Classification of Telicity Using Cross-Linguistic Annotation Projection

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Classification of Telicity Using Cross-Linguistic Annotation Projection Classification of telicity using cross-linguistic annotation projection Annemarie Friedrich1 Damyana Gateva2 1Center for Information and Language Processing, LMU Munich 2Department of Computational Linguistics, Saarland University [email protected] [email protected] Abstract McKeown, 2000). For example, there is an en- tailment relation between English Progressive and This paper addresses the automatic recog- Perfect constructions (as shown in (2)), but only nition of telicity, an aspectual notion. A for atelic verb constellations. telic event includes a natural endpoint (she walked home), while an atelic event does (2) (a) He was swimming in the lake. (atelic) not (she walked around). Recognizing this = He has swum in the lake. | difference is a prerequisite for temporal (b) He was swimming across the lake. (telic) natural language understanding. In En- = He has swum across the lake. glish, this classification task is difficult, as 6| telicity is a covert linguistic category. In We model telicity at the word-sense level, cor- contrast, in Slavic languages, aspect is part responding to the fundamental aspectual class of of a verb’s meaning and even available in Siegel and McKeown(2000), i.e., we take into ac- machine-readable dictionaries. Our con- count the verb and its arguments and modifiers, tributions are as follows. We successfully but no additional aspectual markers (such as the leverage additional silver standard train- Progressive). In (2) we classify whether the event ing data in the form of projected annota- types “swim in the lake” and “swim across the tions from parallel English-Czech data as lake” have natural endpoints. This is defined on well as context information, improving au- a linguistic level rather than by world knowledge tomatic telicity classification for English requiring inference. “Swimming in the lake” has significantly compared to previous work. no natural endpoint, as also shown by the linguis- We also create a new data set of English tic test presented in (2). In contrast, “swimming texts manually annotated with telicity. across the lake” will necessarily be finished once the other side is reached. 1 Introduction In English, the aspectual notion of telicity is a This paper addresses the computational modeling covert category, i.e., a semantic distinction that is of telicity, a linguistic feature which represents not expressed overtly by lexical or morphological whether the event type evoked by a sentence’s verb means. As illustrated by (2) and (3), the same verb constellation (i.e., the verb and its arguments and type (lemma) can introduce telic and atelic events modifiers) has a natural endpoint or not (Comrie, to the discourse depending on the context in which 1976; Smith, 1997), see (1a) and (1b). it occurs. (1) (a) Mary ate an apple. (telic) (3) (a) John drank coffee. (atelic) (b) I gazed at the sunset. (atelic) (b) John drank a cup of coffee. (telic) Automatic recognition of telicity is a neces- In Slavic languages, aspect is a component of sary step for natural language understanding tasks verb meaning. Most verb types are either perfec- that require reasoning about time, e.g., natural tive or imperfective (and are marked as such in language generation, summarization, question an- dictionaries). For example, the two occurrences swering, information extraction or machine trans- of “drink” in (3) are translated into Czech using lation (Moens and Steedman, 1988; Siegel and the imperfective verb “pil” and the perfective verb 2559 Proceedings of the 2017 Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing, pages 2559–2565 Copenhagen, Denmark, September 7–11, 2017. c 2017 Association for Computational Linguistics “vypil,” respectively (Filip, 1994):1 parallel English-Serbian data. Their only features are how often the respective verb type was aligned (4) (a) Pil kavu.´ (imperfective) to Serbian verbs carrying certain affixes that indi- He was drinking (some) coffee. cate perfectiveness or imperfectiveness. Their us- (b) Vypil kavu.´ (perfective) age of “verb type” differs from ours as they do not He drank up (all) the coffee. lemmatize, i.e., they always predict that “falling” is a long event, while “fall” is short. Our approach Our contributions are as follows: (1) using shares the idea of projecting aspectual information the English-Czech part of InterCorp (Cermˇ ak´ and from Slavic languages to English, but in contrast Rosen, 2012) and a valency lexicon for Czech to classifying verb types, we classify whether an verbs (Zabokrtskˇ y´ and Lopatkova´, 2007), we cre- event type introduced by the verb constellation of ate a large silver standard with automatically de- a clause is telic or atelic, making use of a machine- rived annotations and validate our approach by readable dictionary for Czech instead of relying on comparing the labels given by humans versus the affix information. projected labels; (2) we provide a freely available Loaiciga´ and Grisot(2016) create an automatic data set of English texts taken