The Roots of Factional Tensions Over the Anc Government’S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Roots of Factional Tensions Over the Anc Government’S THE ROOTS OF FACTIONAL TENSIONS OVER THE ANC GOVERNMENT’S POLICIES IN THE RULING ALLIANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA Mochekoe Stephen Rametse, BA, BA (Hons), DipEd This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Murdoch University 2014. I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary education institution. ............................................... Mochekoe Stephen Rametse ABSTRACT An enduring question concerning the ruling tripartite alliance led by the ANC in South Africa is how such a powerful united liberation movement, which succeeded in defeating the apartheid system to assume governmental control, was torn by ideological divisions in its midst? The objective of this study is to investigate the causes of the disunity within the governing ANC alliance that culminated with the dismissal of the then President Thabo Mbeki from office in 2008. The thesis examines why the ANC alliance’s “revolutionary” language that had largely unified it during the protracted racial liberation struggle proved most divisive in the post-apartheid period. The inquiry utilises the analytical framework of the alternative functions of ideology to analyse the development of the ANC’s ideological perspectives. The study argues that the ANC-led alliance’s “revolutionary” language is inherently ambiguous. The research excavates the origins of the imprecise ANC’s “two-stage theory” of revolution. It highlights how the theory of the “National Democratic Revolution” used to depict the first stage of liberation and its assumed programme, the Freedom Charter are contentious. The study contends that the inherent inconsistencies in the ANC alliance’s “revolutionary” language were mirrored in trenchant factional ideological disagreements. Using “critical discourse” analysis, the thesis explains how the inherited “revolutionary” language enabled contending factions within the alliance to make contradictory and divisive interpretations of the ideological complexion of ANC government’s policies. Furthermore, the investigation demonstrates how such a language allowed successive ANC governments to adopt the “Keynesian-reformism” discourse used to rationalise the Neo-liberal macroeconomic policy framework. The thesis contends that the incoherent nature of ANC-led alliance’s “revolutionary” language was also expedient for government to promote the interests of the emerged black capitalists in the post-apartheid period. The Mbeki-Zuma leadership struggle found fertile ground cultivated by prior intra-ANC alliance factional disagreements. It thus apparent that the on-going factional disagreements in the ruling ANC-led alliance over the ideological content of government policies, if not resolved, would continue to impact negatively on their implementation. i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to my dearest wife, Dr. Nthati Rametse and my children, Nomasonto, Naledi, and Khotso for their forbearance and patience in this long journey. To a special friend and critical partner, Dr. Jennifer Cramer, I thank you for your ceaseless words of inspiration throughout the years. I dedicate this thesis to my late parents, my cousin Makhewa Aubrey Malinga, my two comrades Abraham Sello Pule, Bra Thami Steven Nqayi and my friend Hugh Mogwe. A special acknowledgement goes to my supervisor, Associate Professor David Brown who over the years motivated me to complete this thesis. He provided me with clear guidance in researching this topic and writing up this thesis. It was indeed a privilege for me to work closely with David and to be able to tap on his skills and knowledge. I will always be indebted to him. To err is human. Any errors in this thesis are the responsibility of the author. ii CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………… i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………………………………... ii CONTENTS…………………………………………………………………………………… iii TABLES ……………………………………………………………………………………… iv CHAPTERS CHAPTER1: INTRODUCTION 1-1 Background…………………………………………………………….. 1 1-2 The Root of the Tensions with the Ruling ANC Alliance…………… 7 1-3 The Purpose and Approach of the Study……………………………… 11 1-4 The Two-Stage Theory of Revolution and its Significance to the ANC Alliance’s Liberation Perspectives……………………………………. 12 1-5 Study Design and Methodology………………………………………. 19 1-6 Chapter Development…………………………………………………. 20 1-7 Summary………………………………………………………………. 21 CHAPTER 2: THE UNIFYING AND DIVISIVE FUNCTIONS OF IDEOLOGY AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE TO THE ANC’S IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT 2-1 Introduction……………………………………………………………. 23 2-2 The Functions of Ideology and their Utility in ANC Policy Documents…………………………………………………………….. 24 2-3 The Relevance of the Analytical Framework for this Study………….. 30 2-4 Summary………………………………………………………………. 31 CHAPTER 3: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANC ALLIANCE’S TWO-STAGE THEORY 3-1 Introduction……………………………………………………………. 33 3-2 The Genesis of the “Two-Stage Theory” from Marx and Engels to Stalin………………………………………………………………... 