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture at the University of the Western Cape. Who took a decision and when? The early history of MK is a subject to controversy. The question of when and how the decision was taken is a subject of debate among academics. Naturally nobody knew this better that the participants themselves but even the evidence of those who participated in the events directly is somewhat contradictory. The possibility of using an armed form of struggle was discussed in Congress Alliance and communist circles immediately after the Sharpeville massacre in March 1960 if not before. The mood was growing that under repressive conditions a position of non- violence was becoming more and more irrelevant. Some people even called it treacherous.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This Report
    Military bases and camps of the liberation movement, 1961- 1990 Report Gregory F. Houston Democracy, Governance, and Service Delivery (DGSD) Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) 1 August 2013 Military bases and camps of the liberation movements, 1961-1990 PREPARED FOR AMATHOLE DISTRICT MUNICIPALITY: FUNDED BY: NATIONAL HERITAGE COUNCI Table of Contents Acronyms and Abbreviations ..................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... iii Chapter 1: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1 Chapter 2: Literature review ........................................................................................................4 Chapter 3: ANC and PAC internal camps/bases, 1960-1963 ........................................................7 Chapter 4: Freedom routes during the 1960s.............................................................................. 12 Chapter 5: ANC and PAC camps and training abroad in the 1960s ............................................ 21 Chapter 6: Freedom routes during the 1970s and 1980s ............................................................. 45 Chapter 7: ANC and PAC camps and training abroad in the 1970s and 1980s ........................... 57 Chapter 8: The ANC’s prison camps ........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Yusuf Mohamed Dadoo
    YUSUF MOHAMED DADOO SOUTH AFRICA'S FREEDOM STRUGGLE Statements, Speeches and Articles including Correspondence with Mahatma Gandhi Compiled and edited by E. S. Reddy With a foreword by Shri R. Venkataraman President of India Namedia Foundation STERLING PUBLISHERS PRIVATE LIMITED New Delhi, 1990 [NOTE: A revised and expanded edition of this book was published in South Africa in 1991 jointly by Madiba Publishers, Durban, and UWC Historical and Cultural Centre, Bellville. The South African edition was edited by Prof. Fatima Meer. The present version includes items additional to that in the two printed editions.] FOREWORD TO THE INDIAN EDITION The South African struggle against apartheid occupies a cherished place in our hearts. This is not just because the Father of our Nation commenced his political career in South Africa and forged the instrument of Satyagraha in that country but because successive generations of Indians settled in South Africa have continued the resistance to racial oppression. Hailing from different parts of the Indian sub- continent and professing the different faiths of India, they have offered consistent solidarity and participation in the heroic fight of the people of South Africa for liberation. Among these brave Indians, the name of Dr. Yusuf Mohamed Dadoo is specially remembered for his remarkable achievements in bringing together the Indian community of South Africa with the African majority, in the latter's struggle against racism. Dr. Dadoo met Gandhiji in India and was in correspondence with him during a decisive phase of the struggle in South Africa. And Dr. Dadoo later became an esteemed colleague of the outstanding South African leader, Nelson Mandela.
    [Show full text]
  • Magistrates Under Apartheid: a Case Study of Professional Ethics and the Politicisation of Justice
    Magistrates Under Apartheid: A case study of professional ethics and the politicisation of justice by Paul Gready & Lazarus Kgalema Research report written for the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, August 2000. Paul Gready is from the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London. Lazarus Kgalema is a former Researcher at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. Funding for the project came from the Economic and Social Research Council in the United Kingdom and CSVR. Thanks to Hugo van der Merwe for editorial comments on the report. The authors of this report welcome comments, corrections and questions. Executive Summary The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) institutional or sector hearings represented an innovative attempt to gain insight into the societal context within which human rights abuses took place under apartheid. This paper is both a response to, and an off-shoot from, one of these hearings, the legal sector hearing held in October 1997. The hearings, like much previous commentary, revealed the extent to which the legal profession became complicit in the implementation of apartheid. Most analysis has focused on the fact that judges declined to appear at the hearings, on the grounds that it would compromise their independence. But magistrates were also largely absent. This was a cause for concern because the majority of South Africans came into contact with the apartheid legal system primarily through magistrates. Magistrates during apartheid were public servants and as a result their independence was significantly compromised. Among the wide powers and jurisdiction they enjoyed, magistrates performed crucial functions in relation to political detainees, including overseeing the complaints and safeguard machinery.