from MASC (Ide classifier for boundedness, defined as whether the et al., 2010) manually annotated for telicity; (3) endpoint of an event has occurred or not, and show we show that using contextual features and the sil- that this is useful for picking the correct tense in ver standard as additional training data improves French translations of the English Simple Past. computational modeling of telicity for English in Their classifier employs a similar but smaller fea- terms of F compared to previous work. 1 ture set compared to ours. Other related work on 2 Related work predicting aspect include systems aiming at identi- fying lexical aspect (Siegel and McKeown, 2000; Siegel and McKeown(2000, henceforth Friedrich and Palmer, 2014) or habituals (Mathew SMK2000) present the first machine-learning and Katz, 2009; Friedrich and Pinkal, 2015). based approach to identifying completedness, i.e., Cross-linguistic annotation projection ap- telicity, determining whether an event reaches a proaches mostly make use of existing manually culmination or completion point at which a new created annotations in the source language; state is introduced. Their approach describes each similar to our approach, Diab and Resnik(2002) verb occurrence exclusively using features reflect- and Marasovic´ et al.(2016) leverage properties ing corpus-based statistics of the corresponding of the source language to automatically induce verb type. For each verb type, they collect the annotations on the target side. co-occurrence frequencies with 14 linguistic markers (e.g., present tense, perfect, combination 3 Data sets and annotation projection with temporal adverbs) in an automatically parsed We conduct our experiments based on two data background corpus. They call these features sets: (a) English texts from MASC manually an- linguistic indicators and train a variety of machine notated for telicity, on which we train and test our learning models based on 300 clauses, of which computational models, and (b) a silver standard roughly 2/3 are culminated, i.e., telic. Their test automatically extracted via annotation projection set also contains about 300 clauses, corresponding from the Czech-English part of the parallel cor- to 204 distinct non-stative verbs. Their data sets pus InterCorp, which we use as additional training are not available, but as this work is the most data in order to improve our models.2 closely related to ours, we reimplement their approach and compare to it in Section5. 3.1 Gold standard: MASC (EN) Samardziˇ c´ and Merlo(2016) create a model for real-world duration of events (as short or long) of We create a new data set consisting of 10 En- English verbs as annotated in TimeBank (Puste- glish texts taken from MASC (Ide et al., 2010), jovsky et al., 2003). The model is informed by annotated for telicity. Texts include two essays, temporal boundedness information collected from a journal article, two blog texts, two history texts from travel guides, and three texts from the fic- 1In Czech, aspectual verb pairs may be related by affixes as in this example, but this is not always the case. They may 2Annotations, guidelines and code available from even use different lexemes (Vintr, 2001). https://github.com/annefried/telicity 2560 MASC (gold standard) InterCorp (silver standard) intersection clauses (instances) 1863 457,000 - % telic 82 55 - % atelic 18 45 - distinct verb types (lemmas) 567 2262 510 ambiguous verb types 70 1130 69 Table 1: Corpus statistics. tion genre. Annotation was performed using the (i.e., that some events necessarily come to an end web-based SWAN system (Guhring¨ et al., 2016). eventually, such as the “swimming in the lake” in Annotators were given a short written manual with (2)) with the annotation task of determining telic- instructions. We model telicity for dynamic (even- ity at a linguistic level. tive) verb occurrences because stative verbs (e.g., “like”) do not have built-in endpoints by defini- 3.2 Silver standard: InterCorp (EN-CZ) tion. Annotators choose one of the labels telic and We create a silver standard of approximately atelic or they skip clauses that they consider to be 457,000 labeled English verb occurrences (i.e., stative. In a first round, each verb occurrence was clauses) extracted from the InterCorp parallel cor- labeled by three annotators (the second author of pus project (Cermˇ ak´ and Rosen, 2012). We lever- this paper plus two paid student assistants). They age the sentence alignments, as well as part-of- unanimously agreed on telicity labels for 1166 speech and lemma information provided by In- verb occurrences; these are directly used for the terCorp. We use the data from 151 sentence- gold standard. Cases in which only two annota- aligned books (novels) of the Czech-English part tors agreed on a telicity label (the third annotator of the corpus and further align the verbs of all may have either disagreed or skipped the clause) 1:1-aligned sentence pairs to each other using the are labeled by a fourth independent annotator (the verbs’ lemmas, achieving high precision by mak- first author), who did not have access to the la- ing sure that the translation of the verbs is licensed bels of the first rounds.
