Islamic Lore and Supernatural Creatures in the Persian Prose Book of Alexander (Iskandarnama)

ISLAMIC LORE AND SUPERNATURAL CREATURES IN THE PERSIAN PROSE BOOK OF ALEXANDER (ISKANDARNAMA)

Evangelos Venetis Leiden University*

The Iskandarnama belongs to the genre of medieval Persian prose romances. In fact, it is the oldest surviving version of the Alexander romance in Persian prose.1 The medieval written form of the romance can be found in the manuscript held in the private collection of Sa‘id Nafisi in Tehran.2 The text was edited by Afshar in Tehran (1343/1964)3 and a printed English translation of a relatively small part of the text was produced by Southgate in New York fourteen years later (1978).4 The narrative is rich in popular traditions about Alexander with Islamic lore form- ing the backbone of the narration. This analysis deals with the role of supernatural creatures as a significant factor contributing to the formation of the Muslim profile of Alexan- der, a Muslim Graeco-Iranian hero, in the Iskandarnama. In particular, these creatures play the role of Alexander’s adversaries in his effort to spread Islam and reach the place where the sun rises. The origin of the majority of these creatures goes back to pre-Islamic times and after the emergence of Islam they were integrated into Islamic lore. They reflect the Islamic cultural background which contributed to the transmission of Alexan- der’s legend to Islamic Iran. Alexander’s semi-Iranian identity in the narrative reveals his pre-Islamic profile amongst the Iranians. His ethnic identity is successfully combined with that of his religious (Muslim) profile. This twofold dimension of the hero must first have been shaped in the Samanid period, when Iranian history was Islamicized and several legendary Ira- nian figures were assimilated into the Islamic lore (for example, Kayumars and Adam).5 Hence, the Iskandarnama must be seen as part of the Perso-Islamic tradition that was es-

* The author would like to thank Prof. Carole Hillenbrand (University of Edinburgh) for her useful remarks during the compilation of this article. 1 W.L. Hanaway, “Eskandar-Nama”, Encyclopaedia Iranica 8: 611. 2 Anon., Iskandarnama (henceforth cited as IN), ed. I. Afshar (Tehran, 1343/1964), introd., 22. 3 Ibid. 4 Anon., Iskandarnamah (henceforth cited as Southgate), trans. M. Southgate (New York, 1978). 5 K. Babayan, K., Mystics, Monarchs and Messiahs. Cultural landscapes of Early Modern Iran (Cam- bridge Mass., 2002), 24-25.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 75 19/9/07, 11:20 am 76 EVANGELOS VENETIS

tablished by al-Tabari, when he wrote a history combining a history of the Iranian kings and an Abrahamic record of prophets.6 The role of supernatural creatures in the narrative is indirectly associated with the prophetic notion of the Quranic “double-horned one”, the concept of the Muslim Con- queror and Jihad Warrior, elements which associate the protagonist with Islamic culture. Islamic lore provides the legendary framework through which Alexander’s personality emerges as the dominant figure in the Iskandarnama. Key stories such as those of the Tomb of Adam and the Land of Darkness are indicative of the religious and legendary material used in the Iskandarnama. The following analysis provides a brief guide to the nature and role of supernatural creatures in the Iskandarnama.

The davalpayan

The case of davalpayan or narmpayan (lit. soft footed) is quite striking in the Iskandar- nama.7 The origin of these unusual creatures, which are often attested in Persian folklore, goes back to the pre-Islamic Iranian past8 and their presence survives in modern Persian narratives.9 As for their description, they appear as anthropomorphic, inhabiting mainly the desert, and are aggressive toward travellers. They are often described as brave tribes dwelling in the Mazandaran region (north-eastern Iran).10 The physical peculiarity of these creatures appertains to the lower part of their body. Their legs are formed of straps (davalpa, himantopous). They cannot walk and move by creeping. The danger for humans is that these creatures induce an unwary traveller to take them on his shoulders. When being carried ‘piggyback’ this evil creature becomes the traveller’s master by en- veloping the unfortunate traveller’s neck with its flexible legs. Thus, the davalpa does not use combat weapons but only the lower part of its own body. They form a basic element of the Islamic literary tradition in Iran and other parts of the Muslim world.11

6 J. Scott Meisami, Persian Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century (Edinburgh, 1999), 40- 41. 7 These creatures are of pre-Islamic origin and are known in the ancient Graeco-Roman literary tradition as himantopodes. See Pliny the Elder, Historia Naturalis, trans. as Natural History by H. Rackham, vol III, (London-Cambridge Mass., 1947), V:46. They are first mentioned in the Pseudo-Callisthenes’ Romance (fourth century AD) and are called savage himantopodes. There is no description but their name and region is the same as that of Cynocephali. Alexander reached the region of the himantopodes after he had passed through the land of Amazons. See Pseudo-Callisthenes, Der Griechische Alexanderroman, Rezenzion b, ed. L. Bergson (Güteborg–Uppsala, 1965), III.28:4. A detailed analysis of the himantopodes in the Greaco-Ro- man literary tradition is included in N.L. Tornesello’s article “From Reality to legend: Historical Sources of Hellenistic and Islamic Teratology,” Studia Iranica, 31 (2002): 163-192., 177; W.L. Hanaway, Persian Popular Romances before the Safavid Period, unpublished PhD diss. (New York, 1970), 211. 8 According to ‘A.A. Dihkhuda, “davalpay”, in Lughatnama, ed. M. Mu‘in and J. Shahidi (Tehran, 1351/1972), the use of the term davalpa occurred first in ‘Vamiq-u ‘Adhra’, a romance in New Persian deriv- ing from a Pahlavi original. This romance was presented to the Amir ‘Abd Allah b. Tahir (d. 230/844) in Nishapur and was an ancient book dedicated to Khusraw I Anushirwan. It is also noteworthy that davalpayan are closely connected to India but they are not found in Indian mythological narratives. See Tornesello, op.cit.,164. 9 For the role of davalpayan in contemporary Persian literature (Seyyed Muhammad ‘Ali Jamalzada’s Shurabad — 1340/1961 and S. Hidayat’s Neyrangestan — 1933), see Tornesello, op.cit., 173-175. 10 Ibid., 167. 11 Hamadani [Tusi], ‘Aja’ibnama, Bazkhani-yi Mutun, ed. J. Mudarris Sadiqi (Tehran, 1375/1996), 223; In the adventures of Sindbad the Sailor, see H. A‘lam, ‘davalpa(y)’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 7: 129; for the 1001 Nights, see Tornesello, op.cit., 171.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 76 19/9/07, 11:20 am ISLAMIC LORE AND SUPERNATURAL CREATURES 77

