UMRABULO Contents UMRABULO 1 QUARTER | 2013 1St QUARTER 2013

ST UMRABULO Contents UMRABULO 1 QUARTER | 2013 1st QUARTER 2013

UMRABULO was a word used to inspire Cover theme: 50th Anniversary of the FOUNDING OF THE OAU political discussion and debate on Robben Island. This concept was revived in 1996 3 Our collective view of the theory of the South African revolution when the ANC published the first edition President Jacob Zuma of Umrabulo. The journal’s mission is to encourage debate and rigorous discussions 10 Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance at all levels of the movement. The 50th Anniversary of the formation of the OAU Eddy Maloka

16 Why did the ANC endorse the National Development Plan? Trevor Manuel

23 The meaning of a cadre Bongani Mkongi

33 The ANC and the church: A century of selfless struggle Kgolane Alfred Rudolph Phala Call for contributions Umrabulo welcomes contributions from readers. 41 The theory of organisation Contributions may be in response to previous Nathi Mthethwa articles or may raise new issues. Contributions may be sent to the address below.

Subscriptions To subscribe to Umrabulo, complete and return the subscription form at the back of this edition. Subscribers receive Umrabulo quarterly by normal post. This service is available to both South African and international subscribers. 1 Editorial Collective Nathi Mthethwa – Editor in Chief Joel Netshitenzhe Thenjiwe Mtintso Joyce Mashamba Enoch Godongwana Depuo Letsatsi-Duba Donovan Cloete Steyn Speed Micheal Sachs Muzi Ndlovu

Contact Information Address: Umrabulo PO Box 61884 Marshalltown 2107 South Africa Telephone: 011 376 1000 Fax: 086 633 1437 e-mail: [email protected]

The contents and views expressed in Umrabulo do not necessarily reflect the policies of the ANC or the views of the editorial collective. Umrabulo on the web : www.anc.org.za EDITORIAL UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013 Nathi Mthethwa Editor-in-Chief Every ANC Member an Organiser, a Commissar

N the 16th of December cratic revolution. It also re- 2012, the oldest Libera- quires that we build tion Movement in Af- maximum unity of South Af- Orica, the African National Con- rica’s people and the broadest gress convened its 53rd National range of sectors of our society Conference in Mangaung, its around this programme. The birth place a century earlier. current conjuncture is no dif- The primary task of a confer- ferent to its preceding phases ence is to do the following of our revolution. amongst others; The Conference reaf- “In order to review the past and firmed the perspective that reject therein all those things which “our revolution will only suc- have retarded our progress, the ceed if the movement continu- things which poison the springs of ously produces a contingent of our national life and virtue… and cadres who are conscious, com- as members of one house-hold to talk and think petent, committed, disciplined and conscientious”. 2 loudly on our home problems and the solution of It is in this spirit that the establishment and them.”(Conference Declaration). rollout of the ANC’s comprehensive political The continuous renewal of the ANC over school system – national, provincial, regional, the century of its existence has been guided by sub-regional/zonal and branch level – is an the nature and content of the struggle against urgent task that faces every cadre of our glori- apartheid colonialism and its legacy as elabo- ous movement during “the Decade of the Cadre”. rated in its Strategy and Tactics. The ANC has If the ANC,wants to continue to be a loyal always understood that to lead the national servant of the people, a dynamic leader of our democratic revolution successfully, it has to society and an effective movement for trans- renew itself so that it remains relevant to the formation. We must do the following amongst changing conditions of the struggle, both lo- others: cally and internationally. • We must take urgent steps to institution- At the core of the above, has always been a alise the Political Education systems. united and revolutionary ANC and Alliance • Priority must be given to Political Educa- formations that are rooted amongst the people tion, academic training and skills devel- and have a committed, conscientious, compe- opment of the leadership and the gen- tent, disciplined and capable corps of cadres. eral membership. The Conference resolved to “declare the next Umrabulo is a critical instrument in the ten years as the Decade of the Cadre and commits hands of the organisation to deepen the politi- itselfin implementing a decade-long programme of cal consciousness amongst the cadres of our organizational renewal to safeguard the core values movement. of the ANC and build its transformative capacity As Chairman Mao Zedong once said, that as a strategic centre of power and driver of funda- "Letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred mental change”. schools of thought contend…" We therefore call Each phase of our revolution has always upon the cadres of our movement to contribute required the maximum unity of the ANC and articles to this publication. the Alliance, enabling us to sharpen our capac- Every ANC Member an Organiser, a ity to advance and defend the national demo- Commissar. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013 Our collective view of the theory of the South African revolution

Understanding the Strategy and Tactics document, and particularly how it should guide the daily work of ANC members and structures, is essential to the achievement of the liberation of South Africans from all forms of bondage, writes President Jacob Zuma. 3

HE Strategy and Tactics of the ANC sets our organisation apart in the category of liberation movements in the Tworld. From its inception, the ANC has always had clear strategies and tactics that it employed in its pursuit of the struggle against colonisation of a special type, which was organised as apartheid. The adoption at Morogoro of the Strat- egy and Tactics document was a culmina- tion of this process of an organisation that understood its tactical and strategic tasks as a function of struggle. Over the past years there has been an attempt to suggest that the ANC had strategy and tactics only when it first adopted the document titled: Strategy and Tactics at Morogoro in 1969. This demonstrates a lack of understanding of the ANC and how it has evolved over the years. The ANC is complex and therefore we understand why some commentators struggle to keep up with our movement. We have a responsibility to educate our UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

members about some of these ly stipulates what is our issues so that they do not end We truly pride strategy at the present mo- up being misled and confused ourselves in the fact ment and what are the tacti- by historians who do not un- cal manoeuvres we need to derstand our movement. That that while other employ in the pursuit of our is why we must move at a fast organisations muddle objectives. pace in setting up our Political through, we are guided We have never used one School to create cadres that are strategy. We have never el- grounded in the traditions of by clearly articulated evated an aspect of our strat- the ANC. and documented egy in the pursuit of our Our organisation has never policies, strategies struggle. In the same vein been rigid. It has always been we have always adapted our dynamic. Therefore, true to its and tactics. tactics to suit changing con- character as a dynamic organi- ditions. Our tactics have al- sation, the ANC has always had ways been a subject of de- the capacity to adapt to changing conditions bate between and among our structures, while at the same time being capable of skil- including within the alliance. fully maintaining its core values. This is At times these discussions tend to elevate why, despite changing our tactics and at tactical differences into strategic ones and times modifying aspects of our strategy, we as a result we lose the core elements of a have always been consistent in the pursuit necessary debate. We truly pride ourselves of our strategic objective, which is the strug- in the fact that while other organisations gle for the emancipation of Africans in par- muddle through, we are guided by clearly ticular and blacks in general from econom- articulated and documented policies, strat- ic and political bondage. egies and tactics. 4 In the course of the struggle we have used various strategies in the pursuit of this CONTEXT OF 1969 STRATEGY AND TACTICS struggle. Some have been consistent and The first Strategy and Tactics document was some have been overtaken by time. One of adopted at the Morogoro Consultative Con- those aspects of strategy that has proven ference in Tanzania in 1969. timeless has been to unite the African people The conference was in many ways a wa- across ethnic lines and even race in the pur- tershed. It came immediately after the suit of the struggle. This has remained true Wankie and Sipolilo campaigns where Um- of the ANC till today. khonto we Sizwe fighters, alongside their Over the years we have pursued the comrades from the Zimbabwe African Peo- strategy of non-violent action, but we had ples Union, distinguished themselves in to abandon that strategy when it seemed combat against soldiers of the white minor- that we needed to modify our strategy to ity regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia. suit changing conditions in our society. We These operations marked the end of a pe- later reverted to non-violent action after riod of a virtual lull in the struggle follow- 1990, when conditions had normalised. ing the disruption of our movement through Over the years we had also pursued a banning and the capture of the High Com- strategy of mobilising the international command at Lilieslief farm in Rivonia. munity to participate in, and support, our To understand the Strategy and Tactics struggle, including through the use of sanc- we have to locate it within the experience tions. After 1994 we continued to pursue the of the national liberation struggle and the same strategy with modified tactics. Now lives of our people before and during colo- we no longer call for sanctions; we now call nial oppression. for increased investment in our national The Congress of the People led by the economy. ANC adopted the Freedom Charter in Klip- The Strategy and Tactics document clear- town, Johannesburg in 1955. The Charter UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

expresses the vision of our National Democratic Revolu- National Democratic Revolu- tion. tion in clear and unambigu- The 1969 Strategy To quote from the docu- ous terms. In it, the People of ment: “The art of revolutionary South Africa declare “that and Tactics is leadership consists in providing South Africa belongs to all grounded in the leadership to the masses and not who live in it, black and white, just to its most advanced ele- and that no government can history of our struggle ments; it consists of setting a pace justly claim authority unless and the conditions which accords with objective con- it is based on the will of all the faced by the freedom ditions and the real possibilities people”. at hand. It goes on to articulate the forces at the time. “The revolutionary-sounding vision of a national democrat- phrase does not always reflect ic society by highlighting its revolutionary policy, and revolu- political, economic, and social features, as tionary-sounding policy is not always the well as its international posture. The de- spring-board for revolutionary advance”. mands are radical and call for the funda- The document discusses the strengths mental transformation of society. That is the and weaknesses of the “enemy” facing the antithesis of what the minority regime stood liberation movement at the time. It draws for. No wonder then that the achievement attention to the regime’s apparent “stable of these demands would require a long and command of a rich and varied economy, which protracted struggle characterised by the even at this stage when it is not required to ex- violence of the minority regime, and the tend itself, can afford an enormous military bud- counter-violence of freedom forces. get. He has a relatively trained and efficient The 1969 Strategy and Tactics is ground- army and police force. He can draw on fairly ed in the history of our struggle and the large manpower resources”. 5 conditions faced by the freedom forces at The Strategy and Tactics goes on to ad- the time. While there have been many it- dress the social base of the regime and its erations since the advent of freedom in 1994, soft belly. This is contrasted with the it is useful to briefly outline the main ele- strengths and opportunities of the liberation ments of the earlier document. movement. These rest on the support and The document starts out with a short de- involvement of the motive forces, and the scription of the character of the regime and tactics of rural and urban guerrilla warfare. the support it drew from the forces of im- There is a deep analysis of the motive perialism; it locates the freedom struggle as forces of the liberation movement in terms a continuation of the long history of resis- of its racial and class character, and their tance against the forces of colonialism; and potential to rise to the challenge of fighting it explains why the ANC decided that the such a formidable enemy. time was ripe to adopt armed struggle as a This underlines the depth of analysis and key element in the strategy to overthrow the the responsible manner in which the ANC minority regime. discharges its role as the leader of the na- It also explains the view of the ANC on tional liberation movement. We explain the the meaning of armed struggle and its sub- content of the struggle; the conditions under ordination to the political leadership. The which it is waged; the specific forms of document contrasts the turn to armed strug- struggle we shall follow; the character of the gle with the previous non-violent forms of enemy; and the character of the forces fight- struggle and addresses the ANC under- ing for freedom and democracy. standing of “revolutionary policy” and “revolutionary leadership”. We underline REVISING STRATEGY AND TACTICS this because it applies not only in conditions This tradition has been followed since 1969. of armed struggle but at all stages of the We did so in 1997, 2002 and 2007. We did so UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

at the 53rd National Confer- stitution. ence in Mangaung last De- They do not use such knowledge for their cember. We do not revise the own benefit but for the benefit of the whole ANC members in Strategy and Tactics just for community. every community the sake of doing so. Secondly, the member of the ANC always The 51st and 53rd confer- strives to build the highest level of unity should earn the respect ences, in 2002 and 2013, only and social cohesion in their community. The and confidence of the added a preface to the earlier ANC is not just another political party com- documents. The 2007 Strategy peting to be the government of the day. community because of and Tactics begins with a brief One of its key objectives is the mobilisa- the purity of conduct description of where we are in tion of the community behind the pro- and ability to chart our journey to build a Nation- grammes of government. It mobilises not al Democratic Society (NDS). just its own members and members of allied the most constructive It indicates the core tasks the formations, but the whole community, re- way to address its ANC will execute as the lead- gardless of political, cultural or religious er of the National Democratic affiliation, or any other manner in which problems. Revolution (NDR). It also ex- citizens identify themselves in keeping with plains the evolution of the the values of our Constitution. various streams our emerging Thirdly, ANC members should always nation, the challenges that the NDR has be vigilant against bad tendencies inside the faced and overcome, as well as those it still movement, including the use of public re- has to overcome. sources for private gain. They must be vig- It explains how the organisation itself ilant against elements that seek to subvert came to embrace the best in human civilisa- internal democratic processes; including tion and value systems during the struggle buying members to boost their chances of against colonialism. It especially underlines election into positions of leadership at all 6 how the ANC has pursued the path of non- level. Members must be alert to how their racialism, and the moral values of human own behaviours and activities may be con- compassion and solidarity far beyond the strued and in the process how the image of confines of its opposition to the apartheid the organisation may be tarnished. social system. Members of the ANC must be the first to The document provides key messages declare and resolve any conflict of interest about what is expected of members, cadres that may arise in transactions they are in- and leaders of the organisation. volved in, especially where these include Firstly, the ANC is the leader of society public resources in any form. At the same as a whole, with a particular bias to the poor time, ANC members must be vigilant and marginalised sections of our population against what the Strategy and Tactics cor- in building a united, non-racist, non-sexist, rectly identifies as attempts by forces con- democratic and caring society. This means nected to the old apartheid order and inter- that ANC members in every community national reaction to undermine the state and should earn the respect and confidence of to disorganise, weaken and destroy the lib- the community because of the purity of con- eration movement through clandestine duct and ability to chart the most construc- means, including all kinds of manipulation tive way to address its problems. Respect within and outside its ranks. and confidence cannot be imposed; they These attempts include the concerted must be earned. onslaught to present our organisation as A member of the ANC is the best be- responsible for the intractable poverty and haved, respectful and conscientious member inequalities in which millions of our people of the community. They are the most knowl- find themselves. A typical example of these edgeable about the Constitution, other laws attempts is the use of information sources and channels for accessing public services to downplay the achievements of the dem- and exercising rights afforded by the Con- ocratic government and exaggerate its short- UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