Recommended publications
  • Chapter 6 Mirativity and the Bulgarian Evidential System Elena Karagjosova Freie Universität Berlin
    Chapter 6 Mirativity and the Bulgarian evidential system Elena Karagjosova Freie Universität Berlin This paper provides an account of the Bulgarian admirative construction andits place within the Bulgarian evidential system based on (i) new observations on the morphological, temporal, and evidential properties of the admirative, (ii) a criti- cal reexamination of existing approaches to the Bulgarian evidential system, and (iii) insights from a similar mirative construction in Spanish. I argue in particular that admirative sentences are assertions based on evidence of some sort (reporta- tive, inferential, or direct) which are contrasted against the set of beliefs held by the speaker up to the point of receiving the evidence; the speaker’s past beliefs entail a proposition that clashes with the assertion, triggering belief revision and resulting in a sense of surprise. I suggest an analysis of the admirative in terms of a mirative operator that captures the evidential, temporal, aspectual, and modal properties of the construction in a compositional fashion. The analysis suggests that although mirativity and evidentiality can be seen as separate semantic cate- gories, the Bulgarian admirative represents a cross-linguistically relevant case of a mirative extension of evidential verbal forms. Keywords: mirativity, evidentiality, fake past 1 Introduction The Bulgarian evidential system is an ongoing topic of discussion both withre- spect to its interpretation and its morphological buildup. In this paper, I focus on the currently poorly understood admirative construction. The analysis I present is based on largely unacknowledged observations and data involving the mor- phological structure, the syntactic environment, and the evidential meaning of the admirative. Elena Karagjosova.
    [Show full text]
  • Nominal and Verbal Parameters in the Diachrony of Differential Object Marking in Spanish Marco García García University of Cologne
    Chapter 8 Nominal and verbal parameters in the diachrony of differential object marking in Spanish Marco García García University of Cologne This paper deals with the influence that nominal and verbal parameters have on DOMinthe diachrony of Spanish. Comparing selected corpus studies, I will focus first on the different nominal parameters that build up the animacy and referentiality scales, in particular on an- imacy and definiteness. In order to clarify how far DOM has diachronically evolved, special attention will be paid to inanimate objects, which can be viewed as the alleged endpointin the development of DOM in Spanish. Secondly, I will provide a systematic overview of the relevant verbal parameters, which include aspect, affectedness and agentivity. The study will show a complex interaction of nominal and verbal parameters, revealing some unex- pected correlations: Obligatory object marking is not only found with human and strongly affected objects involved in a telic event, but also with inanimate, non-affected andagen- tive objects embedded in a stative event. In other words, in Spanish DOM patterns with both extremely high and extremely low transitivity. These findings sharply contrast with traditional accounts concerning the development as well as the explanation of DOM. 1 Introduction Differential object marking (DOM) is a well-attested phenomenon within Romance lan- guages (for an overview see Bossong 1998: 218–230). While in some Romance languages, such as Catalan or Modern Portuguese, DOM is confined to a reduced number of con- texts, in others, such as Sardinian or Spanish, it is found in many more contexts. This paper will focus on Spanish, where DOM seems to have reached a greater stage of de- velopment than in any other Romance language.