The Shahnama is the earliest Persian source referring to the davalpayan. In Kay Kawus’ reign, it is mentioned that their legs are made up of straps and they derive their name from this feature (the strap-legged).12 In Alexander’s reign, they are named narmpayan and they are described as savage peoples fighting by throwing stones at Alex- ander.13 The inclusion of the davalpayan story into the Alexander cycle of the Shahnama might have had considerable impact on medieval Persian literature. In fact, Firdawsi’s influential tradition might have been one of the main sources, if not the main source, for the author of the Iskandarnama regarding the davalpayan story. In the Iskandarnama they are presented as a group of individuals (tribe, a people) who have captured some traders. After the Land of Gold, Alexander goes on board and embarks on the next stage of his travels, the Land of Darkness. Before reaching this Land though, he sails into the endless sea and arriving at one of the islands he meets with a shepherd from Kirman who is a hostage of the davalpayan.14 Due to their unfamiliarity with fire the latter become frightened and have taken shelter on this little island. The unusual nature of the davalpayan is described in every detail; “they are the children of Adam, fair-skinned, beautiful and clean. Their land is fertile…. Their teeth are like those of lions’. They are called davalpayan because they do not have bones in their shanks.”15 Alexander decides to free the shepherds from the hostage of the davalpayan. He tries to submit them peacefully but when he does not succeed this way, he manages to defeat them by setting fire to the forest where they are living. Of particular importance for the interpretation of the presence of the davalpayan in the Iskandarnama is Tarsusi’s prose romance Darabnama. Their description in the narrative is quite revealing: they appear with two legs which are similar to straps. Regarding their motion, they first throw their feet ahead of them and then draw themselves along. They creep on their bottoms by drawing their feet.16 They jump onto Alexander’s men’s shoulders, catch and almost choke them by those straps wound around their necks.17 The importance of the Darabnama for the Iskandarnama with respect to the davalpayan is due to the fact that it associates them with Alexander’s story. Given that both narratives belong to the same genre, the Darabnama acts as a comparative factor for the data of the Iskandarnama. In particular, it enables the reader to understand the role of the davalpayan story regarding Alexander’s legendary life and gives an idea of the multiple ver- sions of a story used in narratives of the same genre in parallel time-frames (for example in both narratives the davalpayan are crawling figures. But they can jump in the Darabnama whilst they can swim in the Iskandarnama). In general, strange creatures like the soft-footed are well known in the Islamic tradition and the confrontation of Alexander with them is another aspect of his Muslim pro- 12 Abu ’l-Qasim Firdawsi, Shahnama (henceforth cited as ShN), I-VII, ed. E. Bertels (Moscow, 1966- 1968), 1, Kay Kawus, 55. 13 ShN, 7, Iskandar, 1177. 14 IN, 95:1-2. 15 “ÊUA« ÈUb b œ Ë ÆÆÆÆb —«œ ‘u vôË Ë ÆÆÆ bMUÆÆÆ ÁeOÂUÄ Ë bOH « tL Ë Âö$Ã« tOK' b « Âœ¬ Ê«b “d+ ÊUA« Ë ÆÆÆ ÆbU, Êu- « ÊUA« ÈUN~ÃU —œ tÂ bMuÖ Ê«b UáÃ«Ëœ «— ÊUA« Ë X dO ÈUN «b œ ÊuÇ”, ibid., 95:10-15. 16 Abu Tahir Muhammad b. Hasan b. ‘Ali b. Musa Tarsusi, Darabnama (henceforth cited as DN), 2 vols., ed. Z. Safa (Tehran, 1344/1965-1346/1967 or 2036), 570. 17 Ibid., 571.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 77 19/9/07, 11:20 am 78 EVANGELOS VENETIS

file. These beasts are often used as guides of the soul into the other world.18 In the current narrative they do not have this function but they are closely associated with the other world; their episode appears in the narrative just before Alexander’s travel to the Land of Darkness and, hence, they have a symbolic and introductory role in Alexander’s travel to the other world and Eternity.