34 3-3 The Original Ideological Split between Socialists and Nationalists in South Africa………………………………………………………… 40 3-4 The Development and Application of the ‘Two-Stage Theory” in South Africa…………………………………………………………… 46 3-5 The Development of Ideological Tensions Over the “Two-Stage Theory”………………………………………………………………... 54 3-6 The Re-articulation of the “Two-Stage Theory” and its Ideological Utility ………………………………………………………………….. 62 3-7 Summary………………………………………………………………. 67 iii CHAPTER 4: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FREEDOM CHARTER FOR THE ANC ALLIANCE 4-1 Introduction……………………………………………………………. 68 4-2 Background to the Formulation of the 1955 Freedom Charter………... 69 4-3 The Ambiguous “Economic/Property” Clauses of the Freedom Charter………………………………………………………………… 71 4-4 The Freedom Charter as a Popular Vision/Programme for Freedom and Equality………………………………….................... 76 4-5 The Initial Interpretive Differences on the Freedom Charter within the ANC………………………………………………………………. 79 4-6 The Pro-Capitalist/”Mixed Economy” Interpretation of Freedom Charter…………………………………………………………………. 80 4-7 The Socialist Perspective of the Freedom Charter…………………….. 93 4-8 Summary………………………………………………………………. 98 CHAPTER 5: THE GENESIS OF TENSIONS OVER THETHEORYOF THE “NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION” WITHIN THE ANC ALLIANCE 5-1 Introduction……………………………………………………………100 5-2 The Development of the ANC’s Theory of the “National Democratic Revolution……………………………………………………………..102 5-3 The Pro-Capitalist View of the “National Democratic Revolution”…..110 5-4 The Socialist Perspective of the Theory of the “National Democratic Revolution”…………………………………………….....122 5-5 The Utility of the ANC Model of the “National Democratic Revolution”………………………………………………………….....132 5-6 Summary…………………………………………………………….....134 CHAPTER 6: SHIFTS IN THE IDEOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK OF GOVERNMENT POLICIES FROM THE EARLY 1990STO 1996 6-1 Introduction…………………………………………………………... 136 6-2 The Evolution of the ANC Government Policy Trajectory………….. 137 6-3 The Roots of Neo-liberalism in ANC Government Policy…………... 147 6-4 The Formulation of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP)…………………………………………………….151 6-5 Policy Shifts from the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) Base Document to the RDP White Paper………...157 6-6 The Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) Policy: Its Genesis and Rationalisation by the ANC Government……………… 165 6-7 Summary………………………………………………………………177 CHAPTER 7: TENSIONS IN THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ALLIANCE OVER GOVERNMENT POLICIES 7-1 Introduction…………………………………………………………... 179 7-2 The Clash Over the Ideological Complexions of Government Policies between ANC Nationalists and the “Left” Factions………... 181 iv 7-3 The “Left Factionalism” and the “Reformist-Bourgeois” Tendency: Growing Intra-Alliance Ideological Differences…………………….. 190 7-4 The Evolution of the Policy of “Black Economic Empowerment”….. 204 7-5 Summary……………………………………………………………... 235 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION 8-1 Introduction………………………………………………………….. 238 8-2 The Development of the ANC Alliance’s “Revolutionary” Language…………………………………………………………….. 239 8-3 Considerations of the Investigation and Recommendations for Further Research……………………………………………………... 247 8-4 Summing Up…………………………………………………………. 248 REFERENCES........................................................................................................................... 250 APPENDICES Appendix 1 The Freedom Charter……………………………………………………… 284 TABLES Table 7-1 Trends of Inequality amongst Blacks 1991-1996…………………………. 218 v CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1-1 Background An examination of competing ideological perspectives is crucial for excavating the causes of recent schisms within the contemporary ruling ANC-led tripartite alliance in South Africa. The thesis contends that “there is no settled or agreed definition” of ideology, “only a collection of rival definitions” (Heywood 2007, 5). The investigation adopts the view that the different meanings of ideology reflect its alternative functions. Thus, three approaches to ideology are explored. The first one is the “personalist” patrimonial patron-client view which conceives the function of ideology as a ‘camouflage’ for individual self-interests. The second approach focuses on factional ideological disagreements as the cause of political divisions. A third approach grounds ideology in the material interests of different class-based blocks within the ruling ANC alliance. Thus, the thesis employs the alternative frameworks of ideology
Recommended publications
  • Searchlight South Africa: a Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Vol
    Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.PSAPRCA0009 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 Alternative title Searchlight South Africa Author/Creator Hirson, Baruch; Trewhela, Paul; Ticktin, Hillel; MacLellan, Brian Date 1991-07 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Ethiopia, Iraq, Namibia, South Africa Coverage (temporal)
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Article COSATU, the ANC and the Election