    [Show full text]
  • 30. Tense Aspect Mood 615
    30. Tense Aspect Mood 615 Richards, Ivor Armstrong 1936 The Philosophy of Rhetoric. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rockwell, Patricia 2007 Vocal features of conversational sarcasm: A comparison of methods. Journal of Psycho- linguistic Research 36: 361−369. Rosenblum, Doron 5. March 2004 Smart he is not. http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/smart-he-is-not- 1.115908. Searle, John 1979 Expression and Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seddiq, Mirriam N. A. Why I don’t want to talk to you. http://notguiltynoway.com/2004/09/why-i-dont-want- to-talk-to-you.html. Singh, Onkar 17. December 2002 Parliament attack convicts fight in court. http://www.rediff.com/news/ 2002/dec/17parl2.htm [Accessed 24 July 2013]. Sperber, Dan and Deirdre Wilson 1986/1995 Relevance: Communication and Cognition. Oxford: Blackwell. Voegele, Jason N. A. http://www.jvoegele.com/literarysf/cyberpunk.html Voyer, Daniel and Cheryl Techentin 2010 Subjective acoustic features of sarcasm: Lower, slower, and more. Metaphor and Symbol 25: 1−16. Ward, Gregory 1983 A pragmatic analysis of epitomization. Papers in Linguistics 17: 145−161. Ward, Gregory and Betty J. Birner 2006 Information structure. In: B. Aarts and A. McMahon (eds.), Handbook of English Lin- guistics, 291−317. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Rachel Giora, Tel Aviv, (Israel) 30. Tense Aspect Mood 1. Introduction 2. Metaphor: EVENTS ARE (PHYSICAL) OBJECTS 3. Polysemy, construal, profiling, and coercion 4. Interactions of tense, aspect, and mood 5. Conclusion 6. References 1. Introduction In the framework of cognitive linguistics we approach the grammatical categories of tense, aspect, and mood from the perspective of general cognitive strategies.
    [Show full text]
  • Children's Comprehension of the Verbal Aspect in Serbian
    PSIHOLOGIJA, 2021, Online First, UDC © 2021 by authors DOI https://doi.org/10.2298/PSI191120003S Children’s Comprehension of the Verbal Aspect in Serbian * Maja Savić1,3, Maša Popović2,3, and Darinka Anđelković2,3 1Faculty of Philology, University of Belgrade, Serbia 2Institute of Psychology, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, Serbia 3Laboratory of Experimental Psychology, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, Serbia The aim of the study was to investigate how Serbian native speaking preschool children comprehend perfective and imperfective aspect in comparison to adults. After watching animated movies with complete, incomplete and unstarted actions, the participants were asked questions with a perfective or imperfective verb form and responded by pointing to the event(s) that corresponded to each question. The results converged to a clear developmental trend in understanding of aspectual forms. The data indicate that the acquisition of perfective precedes the acquisition of imperfective: 3-year-olds typically understand only the meaning of perfective; most 5-year-olds have almost adult-like understanding of both aspectual forms, while 4-year-olds are a transitional group. Our results support the viewpoint that children's and adults’ representations of this language category differ qualitatively, and we argue that mastering of aspect semantics is a long-term process that presupposes a certain level of cognitive and pragmatic development, and lasts throughout the preschool period. Keywords: verbal aspect, language development, comprehension, Serbian language Highlights: ● The first experimental study on verbal aspect comprehension in Serbian. ● Crucial changes in aspect comprehension happen between ages 3 and 5. Corresponding author: [email protected] Note. This work was supported by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, grant number ON179033.
    [Show full text]
  • Hundred Sentences and XFST Assignments
    Hundred Sentences and XFST Assignments 2-19-14 Your assignment • Make an elicitation checklist of at least 100 sentences covering these things: – Transitive and intransitive verbs. – Semantic verb classes: stativity, dynamicity, and telicity. – Tense/mood/aspect – Special sentence types: • Existential • Copula • Possession • Questions – Speech acts: • Statement • Command/prohibition • Question – Negation Your assignment continued • Noun types – Pronoun – Common – Proper – Count/Mass – Concrete/Abstract • Noun phrases – Definiteness – Possession – Proximity – Diminutive/Augmentative – Quantity • Cardinal numbers • Quantifiers: all, each, both, some – Ordinal (first, second) – Partitive • The top of the tree • The bottom of the tree Your assignment continued • Adjectives – Comparative – Superlative – Intensive (very) – Unintensive (a little) • Adpositions and/or case marking • Typical modiers of nouns and verbs. – Location, time, manner, etc. Example: Belele (Bwele) (Inspiration from Warlpiri and Iñupiaq) Bele-le word-generic Intransitive sentences. SV word order. “Wordkind” Fwe-le bar -la -to Verb morphology: root-aspect-tense Bird-gener sing-hab-pres “Birds sing” Aspects: habitual -la Fwe-n bar -la -to Punctual Ø Bird-def sing-hab-pres Inceptive -go “The bird sings” Fwe-n bar-na Tenses: Bird-def sing-past Present -to “The bird sang” Past -na Fwe-n bar- go- na Bird-def sing-incep-past “The bird started to sing” Example continued • Compound noun: First element not marked for number and definiteness Nar -bi ndo –ki -n There are adjective stems, but they happy -one day –pl –def have to be turned into nouns in order “the happy days” to use them. -bi turns an adjective into a noun. • Two noun phrases (either order, or can be discontinuous): Nar -bi -ki -n ndo –ki -n happy -one –pl-def day –pl –def Nouns and their modifiers can be in either order of can be “the happy ones the days” separated if the modifier is marked for number and ndo –ki -n nar -bi -ki -n definiteness.