The Elephant-Ears

The Elephant-Ears, which are identified in the narrative with the Gog and Magog, constitute another kind of supernatural creatures in the narrative. Their role in the Iskandarnamza is not extensive but they contribute crucially to the formation of the Mus- lim profile of the hero, since they are identified with the Quranic Gog and Magog.19 Their presence in the narrative gives an eschatological dimension to Alexander’s mission.20 By paying attention to the image and role of the Elephant-Ears in the narrative, the reader will be enabled to understand the contribution of these creatures to the formation of Alex- ander’s Muslim profile. The presence of the Elephant-Ears in the Iskandarnama is the result of a protracted influence of the Quranic passage on the Persian and Islamic literary tradition. Apart from the Quranic reference, Gog and Magog are mentioned in the pre-Islamic period in the Syriac ‘Christian Legend for Alexander’ and the poetic version of Jacob of Serugh.21 The first Persian work to include Gog and Magog is the Shahnama. They are also included in other accounts, such as the Iqbalnama and the Darabnama.22 The first reference to the Gog and Magog in the narrative takes place during Alex- ander’s campaign in Central Asia. When he asks Buqraquz, Shahmalik’s son, about the inhabitants of the Place where the Sun Rises, the latter answers that the area, the left-side of the Place where the Sun Rises, is inhabited by Gog and Magog who are naked and re-

18 A. Krasnowolska, “Mythological Topography of Iranian Epics”, in Erzählter Raum Literaturen der Islamischen Welt. Herausgegeben von, ed. R. Haag-Higuchi and C. Szyska (Wiesbaden, 2001), 28. 19 About the Gog and Magog, see S.H. Safavi, Iskandar va adabiyat-i iran (Tehran, 1364/1985), 310- 312; R. Stoneman, “Alexander the Great in the Arabic Tradition”, in The Ancient Novel and Beyond, ed. S. Panayotakis, M. Zimmerman and W. Keulen (Leiden, 2003), 4-7; F. Doufikar-Aerts, Alexander Magnus Arabicus, Unpublished PhD thesis in Dutch (Amsterdam, 2003), 137-150. 20 Fr. de Polignac, “Alexandre, maître des seuils et des passages: de la légende antique au myth arabe”, in Alexandre le Grand dans les littératures occidentales et proche orientales, Actes du Colloque de Paris (27-29 November 1997), ed. L. Harf-Lancner, Cl. Kappler et Fr. Suard (Paris, 1993), 218. 21 Pseudo-Callisthenes, The History of Alexander the Great, Being the Syriac Version, ed. and trans. E.A. Wallis Budge (London, 1889), lxxvii-lxxvix; G.J. Reinink, “Alexandre et le dernier empereur du monde: les développements du concept de la royauté chrétienne dans les sources syriaques du septième siècle”, in Alexandre le Grand dans les littératures occidentales et proche orientales, Actes du Colloque de Paris (27-29 Novembre 1997), ed. L. Harf-Lancner, Cl. Kappler et Fr. Suard, Paris, 1999), 151-154; Gog and Magog appear in the Ethiopic version of the Pseudo-Callisthenes romance. See Pseudo-Callisthenes, The Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great: Translations of the Ethiopic Histories of Alexander, ed. and trans. E.A. Wallis Budge (London 1896), 136-240. The basis for the Syriac and Ethiopic references to Gog and Magog is the Greek Pseudo-Callisthenes text. See Pseudo-Callisthenes, in Arriani Anabasis et Indica, ed. C. Müller, Paris, 1877), ch. 37-39. 22 ShN, 7, Iskandar, v. 1429 and v. 1470; Nizam al-Din Ilyas Nizami Ganjavi, Iqbalnama, ed. V. Dastgirdi (Tehran, 1317/1938), 220; DN, 2:582-583. 23 IN, 506:21.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 78 19/9/07, 11:20 am ISLAMIC LORE AND SUPERNATURAL CREATURES 79

main unharmed by the rising of the sun. Nobody has ever seen them.23 This reference has an introductory character aiming to familiarize the reader with the Elephant Ears. It is some episodes later that they are going to play a prominent role in the plot. When Alexander is in Central Asia and encounters Arslankhan’s army, he sends Aristotle and Piruz of Tus to battle against the Zangis with a 100,000 soldiers to fight the enemy. Nevertheless, he is surprised when he sees his army retreating in fear suffering many casualties. When he asks the Sage and Piruz what has happened, he receives the answer: “King, do not ask”.24 The reason for their retreat is the Elephant-Ears who lead Arslankhan’s army and have slain many of Alexander’s soldiers. It is at that precise mo- ment that their description is given: they are as tall as the tamarisk tree and have two ears like the elephant’s. They do not use a mattress or covers and when they sleep they spread one ear over and another one under their body so as to cover it.25 When they fight, they use their claws, like the paws of lion and teeth like the tusks of the boar. They are so fierce on the battlefield that even the elephants of Alexander’s army are frightened.26 They are not stopped by the arrows of the Iranians. The greatest advantage is that they are numerous; “their number is known only to God. If you kill 1,000 of them now a thousand times, in an hour there will be ten thousand more” while due to their numbers “the face of the earth was darkened”.27 Their military virtue brings Alexander to despair but Araqit’s shrewdness and experience make them retreat: they cannot deal with the bottles of naphtha that the fairies hurl at them.28 As usually happens with this kind of beasts, their physically superior power is subdued by human cleverness and shrewdness. During their retreat they do not show any sign of order or spiritual strength. On the contrary, they accuse Arslankhan of deception since they did not expect to face the fairies. The Elephant-Ears prove to be untrustworthy allies for Arslankhan; misled by their anger they attack Arslankhan’s army and kill many of them.