    Article COSATU, the ANC and the Election: Whither the Alliance? Roger Southall and Geoffrey Wood South Africa's 'liberation election' of 1994 registered a triumph for the 'Tripartite Alliance', which brought together the African National Congress with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) into a formal relationship. Based upon an organic relationship between the dominant and most progressive stream of the trade union movement and the liberation movement (which had its roots far back in history but which during the late-1980s had enjoyed spectacular success in spearheading resistance against apartheid), the Alliance was viewed from within the labour movement as designed to ensure that a working class bias prevailed in the policies and programmes adopted by the ANC once it became the principal party of government. Although it was always realised that as a governing party the ANC would have responsibilities to its wider support base (which extends far beyond the organised working class) and indeed, that in keeping with its character as a non-racial, inclusive party open to all South Africans, it would have to be committed to pursuing the national interest, the Tripartite Alliance was forged to ensure that, henceforth, newly democratic government in South Africa would be labour friendly. In the event, as we all know now, the relationship between COSATU and the ANC-in-government has not been free of tensions. Most particularly, the ANC's effective abandonment of the progressive Reconstruction and Development Plan (RDP) - on which it fought the 1994 election - in favour, in June 1996, of the neo-liberal and fiscally conservative Growth, Employment and Redistribution strategy (GEAR) continues to be a source of major stress, with COSATU being highly critical both of the substance as well as of the lack of consultation which preceded the adoption of the TRANSFORMATION 38 (1999) ISSN 0258-7696 COSATU, the ANC and the Election new programme.
    [Show full text]
  • From Long Walk to Freedom: the Autobiography of Nelson Mandela
    Name ___________________ Date _____ Class _____ Africa South of the Sahara Primary Source Reading A Interpreting the Source Reader's Dictionary Nelson Mandela (1918- ) was trained to politicized: involved in politics be a leader of the Thembu people. Later, epiphany: a sudden understanding he received a Western education. In 1952 of something important Mandela became one of the leaders of the revelation: the act of revealing a African National Congress (ANC). The ANC at divine truth first followed a policy of nonviolent resistance slights: humiliating slurs to white rule and apartheid in South Africa. castigated: criticized Later, itsupported more violent methods. Mandela was arrested in 1962 and sentenced Guided Reading to life imprisonment. During his 28 years in In this passage, Mandela tells how he became prison, Mandela's reputation grew throughout interested in fighting for civil rights in South Africa and the world. Finally, the South African Africa. Read the passage, and then answer government released him and agreed to hold the questions that follow. free elections. In 1994 Mandela became the first black president of South Africa. From Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela I cannot pinpoint a moment when I became ner of Dr. Pixley ka Seme, one of the founders politicized, when I knew that I would spend of the ANC. my life in the liberation struggle. I had no Lembede said that Africa was a black man's epiphany, no singular revelation, no moment of continent, and it was up to Africans to reassert truth, but a steady accumulation of a thousand themselves and reclaim what vyas rightfully slights, and a thousand indignities produced in theirs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Collected Writings of AP Mda by Robert Edgar and Luyanda Msumza
    H-Africa New Book: Africa's Cause Must Triumph: The Collected Writings of A.P. Mda by Robert Edgar and Luyanda Msumza Discussion published by Robert Edgar on Saturday, November 10, 2018 Dear Readers, A new book that might be of interest, Africa's Cause Must Triumph: The Collected Writings of A.P. Mda by Robert Edgar and Luyanda ka Msumza Published by Best Red/HSRC Press, 2018 The Class of 1944, the founders of the African National Congress Youth League in South Africa, include a remarkable list of names, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, Anton Lembede, and Ashby Peter (A.P. Mda). While much has been written on the others, relatively little attention has been paid to Mda (1916-1993), the Youth League's President from 1947 to 1949 whom his peers regarded as the foremost political intellectual and strategist of their generation. He was known for his passionate avocacy of African nationalism, guiding the ANC into militant forms of protest, and pressing activists to turn to armed struggle in the early 1950s. In his late teens Mda began leaving a rich written record--through letters and essays in newspapers, political tracts and speeches,and letters to colleagues--that allows us to chart the evolution of his views throughout his life, not only on politics but also on culture, literature, music, religion, and education. Africa's Cause Must Trimuph contains a lengthy biography of Mda as well as 98 of his writings. Additional information on the book may be obtained from Blue Weaver in South Africa at https://www.blueweaver.co.za/index.php/academic-scholarly Citation: Robert Edgar.