comings. Sometimes the idea is even pro- erty, inequality and unem- jected that things were better under ployment. apartheid. We say this not to deny our weak- Our Strategy and Tactics Continuous self- nesses and failures but to underline that indicates that: “The main con- those who purport to defend the interests tent of the NDR is the liberation evaluation and of the poor are not necessarily friends of the of the African people in particu- engagement with our revolution, but often its enemies. lar and blacks in general from policies, strategies Members and leaders of the ANC must political and socio-economic be exemplars of integrity and respect the bondage. It means uplifting the and tactics are among trust extended to them by our people. At quality of life of all South Afri- the factors that keep the same time we must engage the attempts cans, especially the poor, the ma- to present the underlying cause of poverty jority of whom are African and the ANC fresh and inequality as coming from other than female. At the same time it has and relevant. We the apartheid colonial social system. Lead- the effect of liberating the white encourage constructive ers of the movement and members gener- community from the false ideol- ally must always ask themselves whose ogy of racial superiority and in- debate. ideas they are peddling when they present security attached to oppressing the organisation in a poor light, especially others. when they do this outside the its structures. “The hierarchy of disadvantage suffered un- Fourthly, the ANC member must strive der apartheid will naturally inform the magni- for excellence in every task they perform. tude of the programmes of change and the atten- They must maintain a self-critical attitude tion paid to those who occupied the lowest rungs and challenge themselves to do better all the on the apartheid social ladder.” time. This is true of the student and the Members must internalise the whole of teacher, medical professional, social worker, this statement, and not just the first part. member of the security forces, civil engineer, The Strategy and Tactics outlines the “main 7 administrative officer and every senior pub- emphases in the work of the ANC in the coming lic servant and official. Indeed this is true decade”. also of the ANC member in any arena where The document says all ANC interven- they work, whether private, public or non- tions will be made within the framework of governmental. the National Constitution. The developmen- These are some of the attributes that were tal state will follow a “strategic orientation: intended when we spoke of the Decade of an approach premised on people-centred and Cadre; building an ANC cadre who will rep- people-driven change, and sustained develop- resent the true character and nature of the ment based on high growth rates, restructuring ANC, and who will be seen by the public as of the economy and socio-economic inclusion”. an embodiment of the ANC. There will be a “focus on creating decent jobs and ensuring an improving quality of STRATEGY AND TACTICS ON CURRENT life for workers. Government will imple- CHALLENGES ment programmes to eliminate economic Continuous self-evaluation and engagement dualism and exclusion”. These programmes with our policies, strategies and tactics are include skills development, specific atten- among the factors that keep the ANC fresh tion to industries that lend themselves to and relevant. We encourage constructive involvement by marginalised communities, debate. This ensures that as members and access to micro-credit and small business cadres we truly understand our policies and assistance, land reform, public works proj- our tasks at every given moment. ects, and promotion of sustainable liveli- We do not just memorise and repeat hoods at community and household levels. phrases but can explain what our policies It says government will implement “a mean and how we are giving effect to them. comprehensive human development strategy We have said that the core issue before us is which includes: improvement of the general how to address the triple challenge of pov- education system; intensification of education UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

in mathematics and natural sciences; promotion failure and South Africa as having regressed. of social sciences that help build social cohesion; While we need to improve the way we do expansion of the nation’s artisan base; improv- things, we cannot allow our gains to be rub- ing throughput and research in universities; and bished. an effective adult basic education programme”. More importantly, we should carefully “While encouraging individual initiative, analyse the balance of forces in relation to drive and entrepreneurship, we shall also pro- the labour movement. We have seen what mote appreciation or the responsibility on the happened in other countries in Africa, part of those who command political, social, where the liberation movement was weak- material and other forms of power towards the ened through the labour movement. The poor and vulnerable sectors of society. In this involvement of a foreign element in our regard we will fight against all manifestations country mobilising and manipulating the of racism, super-exploitation, patriarchy, ethnic labour movement, thus weakening COSA- chauvinism, religious and political intolerance, TU is a serious matter. We have seen this and abuse of women and children; discourage happening in the platinum belt with shad- greed and arrogant display of wealth; and cam- owy international elements and movements paign against abuse of drugs and alcohol,” it have been working to foment opposition to says. COSATU, and to the National Union of All these require a strong ANC which Mineworkers in particular. We must there- re-asserts itself as the leader of change. fore try to understand the ideological di- Thus, in our Strategy and Tactics we should mension of this offensive. be alert to the domestic balance of forces. What should our strategy and tactics say The re-alignment of opposition forces under about the nature of this offensive? Our tasks the leadership of the Democratic Alliance is remain the same as before; isolate the forces a case in point. The opposition augments its that want to take us backward, and build 8 minority position in parliament through the maximum unity among the forces of change. mobilisation of smaller parties, the media We need to avoid limiting our analysis of and right-wing think tanks in civil society the balance of forces to electoral alignments. and the use of the courts. This analysis is important, but not sufficient. Among the key themes of the right-wing We must, in the spirit of the theory of NDR, agenda to which we should be alert is the assess the motive forces and class positions strategy to appropriate the meaning and of various actors in the present period, es- content of our national constitution. An- pecially the role the emerging black bour- other theme is to continuously portray the geoisie, the black middle strata and, above past 18 years of freedom as having been a all, monopoly capital.

Freedom Day celebrations... The opposition continues to lie about the success of our democratic breakthrough. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

INTERNATIONAL ARENA is contributing to the changing balance of In the international balance of forces, we forces in the world. We must therefore use note a move towards a more multi-polar our links with the South in forums such as world. IBSA and BRICS to maximise the gains of The West can no longer determine the our revolution. global agenda, as there is a major shift ac- On the African continent, we need to companied by increasing economic and po- work harder to strengthen party-to-party litical power of countries of the South, es- relations with former liberation movements. pecially those organised around Brazil, A recent meeting of former liberation move- Russia, India, China and, recently, South ments in SADC was a good step forward in Africa (BRICS). Also in the South, we have cementing relations. seen the resurgence of left parties and move- It is of utmost importance that members ments in Latin America who have largely and cadres of the ANC be fully conversant rejected policies of neo-liberalism. with the Strategy and Tactics and use the These developments have opened more document effectively as a guide in internal space for progressive alternatives than there discussions and public engagements. We has been since the end of the Cold War. But should also not lose sight of our Strategy the balance of forces in favour of the pro- and Tactics when executing the tasks of so- gressive forces should not be exaggerated. cioeconomic transformation in line with Their capacity to unite and provide a formi- government programmes. A stronger and dable challenge to the present world order more cohesive ANC will ensure that the remains limited. The power of imperialist NDR, led by the ANC advances and stays countries has not been seriously shaken by on course. the present global economic crisis, although they are under pressure. It therefore important to assess to what extent our own NDR Jacob Zuma is President of the ANC. 9 UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013 Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance The 50th Anniversary of the formation of the OAU

Half a century after it was formed, the movement, but also to redefine it in the con- vision of the Organisation of African Unity text of the 21st century. continues to inspire the people of the continent The “African Renaissance” developed as towards the achievement of an African a sub-set of Pan African thought. Wikipedia renaissance, writes Eddy Maloka. says: “The African Renaissance is the concept that African people and nations shall overcome the current challenges confronting the continent and achieve cultural, scientific, and economic renewal. The African Renaissance concept was first articulated by Cheikh Anta Diop in a series of essays beginning in 1946, which 10 are collected in his book ‘Towards the African Renaissance: Essays in Culture and Develop- he African Union has declared 2013 ment, 1946-1960’. This concept has been popu- the Year of Pan-Africanism and the larised by South African President Thabo African Renaissance as a slogan for Mbeki during his term of office, heralding the Tthe celebration of the 50th anniversary of beginning of The African Renaissance, and it the formation of the Organisation of African continues to be a key part of the post-apartheid Unity (OAU). The intention is to use anni- intellectual agenda.” versary celebrations to reaffirm Africa’s This is partly true. By the time Anta Diop commitment to the ideals of continental wrote and published his work on the Afri- unity and Africa's quest for renewal. can Renaissance, Pixley ka Seme had al- Pan-Africanism is as old as Africa's en- ready delivered his famous 1906 lecture on counter, first, with slavery and, later, colonial- “The Regeneration of Africa”; and Nnamdi ism. Through these two experiences Africans Azikiwe’s Renascent Africa had been in cir- on the continent and in the Diaspora came culation since the late 1930s. The idea of to see themselves as a single community with "renaissance" is rooted in Pan-African common descent and history. This conscious- thought and practice. In the Diaspora it in- ness crystallised into the Pan-African move- cluded the so-called “right of return”, the ment whose early form was a series of confer- highlight of which was Marcus Garvey’s ences organised in Western capitals between “Back to Africa” movement of the 1920s. The 1900 and 1945. With Africa’s independence idea of an Africa that is a sleeping giant from the 1950s, the centre of gravity of the forced into its condition by colonialism but movement shifted to the continent, where it was now about to wake up and rise to claim has remained since. The 50th anniversary of its place in history, has evolved with time, the formation of the OAU is seen as an op- taking different shape and form in the pro- portunity not only to revive the Pan-African cess, depending on circumstances. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

THE BEGINNING plans… had in them nothing spectacular nor ➤ The “Declaration to the Colonial Workers, revolutionary. If in decades or a century African leaders at Farmers and Intellectuals”, adopted by the they resulted in such world organisation of the opening of the Fifth Pan-African Congress of 1945, signed black men as would oppose a united front 20th session of the African Union in off with the clarion call: “Colonial and Sub- to European aggression, that certainly January 2013. ject Peoples of the World—Unite!” Such would not have been beyond my dream…. gatherings began in 1900 with the Pan-Af- Out of this there might come, not race war rican Conference organised by a West In- and opposition, but broader cooperation dian, Henry Sylvester-Williams, in London. with the white rulers of the world, and a It was this conference which introduced the chance for peaceful and accelerated devel- word “Pan-African” into the political lexi- opment of black folk". 11 con of the struggles internationally of peo- DuBois was correct when he wrote about ple of African descent. In 1919, at the initia- the origins of the Pan-African movement: tive of the African-American Edward “The idea of one Africa uniting the thought DuBois, the First Pan-African Congress con- and ideals of all native peoples of the dark vened in Paris; and similar congresses fol- continent belongs to the twentieth century, lowed in subsequent years, culminating in and stems naturally from the West Indies the Fifth one of 1945. and the United States. Here various groups The 1900 conference and the five con- of Africans, quite separate in origin, became gresses were gatherings of a relatively small so united in experience, and so exposed to group of mainly intellectuals of African de- the impact of a new culture, that they began scent from the Americas, Caribbean, Europe to think of Africa as one idea and one land”. and Africa to deliberate on questions of co- However, with Ghana's independence in lonialism and racial discrimination, and 1957, and under the leadership of Kwame what ought to be done. Small in number as Nkrumah, the centre of the Pan-African they were, participants at these gatherings movement shifted to the continent and would develop a body of thought and a would be led and driven by leaders of new- movement that would grow into an inter- ly independent states. national force against imperialism, includ- For independent Africa, Pan-Africanism ing colonial rule in Africa. Leaders of inde- was not just an idea; it had to be put into pendent Africa such as Kwame Nkrumah practice under concrete circumstances of and Jomo Kenyatta would be initiated into history. Two issues would dominate – name- revolutionary politics and African national- ly, the unity of the continent and the com- ism thanks to their participation at the 1945 pletion of the decolonisation process. The Congress. DuBois reminisced about the 1919 OAU was formed in May 1963 to realise the Congress as a modest beginning: “My objective of unity, but as a compromise UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

about how such unity pleting the decoloni- should be achieved. To sation of the continent Nkrumah, the OAU was another objective was just a step towards of leaders of newly in- a Union Government dependent Africa. A which would preside Liberation Committee over the entire conti- was established with- nent. in the OAU to drive This idea was buried this agenda. This body by two developments played a key role in within the OAU, the supporting liberation first of which was when the 1964 Summit of movements in Southern Africa, including the OAU held in Cairo decided to respect the ANC. From its inaugural summit and geographic borders as they had been inher- throughout its existence, the OAU was con- ited from colonial authorities. To propo- sistent in its opposition to colonial rule on nents of Nkrumah’s dream of a united Af- the continents. rica, this was seen as a serious setback. Nyerere summarised the first few years Building on this decision and the “non-in- of the OAU: “In 1965, the OAU met in Accra terference” provision in the Charter of the [Ghana]. That summit is not well remembered OAU, African leaders retreated behind the as the founding summit in 1963 or the Cairo cover of state sovereignty as opposed to Summit of 1964. The fact that Nkrumah did not building a United States of Africa. Julius last long as head of state of Ghana after that Nyerere recalled how the idea of Union summit may have contributed to the comparative Government died: “Once you multiply na- obscurity of that important summit. But I want tional anthems, national flags and national pass- to suggest that the reason why we do not talk ports, seats of the United Nations, and indi- much about [the 1965] summit is probably psy- 12 viduals entitled to a 21-gun salute, not to speak chological: it was a failure. That failure still of a host of ministers, prime ministers and en- haunts us today. The founding fathers of the voys, you would have a whole army of powerful OAU had set themselves two major objectives: people with vested interests in keeping Africa the total liberation of our continent from colo- balkanised. That was what Nkrumah encoun- nialism and settler minorities, and the unity of tered in 1965.” Africa. The first objective was expressed through In 1965, Nkrumah’s dream suffered an- immediate establishment of the Liberation Com- other blow when Ghana’s proposal for mittee by the founding summit [of 1963]. The Union Government was shelved by the second objective was expressed in the name of OAU Summit of that year and deferred to the organisation – the Organisation of African a future process which would not materi- Unity. alise because the following year, in 1966, “Critics could say that the [OAU] Charter Nkrumah was toppled through a coup itself, with its great emphasis on the sovereign d’état, bringing to an end his illustrious ca- independence of each member state, combined reer of creating a united Africa without bor- with the Cairo Declaration on the sanctity of the ders and under a single, continental govern- inherited borders, make it look like the ‘Organi- ment. In recent years, beginning in the sation of African Disunity’. But that would be 1990s, the Union Government debate re- carrying criticism too far and ignoring the objec- turned to the agenda of the OAU and its tive reasons which led to the principles of non- successor the AU, this time being led by the interference in the Cairo Declaration.” late Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Unity and decolonisation were not the The idea of African unity as envisaged only issues, however. Newly independent by Nkrumah did not die completely, how- states had to confront the realities of gover- ever. Several attempts at creating federa- nance. Two challenges were of paramount tions did take place in West and East Africa importance and could not be deferred – in particular, albeit with little success. Com- namely, development and nation-building. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