The Demons (divs)

The Divs in the narrative constitute a particular part of the narrative since Alexander campaigns against their land.29 Having also a strong pre-Islamic (Zoroastrian) background;30 they are one of the basic figures of Islamic lore in medieval Persian literature. The Divs (= demon, monster, fiend) are often confused with ghul (= giants, ogres, Satan) and jinn in literary and folk literatures.31 In the Shahnama every demon and Iblis is often 24 “”dáÄ UU”, ibid., 702:14. 25 Ibid., 702:20-703:1; Southgate, 152. 26 IN, 703:4-5. 27 Ibid., 703:14-15. 28 Ibid., 704:5. 29 Ibid., 324-338; Southgate, 75. 30 Cl. Herrenschmidt and J. Kellens, “Daiva”, Encyclopaedia Iranica 3: 599-602. 31 M. Omidsalar, “Divs”, Encyclopaedia Iranica 7: 428-431. For the ghuls see M. and T.P. Omid- salar, “Qul”, Encyclopaedia Iranica 11: 393-395. 32 ShN 4, Dastan-i Akavan-i Div, v. 140-41.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 79 19/9/07, 11:20 am 80 EVANGELOS VENETIS

termed as div (not Ahriman) and Firdawsi uses this term metaphorically to define ‘evil people’.32 In general, they are considered to be supernatural entities with a non-human nature intervening between the divine and human order in the universe. In some other cases they are warriors with their own weaponry.33 They are usually portrayed as black, with large bodies covered with thick hair, black lips, blue eyes, long teeth, monstrous ears and claws on their hands. Many of them have many heads while their distinctive feature is that they eat men. Their land is located in several places, the most common of which is Mazandaran. There they have cities, fortresses, farms, armies and the like. The so-called “Island of Demons” is well known in the epic tradition and the inhabitants there are fond of iron and fight with stones and sticks.34 Having in mind the rich tradition of divs in Iranian culture, their role and image in the Iskandarnama can be better perceived. Alexander goes against these uncivilized infidels aiming to kill every single one of them. Once he enters their land, the Divs are forced to withdraw seeking refuge in a fort. They know that they cannot prevail against the gi- gantic size of Alexander’s army but they carry out a preliminary assault.35 However, they fail because Alexander has drawn the magic circle.36 The divs are intrigued by the supernatural powers of Alexander and they conclude that he is a magician. Hence, they decide to send some representatives to Rum (Greece) and ask the absolute masters of magic there about Alexander’s skills hoping that they will find answers and be able to defeat him.37 A group of masters of magic come from Rum to the Land of Divs and act as me- diators in the conflict. Influenced by the diplomacy of the Rumis, Alexander decides to find a conciliatory solution: he spares the lives of the Divs provided that they will aban- don their land. However, he soon changes his mind and puts all the Divs to death.38 The description of the Divs in the narrative is in accordance with their general image in medieval Persian literature. The most distinctive feature is their ugliness. They have the monstrous teeth of the boar.39 In a comic way, Alexander refuses to have close discussions with them because of their ugly appearance.40 Due to their evil nature, their external appearance could not reflect anything other than their internal world. They are compared and identified with the Zangis in terms of number. Moreover, the Lands of both the Divs and the Zangis are in the same region.41 The Divs, as the Zangis below, are presented in the narrative as enemies of mankind. Their land has never been visited by men and this reflects the super-human and anti- human nature of the Divs. Their enmity toward humans is because the Divs are accus- tomed to eating human flesh.42 The human captive of the Divs tells Alexander that the

33 Anon., Faramarz-nama, ed. B. Tafti (Bombay, 1324/1904), 350-51. 34 Omidsalar, op.cit., 393. 35 IN, 326:10-12; Southgate, 75. 36 IN, 326:8-9; 332:6-9. 37 Ibid., 333:4. 38 Ibid., 337:8. 39 Ibid., 337:12-13. 40 “dN —Ëœ “« Ê«bOKÄ”, ibid., 326:14. Also see ibid., 336:9-10. 41 Ibid., 324:7-8. 42 Ibid., 327:4-5, 332:14. 43 Ibid., 328:4-5.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 80 19/9/07, 11:20 am ISLAMIC LORE AND SUPERNATURAL CREATURES 81

Divs kill two human captives every day and eat them.43 They are identified with the Zangis in their ability to eat humans.44 Alexander’s attitude toward them is one only: capital punishment. For Alexander the Divs will always be a nuisance to humanity because of their evil nature.45 His mission is holy and must be accomplished. Although he temporarily changes his mind by deciding to spare their lives, he eventually reverts to his initial attitude: “in every region they go, humans suffer (because of them)…”.46 Their death as a form of punishment contributes to the heightening of his Muslim profile. He is the first human Muslim champion who puts his foot on their land and he is the only one who can bring justice to this world. Their death is a divine demand which the angel does not forget to remind Alexander: “O, double-horned one! All these (divs) are enemies of God and humankind. They bring sufferings to them. Death is the punishment for the sins of these infidels”.47 For humankind their death is salvation and for Alexander it is recognition of his holy mission as a supreme Muslim champion.

