Post-Gay Television: “Don't Ask, Don't Tell,” Marriage, and Bullying On
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Post-Gay Television: “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” Marriage, and Bullying On and Off Screen A dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Liora P. Elias IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Laurie Ouellette, Adviser June 2015 © Liora P. Elias 2015 Acknowledgements I want to thank a number of people who have played an instrumental role in the quality and completion of my dissertation. First, my adviser Dr. Laurie Ouellette whose research and teaching has inspired my thinking as well as my pedagogy. I cannot estimate how many times I have had light bulb moments in Professor Ouellette’s classroom, during her lectures, or in conversation about the direction of my project. It has truly been a pleasure being guided into academia by her. I want to thank the rest of my committee as well. Dr. Mary Vavrus, whose work has inspired my own on many an occasion and whose support through the emotional ups and downs of graduate school has been extraordinarily helpful. Professor Vavrus’ research on Army Wives inspired my “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” chapter. Her feedback has made the chapter much stronger. Dr. Catherine Squires helped clarify and develop the topic of my dissertation in its early stages. I am also grateful to Professor Squires for her close reading and comments on my chapter on bullying in schools. Dr. Ronald Greene taught The Rhetoric of Social Movements class that allowed me the opportunity to historicize gay and lesbian activism early in my PhD coursework. As chair of the Department of Communication Studies, Professor Greene committed to allocating the resources that made the completion of this dissertation possible. Many thanks for that! I want to thank my friends and colleagues at the University of Minnesota who have supported my research and my ideas in numerous ways throughout the years: Diane Cormany, Allyson Shaffer, Dr. Kate Ranachan, Dr. Raechel Tiffe, and Erin Cole. I also owe much gratitude to my writing group, Rebecca Jurisz, Jackie Arcy and Heidi Zimmerman, for challenging me to think about my project in new ways, and for giving me much needed feedback on the direction of the project. Particularly, to my friend and colleague Heidi Zimmerman: I have doubts that I could have finished this project without her. She cheered me up when I was down, assured me that completing the project was doable when I thought it was not, and inspired and helped shape so many of the ideas that exist in this dissertation. Plus, she is an amazingly skilled and generous editor. She is and will continue to be the recipient of my unending gratitude. I also want to thank my family and friends. I know I fell into a research rabbit hole there for a while but you have all been so warm and celebratory upon my return to the land of the living. It has made for a lovely reunion with life outside of the dissertation. I want to thank my brother Daniel Elias and his wife Amy Elias for inviting me out for much needed distraction during the dissertation process. And for understanding when I had to say no, or when I came out but had my head buried in a book. I especially want to thank my parents, Ruth and Walter, for instilling in me a passion for life-long learning and supporting me in every way possible along the way. Thanks for dropping off dinners during that rough stretch last winter, too! I could not have done this without all of you. i Dedication To all the LGBTQ’s out there fighting the good fight, living in precarious times with sometimes very little in the way of support. It is not always easy, but as Graham Moore said at the 2015 Academy Awards ceremony: “Stay weird. Stay Different.” ii Abstract The 2000-era has been a momentous time for LGBT policy shifts. This dissertation is an interdisciplinary project on these policy changes in the areas of military service, marriage rights, and bullying in schools within the context of post-gay television. I take as a starting point that post-gay politics assumes that civil rights for gays and lesbians have been achieved and continued activism is no longer needed. Since the 1990s post-gay politics has gained currency within important modalities of discourse (news media, television, print media). I investigate a cluster of television shows in which post-gay themes suggest that equality for gay and lesbian individuals has been achieved. Drawing from media studies, feminist studies, critical race studies, queer theory, and cultural studies, this dissertation examines the television shows Army Wives (Lifetime), Modern Family (ABC), and Glee (Fox) as case studies for theorizing the ways in which media facilitates the emergence of post-gay discourse. It does so by situating these shows within the context of, on the one hand, government hearings and documents and