The latter informed the OAU decision on the respect of colonial borders to avoid civil war as newly independent states could implode into pieces or an inter-state war take place between neighours over a border dispute. But this was not all. Borders could be settled by decree but not so for national identity which had to be constructed out of disparate ethnic and religious entities that had been put together arbitrarily by colonial

authorities. As African leaders had their itarian society where the means of produc- ➤ own misgivings about the Western model tion, especially land, were communally The Chairperson of a political party system, which they saw owned. Colonialism represented a counter of the AU, as a threat to national unity, a trend emerged logic to these societies, introducing private Nkosazana of one-party states. As this political party property and inequality. The solution then, Dlamini-Zuma listening to a model became entrenched as an alternative to these leaders, was to rebuild post-colonial delegate from one to the multiparty system, the post-colonial Africa on the basis of the political economy of the member state became more and more deformed, los- logic and values system of traditional soci- states addressing ing its progressive, people-centred charac- eties. Senghor elaborated his African Social- the assembly. ter. It also became repressive as any political ism thesis with his Negritude philosophy. opposition to the establishment was per- Nkrumah’s Consciencism was also based ceived and portrayed as a threat to national on similar assumptions about pre-colonial unity. The masses who had been mobilised African society, and so was Nyerere’s Uja- during the years of the independence strug- maa thought and villagisation programme. gle were silenced, demobilised, and forced Kenneth Kaunda churned out books on “hu- into slumber. manism”, also a brand of African socialism. The development challenge had to be ad- African socialism failed to deliver the 13 dressed also. At independence, African expected renaissance of traditional Africa. countries had no infrastructure exept for the Nkrumah would take issue with it himself: few roads leading to the ports to export raw “Today, the phrase ‘African socialism’ seems to materials. There was no industrialisation, espouse the view that the traditional African let alone any semblance of modern techno- society was a classless society imbued with the logical development. The human resources spirit of humanism and to express a nostalgia base was slim as no effort was made during for that spirit. Such a conception of socialism colonial rule to develop the colonies and makes a fetish of the communal African society. their people. In the absence of massive cap- But an idyllic, African classless society (in which ital available for investment and with no there were no rich and no poor) enjoying a developed entrepreneurial class, the state drugged serenity is certainly a facile simplifica- took the center-stage. Thus developmental- tion; there is no historical or even anthropolog- ism became a preferred route for most in- ical evidence for any such society. I am afraid dependent African states. the realities of African society were somewhat At the ideological level, and because of more sordid.” the association of capitalism with colonial- The 1970s and 1980s was a period of ism, most leaders found socialism more at- mixed fortunes for the continent. As the ide- tractive, but an “African” brand of socialism. alism of the immediate post-independence “African socialism” became popular as an period faded into the background in the African innovation and an alternative to 1970s, overshadowed by the repressive ma- both capitalism and socialism as it was be- chinery of one-party states, the failures of ing practiced in the former Soviet Union. To the African socialist development model, Africa leaders like Nyerere, Modibo Keita and the advent of military coups and juntas, of Mali, Sekou Toure of Guinea and Senghor a path was prepared for Africa’s entry into of Senegal, pre-colonial Africa was an egal- the “lost decade” of the 1980s. By contrast, UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

southern Africa was experiencing an oppo- developed productive forces and entrepre- site trend. In this part of the continent, lib- neurial class. Both the regional integration eration movements had seized power agenda and self-reliance suffered heavily in through armed struggle in the mid-1970s in the 1980s under the attack of structural ad- Angola and Mozambique and introduced a justment programmes whose development form of socialism a la former Soviet Union. thesis and approach went against the logic Zimbabwe followed suit in 1980. of self-reliance and developmentalism. Notwithstanding these developments, the structural adjustment programmes im- AFTER THE OAU posed on African countries by the Bretton The OAU survived these years but not com- Woods institutions in the 1980s in the wake pletely untainted. To many Africans, the of the debt crisis, dismantled the African organisation came to be perceived as a club developmental state created at indepen- of dictators because of its indifference to dence and rolled back public funding to the unconstitutional change of government social sector, notably health and education. which was taking place in many countries This did not help in halting the erosion of and the violation of human rights. For this the little gains of independence. It was just reason, the organisation could not escape a matter of time before the African masses the effects of the democratisation wave of would rise from their slumber; and this be- the 1990s and the end of the Cold War. Un- gan in the 1990s with the democratisation der these changed circumstances, the OAU wave that swept throughout the continent. had to revisit its role, including the charac- Angola and Mozambique, for their part, ter of the post-colonial state. This soul- could not enjoy the fruits of their indepen- searching exercise resulted in its transforma- dence as the two countries were plunged tion into the AU whose core focus is into years of externally sponsored civil war. development, the eradication of conflicts on 14 The OAU had identified the promotion the continent, and the promotion of democ- of cooperation as one of its objectives but racy. not much happened in the 1960s in this area. A concept had evolved within the OAU In the course of the 1970s “regional integra- in the late 1980s and the early 1990s (after tion” entered the continent’s development the collapse of the Eastern bloc) which saw discourse. This resulted in the notion of Re- a dialectical linkage between development gional Economic Communities (RECs) as and peace and security; that Africa’s devel- building blocs towards an African Econom- opment challenges go hand in hand with ic Community; and the establishment of the the restoration of peace to the continent. eight RECs that are recognised by the AU Towards the end of the 1990s democracy today. This thesis gave birth to the Lagos and good governance were brought into the Plan of Action (plus its Final Act of Lagos), equation. This thinking resulted in the New the Abuja Treaty, and, subsequently, the Af- Partnership for Africa’s Development (NE- rican Union. PAD) and the African Peer Review Mecha- Self-reliance also emerged and became nism (APRM). Today Africa has now a fully entrenched in post-colonial development developed notion of shared values and the thought. Nyerere had popularised it with African Governance Architecture built on his Ujamaa project, and was developed fur- the AU’s Charter on Democracy, Elections ther in the Lagos Plan of Action. The idea is and Governance, among others. Included that Africa’s development must be on the in this architecture, among others, is the basis of its own resources and endogenous- APRM, Pan African Parliament, AU Courts ly informed development models. The ex- and the Human Rights Commission. On the ternal will be complementary. A self-reliant peace front, an African peace and security developmental approach envisages a devel- architecture is also in the making. The AU opmental state taking a lead in the develop- recognises this trilateral dialectical link – ment of a country in the absence of well development, democracy and good gover- UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

nance, and peace and security. NEPAD Africa has matured. Today, there is talk of stands as a pillar for the development link. Rising Africa. The concept of state sovereignty has also undergone some evolution. In 1999 the OAU adopted the Algiers declaration on Eddy Maloka is a member of the ANC International Relations Sub-committee. unconstitutional change of government. Since then, and with the inclusion of the elements of this declaration in the Constitu- REFERENCES tive Act of the AU, Africa no longer tolerates 1 Cited in Peter Abrahams, “The Congress in Perspective”, in George Padmore, (ed), leaders who come to power through uncon- The History of the Pan-African Congress, stitutional means. They are now subjected (London, 1947 ), p.11. to a regime of AU sanctions. Non-interfer- 2 WE DuBois, “The Pan-African Movement”, in ence in internal affairs of member states is Ibid., p.13. still sacrosanct but with a qualification this 3 Julius Nyerere, “Without Unity, There is No time. The AU, in terms of its Constitutive Future for Africa”, New African, 21 March 2013. Act, can now interfere under the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect. 4 Kwame Nkrumah, “African Socialism Revisited”, Paper read at the Africa Seminar The 50 years have been long, and have held in Cairo, 1967. seen leaders come and go. In the process,

15 UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013 Why did the ANC endorse the National Development Plan?

Although it is not an ANC document, the National Development Plan contains a clear set of proposals that are consistent with the ANC’s understanding of the national democratic revolution, writes Trevor Manuel.

HE ANC’s 53rd National Conference mental state and for strong leadership endorsed the National Development throughout society to come together to solve Plan (NDP) as a framework to guide our problems. The economic philosophy of Tpolicy to eliminate poverty and reduce in- the plan is based on a capabilities approach, equality over the next two decades. What is building the capabilities of people and coun- the National Development Plan? Why did try in a dynamic sense to enable people and the ANC endorse the National Development the country to live the life that they desire. 16 Plan? What does ‘endorsement’ mean? How The National Development Plan, setting should the NDP guide policy over the next out a vision, key targets for 2030 and spe- two decades? How does the National De- cific implementation steps, was released on velopment Plan relate to other ANC or gov- 15 August 2012 by the National Planning ernment policies? These are some of the Commission. It is not the first plan that questions that this article aims to answer. South Africa has produced, but it is the first In summary, the National Development of its kind: a long-term national develop- Plan is a coherent and rational plan to tack- ment plan that takes a strategic, cross-cut- le South Africa’s most pressing challenges ting look at the challenges and opportunities of poverty and inequality. It was drafted by that lie ahead of us for the next 18 years. a commission of experts appointed by the The overall objective of the plan is to President that have broad credibility in so- eliminate absolute poverty and reduce in- ciety. The plan is also based on extensive equality by 2030. In terms of numbers, this public consultation. It is a pragmatic plan, means ensuring that nobody lives on less based on evidence and experience. More than R419 per month in 2009 prices – 39 per- importantly, it is a plan consistent with the cent of the population currently live below National Democratic Society in both form this level – and the Gini coefficient falling and substance. from 0.69 to 0.6. These targets are ambitious The broad approach of the plan is to and it will take concerted action over the unite South Africans across race and class next 18 years if we are to achieve them. to build a society without poverty and with Trevor Manuel far lower levels of inequality. The key BUILDING CAPABILITIES is Minister in themes of the plan are the need for social Poverty and inequality are about much the Presidency cohesion and unity in fighting poverty and more than just income. High levels of in- in charge of the inequality, the need for active citizens to come inequality are interlinked with forms National Planning play an important role in their own develop- of social and political inequality, such as the Commission. ment, the need for a capable and develop- ability to participate fully in public dis- UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

course or access public space. Similarly, income poverty is interlinked with other forms of poverty. The fact that the poor typically live on poorly located land far from places of work makes it much harder for people to access employment opportunities and the high cost of public transport imposes a significant burden on those who manage to find work. The plan is rooted in the capabilities approach to development, which argues that development is about enabling people to lead the lives they value and have reason to value. This approach was put forward by Amartya Sen in his book Development as Freedom, but draws on a longer tradition in development of focusing on people’s quality of life and the conditions that are needed to enable people to shape their own lives. In this respect, the plan shares its methodology with the Freedom charter, seeking to intervene directly to improve those things that make the most difference to the quality of life of people, the poor in particular. The concept of capabilities refers to the 17 opportunities that people have access to. It highlights the broad range of social factors

that affect people’s opportunities and the is also at its weakest in former homeland ➤ role of public policy in expanding those op- areas, where the state has a particularly im- Image of the NDP portunities. The ability to access quality portant role to play in overcoming service document cover. education and health care affect people’s delivery backlogs. The overall result is that opportunities, so do adequate nutrition and the uneven quality of services provided by housing. Safe and affordable public trans- the state tends to work against our efforts port is also critical. Employment plays a to build a more inclusive society. central role in building capabilities: the in- This is not surprising; the legacy of apart- come earned can be invested in education, heid runs deep, but it needs to be addressed. nutrition, housing and transport, but the This means it is not enough to focus on de- opportunity to work is also valuable in its livering services, the quality of those ser- own right. vices is absolutely critical. Housing provi- Capabilities are mutually reinforcing, but sion is perhaps the most obvious example inequalities also tend to reinforce one an- of this. Government has built large numbers other. If you are poor, you are more likely of houses since 1994. This represents impor- to live in a township or former homeland tant progress in tackling the shortage of areas that are located far away from the cen- formal housing, but houses have often been tre of economic activity. This makes it dif- built on the edge of existing townships thus ficult to find work and raises the cost of liv- reinforcing the spatial divisions of apart- ing. The quality of education in these areas heid. There is now increased recognition tends to be of much lower quality than in that more consideration needs to be given former model-C schools. The capacity of the to where RDP houses are built in order to state, and particularly of local government, enable better access to economic opportuni- UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

ties. The plan makes proposals for creating • Strong leadership throughout society more liveable, inclusive and vibrant human to work together to solve our prob- settlements. lems.