    [Show full text]
  • Early Sensitivity to Telicity: the Role of the Count/Mass Distinction in Event Individuation
    W O R K I N G P A P E R S I N L I N G U I S T I C S The notes and articles in this series are progress reports on work being carried on by students and faculty in the Department. Because these papers are not finished products, readers are asked not to cite from them without noting their preliminary nature. The authors welcome any comments and suggestions that readers might offer. Volume 41(4) 2010 (April) DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA HONOLULU 96822 An Equal Opportunity/Affirmative Action Institution WORKING PAPERS IN LINGUISTICS: UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA, VOL. 41(4) DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS FACULTY 2010 Victoria B. Anderson Byron W. Bender (Emeritus) Benjamin Bergen Derek Bickerton (Emeritus) Robert A. Blust Robert L. Cheng (Adjunct) Kenneth W. Cook (Adjunct) Kamil Deen Patricia J. Donegan (Co-Graduate Chair) Katie K. Drager Emanuel J. Drechsel (Adjunct) Michael L. Forman (Emeritus) George W. Grace (Emeritus) John H. Haig (Adjunct) Roderick A. Jacobs (Emeritus) Paul Lassettre P. Gregory Lee Patricia A. Lee Howard P. McKaughan (Emeritus) William O’Grady (Chair) Yuko Otsuka Ann Marie Peters (Emeritus, Co-Graduate Chair) Kenneth L. Rehg Lawrence A. Reid (Emeritus) Amy J. Schafer Albert J. Schütz, (Emeritus, Editor) Ho Min Sohn (Adjunct) Nicholas Thieberger Laurence C. Thompson (Emeritus) ii EARLY SENSITIVITY TO TELICITY: THE ROLE OF THE COUNT/MASS DISTINCTION IN EVENT INDIVIDUATION YUKIE HARA1 This paper presents evidence that English-speaking children are sensitive to telicity based on the count/mass distinction of the object noun in verb phrases such as eat an apple (telic) vs.
    [Show full text]
  • Corpus Study of Tense, Aspect, and Modality in Diglossic Speech in Cairene Arabic
    CORPUS STUDY OF TENSE, ASPECT, AND MODALITY IN DIGLOSSIC SPEECH IN CAIRENE ARABIC BY OLA AHMED MOSHREF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Elabbas Benmamoun, Chair Professor Eyamba Bokamba Professor Rakesh M. Bhatt Assistant Professor Marina Terkourafi ABSTRACT Morpho-syntactic features of Modern Standard Arabic mix intricately with those of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic in ordinary speech. I study the lexical, phonological and syntactic features of verb phrase morphemes and constituents in different tenses, aspects, moods. A corpus of over 3000 phrases was collected from religious, political/economic and sports interviews on four Egyptian satellite TV channels. The computational analysis of the data shows that systematic and content morphemes from both varieties of Arabic combine in principled ways. Syntactic considerations play a critical role with regard to the frequency and direction of code-switching between the negative marker, subject, or complement on one hand and the verb on the other. Morph-syntactic constraints regulate different types of discourse but more formal topics may exhibit more mixing between Colloquial aspect or future markers and Standard verbs. ii To the One Arab Dream that will come true inshaa’ Allah! عربية أنا.. أميت دمها خري الدماء.. كما يقول أيب الشاعر العراقي: بدر شاكر السياب Arab I am.. My nation’s blood is the finest.. As my father says Iraqi Poet: Badr Shaker Elsayyab iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I’m sincerely thankful to my advisor Prof. Elabbas Benmamoun, who during the six years of my study at UIUC was always kind, caring and supportive on the personal and academic levels.
