Kieran Mcconaghy Phd Thesis
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The Logic of Violence in Civil War Has Much Less to Do with Collective Emotions, Ideologies, Cultures, Or “Greed and Grievance” Than Currently Believed
P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 TheLogic of Violence in Civil War By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against prevailing views that such violence is either the product of impenetrable madness or a simple way to achieve strategic objectives, the book demonstrates that the logic of violence in civil war has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, cultures, or “greed and grievance” than currently believed. Stathis Kalyvas distinguishes between indis- criminate and selective violence and specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and indi- vidual noncombatants trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what oppor- tunities their predicament affords them. Violence is not a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats sim- ple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the “frontlines” of civil war. Civil war offers irresistible opportu- nities to those who are not naturally bloodthirsty and abhor direct involvement in violence. The manipulation of political organizations by local actors wishing to harm their rivals signals a process of privatization of political violence rather than the more commonly thought politicization of private life. Seen from this perspective, violence is a process taking place because of human aversion rather than a predisposition toward homicidal violence, which helps explain the para- dox of the explosion of violence in social contexts characterized by high levels of interpersonal contact, exchange, and even trust. -
Ttoommoo Vviiiiii:: Otras Bandas Terroristas.Triple A, Extrema Derecha, Gae (Grupo Anti Eta), Terrorismo Islamista, Iraultza
Documentos para la historia- paz. ODAS LAS VÍCTIMAS DEL TERRORISMO T TOMO VIII: OTRAS BANDAS TERRORISTAS.TRIPLE A, EXTREMA DERECHA, GAE (GRUPO ANTI ETA), TERRORISMO ISLAMISTA, IRAULTZA, INCONTROLADOS....(1975-2004) OTRAS BANDAS TERRORISTAS (1975-2007) OTRAS BANDAS TERRORISTAS (1975-2007) TODAS LAS VÍCTIMAS DEL TERRORISMO AZ P EXTREMA DERECHA LA EXTREMA DERECHA ARA GERMÁN AGUIRRE IRAUSUTEGUI Legutiano (Álava), 12 de octubre de 1975 Taxista Hacia las once y media de la noche del domingo 12 de octubre de 1975, el taxista Germán Aguirre Iraustegui fue asesinado a tiros por personas de extrema derecha, a orillas del embalse de Santa Engracia, en la localidad alavesa de Legutiano, a escasos cien metros del cuartelillo de la Guardia Civil. LA P DOCUMENTOS HISTORIA- ermán Aguirre, natural de de alguna festividad. Pero al San Prudencio de Bergara, poco rato volvió a escuchar un ARA teníaG 38 años, estaba casado y gran número de disparos y el EXTREMA DERECHA contaba con dos hijos de 11 y 9 movimiento de varios automóvi- OS P EXTREMA DERECHA años de edad. Taxista de profe- les, que, según sus palabras, sión, desde hacía seis años, iban y venían. Sin embargo, no tenía parada en la localidad gui- se atrevió a asomarse a la venta- puzcoana de Arrasate- na y aún hubo una tercera oca- DOCUMENT Mondragón. sión, a los pocos minutos, en que sonó nuevamente otra tanda de tiros. Durante la mañana del día siguiente, lunes 13 de octubre de 1975, se trasladaron al lugar del Esta vecina también señaló que suceso, el coronel jefe del Tercio durante toda la noche se produjo de San Sebastián, Pajuelo en la zona un gran movimiento Arteaga y el teniente coronel de de guardias civiles, quienes la comandancia de Vitoria, Tejero acordonaron los alrededores del Molina. -
Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000. -
Solidarity Hypocracy in Perspective (1992)