The Zangis

Closely associated with the Divs in Islamic lore is another type of unusual creature in the Iskandarnama, the Zangis, who play a very crucial role in the development of the narrative. The term Zangi is used in the Iskandarnama to define black, frightful, war-like anthropomorphic beings.48 In fact, they are a symbolic and literary representation of black humans in the Islamic period.49 Zangi metaphorically means evil or sin, darkness, ter- ror.50 It is with this meaning that the term is used in the Iskandarnama. The identity of the Zangis in the Iskandarnama is rather described than clearly defined. They do not seem different from the Zangis in other texts of medieval Persian literature. In order to understand their character and role in the Iskandarnama, it is necessary to view briefly their role in other Persian works of the same period. The episode of Alexander’s battle against the Zangis is not attested for the first time in the Iskandarnama. It is a story established much earlier in the Persian literary tradition of the Islamic period. It can be found in several narratives such as Firdawsi’s Shahnama, Nizami’s Sharafnama and Tarsusi’s Darabnama.

44 Ibid., 330:19-20. 45 Ibid., 327:1. 46 “ÆÆÆbU !— UNM« “« «— ÊUÄœdÄ b Ë— tÂ XôË d t UNM«ÆÆÆ”, ibid., 337:4-5. 47 “ÆbU ÊUUMÖ 7—UHÂ ÊUA« 7AÂ Æb « !— —œ ÊUA “« ÊUO UN9 Ë b « b Ë«b ÊUMLœ tL ÊUM« 5 dIÃ« Ë– U”, ibid., 337:16-17. 48 Etymologically the Persian Zangi comes from the Arabic form Zang (sing. and pl.). However, its precise linguistic origin cannot be defined. It could be Persian, Arabic, Ethiopian, Malayan, or even Swahili. See B. Lewis, Race and Color in Islam (New York, 1971), 30. 49 Zangi means mainly a native of East Africa or Zangbar (Zanzibar) or even an Egyptian and an Ethiopian. It also means a “savage and stupid” character. See ‘A.A. Dihkhuda, ‘Zangi’, in Luqatnama, ed. M. Mu‘in (Tehran, 1334-1955), 511; someone who is violent ibid., 512. See also A. Miquel, La géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu'au milieu du 11e siècle (Paris, 1988), 73, 169. 50 M. Southgate, “The Negative Images of Blacks in Some Medieval Iranian Writings”, Iranian Stud- ies, 17 (1984):11. 51 ShN, 7, Iskandar, 70-71.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 81 19/9/07, 11:20 am 82 EVANGELOS VENETIS

In the Shahnama, the poet devotes eighteen distiches to the fight between Alexan- der and the Ethiopians, called Habbash. The Ethiopians are described as naked black, strong and brave. They fight against Alexander with whale bones and spears. The battle endures a considerable time but it ends without a winner because Alexander’s army re- treats due to the appearance of fierce aggressive wolves.51 Presumably, Firdawsi established the episode of Alexander against the Zangis in the Persian literary tradition, although the oral tradition of the story probably pre-existed. In Nizami’s Sharafnama (1191), the poet narrates in 462 distiches the story of Al- exander and the Zangis.52 The Shahnama detail concerning the weapons made of whale bones is repeated here. The whale bones with which the Zanj fight are so big that they could smash an elephant.53 The Zangis are “ugly” and “frightful”, having a face without hair and with “thick hanging lips” and “pitch-coloured skin”. On the battlefield, seventy men of Alexander’s army are killed before Alexander’s involvement in the warfare. The hero slays many Zangis in single combat and defeats the enemy. In the Darabnama (twelfth century AD) Tarsusi incorporates the same episode into a different plot with some extra protagonists.54 Darab, Burandukht and Alexander face the Zanj in the Zangibar region, the ‘Uman Sea and its islands. Alexander puts the Zangis to death.55 The Zangis fight with large sticks, weighing 600 pounds,56 and whale bones. For their defence they use matching shields made of turtle-shell covered in iron.57 The description of the Zangis in the Darabnama is not flattering at all for them. The author con- trasts the beauty of Anatolian slave girls with the ugliness of a black queen.58 In the Iskandarnama, the description and role of the Zangis is not different. Their role is prominent in the narrative, covering 176 pages.59 Their role as frightful enemies is clear in the narrative. Araqit points out that a vast region of Central Asia belongs to the king Arslankhan. The people of this region obey Araqit but only the Zangis remain independent. In fact Araqit has no power over them.60 The main feature of the Zangis in the Iskandarnama is their role as the unbeatable adversaries of Alexander. Every time they are defeated by the hero, they re-emerge later as even stronger and ready to ruin Alexander’s plans for world domination. Their military virtue is due to their evil nature. After his trip to Russia, Alexander heads to the Land of Qatil (Ar. lit. ‘killer’), the King of the Zangis, aiming to kill them and conquer their land.61 The struggle between Alexander and the Zangis seems inconclusive at the outset but Alexander prevails temporarily. The Zangis’ threat will re-emerge later on in the narrative.62 Even Araqit takes action in order to defeat the eternal enemy of Alexander.

52 Nizam al-Din Ilyas Nizami Ganjavi, Sharafnama, ed. V. Dastgirdi (Tehran, 1316/1937), 94-133. 53 Ibid., 111. 54 Tarsusi covers the Zangi cycle in 162 pages, DN, I:62-145; II:253-273, 400-444, 554-569. 55 Ibid., II:253-273. 56 Ibid., I:70. 57 Ibid., I:71,74,75. 58 Ibid., II:315. See also ibid., I:72, 125 and II:256-257. 59 IN, 321-344, 420-296, 512-550, 566-568, 588-589, 668-671, 677-700. 60 Ibid., 406:13-14. 61 Ibid., 420. 62 Ibid., 512. 63 Ibid., 684.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 82 19/9/07, 11:20 am ISLAMIC LORE AND SUPERNATURAL CREATURES 83