WHAT THE PLAN PROPOSES These pillars guide the specific proposals made in each of the 13 policy areas covered The plan focuses on 13 key areas ranging in the plan. from environmental sustainability to fighting corruption. Each area contains specific KEY IMPLEMENTATION PRIORITIES proposals. The proposals start from the The plan is realistic about the obstacles to premise that we must look at what is al- turning policies into actions. Many of the ready happening; identify gaps, shortcom- plan’s proposals focus on how we can over- ings or blockages; and then propose realis- come the obstacles to achieving our objec- tic ways forward. This approach draws on tives. Where government already has poli- the Commission’s observation that, as a cies in place the Commission has not always country, we switch policies too often. The proposed new policies but have rather fo- challenges in implementing policies effec- cused its attention on what can be done to tively have frequently resulted in frustra- ensure existing policies are implemented tion. The response has often been to seek more effectively. This is apparent if you look new policies or restructure our institutions. at the three areas that the Commission has Major changes are sometimes necessary, but identified as the most pressing priorities: as a default response this creates chronic increasing employment, improving the stan- instability that makes it much harder to dard of education, and building a capable achieve real and sustainable progress. In and developmental state. In each of these most areas we need to stick to the task and areas, the plan provides specific proposals concentrate on overcoming specific obsta- based on a careful analysis of where we are cles. This is less about broad policy ap- 18 going wrong. proaches and more about how we govern. The plan identifies six pillars that will • Raising employment: Too few people need to underpin our efforts to eliminate have the opportunity to work. We poverty and reduce inequality. These are: have a young population who should be our greatest asset, but many of • Uniting South Africans of all races them are unable to access employ- and classes around a common pro- ment. If we do not take action soon, gramme to eliminate poverty and re- there is a real danger that many of duce inequality. them will never have access to work. • Citizens active in their own develop- This is a colossal waste that impacts ment, in strengthening democracy and on them, their families and the coun- in holding their government account- try. The plan provides a series of pro- able. posals for how we can get more people into work, and ultimately get close • Raising economic growth, promoting to full employment by 2030. This exports and making the economy means creating 11 million jobs. The more labour absorbing. proposals build on the priorities iden- • Focusing on key capabilities of both tified in the New Growth Path for people and the country. Capabilities creating 5 million new jobs by 2020. include skills, infrastructure, social These include lowering the cost of liv- security, strong institutions and part- ing for poor households, improving nerships both within the country and the business environment, increasing with key international partners. infrastructure investment, focusing on sectors with strong domestic linkages, • Building a capable and developmental and wage moderation in the middle state. and top of the income spectrum. The UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

plan also highlights the need for bet- out in the plan. It argues that South ter coordination within government Africa needs a capable and develop- on economic policy, increasing ex- mental state, and that specific mea- ports as a means to finance higher sures need to be taken to achieve this. investment, and reforms to improve The concept of a developmental state the functioning of the labour market has gained traction in South Africa in to reduce tension and make it easier recent years because it highlights the for young people to access employ- need for the state to play a development. mental and transformative role. The term is generally used to refer to states • Improving the quality of education: that intervene effectively to tackle the It is not enough that children attend root causes of poverty and inequality, school, the schools they attend need and has been applied to many coun- to provide a good quality of educa- tries that have succeeded in bringing tion. Achieving this requires that we about rapid and takes steps to improve the perfor- sustained social mance of teachers and principals, and or economic address societal factors that impact transformation. upon children’s performance in The plan high- school. The factors that shape a child’s lights the need educational prospects start before for the state to birth as undernourishment has a ma- play such a de- jor impact on a child’s development. velopmental role The plan therefore highlights the need in South Africa. to focus on early childhood develop- However, it also ment with regard to both nutrition emphasises the and pre-school education. In terms of 19 importance of schooling, it highlights the need to building the The overall objective improve professionalism in teaching state’s capability by ensuring all teachers are suitably of the plan is to to deliver on its qualified and that teachers are held developmental eliminate absolute accountable if they do not perform. commitment. This means reducing union and po- poverty and reduce litical interference in appointments, The plan proposes a inequality by so that teachers are appointed on series of measures that merit rather than their allegiance to would encourage 2030. particular organisations. There is an greater professionalism important role for unions in scrutinis- in the public sector. ing the way in which appointments The core focus is on the need to take a more are done, but conflicts of interest are long-term approach to developing skills. created when unions are able to di- While the public sector is partly a victim of rectly influence a specific appoint- skills shortages in the wider economy, it is ment. In terms of post-school educa- also suffering because of a failure to give tion, the plan highlights the need to adequate attention to its own role in devel- ensure that increased enrolment does oping the skills that it needs. The plan there- not overwhelm limited capacity and fore includes proposals for a formal gradu- so stresses the need to focus on build- ate recruitment system as well as giving ing capacity and improving quality. greater attention to the role of apprentice- ships as a mechanism for developing techni- • Building a capable and developmental cal skills. This will not be possible without state: The Commission has raised effective systems for recruitment, training concerns about the capacity of the and management to ensure people are state to deliver on the objectives set UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

➤ President Zuma and Minister Manuel speaking to pupils about the NDP.

stretched and challenged so that they de- Throughout the Commission’s life span velop their skills throughout the course of there have been consultations and work- their careers. shops with relevant experts, thousands of The plan also identifies the need to South Africans have submitted comments, achieve a more constructive balance in how the Commission has held meetings with a we manage the relationship between po- wide range of stakeholders. The draft plan litical leaders and senior administrative of- was discussed, debated and analysed exten- ficials. To realise our vision of a capable and sively in the media. Within the ANC, there developmental state, we need to ensure the was extensive discussion down to branch public service is immersed in the develop- level on the plan. These inputs have contrib- mental agenda but insulated from undue uted to the Commission’s thinking. They political interference. However, the Com- have been particularly valuable in helping mission has expressed concern that the cur- the Commission revise and strengthen the rent system allows for too much political draft plan that it released in November 2011. 20 involvement in areas such as recruitment. The plan that was released on 15th August This can create high levels of instability in is not just the work of the Commission; it is administrative structures, and leads to a the product of extensive consultation and lack of clarity about the division between dialogue with the country. political and administrative responsibilities. The inputs also demonstrate the level of The Commission makes a number of recom- support that the plan enjoys from a wide mendations for how we can achieve this range of South Africans. We have heard balance including proposing the creation of many times that South Africa has failed to an administrative head of the public service implement many of its existing policies. with responsibility for managing the career However, this is not just another policy progression of heads of department. document but rather the outcome of a pro- At the heart of these and other proposals cess designed to build consensus on our key in the plan lies the challenge of ensuring we policy objectives. The chances of policies have effective systems and clear lines of ac- being implemented are shaped by the way countability. they are formulated. The National Develop- ment Plan states explicitly that we will all WHY WE NEEDED A PLAN need to work together to make it a success, The process of producing a plan is not an and the level of public engagement in de- exercise in blue sky thinking. It is an oppor- veloping the plan provides an important tunity to bring diverse groups together to first step in that process. reflect on what works and what does not, to think collectively about where we want to WHY DID THE ANC ENDORSE go as a country and what the obstacles are THE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN? to getting there. The mandate given to the While it is true that the NDP does not mirror Commission by the President was therefore ANC policy completely, there is a high de- not just to produce a plan, but to build con- gree of similarity and consensus between sensus and mobilise support for the plan. ANC policy and the National Development UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

Plan. The ANC has a long tradition of using commits the ANC to a radical programme the best evidence and of using expert panels of economic transformation aimed at grow- in the development of policy. The main rea- ing the economy faster and in a more inclu- son why the ANC endorsed the NDP is that sive manner. It commits the ANC to seek the plan is highly consistent with the ANC’s collaboration with other social partners in understanding of the National Democratic pursuit of the ANC’s long term objectives. Revolution. The NDP calls for a cross class It commits the ANC in government to adopt alliance to combat poverty and inequality. progressive approaches that use evidence The NDP calls for radical transformation and learn from practice. It commits the ANC in the economy within the context of a to build a capable and developmental state mixed economy. It seeks a strong and effec- and a professional bureaucracy willing and tive state able to intervene on behalf of the able to serve the Constitution and the poor. poor and marginalised to correct historic While policy is an on-going and iterative power imbalances. While recognising the process, the NDP argues that most of our urgent need to transform the economy in problems do not relate to poli- order to accelerate growth and to benefit cies but to implementation. The many more people, the NDP proposes a col- ANC is committed to a ruthless laborative relationship between the state and rigorous focus on imple- and capital and a social compact between mentation of existing policies. business, labour and government to drive Endorsing the NDP is a com- investment, employment and growth. mitment to ensure effective This collaborative approach is based on implementation across all three both an assessment of the balance of forces spheres of government and to in the world and the country as well as the work actively to align imple- ANC’s understanding of the nature of cap- mentation across the state. ital in our country. The ANC’s strategy and 21 tactics document asserts that monopoly CONCLUSION capital is both an enemy of the national The Mangaung conference re- The Mangaung democratic society and a potential ally in solved to enter a new phase of conference resolved to reconstructing society towards a national struggle, to take our struggle democratic one. for a more just society to a new enter a new phase of level. The National Develop- struggle, to take our WHAT DOES ENDORSEMENT ment Plan provides a clear and struggle for a more OF THE NDP MEAN? coherent plan to tackle some of The National Development Plan is not the most pressing challenges just society to a meant to be a dogmatic blueprint. Neither confronting South Africa. The new level. is it meant to close down policy debate for basic methodology of the plan the next twenty years. No. It is a set of clear is consistent with the ANC’s proposals, broadly based on the values of own ethos and values – to work across racial the democratic movement and the Constitu- and class divides to build a society that is tion. It is an approach to solving problems. non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and pros- It is about learning, being pragmatic, about perous. using theory, evidence and practice to in- As the leader of society, the ANC is the form thinking and policy. most capable institution to drive its long term Endorsing the NDP implies several transformation. Transforming society goes things for the ANC and for government. It beyond transforming the state or the econo- commits the ANC to a broadly accepted, my. Similarly, transformation requires clarity long term plan to tackle poverty and in- of purpose, a framework within which to equality. It commits the ANC to seeking the consult and collaborate with social partners broadest possible unity of the people of and a clear plan to fix the state. The Nation- South Africa to meet these objectives. It al Development Plan serves this purpose. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

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The meaning

As it embarks on the decade of the cadre, the ANC needs to examine what it means by a of a cadre ‘cadre’, what qualities cadres should possess, and how these qualities should be developed, writes Bongani Mkongi. 23

“A child educated only at school is an uneducated child.” George Santayana ➤

point has to be made that each phase train a "new cadre of the ANC” more espe- Tried and tested st leaders... of the struggle imposes new de- cially in the era of the 21 century. Not all Veterans at an mands and tasks for revolutionary members of the ANC are cadres. ANC Rally. Amovements across the world and its mem- At its historic 53rd National Conference bers alike. Therefore new requirements are in December 2012, the ANC resolved that necessary tools for building a new, fresh from 2013 to 2023 its structures and the and dynamic revolutionary organisation broader movement would focus on cadre- and movement to tackle new challenges ship as the bedrock of the movement and that confront the revolution. There is noth- that of the National Democratic Revolution ing like "once a cadre, always a cadre" as if the (NDR) in the struggle towards the creation ANC was like Orlando Pirates: “Once a Pi- of a national democratic society. rate; Always a Pirate”. The ANC is a disci- The decision of the ANC to declare 2013- plined force of the left. It has recently be- 2023 ‘Decade of the Cadre’ is informed by come unavoidable that new conditions can many factors, including the size of the mem- render previously trained cadres irrelevant bership of the ANC, which had reached 1.2 and that there is a need for political reha- million in 2012. The substantial growth in bilitation. Hence the need to continuously membership of the movement has been UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

more than welcomed since the unbanning state and leadership which are often omitted of the ANC in 1990. However, this rapid in discussions. increase in membership also came with its subjective and objective challenges within A CADRE the ANC, the broader democratic movement “We must welcome the future, remembering that and the NDR. The ANC as the leader of the soon it will be the past; and we must respect the NDR in South Africa is aware of the fact that past, remembering that it was one all that was “the strength of any revolutionary organisation humanly possible… A conception not reducible lies not only in numbers but primarily in the to the small change of daily experience is like a quality of its cadres”. currency not exchangeable for articles of con- Some of the subjective challenges facing sumption; it is not a symbol, but a fraud.” the movement are the administration and George Santayana (Change, Future, Respect and management of the new members that the Must) ANC is recruiting into its The commission on cadre policy, political own ranks; the sustainability and ideological work at the ANC’s Consulta- and retention of such a mem- tive Conference in June 1985 in Kabwe de- bership; and the quality and scribed cadres as “all members of the Movement political acumen of such involved in the formulation and practical imple- members discipline. The ob- mentation of policy, and willing to carry out all jective challenges facing the tasks assigned; … a correct cadre policy produces movement are the manage- activists equipped to perform special and general In Marxism- ment of its seasoned cadres skills and tasks; … (and that) the cadre policy of Leninism, a cadre in government and other an organisation is determined by the tasks which strategic political and socio- are short and long-term in the revolution; … or professional economic centres of South cadre policy becomes an important component of 24 revolutionaries African society; the sustain- the political life of the organisation”. are revolutionary ability and retention of such The ANC made these assumptions with cadres to their assigned de- a deep understanding that “a fundamental activists who spend ployments until the move- prerequisite for the success of a revolution is the the majority of their ment is satisfied with the existence of a strong revolutionary mass and completion of the tasks; the united organisation”. free time organising quality and political intelli- Marc Newman in his leaflet titled ‘Cadre, their party capable gence of such deployed cad- Growth and Political Practice’, says “the term of leading a workers’ res; and discipline. cadre is derived from a military analogy. The These subjective and ob- word means officer. The cadres of an army are revolution. jective challenges would re- the officer corps that lead particular actions, and quire the ANC and alliance translate experiences on the ground to the gen- partners to clearly define the eral staff, and directions from the general staff meaning of a ‘cadre’. Failure to do this con- to the troops. Any political movement needs sistent with the ANC’s historically under- them, it is the layer of people who really carry a standing of this concept shall lead to un- movement, the glue that holds it together and necessary conflicts and misunderstandings makes mass action a real possibility because of between and among the members of the the approximation of their political function as ANC and the broader democratic move- cadres”. ment. According to the Free Dictionary by Far- Therefore this paper proposes to broaden lex, a cadre is a nucleus of trained personnel the conceptualisation and contextualisation around which a larger organisation can be of the word ‘cadre’ in the history of the built and trained. For example, a cadre of movement by incorporating other elements corporals who train new recruits or a tight- of cadre building, qualities of a cadre vs a ly knit group of zealots who are active in member, cadre vs leader, cadre of the ANC advancing the interests of a revolutionary organisation vs cadre of the developmental movement or party. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