    [Show full text]
  • Executive Intelligence Review, Volume 17, Number 4, January 19
    communism The Truth About The LaRouche Trial • The rush to trial only 37 days after indictment. • Four years of federal investigations and a "warm­ up" trial where jurors reported they would have voted unanimously for acquittal. • The role of Henry Kissinger and the "Get LaRouche Task Force." • The judge's decision to grant a special motion in limine to block the defense case. • Full text of appeal papers filed by LaRouche's attorney, former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, and distin­ guished international jurists. $1 0 ppd., 664 pages Available from Executive Intelligence Review Name __________________________________________ Address _______________________________________ ----'-- City ______________ _________ State ___ Zip ___ � Telephone ____________ ------- Make checks payable to: Executive Intelligence Review P.o. Box 17390, Washington, D.C. 20041-0390 From the Editor Founder and Contributing Editor: Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. Editor: Nora Hamerman Managing Editors: John Sigerson, Susan Welsh Assistant Managing Editor: Ronald Kokinda Editorial Board: Warren Hamerman, Melvin Klenetsky, Antony Papert, Gerald Rose, Allen Salisbury, Edward Spannaus, Nancy Spannaus, P resident Bush is claiming the Panama invasion as a victory for Webster Tarpley, William Wertz, Carol White, Christopher White the War on Drugs, but many people don't believe it. This week's Science and Technology: Carol White cover story tells why you shouldn't, either. Special Services: Richard Freeman Book Editor: Katherine Notley We begin with Lyndon LaRouche's definition of what a real, Advertising Director: Marsha Freeman moral war on drugs-one that would free the youth pictured on our Circulation Manager: Cynthia Parsons cover from the degradation of the rock-drug-sex counterculture­ INTELLIGENCE DIRECTORS: would require.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
    Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 40 2013 Issue
    Review of African Political Economy, 2013 Vol. 40, No. 138, 653–654 BOOK REVIEW The fate of Sudan: the origins and process they eventually came to control. consequences of a flawed peace process, They had their own preconceptions of by John Young, London, Zed Books, what needed to be done and prescriptions 2012, xx + 388 pp., £16.99, ISBN of how to do it. These are prescribed in 9781780323251 the handbooks of peace negotiations as (a) peace-making negotiations aimed to achieve the cessation of hostilities; (b) Peace is more than cessation of military peace-building to create a stable state on hostilities, more than simple political the western liberal democratic model. stability. Peace is the presence of justice, These are seen in a sequential process, and peace-building entails addressing all factors and forces that stand as impedi- and the established procedure is to focus ments to the realization of all human on peace-making first and worry about rights for all human beings. (Bendan˜a state building afterwards. Critics have 2003) dubbed the first as ‘negative peace’ and the second as ‘positive peace’. The fate of This statement, quoted by John Young at Sudan argues that, in this case at least, the beginning of The fate of Sudan (1), afterwards is already too late for state sets out unambiguously the issue the book building along lines of democratic trans- deals with: the ultimate failure of the formation essential to stability, hence the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) flawed peace process in the subtitle. concluded in Sudan in 2005 to set the foun- The flaws in the CPA story are many, dations of sustainable peace.
    [Show full text]
  • Cyril Ramaphosa Is Establishing a Unit in the Presidency Priorities
    Cyril Ramaphosa is establishing a unit in the presidency which he hopes - Herald Live 18 May 2019 President Cyril Ramaphosa is establishing a unit in the presidency which he hopes will improve policy development and coordination. This is an important initiative designed to help him address the huge challenges facing his incoming government. There is no question that strengthening the government’s policy capacity is a priority. Cabinet ministries are often individualistic and departments tend to operate as silos. There tends to be poor alignment, let alone coordination, of policies and programmes within national government and between the spheres of government. The president has some power to impose discipline. But this power depends on being very well-informed and well-briefed by his team. ADVERTISING The unit – called the Policy Analysis and Research Services – will be headed by Busani Ngcaweni, a seasoned mandarin in the Presidency. Ngcaweni was Chief of Staff when Ramaphosa was Deputy President. He had, remarkably, occupied this senior and sensitive post for four consecutive deputy presidents over a 10-year period. Over the decade he also managed to publish around eight books of essays by himself and other writers on serious South African topics such as AIDS. Before becoming chief of staff he also served as a policy researcher in the presidency during the Thabo Mbeki era. There is no doubt that he is a committed and able intellectual, and a skilled political manager. What is the unit intended to achieve? Can it be compared with the unit that operated during the Mbeki and Kgalema Motlanthe presidencies? Priorities The unit’s priority areas will be “the economy, infrastructure planning and development, agricultural development and government service delivery”.