Eventually, Jundul, the last king of the Zangis, will be defeated in spite of his effort to seek an alliance with Shahmalik’s army.63 It is at this part of the narrative that the epic element reaches its peak. The narrative is full of battles, combats and war scenes. Besides their military virtue and role in the narrative, the Zangis are mentioned in the case of a marvel, with their sensual abilities implied.64 Being in Russia, Alexander sees a zebra driving him to the seashore where he sees an unusual spectacle: a chest, a Zangi fallen dead and a black snake that had been curled around the chest. In the chest there is a beautiful maiden, the princess of Turkistan, who, once freed by the hero, narrates her story to Alexander. Her story in brief is that she was kidnapped by a group of Zangis who wanted to take her to their king as his bride.65 The Zangi who was found dead next to her was the one who guarded her. Eventually, through divine intervention the Zangi is slain by the snake which stood next to the chest. In this episode the Zangis are closely associated with the sexual issue. A beautiful maiden is going to be married to a black and frightful Zangi. The maiden is closely guarded by a Zangi. Apart from the word bride, there is no other word indicating a sexual thought or process in the story. However, the use of Zangi in the role of the male and the role of a white maiden as female has strong sexual implications. This implication becomes clear given the association of the Zangis with sexual concepts in the Islamic world.66 The role of the Zangis in the Iskandarnama is closely associated with their super- naturally war-like and frightful image. They have an anthropomorphic shape but their details are not human.67 The Zangi is marvelled for his height (18 gaz = 450 inches!) and his stoutness.68 In the story with the maiden and the chest, the maiden’s future bridegroom is black and frightful and in Alexander’s campaign against the Zangis, they have huge bodies, their heads are as huge as a lahd, their mouths are like the openings of a cave and their teeth like the tusks of a boar.69 Due to Qatil, the king of the Zangis’, foul breath the white maidens whom he violates die.70 The Zangi messenger stamped on the ground and roared so loud that of the women and children in Alexander’s army a number died.71 However, their mental strength is not analogous to their physical stature. They are described as stupid and ignorant72 with a total lack of wisdom. They are so presumptuous

64 Ibid., 414:11-12. 65 For the Zangis kidnapping whites, see Southgate, op.cit., 21-22. 66 White Muslim women must not have sexual relations with black men, See ibid., 25. In the Darabnama, Humay rejects the advancements of her Ethiopian slave and is murdered by him (DN, I:155-6). 67 “‰U, œ ÊuÇ X«œ ‰U, œ Ë œu “«dÖ Ê«b œ ÊuÇ g «b œ UÄ«Ò ÆÂœdÄ 7—u= d d ÁUO ”UI « “« vuÂ ÊuÇ œu vUO ÆÆÆ ÆÊ«d”, (“Big as a mountain, darker than [black] ink, with the face of a human but teeth like a boar’s tusks and a tale like a donkey’s”), IN, 323:3-4; “ÊuÇ UN Uœ Ë Èœu ÈbNÃ bMÇ vJ d ÊUA« ÈUd Ë bM«œ rOE' ÈUNA9Ò Ë ÆÆÆ Ë —UE ·UJ” (“they have enormous heads, huge bodies, and mouths like the openings of caves”), ibid., 420:9-10. 68 Ibid., 414:12-13. They are compared to minarets, towers and plane trees. See DN, I:74; Nizami, Sharafnama, 116. Also see Southgate, op.cit., 19-20. 69 IN, 420:10. 70 Ibid., 485-486. 71 Ibid., 421:12-13. 72 “ÆX « Ábd+¬ bOK Ë Ê«œU Ë q+UE Ë tK« «— ÊUA« vÃUF È«b Ë bMU qI' rÂ ÊUOÖ“ Ë”, “The Zanj are slight- witted (kam ‘aql) and God Most High, has created them stupid, unconscious, ignorant and foul (palid)”, ibid., 454:13-14. The same image of stupidity exists in the Darabnama in the event with the King of the Maghrib (DN, II:565-568). 73 IN, 423:17-19.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 83 19/9/07, 11:20 am 84 EVANGELOS VENETIS

that the Zangi messenger dares to attack Aristotle in front of Alexander in the latter’s camp.73 Another aspect of their character in the Iskandarnama is their cannibalism.74 Alex- ander commences the war against the Zanj in order to rescue a devout people who pay an annual tribute of 1,000 men to the cannibal Zanj, who eat men. The maiden’s bridegroom is “a cannibal like the other Zangis”.75 Their tremendous eating ability is associated with cannibalism: “Cannibal Zangis eating an ox every day”.76 Their image as cannibals does not exist in the Shahnama but it is strongly established in the Persian romances. In the Darabnama they appear as cannibals in the story taking place by the Sea of ‘Uman.77 In the Sharafnama the Egyptians are attacked by a coalition army of Nubians, Ethiopians and the Zanj. The defenders ask for Alexander’s help. The Zanj chief kills Alexander’s messenger and drinks his blood.78 However, the main feature of the Zangis’ image is that they are the worst infidels. It is this feature that boosts the Muslim profile of Alexander in the narrative. They appear as cannibal monsters or devils (div=Ahriman), the enemies of mankind.79 They are Alexan- der’s eternal adversaries, the personification of evil and ugliness, the dar al harb and the pagan part of the universe. That is why Alexander campaigns against them; his aim is not to subdue and convert the Zangis to Islam, because this is impossible. He wants to exter- minate them.80 They are hopeless pagans without any prospect of spiritual improvement. The only war against them is jihad: “(Alexander to the messenger of the King of the Zangis): I have come to this land to save mankind from your nuisance, … and kill each one of you, if God is on our side”.81 Alexander appears precisely as the most appropriate muqatil to deal with the unbeatable pagans. Having such a legendary adversary, the Zangis, Alexander’s esteem as a holy warrior reaches is peak. Alexander is transformed into the protector of the right faith against the House of War. Alexander gives the ultimate battle in the war of Good vs. Evil. The symbolic representation of the Blacks in the narrative reflects beliefs and stereotypes of the Islamic society for them. Southgate correctly states that the only reason for this attitude of the Persian Alexander Romances toward the Blacks is the perception of the Blacks as the “Other” simply because of their physical appearance.82 Theoreti- cally, Islam condemns discrimination.83 However, in practical and financial terms, a different attitude was developed in several geographical and social environments. During the financial and political development of the Arabs, the enslavement of the blacks was con-