    [Show full text]
  • Nelson Mandela and His Colleagues in the Rivonia Trial
    South Africa: The Prisoners, The Banned and the Banished: Nelson Mandela and his colleagues in the Rivonia trial http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuun1969_08 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org South Africa: The Prisoners, The Banned and the Banished: Nelson Mandela and his colleagues in the Rivonia trial Alternative title Notes and Documents - United Nations Centre Against ApartheidNo. 13/69 Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid Publisher Department of Political and Security Council Affairs Date 1969-10-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1969 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description Note.
    [Show full text]
  • KEEP the PRESSURE ON! What's Going on in South Africa? Laws, and Discrediting the All-White Sentation
    Published by the New York Labor Committee Against Apartheid co CWA Local 1180, 6 Harrison St ., New York 10013 KEEP THE PRESSURE ON! What's going on in South Africa? laws, and discrediting the all-white sentation. The "stay-away" shut down This September, we watched 50,000 elections held this September. factories, schools, shops and transport. protestors march legally and peaceful- The Defiance Campaign has re-ig- ly through Cape Town, without a hint nited the democratic opposition. looking Abroad of police repression . Then newly- Through non-violent direct action, elected president F.W. DeKlerk thousands have participated in in- As the Defiance Campaign con- declares that the door is open for the tegrating hospitals, beaches, parks, tinues, the government has been reform of the apartheid system. In Oc- and workplace canteens. Workers pushed into more visible concessions. tober, eight national heroes of the anti- have held meetings and sing-ins on the It has allowed several municipalities to apartheid struggle are released from trains during their long commutes to repeal "petty apartheid" rules, like long imprisonment, including ANC work. School children and teachers segregated parks. leader Walter Sisulu. staged marches, college students set On October 4, in its most dramatic Are apartheid's rulers giving up at up barricades, and unions called a con- gesture, Pretoria released the country's last? sumer boycott. Banned organizations leading political prisoners, with the Hardly. At the same time the held public rallies to "unban" them- significant exception of Nelson Man- government was making highly selves. dela. publicized concessions, it was also kill- On September 6, three million DeKlerk's gestures are directed at ing 27 election protestors, putting joined a national strike to protest the international as well as internal hundreds more in detention, raiding elections, which exclude blacks from audiences.
    [Show full text]
  • Umkhonto Wesizwe)
    Spear of the Nation (Umkhonto weSizwe) SOUTH AFRICA’S LIBERATION ARMY, 1960s–1990s Janet Cherry OHIO UNIVERSITY PRESS ATHENS Contents Preface ....................................7 1. Introduction ............................9 2. The turn to armed struggle, 1960–3 ........13 3. The Wankie and Sipolilo campaigns, 1967–8 ................................35 4. Struggling to get home, 1969–84...........47 5. Reaping the whirlwind, 1984–9 ............85 6. The end of armed struggle...............113 7. A sober assessment of MK ...............133 Sources and further reading ................145 Index ...................................153 1 Introduction Hailed as heroes by many South Africans, demonised as evil terrorists by others, Umkhonto weSizwe, the Spear of the Nation, is now part of history. Though the organisation no longer exists, its former members are represented by the MK Military Veterans’ Association, which still carries some political clout within the ruling African National Congress (ANC). The story of MK, as Umkhonto is widely and colloquially known in South Africa, is one of paradox and contradiction, successes and failures. A people’s army fighting a people’s war of national liberation, they never got to march triumphant into Pretoria. A small group of dedicated revolutionaries trained by the Soviet Union and its allies, they were committed to the seizure of state power, but instead found their principals engaged in negotiated settlement with the enemy as the winds of global politics shifted in 9 the late 1980s. A guerrilla army of a few thousand soldiers in exile, disciplined and well trained, many of them were never deployed in battle, and most could not ‘get home’ to engage the enemy. Though MK soldiers set off limpet mines in public places in South Africa, killing a number of innocent civilians, they refrained from laying the anti-personnel mines that killed and maimed hundreds of thousands in other late-twentieth-century wars.