Supreme Court decisions, and, on the other hand, the industrial and popular discourse surrounding these TV programs. Post-gay television is often comprised of conservative and assimilationist political values such as the desire for gays and lesbians to openly serve in the U.S. military, same-sex marriage, and “equality” based initiatives to eradicate bullying in schools. These initiatives often mask structural issues such as the continued prevalence of homophobia in the U.S. Military, the assimilationist qualities of same-sex marriage, as well as the enforcement of heteronormativity and gender policing common in U.S. high schools. These series do not simply represent LGBT lives on screen; they also participate iii in fundraising and public relations efforts for issues like marriage equality. Following the call to move beyond the politics of representation, my dissertation provides a critical historical and contextual perspective on the way in which the implementation and repeal of policy legislation is productive of what I am calling the politics of norms. It also considers how these policy changes and their treatment on television are informed by post-gay discourse. iv Table of Contents Introduction 1-50 Television in A Post-Gay Political Landscape (1990s-today) Chapter One 51-84 "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" and its Repeal as seen in Lifetime's Army Wives (2007-2013) Chapter Two 85-123 Post(ing) Same-Sex Marriage: Discourses of Marriage Rights as they Circulate on and around ABC’s Modern Family (2009-today) Chapter Three 124-159 The Invention of the Bullying ‘Epidemic’: Fox’s Glee (2009-2015) as a Post-Gay Text Conclusion 160-161 Works Cited 162-171 Appendix 172 v Introduction: Television in A Post-Gay Political Landscape (1990s-today) Faking It (2013-present) is a MTV teen comedy that follows the high school antics of Amy and Karma, two female teens “faking” a lesbian relationship in order to gain popularity among their high school peers. In the pilot episode of the series, Karma schemes to boost their popularity at Hester High in Austin, a “blue oasis in the red state of Texas” where “outcasts” are the “in-crowd” (Faking It 2014). Karma goes so far as to (unsuccessfully) feign blindness and miraculous recovery. Karma is desperate to shake up her social life, as she says, “I’m tired of spending Friday night with my Netflix queue” (Faking It 2014). In what turns out to be a fortuitous series of events, out gay high- schooler Shane, of the “in-crowd,” mistakes Amy and Karma for a lesbian couple, and expresses his eagerness to adopt them as his new lesbian friends. Despite Amy’s denials, Shane announces to a large high-school contingent that the school should nominate Amy and Karma for homecoming queen and queen. Recognizing the possibility that lesbianism may equal popularity for the eager teens, Karma convinces the reluctant Amy to play the part. This plan goes smoothly until the inevitable moment that Amy and Karma must “prove” their lesbian-ness in a public make out session. For Karma, the kissing is clearly a performance. But for Amy, visibly emoting during and after this make-out session, this begins to call her heterosexuality into question. I begin this introduction with the example of Faking It , because I believe that it epitomizes the television trend that this dissertation critiques – the emergence of post-gay discourse between approximately 1990 and today. That Amy and Karma’s identification as sexual “other” corresponds with increasing their cultural capital speaks to one of the most prominent trends within post-gay discourse. 1 Like the proliferation of images of women in positions of power common within post- feminist television and the explosion of African-American visibility within television that appeals to post-racial discourses, the proliferation of gay and lesbian images on television in the 2000s speaks more to the commodification of difference within the intersecting trends of privatization and neoliberalism than it does about achieving equal rights or sexual liberation. In post-gay politics the assumption is that civil rights for the gay and lesbian community have been achieved and there is no longer a need for continued activism. In the same timeframe (1990s-today) that post-gay politics has gained some currency within important modalities of discourse (news media, television, print media) a cluster of television shows has implemented themes and characterizations that suggest that equality for gay individuals has been achieved. In the political terrain the 2000-era has been a momentous time for LGBT policy shifts. This includes increasing access to marriage rights for LGBT 1 couples and the repeal of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA). Changes in health care and adoption rights, school policies having to do with LGBTQ bullying, proms, Gay/Straight Alliances, and a heightened national focus on gay teen suicide.