74 For cannibalism and the ‘Island of cannibalism’, see ibid., 480; DN, I:123; also see Southgate, 20. 75 “Æ—«u ÂœdÄ œuÆÆÆ UNM« ÊuÇÆÆÆ”, IN, 416:9-10. 76 “ÆÆÆÈœ—«u- ÂU9 tÂ v$U —UÂ t ËUÖ p “Ë— d «— vJ d tÂ b œu —«u ÂœdÄ v~ “ÆÆÆ”, ibid., 420:7. 77 DN, I:63-145; II:253-273. 78 Nizami, Sharafnama, 102. 79 Ibid., 19-22. 80 Alexander replies to the Zangi messenger that he has come ‘to kill every single one of you’. IN, 421:2-3. 81 Ibid., 422:17-19: “rMÂ XUHÂ ÊUO UN9 “« UL d U Â« ÁœdÂ ÂUIÄ Ê«b ÁU~ UKM« Ë ÆÆÆbœ È—U È«b dÖ« ÆÂ—«e~ Áb “ UL “« «— vJ ËÆÆÆ”. 82 Southgate, 25. 83 Qur’an, 30:22 and 49:13. 84 Lewis, op.cit., 28-29. The Persian account Qabusnama (1083) includes a chapter on the Purchase of

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 84 19/9/07, 11:20 am ISLAMIC LORE AND SUPERNATURAL CREATURES 85

sidered beneficial for them by the Arabs since the latter gave the blacks the chance to dis- cover Islam.84 Stereotypes such as the notion that the black skin colour is a punishment inflicted by God or that the Blacks are physically and morally inferior to whites85 reflect the magnitude of the practical divergence from the dogmatic principles of Islam.86 At that time these notions were well accepted by a part of the population and were considered as the result rather of divine will87 than of the effects of an intemperate climate. In the Iskandarnama, it is possible to detect all these notions and see how the hero interacts with them. In fact, Alexander personifies the concept of the ideal model of the Muslim ruler and conqueror of that time in Islamic society in Iran. His attitude toward the Zangis is the attitude of the audience and society.

The Paris (Fairies)

While in all cases above, the supernatural creatures in the narrative are enemies of Alex- ander in his effort to Islamize mankind, the fairies are initially his enemies but in the mid- dle of the narrative they become his faithful comrades, joining him in accomplishing his mission. As in most cases with supernatural beings, the role of the fairies in the Iskandarnama results from their predominantly active presence in medieval Persian literature.88 Their origin goes back to the pre-Islamic literary tradition of the Iranians.89 The term fairy (Zoroaster. They are of female nature closely associated with astrology and sorcery. They mainly symbolized fertility and reflect pre-Zoroastrian beliefs in the Mazdean tradition. Their association with fertility and their strong female character is perhaps the main reason for their role as symbols of irresistible beauty in the popular stories of Sasanian literature and notably in the Persian literature of the medieval period.90 In the Iskandarnama, the fairies play a predominant role in the formation of the narrative. They are the protagonists, along with Alexander, in the extensive story of Alexan- der’s visit to Fairyland (= vilayat-i paryan).91 Their superhuman nature is implied in the narrative by the fact that the story of Fairyland takes place only a few lines after Alexan-

Slaves and provides information about the ethnic origin, duties and treatment of domestic slaves in Islamic Iran. Kay Kawus b. Iskandar, Qabusnama, ed. A.A.M. Badawi (Tehran, 1963), 94-102 and idem, Qabus- nama, trans. R. Levy (London, 1951), 99-108. 85 Southgate, 13-14. 86 For the stereotypes, see Lewis, op.cit., 96-101. or effects resulting from an intemperate climate 87 According to one tradition, the Prophet said: “Be careful in choosing mates for your offspring, and beware of marrying the Zanji, for he is a distorted creature”. See ibid., 91-92. 88 The tale of fairies and especially their Fairyland (Golden City) is well-known. About the fairies in the Garshasp-nama and the Hamza-nama, see A.D.H. Bivar, “The Persian Eldorado”, in The Proceedings of the First European Conference of Iranian Studies (Turin, Sept. 7-11, 1987), ed. G. Gnoli and A. Panaino (Rome, 1990), 37-38. 89 C.E. Bosworth, “The Persian Impact on Arabic Literature”, in Cambridge History of Arabic Litera- ture, Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, ed. A.F.L. Beeston et al. (Cambridge, 1983), 487. 90 E. Yarshater, “Iranian Common Beliefs and World-View”, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cam- bridge, 1983), 3/1:343-358. 91 IN, 354-384. 92 Ibid., 367:21-368:1.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 85 19/9/07, 11:20 am 86 EVANGELOS VENETIS