In Marxism-Leninism, a cadre or profes- revolutionary morality and integrity. This sional revolutionaries are revolutionary ac- type of a cadre is not necessarily readily tivists who spend the majority of their free available but it is carefully produced in the time organising their party capable of lead- course of a revolution. It is produced by the ing a workers’ revolution. The size of this daily implementation of the tasks of the core is naturally proportional to the size of revolution which are assigned to different the party itself. structures and individual comrades in the However, Ernesto Che Guevara in his conduct of the revolution. This crop of ANC article titled ‘The Cadres: Backbone of the Rev- membership is the one who understands olution’, does not refer to the word ‘all’ as and has integrated into their thinking and used by the ANC in its 1985 document. He daily lives the politics of the ANC and his- states that “a cadre is an individual who has tory of the South African revolution, includ- achieved sufficient political development to be ing the wars of resistance; strategy and tac- able to interpret the extensive directives emanat- tics of the NDR; organisational skills, ing from the (structures of the movement), make governance and tools of analy- them his, and convey them as orientation to the sis, to mention a few. These masses, a person who at the same time also per- individuals should be capable ceives the signs manifested by the masses of their of becoming leaders in the own desires and their innermost motivations”. world outside of the ANC. He goes further to describe a cadre as “an This type of a cadre will individual of ideological and administrative dis- help the ANC to address its cipline, who knows and practices (democracy) wide-ranging immediate chal- and democratic centralism and who knows how lenges, including membership ...a cadre is an to evaluate the existing contradictions in this recruitment and retention, so- individual who has method (including the understanding of African cial distance of the ANC from achieved sufficient leadership and non-racialism) and to utilise its traditional base (the indig- 25 fully its many facets; who knows how to practice enous African masses) and the political development the principle of collective discussion (and leader- programmatic and targeted to be able to interpret ship) and to make decisions on his own and take mobilisation of other ‘national the extensive directives responsibility in the (growth of the organisation) groups’ (the minorities), ill- emanating from the and in production; whose loyalty is tested, and discipline, institutionalised (structures of the whose physical and moral courage has developed factionalism and perceived movement), make along with his (organisational, political) and disunity. This type of an ANC ideological development in such a way that he/ cadre is more important than them his... she is always willing to confront any conflict ever before especially in this Che Guevara and to give his life for the good of the revolution. second phase of the transition Also, he is an individual capable of self-analysis, of the NDR and the ushering which enables him to make the necessary deci- in of the second centenary of the existence sions and to exercise creative initiative in such of the ANC. a manner that it won’t conflict with discipline”. This is necessarily important because “by If we select Che Guevara’s description of the time the China Communist Party made the a cadre, it will mean that the ANC should historic decision to shift its main goal to eco- in the next decade be able to produce such nomic development, China had a gigantic cadre a cadre with those noble qualities and val- corps shaped cumulatively by the past policies. ues; an activist, a cadre of note in society, a As a historical product of guerilla warfare in the person of high standards and morale, a cre- early 1940s, the Socialist Revolution in the ative person, a person of high personality 1950s, the “continuing revolutions” in the ear- both in the ANC and society, an exemplary ly 1960s, and the inter-elite conflicts during the individual to ANC members and members China Revolution, the existing cadre corps was of the community, an individual who is ill-suited for the new tasks of modernisation: it above reproach, a revolutionary African was too large in size, old in average age, low in democrat and an individual with a high educational level, ossified in political outlook, UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

demoralised, and factionalised. Through their or technical secondary schools. (Library of prolonged and checkered careers, the cadres Congress) learned that the best way to preserve their posi- It is for this reason, among others, that tions in the bureaucracy was to play it safe by the ANC’s 53rd National Conference felt it refusing to take clear-cut positions while culti- necessary to dedicate the next ten years to vating extensive personal networks. This offered the recruitment of new members to the ample opportunity for cadres to use their formal ranks of the movement and organisational authority for personal gain”. (Communist Party renewal, revitalisation of political education of China: Cadre Policy) and cadre development, reeducation of each At present Communist officials are and every member of the ANC from branch known as cadres. A cadre is defined by the level to national executive committee level, Oxford University Press Dictionary as “a up-skilling all members of the organisation small group of people trained for a particu- with the necessary modern skills to govern lar purpose or profession”. High-level of- from local to national government, and to ficials are sometimes referred to as manda- establish an ANC Political School and a rins, a term used to describe elite bureaucrats Cadre Development Programme for such a in imperial times. Senior cadres remain purpose, and in keeping with the 21st cen- overwhelmingly male, but there is now a tury ethos. compulsory retirement age and even (very low) quotas for women. LEADERSHIP According to the Library of Congress, the Not everyone is a leader in the ANC. A party and government cadre (ganbu) system simple election into a particular position in is the rough equivalent of the civil service the movement does not make someone a system in many other countries, The term leader. Leadership is earned in the move- cadre refers to a public official holding a ment; it should not be a simple arithmetic 26 responsible or managerial position, usually and slate-ism. full time, in party and government. A cadre The ‘Through the Eye of a Needle’ docu- may or may not be a member of the Com- ment guides all the members of the move- munist Party of China, although a person ment on the kind of leaders it requires. It in a sensitive position would almost cer- sets parameters and puts minimum stan- tainly be a party member. (Library of Con- dards on who is deemed fit and capable to gress) lead the movement as well as minimum The Chinese cadre system went through standards that should be met by a cadre be- a massive overhaul in the 1980s that reduced fore he or she assumes a leadership position its size, made it more efficient and trans- in the ANC. formed it into the one of the primary instru- ‘Through the Eye of a Needle’ reminds us ments of national policy. In an August 1980 that “a leader should constantly seek to improve speech, "On the Reform of the Party and State his capacity to serve the people; he or she should Leadership System," Deng Xiaoping declared strive to be in touch with the people at all times; that power was overcentralised and concen- listen to their views and learn from them. He or trated in the hands of individuals who act- she should be accessible and flexible, and not ed arbitrarily, following patriarchal methods arrogate to themselves the status of being the in carrying out their duties. Deng meant that source of all wisdom. A leader should win the the bureaucracy operated without the ben- confidence of the people in his or her day-to-day efit of regularised and institutionalised pro- work. Where the situation demands, he/she cedures, and he recommended corrective should be firm and have the courage to explain measures such as abolishing the bureau- and seek to convince others of the correctness of cratic practice of life tenure for leading po- decisions taken by constitutional structures even sitions. In 1981 Deng proposed that a if such decisions are unpopular. He/she should younger, better educated leadership corps not seek to gain cheap popularity by avoiding be recruited from among cadres in their for- difficult issues, making false promises or merely ties and fifties who had trained at colleges pandering to popular sentiment." UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

The document goes further to suggest In the case of the ANC during the period that “a leader should lead by example. He/she of the 1980s, the long-term task of the NDR should be above reproach in his political and so- was the overthrow of the apartheid colonial cial conduct – as defined by our revolutionary system and the establishment of a united, morality. Through force of example, he or she democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and just should act as a role model to ANC members, South Africa as enshrined in the Freedom cadres and non-members alike. Leading a life Charter. Therefore the short-term (immedi- that reflects commitment to the strategic goals ate) task of the NDR would change from of the NDR includes not only being free of cor- time-to-time based on the current priorities rupt practices; it also means actively fighting of the strategy and tactics of struggle. against corruption." Today the task of the struggle is to fur- Former ANC President Thabo Mbeki ther advance the objectives of the National takes this further by suggesting that leaders Democratic Revolution in the ‘second phase should have “an unwavering commitment to of the transition’. It is the eradication of the serve the people of South Africa with no expecta- legacy of apartheid colonialism through the tion of any personal benefit. He/she must never tackling of the triple challenges of poverty, betray the ethical standards which the masses unemployment and in- he/she represents and lead view as fundamental equalities. This task needs to their definition of themselves; he or she should capable cadres of the ANC be prepared to commit, to its fullest extent, the who can be equal to the task entirety of his/her enormous intellectual capac- of taking the NDR to higher ity and personal energy to pursue the objectives levels. First and foremost of the National Democratic Revolution; he/she these cadres should be rev- should poses an ability to be an outstanding olutionaries who are pre- strategist to lead the broad forces of the national pared “to fight for the revolu- The tasks of the democratic revolution through the twists and tionary transformation of NDR needs capable 27 turns of an ever-changing and therefore dynam- society, and to create a new ic national, continental and international situ- social order which would ben- cadres of the ANC ation, ensuring that the revolution do not lose efit the majority of ordinary who can be equal to its focus on its fundamental goals.” (Mbeki, T. South Africans in all our com- 2012. Centenary Lecture on OR Tambo at Fort Hare munities”. the task of taking University) The cadre policy should the NDR to prepare all the members of CADRE POLICY the movement to become higher levels “A school should not be a preparation for life. A cadres. At the point of be- school should be life.” Elbert Hubbard coming a cadre, members Continuous political education has been would have made an effort to understand accepted as policy in the ANC. It has been what have been described as revolutionary adopted by many conferences of the ANC processes. Cadres should be able to exercise as a minimum requirement for all the mem- correct leadership at moments of revolution- bers of the ANC, especially new recruits. It ary change. They should be able to assist ensures a basic minimum standard of the movement with an outstanding revolu- knowledge for members, and contributes in tionary morality and energy as to provide building a cadre of the ANC to achieve the the movement with both the abstract and strategic tasks of the NDR. concrete perspective of the NDR to which Consequently, the 1985 National Consul- the ANC is committed. In the end, our cad- tative Conference of the ANC acknowl- reship should be the champions of our pop- edged that the cadre (development) policy ular forces which would have an obligation of a revolutionary organisation is always to lead the offensive to achieve the Nation- determined by the tasks of the revolution. al Democratic Society. It is determined by the tasks which are im- This cadre policy should include all our mediate (short-term) and long-term. members who are deployed in government, ST Ernesto Che UMRABULO 1 QUARTER | 2013 Guevara

business and civil entity and was endangering (administration of society. The ANC the state and production of the country) was the should deliberately lack of developed cadres at the intermediate construct ‘a cadre of level; as well as the difficulty of finding the best the democratic state’; a cadres who were time tested”. public service cadre who is committed to pro- CADRE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME mote the objective of the “Most gifted students are going to grow up seg- NDR and the developmental regated from the rest of society no matter what. state. A cadre of the develop- They will then go to the elite colleges no matter mental state should be capable of what, move into successful careers no matter planning service delivery informed by the what, and eventually lead the institutions of this central agenda of the NDR and the devel- country no matter what. Therefore, the nation opmental state. had better do its damnedest to make them as wise This cadre, before deployment, would be as it can.” Richard Herrnestein and Charles Murray expected to grasp that “the central and im- (The Bell Curve) mediate task of the NDR after the 1994 demo- As per June 1985 ANC Second National cratic breakthrough is to dismantle the legacy of Consultative Conference, the movement colonialism and apartheid”. (Mbeki 2012) produced the main principles of cadre de- They would need to know the legacy of velopment. The ANC report commission on apartheid did not die in 1994; and therefore cadre policy proposed 5 strategic priorities our immediate task is the total eradication in the cadre development programme, of the legacy of colonialism and apartheid; which are: which in essence is the eradication of the • Recruitment; triple challenges of poverty, unemployment • Education and Training; 28 and inequality. • Deployment; This cadre when deployed should be ex- • Promotion and Accountability; pected to understand that the long-term • Preservation of Cadres. strategic goal of the NDR and the ANC is Guevara suggests that the development the creation and entrenchment of the na- of a cadre individual is achieved in perform- tional democratic society which is based on ing everyday tasks; but the tasks must be the principles of equality, justice, democ- undertaken in a systematic manner, in spe- racy, non-racialism and non-sexism; a soci- cial schools to encourage the most rapid ety that is united and prosperous, as cham- ideological advancement. In these cadre pioned by the Freedom Charter and the schools we should take into account differ- Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. ent levels of political development and ma- Therefore the aforementioned tasks of turity of comrades based not on mechanical the NDR and cadreship could then deter- maturity or/and seniority but should be mine the cadre policy of the movement. As based on scientific maturity or/and senior- Ernesto Che Guevara once said “when the ity that is based on horizontal and vertical first state interventions took place in the econo- mobility of cadres in the movement for a my, the task of finding cadres was not very com- period of time. plicated, and it was possible to select them from As the 1985 conference of the ANC sug- among many people who had the minimum ba- gested, these cadres should be staunch in sis for assuming positions of leadership. But their belief in our ideological line, namely, with the acceleration of the process (of the revo- revolutionary nationalism and commitment lution and mass recruitment many errors were to anti-imperialism. They should be well committed in the process) the main cause of our vest with the political and ideological forc- errors was our lack of a feeling for reality at a es opposed to the objectives of the NDR and given moment; but the tool that we lacked, that the ANC. They should be able to transmit which blunted our ability to perceive and which independently ANC policy to all sections of was converting the party into a bureaucratic the people of South Africa and abroad. The UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

high level of consciousness of this cadre Guevara agrees that we have to develop should broaden the spirit of patriotism, co- different types of cadres. For the purpose of hesion and nation building and boundless this discussion I would like to quote the hatred for the demon of tribalism, racism, whole proposal of Guevara in this regard. sexism and regionalism. Internationalism He argues that we need to build a “(a) po- must be second nature to them as the strug- litical cadre who will be the base of our mass gle for justice is in essence the struggle for organisations, and who will orient the masses of a better human condition, a vision which our people" through the action of the Con- transcends physical borders or territorial gress Movement and the democratic state. sovereignty! The congress movement should begin to The education and training of this cadre establish these bases through building of or the cadre development programme strong branches with national, provincial should not in any way limit itself to revolu- and regional political schools and institu- tionary nationalism and anti-imperialism tions of revolutionary instruction coupled education. It should within its syllabi de- with study groups at sub-regional, zonal mand responsibility of the individual cadre and inter-branch levels; (b) for his/her actions, mould a disciplined the congress movement cadre – a discipline which restrains any should also deliberately passing weaknesses. groom its own economic Che goes further to suggest that in the cadres who will dedicate process of recruitment and education and themselves specifically to training of a cadre “we must begin by estab- the difficult tasks of eco- lishing the principles of selectivity among the nomic transformation, in- members;" it is there that we must find the cluding the task of plan- A simple election budding personalities; this in essence means ning, monitoring and that from the recruitment process the ANC evaluation. The common into a particular 29 should recruit the best personalities in our denominator of these type position in the society; personalities that are tested by sac- of cadres should be political rifice or just beginning to demonstrate their clarity; (c) the above skills movement does not stirrings, and assign them to special tasks combined should produce make someone a leader. and thereafter to special education and ‘a cadre of the developmen- training in special (political) schools or tal state’ or a progressive Leadership is earned when these are not available give them and revolutionary bureau- in the movement... greater responsibility so that they are tested crat or a revolutionary cad- in practical work on the ground. re of the public service. It is Even in this way, the movement will still imperative to create an ad- find that it would be able to groom a mul- ministration team of the developmental tiple of new cadres; but their development state, which will know how to take advan- would not be an even one. The movement tage of the specific technical knowledge of should classify its membership according others and to co-ordinate and guide the state to their tenure in the movement, political and the economy including other organisa- acumen in the process of education and tions of the state to bring them into step training, ability to complete tasks prudent- with the rhythm of the “second phase of the ly and diligently, political and personal dis- transition”. cipline. Every member before could be If we do this correctly and decisively the given an accolade of being a cadre should political education and cadre development undergo and pass with flying colours an policy of the movement as a whole will be adequate orientation of the party and dem- robust and dynamic to the extent that the onstrate a clear grasp of the objectives of the cadre is not simply an ‘upward or down- NDR before they could face the reality of ward transmitter of slogans or demands, but revolutionary creation to be turned into a a creator which will aid in the development fully fledged cadre. of our society and in the information of the UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