“ r *§ Jr “I- "\- L Va in ‘I'D %.h If-I I'f'lI* --. ...._. .:..a--- '--Ffiq-‘ 0 J '1' 1 ‘ _| in J\ "' 1}; *+1-ix?»012'-‘ill _, ... \ J I ,5: Q. tr‘ ._ ,-'l ‘ n '- ~1 -4- i gh --Qnni tiK. -.; '1 an-..,..~ M Iqfl ¢-,4 7'11 1 "1‘-I '-“an U 9 Q I -Ir" l'|‘ | 1. John Plckel 1cu-n-1| Miner (NUM) 4- l_-at 6 Months IV Q 1 "1- I SOILIHDARIITY HYIPUMCIRACY l=-&I==:s:='|r-I=l=__:c-:-..fi-|\/‘=5-_ ii —I_,-_ P -1 F-I i.'1‘Q, q 1?-?"":.;' ¢ Q: u ‘H! i-In =*"*i‘~\>~ ‘Q K Finqil’ ‘i ,<*' commaswwmmmwomas| ‘.1 '1'-'1 0“ "t vmummsmwumen ‘LifPi?‘,1 msxmanrmsownmv H-tifi-I MESOWEWESHUWEBNS4 nil! In ‘ fl1ECOVEHNkENTWSTNOIE -u IQII MOWEDIO PRIV/Uljf IOUR PRISONS! I J‘ I -_ ‘.3’ g a» W“.-.- n-.1: I ‘1--‘J c?'%3'**"",,,',-;- .. ‘I’ +1 1% X I‘ .s;r_ “ I u _‘91.‘l""“-“I';l"'‘Ir{'5" wi "3"-u. '\,-ROQ . v6 Q. —Iu-I——un-- ‘_ a%V@ Jcgjs 1992 $“5"-JA\(°‘ , 5% _.l-in|i__ - THE PRIVATISATION OF PRISONS — A STEP FORWARD OR BACKWARD IN THE STRUGGLE? . Many prisoners have welcomed the idea of privatisation. Not from the Tory government ‘market values are best’ perspective, but because they think that it will bring improvements in conditions and destroy the reign of terror of the Prison Officers’ Associa- tion (POA). The issue has been debated by prisoners and ex- prisoners in the pages of Fight Racism! Fight Imperialisml. -
Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
Self-Determination for the Basque People
THE HUMAN RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION AND THE LONG WALK OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY TO A DEMOCRATIC SCENARIO ―Law is a living deed, not a brilliant honors list of past writers whose work of course compels respect but who cannot, except for a few great minds, be thought to have had such a vision of the future that they could always see beyond their own times‖. Judge Ammoun ―Separate Opinion‖ Advisory Opinion of the ICJ Jon Namibia, 1971 Introduction Let me start with some considerations. The case of the right to self determination is the case of human rights and history shows us that human rights are the cause of the oppressed, the cause of the colonized, the subalterns, and the cause of those on the other side of the borderline. Human rights have always been opposed by those in power, by the states of the capitalist world system. And so the recognized human rights are not but the consequences of long term struggles for non-recognized rights. And same pass with the right to self determination. Those who today consider this right only to be applied to colonies or occupied territories, are the same who opposed to the struggles for national liberation. Those who consider right now the right to self determination recognized in art 1 of the UN International Covenants on Civil and Political rights and Social, Cultural and Ecomic Rights are the same who opposed in the UN to the stablishment of art.1 and those who right now try to limit the right of indigenous peoples to self determination. -
C'est À Théoule (06) Que Fut Réalisé Le Premier Monument À L'initiative De L'adimad-OAS a Pérols a Béziers
L'ADIMAD-OAS, c'est : l'AMICALE POUR LA DÉFENSE DES INTÉRÊTS MORAUX ET MATÉRIELS DES ANCIENS DÉTENUS ET EXILÉS POLITIQUES DE l'ALGÉRIE FRANÇAISE Le Président Jean-François COLLIN souhaitait la bienvenue sur le site de 2010 10 Juil. POUILLOT— Henri l'ADIMAD-OAS par ces mots : "Vitrine du juste combat de l'Algérie française. L'ADIMAD c'est 928 membres de l'Organisation dont 756 anciens détenus ." Tout un Programme !!! C'est à Théoule (06) que fut réalisé le premier monument à l'initiative de l'ADIMAD-OAS Ce monument a été inauguré par le colonel LACHEROY, en 2002, ce théoricien de la "guerre révolutionnaire" (dont la tortu- re est le moyen d'obtention du renseignement). Il était allé com- me instructeur enseigner ces pratiques sur le continent