    [Show full text]
  • The Interaction Between Telicity and Agentivity: Experimental Evidence from Intransitive Verbs in German and Chinese
    Originally published in: Lingua vol. 200 (2017), pp. 84-106. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2017.08.006 POSTPRINT a,b,* a a a,b Tim Graf , Markus Philipp , Xiaonan Xu , Franziska Kretzschmar , a Beatrice Primus a Institute of German Language and Literature I, University of Cologne, Albertus-Magnus-Platz, 50923 Cologne, Germany b CRC 1252 Prominence in Language, University of Cologne, Germany The interaction between telicity and agentivity: Experimental evidence from intransitive verbs in German and Chinese Abstract: Telicity and agentivity are semantic factors that split intransitive verbs into (at least two) different classes. Clear-cut unergative verbs, which select the auxiliary HAVE, are assumed to be atelic and agent-selecting; unequivocally unaccusative verbs, which select the auxiliary BE, are analyzed as telic and patient-selecting. Thus, agentivity and telicity are assumed to be inversely correlated in split intransitivity. We will present semantic and experimental evidence from German and Mandarin Chinese that casts doubts on this widely held assumption. The focus of our experimental investigation lies on variation with respect to agentivity (specifically motion control, manipulated via animacy), telicity (tested via a locative vs. goal adverbial), and BE/HAVE-selection with semantically flexible intransitive verbs of motion. Our experimental methods are acceptability ratings for German and Chinese (Experiments 1 and 2) and event-related potential (ERP) measures for German (Experiment 3). Our findings contradict the above- mentioned assumption that agentivity and telicity are generally inversely correlated and suggest that for the verbs under study, agentivity and telicity harmonize with each other. Furthermore, the ERP measures reveal that the impact of the interaction under discussion is more pronounced on the verb lexeme than on the auxiliary.
    [Show full text]
  • The Telicity Parameter Revisited Hana Filip SRI in Ternational- NL P Group Discern & Stanfo Rd University
    The Telicity Parameter Revisited Hana Filip SRI In ternational- NL P Group Discern & Stanfo rd University 1. Introduction The goals of this paper are threefold: First, to review some recent syntactic accounts of cross-linguistic differences in the expression of telicity in Slavic vs. Germanic languages. Second, I will argue that the parametric variation in the encoding of telicity cannot be based on a unidirectional specifier head agreement between the verbal functional head linked to the telicity of the VP and the DO-DP in its specifier position, with languages exhibiting two clearly distinct modes of assigning telicity to the functional head. In the simplest terms, in Germanic languages, it is assIgned by the DO-DP and in Slavic by the perfective/imperfective aspect of the lexical VP head. Rather, in a given telicity structure in both Slavic and Germanic languages, we actually observe mutual constraints and interactions between the head verb and one of its semantic arguments, namely, the incremental argument. Third, the variation in the encoding of telicity cannot be limited just to syntactic factors. Instead, it is semantic (and also pragmatic) factors that ultimately motivate (i) the phenomena that the syntactic parametric approach tries to capture, and also (ii) telicity phenomena that are a priori precluded by it, leftout or unnoticed. In this connection, I will defend the familiar (though often forgotten) insights of Krifka's (1986 and elsewhere) and Dowty's (1991) mereological theory oftelicity. 2. The syntactic telicity parameter One dominant strand of research locates all variation in the encoding of telicity in syntax, with much of the work being motivated by assumptions of Minimalism and/or Distributed Morphology.