    [Show full text]
  • Detention Without Trial Saturday 19 March 1 Ruth and Louis Goldman
    Detention without Trial Chapter 15 Page 1 Saturday 19 March 1 Ruth and Louis Goldman arrived today from Maritzburg to stay with us for a few days at 2 Ridsdale Avenue. After supper we started discussing the political situation, and we mentioned the rumours of another round of police raids to be made on members of the Congress movement as a result of the Anti Pass Campaign. Ruth and Louise became more and more uncomfortable as they realised that our house might be raided as well. Eventually we asked them whether they would rather stay with other friends in Durban to avoid the possibility of their being found in our house during a raid? After some discussion, they decided they would not stay with us after all; they left at about 11 p.m. in the pouring rain. Monday 21 March We heard on the radio today of the frightful massacre at Sharpeville in the Transvaal when the police opened fire on a peaceful demonstration outside the police station, protesting about the Pass Laws. There were many dead and a large number of wounded.2 1 I am starting off the beginning of this account as a daily diary 2 In Dr Sam Kleinot's obituary in October 2000, it is written that he was the surgeon in charge of Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto at the time, and that he was horrified to find that most of the dead and wounded had been shot in the back by the police. Detention without Trial Chapter 15 Page 2 Previous page: People fleeing from the police 3 Above: some of the dead 4 Right: police and a dead man 5 On several evenings during the next few days, I went to Harold Strachan's house on the Berea where several of us were busy duplicating thousands of leaflets for the Anti-Pass campaign.
    [Show full text]
  • Interview with Billy Nair Interview with Billy
    INTERVIEW WITH BILLY NAIR INTERVIEW WITH BILLY NAIR INTERVIEWED BY P. BONNER. B HARMEL NEDBANK GARDENS, DURBAN 13 JUNE 1994 PART TWO TRANSCRIBED BY COLLEEN BARKER PB The point you were making about Chief Luthuli and Moses Kotane and the encompassing issues, particularly the move to violence one. BN Moses Kotane and Chief Luthuli were very close friends apart from the fact that Moses was the regional secretary of the underground South African Communist party and Chief Luthuli was President, they exchanged confidences and as a matter of fact one of the first people to actually read Chief - the speech that he was to deliver at Oslo upon receiving the Nobel peace prize - was Moses Kotane. Moses used to travel regularly to Braadville to meet Chief Obao, Moses was restricted to Johannesburg at the time, he used to travel clandestinely to meet Chief and go back. The issue of violence, or rather the issue of violence and the formation of what ultimately led to the formation of Umhonto was canvassed by both Chief Luthuli and Moses Kotane, even before the formation of Umkhonto, that is, there was a thorough going analysis and then they debated the issue and form and then brought the issue to'the joint congresses for discussion and debate. And so with all other important policy matters were first canvassed between Moses and the Chief. Moses may have, in the eyes of the ruling block, Moses was regarded as a tyrant always, but he was the most deep going thinker in the entire movement. He played a very important role in the ANC, and played the role of winning over the various factions that developed during the course of the struggles.
    [Show full text]
  • Telematics 2021 History Grade 12
    DIRECTORATE: CURRICULUM FET TELEMATICS 2021 HISTORY GRADE 12 1 Telematics Schedule DAY DATE TIME TOPIC Wednesday 10 March 15:00 – 16:00 Cold War P1 Wednesday 12 May 15:00 – 16:00 Paper 2 Content Tuesday 10 August 15:00 – 16:00 Examination Preparation P1 and 2 2 SESSION 1 THE COLD WAR 10 MARCH 2021 ORIGINS OF THE COLD WAR COUNTRY:__________________ COUNTRY:__________________ IDEOLOGY:_________________ IDEOLOGY:_________________ MEANING:__________________ MEANING:__________________ _____________________________ ___________________________ _____________________________ ___________________________ KNOW THE FOLLOWING: HISTORICAL EVENTS EXPLANATION IRON CURTAIN / BERLIN WALL POLICY OF CONTAINMENT THE TRUMAN DOCTRINE MARSHALL PLAN BERLIN BLOCKADE BERLIN AIRLIFT CONFERENCES: DATE AND PLACE YALTA CONFERENCE POTSDAM CONFERENCE 3 ROLE PLAYERS COUNTRIES: LEFT: _________________________ _______________________ CENTRE: ______________________ _______________________ RIGHT: ________________________ _______________________ WHAT WAS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE YALTA AND POTSDAM CONFERENCES? YALTA POTSDAM 4 ACTIVITY 1 SOURCE 1A This is an extract from a speech delivered by Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of Britain, at Fulton, Missouri, in the United States, on 5 March 1946. It called for greater partnership between Britain and the United States of America to prevent Soviet expansion into Eastern Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the continent. Behind the line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and populations around them lie in the Soviet sphere and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and increasing measure of control from Moscow.