    [Show full text]
  • A Spartacist Pamphlet $1
    A Spartacist Pamphlet $1 July 1991"~~~~$'X523 Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 2 Introduction The release of Nelson Mandela from the serving as a summary of the recent period tional Congress and other anti-apartheid or­ prison hellholes where he had spent 27 of struggle. We follow with "South Africa: ganizations under the underground condi­ years was greeted by black militants and Razor's Edge," a major article from our tions forced upon them by totalitarian re­ anti-racist fighters in South Africa and press during the critical 1984-86 years of pression, have now burst forth more openly:' throughout the world as a symbol of the the township revolts. Here we laid out the the effect of the "divestment"/sanctions impending collapse of the brutal rule of the stakes in the anti-apartheid struggle and dis­ strategy; the refurbished schemes for apartheid system. But even as the masses of cw.. sed some important aspects of the his­ "power sharing"; the question of the role black South Africans in the urban shanty­ tory and social structure of South Africa of the working class; the debate over the towns and in the impoverished townships which have shaped the confrontation be­ notion of "two-stage" revolution; the im­ were cheering his release and raising anew tween the racist police state and the masses plications for communists worldwide of the their demands for "Amandla," the debates of black working people. deepening collapse of Stalinism in the were raging with renewed intensity among The subsequent articles, reprinted in USSR and Eastern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • “Born Frees” and the Predicament of Being Young in Post- Apartheid South Africa
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Youth: “Born Frees” and the Predicament of Being Young in Post- Apartheid South Africa Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4n6485ww Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 38(1) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Mokoena, Hlonipha A. Publication Date 2014 DOI 10.5070/F7381025025 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Youth: “Born Frees” and the Predicament of Being Young in Post-Apartheid South Africa1 Hlonipha A. Mokoena Abstract If South Africa’s intellectual history is defined in generational terms then it is possible to speak of a “generation gap” in the history of political and social ideas. Whereas in the 1940s, the elitist and qui- escent leadership of the African National Congress was jostled into action by the “Young Lions” of the Youth League; and whereas the literary opposition to apartheid was led from within the Afrikaner/ Afrikaans community by the Sestigers—“the Generation of the Sixties”—“youth” in South Africa today is not synonymous with political and philosophical innovation. This paper will explore the problems of “youthfulness” and “rejuvenation” in South African political thought by describing the ways in which the “Born Frees” could conceive an intellectual “manifesto,” as both an alternative to the post-apartheid “death of ideas” and as a revision of the his- toriography on “youth” that has been the foundation of narratives about the young since the 1976 Soweto uprising. Even philosophers are young men for a time. They must be born somewhere, some time and begin to think and write.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict of Ideologies: the Anc Youth League and Communism 1949-1955
    COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date). CONFLICT OF IDEOLOGIES: THE ANC YOUTH LEAGUE AND COMMUNISM 1949-1955 BY STEPHEN PLAATJIE IN PARTIAL SUBMISSION FOR A DEGREE OF MASTERS IN HISTORY AT THE FACULTV OF ARTS AT THE RANDSE AFRIKAANSE UNIVERSITEIT PROMOTOR PROFESSOR HJ VAN ASWEGEN -NOVEMBER 1994 (i) I· ABSTRACT The main purpose of this study is to expose a hidden dimension in the annals of African resistance politics. This dimension has never received adequate attention thus the repercussions of its influence has not been adequately accounted for. This dimension is centred on the causes and consequences of conflict between the ANC Africanist Youth League and the Communist Party. The Africanist Youth League was convinced that its conflict with the Communist Party was in defence of African nationalism and self-determination. The Communist Party's infiltration of the ANC and its concerted efforts to derail it and the Youth League from African Nationalism, comes under critical scrutiny in this study.
    [Show full text]