der’s visit to the Land of the Divs and the Zangis. The image of the fairies in the narrative is quite interesting reflecting popular concepts about them in Iranian society. Alexander and his men are unaware of their nature. The Rumi sorcerers inform him that they are like humans. Their legs though are not human but look like those of animals and are hairy. Araqit’s feet and legs are hairy like a beast’s.92 Contrary to the well-established concept that they are anti-human, they do not harm in the Iskandarnama. Their population is numerous and consists mainly of females “who are more beautiful than the moon and the sun”.93 Besides their beauty, their most predominant feature is their excellent military skills and bravery on the battlefield.94 However, they do not have an independent spirit in the battle, since they are totally dependent upon their leader, Queen Araqit, denoting an aspect of their partially anthropomorphic nature and behaviour. Alexander’s image in the narrative is heightened by battling against the fairies. This time, however, he does not fight against infidels. The fairies belong to the air-born creatures that Solomon mastered with God’s grace and since his time they have become allies of the Muslims and enemies of the idolaters. Araqit is clear about her beliefs and attitude towards Muslims and non-Muslims: “We need to learn about his (Alexander’s) religion. If he is not a Muslim, then we will fight him. If he is a Muslim, then he will cross our land without any harm”.95 However, the lack of religious motive for Alexander in his effort to conquer Fairyland is replaced by another one: egoism resulting from the spirit of independence and supernatural military skill of the paryan. They are not willing to submit in any case because they are free and independent. Thus they constitute a major, perhaps the biggest, obstacle in Alexander’s advancement eastwards. The Fairyland story in the Iskandarnama is lengthy with many, often unnecessary, details. All these details deal with several “up and downs” in the effort of Alexander to subdue them. The lengthy character of the Fairy story in the narrative points out the magnitude of Alexander’s superhuman effort to conquer the Fair- ies. The hero is successful in his aim by using his military virtue but mainly due to his resourcefulness. Badly influenced by her beauty, he aims to conquer Araqit’s heart. Their love affair runs in a parallel way with the political-military development of the campaign. In fact, their love will determine the result of the campaign: Araqit will submit to Alexan- der and the same will happen with her female comrades who will accept the superiority of Alexander and his army. Alexander achieves his initial aim to subdue the fairies and he succeeds in enlisting them as the elite comrades of his army. This happens in a mutual spirit when he marries Araqit. Alexander’s marriage to Queen Araqit ensures for him a safe and almost totally devout wife, ally and counsellor, qualities that can be summarized in one word: ‘ayyar. Araqit and the fairies prove to be the best company for Alexander and his army in their effort to spread Islam and civilize humankind. Araqit will undertake difficult tasks in the

93 “ÆÆÆbU d uJO »U+¬ Ë ÁUÄ “« ÊUA “ ËÆÆÆ”, ibid., 356: 10-11. 94 “ÆœUO d v$Â ÊUA« U bMMÂ @M9 ÊuÇ ËÆÆÆ” (= …and no one escapes from them when he fights them), ibid., 356:13. 95 “Æœ—e~ UÄ d —«“¬ v tÂ bU X$MLK$Ä dÖ« Ë« rOMÂ @M9 Ë« U X d+UÂ dÖ« U œ—«œ sœ tÇ tÂ ÊU$ «œ bU “U”, ibid., 356:4-6. 96 Ibid., 321-333.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 86 19/9/07, 11:20 am ISLAMIC LORE AND SUPERNATURAL CREATURES 87

campaign and will justify Alexander’s decision to entrust her with dangerous missions. It would not be pointless to note that without the Fairies’ prominent role, Alexander’s mission would be more difficult, if not impossible. Alexander’s image as an Islamic conqueror is justified in the fairies’ story not by the non-Muslim profile of the enemy but by the geographical importance of Fairyland: in order to subdue the infidels of the world, he must first subdue the Fairies, whose land lies between him and the infidels. In this case, an independent Islamic people (Fairies) must be conquered in favour of the conversion of the mankind. Fairies promote his Islamic profile by serving him in his holy mission. In sum, it was the aim of this analysis to show how the Muslim profile of Alexander in the Iskandarnama is influenced by the role of supernatural creatures as a substantial material of Islamic lore. These creatures act in combination with other aspects of Islamic lore, such as the concept of the double-horned one (dhu’l-qarnayn), legendary figures and prophets. Due to its literary sources (Qisas al-anbiya’ and others),96 the Iskandarnama must be seen as an inseparable part of the literary tradition for “Alexander dhu’l- qarnayn” in Islamic Iran, presenting Alexander as a Muslim heroic figure in the Islamic tradition. Sharing some common aspects with that of the Shahnama, Alexander is a sym- bol, personifying the archetypes of youth and beauty in the form of the ideal Muslim King.97 The fact that Alexander encounters the evil creatures which will spread Evil at the end of days reflects the depth of Alexander’s infiltration into Islamic lore and his estab- lishment as a fundamental legendary religious figure in the popular mind of the Muslims at that time. He belongs to the chain of divinely protected kings in Muslim history, a king who lived in pre-Islamic times and contributed to the preservation of divine order on earth before the coming of the last Prophet of Islam.

97 Cl. Kappler, “Alexandre le Grand en littérature persane classique: est-il devenue un mythe?”, Luqman, 16 (1998), 29-30.

0107-07_Pers.XXI_Venetis_06 87 19/9/07, 11:20 am