leaders, serving as a point of straction but an actual de- contact and reference with the scription of the content of the masses of our people’. This ...there is a need to National Democratic Revolu- cadre should be prepared to tion and the tasks of the NDR continuously build the ANC continually seek to even today. If we are really as the strategic leader of the expand our serious about eradicating the NDR. legacy of apartheid colonial- membership and ism it means that we must BUILDING THE ANC destroy the colonial and “Most perfect exercise of phrone- cadreship base, with apartheid heritage. By doing sis is the application of that virtue ever growing numbers so the movement would help to the common good of a commu- Africans in particular and nity. A citizen is defined as one of people committed blacks in general to join the who is able to participate in the to transformation struggle to destroy the colo- organs of society for the common nial and apartheid legacy and good of a community, promotion and change. heritage. of good life for the whole commu- The congress movement nity through active participation should deliberately mobilise in the government of a self-governing commu- Africans and blacks in general and patri- nity.” Elizabeth Mays (The Educational Theory of otic whites to appreciate and fully under- Aristotle) stand, as Thabo Mbeki puts it, that “among The 50th National Conference of the ANC others colonialism and apartheid have meant that resolved ‘to reaffirm our commitment as mem- the democratic South Africa has inherited (a) the bers, cadres, leaders and structures of the ANC legacy of the impact of the most pervasive colo- to actively work for the affirmation of the demo- nial and imperialist system in terms of the dis- 30 cratic and mass character of the movement, by possession of the indigenous African majority putting in place a programme to educate our and the destruction of its communities; (b) a members about these principles and traditions, predominantly landless, propertyless and un- and to create the climate and forums for debate, skilled African majority, constituting more than free flow of ideas and political discussions, as the 75% of our population, much of which is unem- basis of broad political discipline within the ployed/unemployable because it does not have structures of the movement’. The 50th national the skills required by a modern economy; (c) the conference went further to emphasise that creation of an entrenched social order of privilege the principles of organisational democracy and power characterised in the main by an es- which have guided the movement for the sentially three-layered hierarchy of racial divi- past 100 years can only flourish in the con- sions; (d) the absence of a rural peasantry with text of a strong organisation and conscious access to land, steeped in peasant productive cadreship and membership of the move- culture, having the means and capable of sus- ment at all levels. taining even subsistence peasant farming, there- The ANC continued to express that there fore representing a significant section of the is a need to continually seek to expand our indigenous majority capable of acting indepen- membership and cadreship base, with ever dently”. growing numbers of people committed to It is therefore important for the ANC to transformation and change. The expansion reconnect itself with the African people of the ANC’s membership and cadreship (who are the majority voters) in particular base of the movement also depends on the and blacks in general as they have been its mass base from which the ANC is recruiting. traditional base for the past 100 years of The movement needs to be part of the struggle, whilst, at the same time, showing African masses in particular and blacks in the white minority that it is equally in their general because the ANC was born there own interests to also contribute towards the and it lives there in our townships and rural reconstruction and development of South areas. This is not some metaphysical ab- Africa. According to Mbeki, “it is therefore UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

obvious that necessarily the ANC are deployed within the party and as a credible organisation of the in government. Massive political African oppressed had no choice Political work should education and academic training but to strive for the reconstruc- be undertaken among of ANC members is therefore tion of South Africa away from crucial for the survival of the the paradigm representative and the masses of our ANC as a progressive force and characteristic of South African people, it must open its success as a capable governing colonial reality”. The ANC and party”. its cadreship should not be spaces for the develop- Monica Baltodano in her seen as being shy to confront ment of our mass document titled “Practical Ex- this reality. Our people must periences of Cadre Formation in see the ANC and its cadreship struggle against the Nicaragua” in the subsection as well as leadership of the heritage of apartheid dealing with “Knowing how to movement as being prepared use your Head”; she writes that and committed to this noble colonialism. “what is important is the high cause to confront this legacy morale of the people’s soldier. and heritage. The ANC and its Bravery is important, but to par- leadership should go back to ticipate in combat is not the end- the basics – to liberate the African majority all, be-all of the soldier. The most important from socio-economic bondages. thing is to achieve victory. And for this to hap- As a result in an attempt to build the pen there is something more important than ANC, we must appreciate the 53rd National bravery, and is knowing how to use your head, Conference Resolution on elections of cadres using man’s five senses, which can illuminate into the National Executive Committee that the battlefield and teach us in which spots the ‘members of the ANC who intend to stand enemy is weakest … nobody in the world needs for the position in the NEC must have at to be more aware of reality than the revolution- 31 least a minimum of ten years in the service ary soldier.” of the movement. She goes further to suggest that (for the But in the spirit of building a strong ANC) its fundamental characteristic should ANC, the next national conference might be in permanent contact with the people as have to consider that all those cadres who a whole especially the black majority. To be wish to be elected into the executive posi- in permanent contact with the problems of tions of the movement shall be time and the black majority, identifying with their tested ANC cadres who have uninterrupted pain and suffering, is the revolutionary’s service in the ANC structures. For qualifica- most valuable school. The labour of the tion to be elected in the NEC, the movement ANC cadre should be that of accompanying should consider a service of thirty (30) un- the people in their interpretation of the interrupted years, for PEC a service of un- cause of their problems, their origin, and the interrupted 20 years, for REC 15 years, Sub- historical facts of their problems and allow region 10 years and BEC 5 years. the discovery of the root of poverty, unem- In his speech in the 2011 ANC January 8 ployment and inequalities especially the Statement President Zuma spoke about the root of exploitation, leading to a dedication need to develop a new type of a cadre and to action in order to transform reality. leader of the ANC. This type of a cadre and “But, if constructing the future and settling leader of the movement should acquire a everything for all times are not our affair, it is particular level of education and training in all the more clear what we have to accomplish at the movement. present: I am referring to ruthless criticism of The utterances of the President re-enforce all that exists, ruthless both in the sense of not the resolutions of the national conference being afraid of the results it arrives at and in the on Organisational Renewal which suggest- sense of being just as little afraid of conflict with ed that “the level of political education should the powers that be.” Karl Marx, Letter from the determine the positions to which ANC members Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (1843) UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

It is true that membership of the ANC does not mechanically translate into a cad- REFERENCES • African National Congress (ANC) National reship and/or leadership of the movement. Consultative Conference Report: 1985 Cadres are a product of a protracted passage • ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) through the revolutionary fires and ovens document: Through the Eye of a Needle. of the struggle. Not all coals are charcoals! • ANC NEC Statement: January 8 Statement: Political work should be undertaken 2012 among the masses of our people, it must • Baltodano Monica: Practical Experiences of open spaces for the development of our Cadre Formation in Nicaragua. mass struggle against the heritage of apart- • Che Guevara: The Cadres: Backbone of the heid colonialism. But we still need members Revolution who are endowed with sufficient political • Chinese Communist Party (CCP): development, capability and determination Organisation, Power and Members. to lead the people’s struggle against pov- • Newman Marc: Cadre, Growth and Political Practice erty, unemployment and inequalities. • Organisational Renewal: ANC 53rd National Therefore the necessity to transform our Conference discussion document members into cadres is the necessity of study and struggle which is bound to necessity to give the NDR a revolutionary character; that of radical social change. I therefore invite comrades to enhance this document for the benefit of the ANC and its entire membership for the battles ahead.

Bongani Mkongi is a member of the ANC Elijah Loza 32 branch, Dullah Omar region, Western Cape and a former ANC Youth League Western Cape Provincial Chairperson. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013 The ANC and the church A century of selfless struggle

The ANC was born out of the church and, HE hundred years since the founding throughout its history, its struggle against of the ANC has been a century of self- oppression has been supported and championed the less struggle by the people of South church. To this day, there remains a strong bond TAfrica. It is a century of continuous, on oc- between the ANC and the church, writes casion quite close, relations between the Kgolane Alfred Rudolph Phala. ANC and the church. Part of the anniversary celebration is the commemoration of the ANC’s own church background. Its founders were from mission schools and graduates of missionary education. The ANC itself was formed in a church building, in what resembled a church service punctu- ated by singing of hymns. In its 2012 January 8th Statement, the ANC pays tribute to this century-old relationship: “Many Christian, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim and leaders from the African independent churches were involved in the formation and nurturing of the ANC over the years. The South African Council of Churches in collabora- UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

tion with the World Council of Churches and churches. In fact, most of the early churches church organisations from many other countries doubled up as schools during the week. became involved in the campaign to have sanc- Graduates of those schools were then taken tions applied to South Africa. We particularly to further their education in colleges and recall the involvement of Archbishop Trevor universities in Europe and North America. Huddleston, Canon Calata, Reverend Beyers Many of the intellectuals who came to found Naudé, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Dr Allan the ANC in 1912 were early converts to Boesak, Reverend Frank Chikane, Iman Gasant Christianity who went through mission Solomon, the Muslim Judicial Council, the Hin- schools and most were graduates of further du religious organisations had all become part- education elsewhere in the world. ners with the ANC in the struggle for the end In this manner, the church made an ear- of apartheid.” ly contribution to the development of early It is because of this relationship that African intellectuals. Some of those early many people became members and leaders intellectuals who came to establish the ANC of the ANC not despite, but because of, their in 1912 include Thomas Maphikela, Selope religious beliefs. Oliver Tambo, that out- Thema, Walter Rubusana, Pixley Ka Isaka standing leader of the ANC is the best ex- Seme, Sefako Mapogo Makgatho, Saul ample of this. Chris Hani, Chief Albert Lu- Msane, George Montsioa, Alfred Mangena, thuli, Yusuf Dadoo, Mahatma Gandhi and Sol Plaatje, John Dube, Richard Msimang, many other fall into this category. Meshak Pelem and Charlotte Maxeke. They While the focus of this article is on Chris- were lawyers, teachers, priests, writers and tianity and the ANC, the ANC is not just so on, who gathered in Bloemfontein’s about Christians: “There are many people of Waaihoek location to establish the ANC in faith in the ANC. Christians from the ‘main line’ 1912. churches, African indigenous churches, many The church therefore helped to produce 34 Pentecostal groups, Muslims, Hindus, Bud- early African intellectual who formed a new dhists, Baha’is and many people who do not have elite among the predominantly peasant and religious institutions, but who have the energy pastoralist community. This new elite of faith inspired by other traditions, visions and formed and was found in the ANC. For in- philosophies.” (Phakamani: 3) stance, “the first National Executive of the ANC is interesting in many respects: it consisted of THE CHURCH AND EARLY AFRICAN four ministers of religion, lawyers, and an editor INTELLECTUALS (Plaatje), a building contractor (Maphikela), a In the late stages of the colonisation of South teacher and estate agent (Makgatho) and a teach- Africa missionaries from Europe came to er, interpreter and Native Labour Agent (Pelem). introduce Christianity to the Africans. In the These are people who went to mission schools process, they began to introduce literacy and five of them studied abroad (UK and USA) among the early Africans converted to and others had attended conferences Christian religion. They taught the converts overseas.”(ANC 1982: 5) how to read and write so they could read As early African intellectuals most of and understand the Bible and help to spread ANC’s founders were themselves all-round- the gospel of God among their people. ers, involved in a variety of professions. Chief Albert Luthuli explains, for in- They were pathfinders in all sorts of areas. stance, how his mother came to be literate: For instance, Sol Plaatje was a writer, jour- “Before her marriage to my father in Groutville, nalist, intellectual, linguist, translator and Mtonya became a Christian, and lived for a while politician; John Dube was a poet, teacher, within the mission precincts. There she learned philosopher, editor, writer, reverend and to read, and to her life’s end she was a fluent, publisher; while Sefako Makgatho was a devoted, and assiduous reader of the Bible in the teacher, preacher, estate agent, journalist vernacular.” (Luthuli) and politician. Missionaries then began to establish mis- Early Christian converts were at the fore- sion schools in the vicinity of the early front of the struggle against oppression and UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

segregation both in and outside the church from early on. That is why, “by the mid-19th century African Christians were rejecting these imported church structures and people like Ne- hemiah Tile, James Dwane, Isaiah Shembe, Mother Christina Nku and Bishop Lekganyane formed their own indigenous churches. Chris- tians were at the heart of the struggle for political liberation from the earliest years, and when the African National Congress was formed in 1912, clergy led it. They have been in it ever since.” (Phakamani: 46) Chief Luthuli, who was a minister of religion, teacher and chief, and later rose to become ANC President from 1952 to 1967, talked about his own upbringing as a child of early Christian converts as follows: “All the time, unconsciously, I was busy absorbing the Christian ethos of home, and church congregation, and the social ethos of the community. As in earlier times, it was still a mixed community of heathens and Christians, of relatively founding of the ANC in 1912 up to freedom well-educated people, and people with no liter- ➤ acy at all. Looking back, I realise that I was aware in 1994 is awash with church leaders: Rev The Waaihoek at the time of the distinction between Christian John Dube, Rev Sefako Makgatho, Rev Z Wesleyan Church and non-Christian. But a fortunate feature of Mahabane, Rev HR Ngcayiya, Rev Mqoboli, where the ANC 35 Groutville life was the fact that distinction did Canon Calata, Bishop Ambrose Reeves, Fa- was founded. not mean discrimination.” (Luthuli: 11) ther Trevor Huddleston, Bishop Wilfred The ANC is therefore both directly and Napier, Bishop Denis Hurley, Bishop Regi- indirectly a product of the church. The com- nald Osmond, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, ing of missionaries to our shores, their in- Bishop Stanley Mogoba, Rev Peter Storey, troduction of literacy among early African Rev Beyers Naudé, Rev Paul Verryn, Rev converts, the establishment of mission Frank Chikane, Rev Sotyu, Rev Buti Tlhag- schools and taking some of the mission ale, Father Smangaliso Mkhatshwa, Rev graduates to further education abroad, all Abram Maja, Sister Bernard Ncube, Rev Ar- contributed to the evolution of an early Af- nold Stofile, Father Albert Nolan, Rev Allan rican educated elite that came to establish Boesak, Rev Sam Buti, Bishop Khosa Mkho- the ANC. Characteristically, John Dube, in tjo, Rev Motlalepula Chabaku, Dean Tshe- his first address as president of the then nuani Farisani and many others. South African Native National Congress on 8 January 1912, said, “but while we wage our THE ANC FOUNDED IN A CHURCH little war, it shall always and only be along the It is significant that the ANC was launched constitutional way of peaceful endeavour and in a church building, the Waaihoek Wes- patient pegging away. An honest, manly fight leyan Church in Bloemfontein. It is also sig- every British admires. We propose to put one up, nificant that a sermon was conducted in and by God’s help we shall win.” opening the conference. The conference it- That is why in the necessary and correct self resembled a church service. Even most progression of the freedom struggle, the of the delegates were wearing clothes they ANC had continuous relations with the usually wear when they go to church. Songs church and its leaders. Many church leaders that were sung were church hymns, not slo- participated actively in the freedom struggle gans in the modern sense of freedom songs. to the bitter end. The struggle from the Two hymns dominated the proceedings Rev UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