    [Show full text]
  • The Telicity Parameter Revisited Hana Filip SRI International – NLP Group Discern & Stanford University
    The Telicity Parameter Revisited Hana Filip SRI International – NLP Group Discern & Stanford University 1. Introduction The goals of this paper are threefold: First, to review some recent syntactic accounts of cross-linguistic differences in the expression of telicity in Slavic vs. Germanic languages. Second, I will argue that the parametric variation in the encoding of telicity cannot be based on a unidirectional specifier head agreement between the verbal functional head linked to the telicity of the VP and the DO-DP in its specifier position, with languages exhibiting two clearly distinct modes of assigning telicity to the functional head. In the simplest terms, in Germanic languages, it is assigned by the DO-DP and in Slavic by the perfective/imperfective aspect of the lexical VP head. Rather, in a given telicity structure in both Slavic and Germanic languages, we actually observe mutual constraints and interactions between the head verb and one of its semantic arguments, namely, the incremental argument. Third, the variation in the encoding of telicity cannot be limited just to syntactic factors. Instead, it is semantic (and also pragmatic) factors that ultimately motivate (i) the phenomena that the syntactic parametric approach tries to capture, and also (ii) telicity phenomena that are a priori precluded by it, left out or unnoticed. In this connection, I will defend the familiar (though often forgotten) insights of Krifka’s (1986 and elsewhere) and Dowty’s (1991) mereological theory of telicity. 2. The syntactic telicity parameter One dominant strand of research locates all variation in the encoding of telicity in syntax, with much of the work being motivated by assumptions of Minimalism and/or Distributed Morphology.
    [Show full text]
  • Telicity and Differential Object Marking in the History of Spanish
    Diego Romero Heredero Telicity and Differential Object Marking in the History of Spanish Abstract: This paper addresses the influence of telicity on DOM (Differential Object Marking) from a diachronic perspective. Previous literature has frequently pointed to telicity as one of the verbal factors that trigger DOM in Spanish. However, this as- sumption has not been tested empirically. The present study provides a corpus analy- sis examining the question of whether the assumed impact of telicity on DOM in Modern Spanish, which has been noted in synchronic studies, also occurs in previous stages of Spanish. The corpus-based study covers the GHth, GIth, and JKth centuries, and is the first empirical study that addresses the relationship between telicity and DOM with human direct objects. The results point in the opposite direction to what has been proposed by previous literature, suggesting that telicity had no significant impact on DOM in any of the periods studied. These findings lead both to discard telicity as a factor that influences DOM independently, and to raise the question of whether it is possible that the effect of telicity observed in previous studies could be the conse- quence of the interaction of telicity with other verbal factors such as affectedness or agentivity. Keywords: aspectual class, corpus analysis, definiteness, Differential Object Mark- ing, language change, lexical aspect, telicity, verbal factors. ── Diego Romero Heredero: SFB %&'& ‘Prominence in Language’, Universität zu Köln, Luxemburger Str. &CC, D-'FCGC Köln, (+JC) &&% JLF-MCCFG, [email protected] 2 │ Diego Romero Heredero 1 Introduction Differential Object Marking (DOM) is a grammatical phenomenon conditioned by the interaction of various factors (see García García, JKGN for an overview).
    [Show full text]
  • Evidentiality and Mood: Grammatical Expressions of Epistemic Modality in Bulgarian
    Evidentiality and mood: Grammatical expressions of epistemic modality in Bulgarian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements o the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anastasia Smirnova, M.A. Graduate Program in Linguistics The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: Brian Joseph, co-advisor Judith Tonhauser, co-advisor Craige Roberts Copyright by Anastasia Smirnova 2011 ABSTRACT This dissertation is a case study of two grammatical categories, evidentiality and mood. I argue that evidentiality and mood are grammatical expressions of epistemic modality and have an epistemic modal component as part of their meanings. While the empirical foundation for this work is data from Bulgarian, my analysis has a number of empirical and theoretical consequences for the previous work on evidentiality and mood in the formal semantics literature. Evidentiality is traditionally analyzed as a grammatical category that encodes information sources (Aikhenvald 2004). I show that the Bulgarian evidential has richer meaning: not only does it express information source, but also it has a temporal and a modal component. With respect to the information source, the Bulgarian evidential is compatible with a variety of evidential meanings, i.e. direct, inferential, and reportative, as long as the speaker has concrete perceivable evidence (as opposed to evidence based on a mental activity). With respect to epistemic commitment, the construction has different felicity conditions depending on the context: the speaker must be committed to the truth of the proposition in the scope of the evidential in a direct/inferential evidential context, but not in a reportative context.
    [Show full text]