    [Show full text]
  • Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
    LAWYERS' COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW BRIEFING PAPER ON THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT TREASON TRIAL state y. Mawalal Ramgobin and 15 Others, The Supreme Court of South Africa (Natal Provincial Division) Pietermaritzburg, South Africa August 1985 Southern Africa project Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law 1400 Eye Street, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, D.C. 20005 -. LA WYERS' COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW SUITE 400 • 1400 EYE STREET, NORTHWEST. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20005 • PHONE (202) 371-1212 CABLE ADDRESS: LAWCIV, WASHINGTON, D.C. BRIEFING PAPER ON THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT TREASON TRIAL State v. Mawalal Rarngobin and 15 Others, The Supreme Court of South Africa (Natal Provincial Division) Pietermaritzburg, South Africa August 1985 Prepared by the Southern Africa Project of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. ---------------------------------------------- TABLE OF CONTENTS Part I: Background to the Treason Trial 1 Section 1: The New Constitution and the Detention of Leading Members of the United Democratic Front..... 1 Section 2: Bail Denied 14 Section 3: The Charge of Treason.............................. 24 (A) The Indictment.......................................... 24 (B) Treason, Historically and in Law in South Africa 25 (i) The Situation Prior to 1961 25 (ii) 1961-1978 38 (iii) 1979-1985 ••.••••••••••0. .....•.................... .. 42 Part II: The United Democratic Front Treason Trial 52 Section 1: The Main Count - Treason........................... 52 Section 2: The Alternate Charges 59 (A) Terrorism Under the Internal Security Act of 1982 59 (B) Terrorism Under the Terrorism Act of 1967 65 (C) Furtherance of Objects of an Unlawful Organization 69 (D) Furtherance of the Objects of Communism 70 (E) Furtherance of the Objects of Communism and/or the ANC .
    [Show full text]
  • East-West Relations
    East-West Relations 13. Early solidarity with South Africa – Edelgard Nkobi-Goldberg and Friends By Elisabeth Quart When I took up African Studies at Leipzig’s Karl Marx University in 1962, I could not have imagined that on 11 April 2013, with countless friends, companions and sympathisers, I would be able to honour and praise Denis Goldberg, the outstanding South African fighter for human rights and human dignity, against racism and oppression, on his eightieth birthday. My studies began after the famous Africa Year of 1960 when, after Guinea and Ghana, 17 African states won their national independence. The Africa Institute of Leipzig University had been closed in 1938 by the German fascist government. In 1960 it was re-opened by the leadership of the German Democratic Republic and in 1962 studies began. At that time the African National Congress (ANC) had already been fighting for 50 years against racial discrimination and the ever more perfected policy of the racist regime in South Africa. Amongst my fellow students were Edelgard Schulreich, later to become Denis Goldberg’s second wife, and Edelgard’s first husband, Zenzo Nkobi. He was the eldest son of a leading member of the ANC. Another fellow student was Joan Oehme, nee Nair. She was South African and, like Zenzo, had been delegated by the ANC to study in the GDR. Joan’s brother, Billy Nair, a leading member of the ANC, was arrested in 1963, and in 1964, in a trial related to the Rivonia trial, sentenced to 20 years imprisonment on Robben Island. His cell was opposite Nelson Mandela’s.
    [Show full text]