Tiyo Soga’s Lizalis’ idinga handling discussions and reaching collec- lakho Thixo Nkosi yenyaniso tive decisions. These skills, learnt by the (Fulfil Thy Promise Thee God early Christian converts in the church and The early African of the Truth) and Enoch Son- mission schools, were critical in the ultimate tonga’s Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika formation of the ANC in 1912. independent churches (God Bless Africa). The organisation skills learnt within the opened the path for They elected Rev John Lan- church were also useful in the establishment galibalele Dube, a minister of of early non-political organisations such as the emergence of the religion, to be ANC’s first Pres- debating societies, soccer clubs, sport bod- ident. While the conference ies, teacher associations, and others that ANC, because the itself was full of early Chris- were important preparatory organisations first national tian converts, it had invited for ultimate formation of the ANC in 1912. Kings of the people of South- The evolution of early African indepen- organisation was the ern Africa to be part of its pro- dent churches also laid a foundation for the church movement, ceedings. In the executive, at ultimate germination of the ANC. Nehe- least four were ministers of re- miah Tile, PJ Mzimba, Isaiah Shembe, Alfred not a political ligion. The first three presi- Mangena, James Mata Dwane, Charlotte organisation. dents were all ordained minis- Maxeke, Rev Mokone, Kanyane J Tantsi, ters of religion: Rev JL Dube, Selope Thema, John G Xaba and many oth- Rev SM Makgatho, and Rev ers were pioneers who formed independent ZR Mahabane. African churches which directly and indi- At the founding conference, the ANC rectly were forerunners to the establishment elected Rev Mqoboli of the Wesleyan of the ANC in 1912. The early African inde- Church Chaplain-in-Chief and Rev HR Ng- pendent churches opened the path for the cayiya of the Ethiopian Church as Assistant emergence of the ANC, because the first na- 36 Chaplain. Rev Mqoboli had already offered tional organisation was the church move- prayers at the opening of the conference. ment, not a political organisation. In all annual conferences of the ANC, Edward Roux explains: “It is an interest- they sang hymns and Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika ing fact that the first Bantu mass movement on dominated the proceedings. It was during truly national lines was a religious one. What the Presidency of SM Makgatho that Moses came to be called Ethopianism was an attempt Mphahlele added the Sepedi stanzas to on the part of Christian Africans to set up their Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika. The Xhosa stanzas by own churches independent of the white ones. Enoch Sontonga combined with the Sepedi Though some of these churches were confined to stanzas by Moses Mphahlele were adopted particular areas, others made a nation-wide ap- by the ANC as a national anthem. peal to all black Christians and tried to unite people of all tribes and nations. Though out- THE CHURCH AS AN ORGANISATION AND wardly religious, they were also to a large extent THE ROLE OF INDEPENDENT AFRICAN political in their appeal. They began as a revolt CHURCHES of the black members within the missionary The institution of the church is the oldest churches. Bantu Christians almost always found and most effective organisation in the world. that there were colour bars in white churches, The church reproduces the skills needed for even some of the most enthusiastic missionaries running meetings and conferences in the insisted upon treating all members of their na- form of synods, Kerkrade (Church Councils) tive flocks as children, refusing to ordain black and conventions of all kind. Therefore the men as priests or, if they did so ordain them, church teaches such critical organising skills always putting them in positions where they had as chairing meetings, recruiting new mem- to take orders from white superiors.” (Roux: 77) bers, writing minutes, keeping money, time- As Mcebisi Ndletyana argues: “Suffrage keeping, handling donations and keeping had always been the reward to the African elite, proper records. The church also teaches since the 1850s, for it achieving ‘civilisation’, such invaluable skills as managing people, which entailed both education and Christianity. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

The two went hand-in-hand. The early African out of the womb of the church. ANCs first President, Rev JL Dube, with elite were educated at mission schools. That Dr W Rabusana, made suffrage more than just a civil right to RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN STRUGGLE Thomas Mapikela, them. It was a pivotal tenet of Christianity, for AND THE CHURCH Sol Plaatjie and it affirmed equality. Christianity had tought The bedrock of the relationship between the S Msane. them that all mankind is created in the image of struggle and the church comes from the un- God. Disenfranchising African converts implied derstanding in the Bible that God always that the Christian injunction of equality was a takes the side of the oppressed and suffering falsehood. But, they wouldn’t believe theirs was people. The historical chapters of the Bible a deceptive God. They were unyielding in their are dominated by a story of the release of demand for equality.” (Ndletyna 2012: 17) the children of Israel from slavery in Egypt, In ‘Unity in Action’, the ANC itself says: and how God sided with them in the wars “The formation of the ANC on 8 January 1912 they fought against their adversaries. was not an accident of history, it was a continu- The relationship between the struggle 37 ation of the anti-colonial struggle of our people and the church was clearly seen in the trag- which began with colonialisation itself. Of course ic story of a Christian sect called the Israel- it did not all happen overnight. There were many ites led by Rev Enoch Mgijima in May 1921. factors which led to the formation of the ANC. They gathered for a pilgrimage in 1920 and The introduction of Christianity in South Af- refused when authorities wanted to remove rica led to an emergence of black Christians, who their settlement. It was an act of defiance of later rejected the white Christian values, formed the white regime by black congregants and their own independent churches with new con- they were massacred, 163 killed and 129 in- cepts and values. The first of these black converts jured. It was an utterly bloodthirsty act of to form an independent church was Nehemiah barbarism against unarmed Christian be- Tile who played a significant religious and po- lievers. litical role. He formed the Thembu church in Throughout the freedom struggle, the 1883 in the Transkei. The founding of the Ethi- church took side of the oppressed people. opian Curch by Rev MM Mokone on the Wit- The World Council of Churches (WCC) and watersrand in 1892 was tantamount to widen- the World Council of Reformed Churches ing the battlefront started by Tile.” (ANC 1982) (WCRC) led the struggle at an international The Ethopian Movement was therefore interdenominational level and declared very critical not just to the church’s evolu- apartheid a heresy. They stood firm for the tion and indigenisation in African societies, imposition of sanctions on South Africa. Rev but because it also directly gave birth to Af- Allan Boesak was at one time President of rican political organisations, not least the WCRC, which had a membership of 70 mil- ANC. The ANC therefore germinated on the lion people in 46 countries. fertile ground prepared by the Ethiopian Inside the country, the South African breakaway church movement that began Council of Churches (SACC) and Southern many years before the ANC itself was born. African Catholic Bishops Conference The ANC in its origins and evolution is born (SACBC) actively involved various church UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

denominations in fighting against the her- ing crisis the churches felt that they had no etic and evil system of apartheid. They choice but to stand for the truth and witness funded such projects as the Detainees Par- against the evils of the apartheid system. They ents Support Committee (DPSC) and the felt obliged, in the face of suffering, victimisation Detainees Support Commitee (DESCOM). and oppression of the people of God, to be in Successive SACC Secretaries-General led compassionate solidarity with the people and also the struggle from the front, tasting teargas. to oppose the present apartheid system and the These included Desmond Tutu, Beyers Nau- related regime.” (SACC/SACBC 1988) dé and Frank Chikane. Archbishop Tutu In defining the goals of the campaign, the won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984. There SACC and SACBC further elaborated: was also the Christian Institute, the Institute “Whilst being aware of the general mandate of of Contextual Theology, the Kairos Docu- the church to work for and toward the Kingdom ment, liberation theology and many other of God, the immediate and specific goal of the similar interventions from the church front. campaign was identified as the establishment of All these because, according to Nolan, “God a non-racial, democratic, unitary, free South has given the church in South Africa an oppor- Africa. The convocation of churches was aware tunity and a calling that is special, if not unique, that to achieve these goals, the following steps in the history of the Christian faith.” (Nolan: 22) would necessarily have to precede this: The church in South Africa fought tire- • The unbanning of people’s organisations lessly against segregation, repression, forced and the returning of exiles. removals, detention without trial, the death • The release of all political prisoners and penalty, necklace murders, police brutality, detainees. political assassinations and unjust laws. It • The abandonment of apartheid. fought for justice, peace, freedom and equal- These actions would create the necessary con- ity. It ran campaigns for the release of de- ditions conducive for a negotiated settlement in 38 tainees and political prisoners, and clem- the country which the churches see as the only ency for the Sharpeville Six and the peaceful way of resolving problems of South Af- Upington 29. That is why the head offices rica and affecting the justice and reconciliation of the SACC and the SACBC in Khotso we are hoping for.” (SACC/SACBC 1988) House, Johannesburg and Khanya, House This relationship between the church and Pretoria were perennially raided, searched, the oppressed people in South Africa was attacked and one was even bombed by not unique. It had previously been demon- forced of the apartheid regime. strated ably in other situations parallel to The SACC, for its part, ran a number of apartheid South Africa. For instance, during campaigns in support of the liberation Hitler’s fascist rule in Germany there was a struggle. In 1988 it launched a campaign brave German theologian named Dietrich called Standing for the Truth Campaign and Bonheoffer who stood against the Nazi recalled for effective non-violent action. In a gime and allegedly even conspired to have joint leaflet announcing the campaign, the Hitler killed. He told his congregation that SACC and the SACBC stated: “This campaign if they cannot stand against Adolf Hitler, was initiated by and launched at a convocation they should not sing church hymns, because of churches which was held on May 30-31, 1988. they had no right to do so. The convocation to which all churches and In South Africa church buildings, mon- church groups in South Africa were invited, re- asteries and mission houses were used by solved to develop effective non-violent actions the struggling people to hide people on the in the face of the deepening crisis in the country run from the security police, to hide struggle caused by the apartheid regime. The aim was to paraphernalia, to photocopy pamphlets and end the apartheid system by putting pressure on to hold meetings. The Regina Mundi church the South African regime to abandon apartheid in Soweto and other churches across the and to participate in the negotiated settlement country played a significant role as a theatre to establish a just, non-racial and democratic of struggle. society in South Africa. In the face of the deepen- Even in tertiary institutions, political stu- UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

dent organisations SANSCO and NUSAS, role of the church may be the same in all circum- and later SASCO, existed alongside Student stances or in all circumstances of conflict, but Union for Christian Action (SUCA) and in South Africa the church also has a special, if Young Christian Students (YCS), and had not unique, calling because of the particular Kai- solid alliances with them. The relationship ros in which we find ourselves. From the point between the church and the struggle of the of view of the struggle itself, the church, or at oppressed went beyond the pulpit and pen- least apart of it, has an irreplaceable role to etrated every corner of society. play…The struggle itself is a human project that The National Party regime for its part proposes to build a truly human community, sought and found a religious mouthpiece in but, because by far the majority of the people a section of the NG Kerk. The NG Kerk involved believe in God, the project will not suc- sought Biblical justification of apartheid and ceed unless God is brought into the picture ex- became a spiritual bank of the apartheid plicitly and by name.” (Nolan: 281-9) regime. It was referred to as the National The SACC/SACBC’s Standing for the Party at Prayer. It was a religious backup to Truth Campaign leaflet states categorically: the blasphemous politics of the National “The year 1988 was a turning point in the life Party. The synods of the NG Kerk spend of the church. It was a year when the church sleepless nights trying to cultivate a Biblical moved forward from just condemning apartheid justification of oppression, of white minor- to a commitment of effective non-violent action ity rule, of racial discrimination, of injustice to end apartheid. It was a year when the church- and inequality. Rev Beyers Naudé was ex- es stopped debating about violence and non-vi- pelled and excommunicated from the NG olence and chose to rather act non-violently to Kerk and defrocked as minister of the Aas- end this evil apartheid system thus making vio- voelkop, Northcliff congregation in Novem- lence unnecessary.” ber 1963, when he differed with its faulty, From the formation of the ANC in 1912 false, heretic and unChristian support of in a church by early Christian converts, the 39 apartheid. church played a crucial role in the liberation Albert Nolan explains the role of the struggle up to freedom in 1994. The history church in the South African struggle: “The of struggle is rich with the role played by church in South Africa today, or at least part of church denominations, church leaders, and the church which is on the side of the struggle, ministers of religion and church organisa- has a unique prophetic calling or vocation. The tions of all kind. It is no surprise that the

Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu and other church leaders praying over the ANC Centenary flame. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

Learn and Teach Magazine spoke so glow- Lord. The enlightened one. Yahweh. Jehovah. Al- ingly about Rev Boesak in 1989: “When Dr lah. We come to you in the footsteps of our ances- Allan Boesak starts to talk, you soon understand tors, of Krishna; of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; of why he has such a huge following. In his own Jesus; of Mohammed. Others come to you beautiful way, he knows what to say and how to through the great philosophers.” (Phakamani: 6) say it. He does not mince his words. Nothing The ANC was given birth to by the stops him – not death threats, not the threat of church and, like every child, must remem- banning or detention, and definitely not the hate ber fondly its biological and historical roots. and anger of any apartheid government. Nobody Let’s recall the prayer by Rev Frank Chikane can make likes of Adriaan Vlok froth at the at the 100th ANC Anniversary prayer service mouth like he can!” (Learn and Teach: 3) in the Waaihoek Wesleyan Church: “God, You knew at our beginning that we would be THE ANC AND THE CHURCH TODAY here today and You know our today and our to- The ANC’s church roots survive to this day morrow and where we will end. Amen.” in various shapes and forms, including the opening of meetings with a prayer, the existence of religious department or desk at Rudolph Phala is a Member of the Ike Maphoto all levels of ANC structures, the inter-de- Branch, Polokwane Sub-Region in Limpopo. nominational prayers in opening ANC gatherings, the National Anthem of the country REFERENCES and the existence of the Office of National • ANC. 2002. Afrika ke nako – 90 years of Chaplain in the ANC Constitutional. struggle 1912-2002. Johannesburg. p.1-3. The ANC emerged and evolved out of • ANC. 1982. Unity in Action – A short history the womb of the church and that fact must of the ANC. 1912-1982. Lusaka. be cherished. That is why a prayer function • ANC. 2004 Phakamani - Magazine of the ANC Commission for Religious Affairs p 3, 6, 46. and Church service preceded the rally cel- 40 • ANC. 2012. 8 January ANC NEC statement ebrating 100 years of the founding of the 2012. Mangaung. p.27 ANC in the Waaihoek Wesleyan Church, • Learn and Teach. 1989. Number 2. Bloemfontein on 8 January 2012. The ANC, • Lerumo A. 1971. Fifty fighting years. correctly so, was celebrating its century-old Inkululeko Publications. London. birthday at its birthplace in its birthmanner. • Limb P. 2010. The ANC’s early years – The midwifery that helped its birth was Nation, Class and place in South Africa before 1940. UNISA Press. there. • Luthuli AJ. 2007. Let my people go. To celebrate a hundred years of the Paarlmedia. Paarl p.8,11 founding of the ANC by early converts in a • Meli F. 1988. South Africa belongs to us. church in Waaihoek, let’s recall the prayer Zimbabwe Publishing House. offered at the opening of ANC’s 50th Na- • Ndletyana M. 2008. African intellectuals in tional Conference in Mafikeng on 16 Decem- 19th and early 20th century South Africa. HSRC. Press Cape Town. p.45 ber 1997: “Lord Bless Africa! There was a great • Nolan A. 1988. God in South Africa – the spirit in our ancestors and forerunners. We re- challenge of the gospel. Clyson Printer member those who first saw the coming of a new Cape Town. p.22, 218-9, 220 South Africa over a century ago; those who • Roux E. 1964. Time Longer than Rope. brought this movement into being; we remember Wisconsin University Press. Madison. p.77 the names and faces of the men and women of • SACC & SACBC. 1988. The standing for the spirit who have nurtured it though all the years. Truth campaign leaflet. Johannesburg. • Mcebisi Ndletyana. 2012. The Sunday Great spirit of God we recognise that you have Independent. 8 January 2012. p17. ‘An been among us from generation to generation. honest, manly fight....and by God’s help we We came to you through many traditions, and shall win,’ call you by many names: Umvelinganqi, Qa- • Turok B. 2010. The historical roots of the ANC – Understanding the ANC today. mata, Modimo, U Thixo, Nwali, Nkulunkulu, Jacana Press, Johannesburg. Xikwembu, Ramasedi, Mudzimu. The Supreme UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013 Theory of organisation As the ANC enters the Decade of the Cadre, it needs to locate the challenge of cadreship development within a coherent theory of revolutionary organisation.

HE ANC 53rd National Conference re- The main content of the National Demo- solved to make the next decade, a pe- cratic Revolution is the liberation of Africans riod of focus on cadre development. in particular and blacks in general from po- TThe Conference further resolved that the litical and socio-economic bondage. It means “ANC and the Alliance should, collectively and uplifting the quality of life of all South Afri- individually, pay urgent and systematic attention cans, especially the poor, the majority of to the task of developing a contingent of cadres whom are African and female. At the same who have attributes that accord with the tasks of time it has the effect of liberating the white the national democratic revolution in the second community from the false ideology of racial phase”. superiority and the insecurity attached to op- The unfolding National Democratic Rev- pressing others. olution has gone through many phases in its It is about the resolution of the na- development. At one point it brings to the tional question, which is at the inter- fore a new set of challenges and yet at an- section of economic exploitation other it beckons for change in tactics and ap- and patriarchal power rela- proach. The national liberation movement tions. The consequence of has always demonstrated its capacity and this was the transfer of resilience in meeting the challenges thrown political power into up by the intensification of struggle. the hands of the 41 democratic majority, as wit- nessed in UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

the 1994 breakthrough. of that particular society. Primitive commu- The path hitherto traversed has been long nal society was mainly characterised by a and bitter, and yet we need to periodically mode of production wherein the means of pause to critically assess our strength and production were owned communally. weaknesses. We shall do so within our mass Organisation is therefore at the heart of formations, tapping on our organisational the very existence of humanity. The interac- experiences especially during the struggle for tion between humans and nature is not al- liberation, in the current epoch, whilst at the ways a harmonious relationship. At worst helm of the democratic state. Even before we this interaction releases earthquakes, floods, do so, let us once more equip ourselves with diseases, dry seasons and so on. In the face a scientific understanding of what organisa- of such problems, human beings cooperate tion is, and all the elements that constitute it. with others to confront these problems and At the height of the struggle for liberation, thus lay abasis for their survival. In confront- this insight on organisation was passed by ing these problems, humankind does so not the African National Congress to the young- as part of an amorphous mass, but an organ- er generation through the South African ised entity of people conscious to achieve a Youth Congress (SAYCO). SAYCO’s living particular objective. Thus an organisation organisational experience and the broader becomes central not only to their interaction Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) at the with nature, but also in their relationship time will assist in ensuring that this input is with their fellow humans. not just another academic offering. Our un- The most important weapon available to derstanding will be tempered by our own human beings in charting an existence for experience from the university of mass strug- themselves is organisation. A strong organi- gle. This contribution is enriched by the per- sation releases a potential strength in each spective of the Vietnamese revolutionary Le person and the strength of each person 42 Duan on Organisation and Cadreship. makes the strength of an organisation. This conclusion has not been arrived at by deduc- ORGANISATION:AN INDISPENSABLE tion of a sum total of simple experiences as WEAPON FOR VICTORY mere events. It has been arrived at from con- The history of society demonstrates quite crete historical conditions attending to the clearly that humankind have always sur- existence of humans, their relationship with vived because they have always engaged in nature on the other one hand, and their in- productive activity. From primitive societies teraction and relationship with their fellow to date, there has always been interaction humans on the other. Without organisation, between humans and nature. As society de- any group of people will be defenceless and velops, human beings enter into definite re- are bound to fail in trying to address any lations with nature, which is defined primar- social, political or economic problem. This is ily in productive activity meant to prolong the lesson left to us by the march of history. life, to produce food, to build shelter, to make In their resolve to destroy the system of clothing for the human race and to address colonialism of special type, the people of our many other necessities. land resisted it by coming together to form Once a human engages in productive ac- an organisation. For any organisation to suc- tivity definite relations arise between them ceed in achieving its goals there has to be and the others who are also engaged in pro- objective reason for its existence. The other duction. Productive activity itself becomes a important aspect of organisation is the issue mode or organisation of production. So, from or issues around which it organises those the very earliest forms of society the human who are potential members. In the South Af- race has been part of an organisation in one rican context it has always been unity of all form or another. Society itself presupposes the oppressed, one organisation uniting forms of organisation in the existence of hu- them, national consciousness, one national mans depending on the level of development programme, that were the rallying points at UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

the founding conference of the ANC in 1912. More and more African people became pro- Indeed our forebears left us a tradition of an letarianised in the burgeoning gold and dia- ever present need for the downtrodden ma- mond urban centres.In the later years the jority to build organisation as an effective super-exploited section of the working class instrument of struggle. The ANC, for a cen- began to form their own trade associations tury, has stubbornly stood at the forefront as and trade unions to give expression to their the spearhead of the liberation movement determination to fight the owners of capital and the struggle. and the mines for better pay and working Thus by force of example the formation conditions. These were the origins of the of the ANC in 1912 brings us back to history’s trade union movement in South Africa. So- injunction that the guarantor and the essen- cialist ideas were brought to this country by tial condition of humanity’s victory over any militant white workers from Europe who had challenge is organisation. already acquired experience in trade union The ANC set about marshalling the col- organisation and in struggle against capital- lective energies of the people as a foundation ist exploitation. Thus another foundation of stone upon which national unity was forged organisation emerged, characterised by the in the crucible of heroic campaigns over spread of socialist ideas, particularly among years. As the South African economy was the black working class in the later years of going through phases of development so did the development of democratic organisation. the forms of organisation grow and develop. The Communist Party of South Africa was

Key values of a revolutionary organisation

Collective leadership: Democracy and democratic centralism: 43 Individual leaders are elected into collectives which Individual members and leaders will have differing should work as a unit, fulfilling their mandate as opinions on how particular issues should be ad- dictated to by the constitution. No single person is dressed. The strength of revolutionary organisation a leader unto themselves, but a member of a col- lies among others in the ability to synthesise these lective that should give considered, canvassed guid- views and emerge with the wisest possible approach. ance to the membership and society as a whole. Once a decision has been taken on the basis of the majority's views, it binds everyone, including those Consultations, accountability and mandates: who held a contrary view. Regular meetings of branches, regions and prov- inces, and national conferences, provide the mem- Human solidarity: bership with the platform to assume collective The vision that the ANC pursues is informed by ownership of the movement's fate. They set out the morality of caring and human solidarity. The the mandate that guides the leadership, and are kind of democracy it pursues leans towards the important fora for report-backs and consultations poor; and it recognises the leading role of the work- across the movement. ing class in the project of social transformation.

Discipline: Humility: A leader should seek to influence and to be influ- Criticism and self-criticism: It is to be expected that in enced by others in the collective. They should have the leading social activity, leaders and members will from conviction to state their views boldly and openly with- time to time make mistakes. The most important in constitutional structures of the movement; and – thing is that these individuals and collectives should without being disrespectful – notto cower before those have the capacity and humility to honestly review their in more senior positions in pursuit of patronage, nor work critically, and correct the weaknesses. to rely on cliques to maintain one's position. UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

then formed as a vanguard political party of es in concrete terms the general political line the working class. of any movement and cadre development, which includes political education and de- WHAT OF CADRESHIP AND LEADERSHIP ployment of its cadres. IN AN ORGANISATION? If a leader is a prototype cadre, it follows Leadership is essential and key to the exis- therefore that a cadre is a prototype member tence of any organisation. Leadership is con- in a revolutionary organisation. There is a stituted by a collective of cadres drawn from dialectical interrelation between cadres and the most committed, disciplined and politi- a revolutionary movement of the masses. A cally advanced sections of the people. A cadre’s life is lived within the framework of leader is a prototype cadre of any organisa- multi-faceted relationships. It is these relation, especially a revolutionary one. A leader tions that make a cadre a cadre. In these re- is also a cadre of the people. They primarily lationships, a cadre is at the same time the serve the masses and are given a popular cause and effect. A cadre cannot be conceived mandate by them. It is primarily important outside of an organisation, for a cadre is an therefore to understand that intrinsic to the element of an organisation. nature of leadership is that the masses must A cadre lives in a definite organisation. of necessity have confidence in their leader- They make an organisation a living organ- ship. If the masses have no confidence in ism. On the other hand, after an organisation their leadership, the leadership cannot lead. has become a quantity existing in its own True cadres never aspire or have an uncon- right and has struck deep roots in life, or- trollable lust to lead. The main motivation ganisation in its turn has a decisive effect on for true leaders is to serve the movement and people. It determines who will do what, what the masses at any level. To this extent the late position and function they should hold in Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh said “be true apparatus of activity. It defines beforehand 44 to the Party and loyal to the people, fulfil any the direction and objective of human beings’ tasks, overcome any difficulty and defeat an en- actions. It directs people and obliges them to emy”. act one way instead of another. Organisation A leader must always demonstrate the in its activity, brings forth in people definite readiness to be the last to retreat and the first characteristics and qualities. to the offensive. Selflessness and service must A cadre is somebodywho is prepared to inform the overall quality of leadership. learn, learn more and learn forever. As the Leadership in the organisation develops Chinese proverb goes “live as if you are going and matures in the trials and tribulations of to die tomorrow and learn as if you are going to the struggle itself; it is never born nor does live forever”. it emerges from nowhere. The very hard ex- Cadres need to learn not only through periences of struggle produce cadreship and books but also in practical life. In our work, leadership which in turn develop qualities in summing up the effectiveness ofour work, of creativity, imagination and the ability to we must engage in frequent self-criticismand seize the initiative. The leadership emerges criticism. Without learning from struggle and from the people, it learns to articulate and tapping on humanity’s experience in life, champions the aspirations, demands, fears book knowledge is worthless. and hopes of the people. Leadership leads The essential duty ofcadreship and leader- by force of example; it learns from the mass- ship is to agitate for the political conscious- es, and then teaches them. ness of the people, to mobilise, and continu- Leadership and cadreship have a direct ously organise people as a conscious force to relationship with a cadre policy thatexpress- seize and maintain political power.