améri- cain avec les Aussaresses et consorts, et ce, avec le feu vert de Pierre Mesmer. "Renaud Muselier, tête de liste UMP à l'élection régionale PACA, escorté d'une cohorte d'élus de même couleur po- litique est débarqué… pour tenter par tous les moyens privées pro OAS ou de collections sites de récupérer l'électoral pied-noir... " (c'est une citation ADIMAD) pour cette exposition pour cette exposition extraites sont des L'essentiel des photographies utilisées utilisées photographies des L'essentiel A Pérols A Béziers 1 Tombe de Claude Piegts Plaque que l'on trouve à l'Église du Sacré-Coeur d'Antibes. Ces 4 crimi- nels y sont qualifiés de martyrs !! Cette épitaphe est tout un symbole : puisque le fait d'être fusillé pour ses crimes (au lieudit le "Trou d'Enfer", dans le Fort de Marly le Roi -78) , en fait un "héros" !!! A Giens Sq. -
New Labour, Old Morality
New Labour, Old Morality. In The IdeasThat Shaped Post-War Britain (1996), David Marquand suggests that a useful way of mapping the „ebbs and flows in the struggle for moral and intellectual hegemony in post-war Britain‟ is to see them as a dialectic not between Left and Right, nor between individualism and collectivism, but between hedonism and moralism which cuts across party boundaries. As Jeffrey Weeks puts it in his contribution to Blairism and the War of Persuasion (2004): „Whatever its progressive pretensions, the Labour Party has rarely been in the vanguard of sexual reform throughout its hundred-year history. Since its formation at the beginning of the twentieth century the Labour Party has always been an uneasy amalgam of the progressive intelligentsia and a largely morally conservative working class, especially as represented through the trade union movement‟ (68-9). In The Future of Socialism (1956) Anthony Crosland wrote that: 'in the blood of the socialist there should always run a trace of the anarchist and the libertarian, and not to much of the prig or the prude‟. And in 1959 Roy Jenkins, in his book The Labour Case, argued that 'there is a need for the state to do less to restrict personal freedom'. And indeed when Jenkins became Home Secretary in 1965 he put in a train a series of reforms which damned him in they eyes of Labour and Tory traditionalists as one of the chief architects of the 'permissive society': the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, reform of the abortion and obscenity laws, the abolition of theatre censorship, making it slightly easier to get divorced. -
Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student
EUROPEAN HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY Program «World Politics and economics» Dziadok Mikalai 1'st year student Essay Written assignment Course «International relations and governances» Course instructor Andrey Stiapanau Vilnius, 2016 The Troubles (Northern Ireland conflict 1969-1998) Plan Introduction 1. General outline of a conflict. 2. Approach, theory, level of analysis (providing framework). Providing the hypothesis 3. Major actors involved, definition of their priorities, preferences and interests. 4. Origins of the conflict (historical perspective), major actions timeline 5. Models of conflicts, explanations of its reasons 6. Proving the hypothesis 7. Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Northern Ireland conflict, called “the Troubles” was the most durable conflict in the Europe since WW2. Before War in Donbass (2014-present), which lead to 9,371 death up to June 3, 20161 it also can be called the bloodiest conflict, but unfortunately The Donbass War snatched from The Troubles “the victory palm” of this dreadful competition. The importance of this issue, however, is still essential and vital because of challenges Europe experience now. Both proxy war on Donbass and recent terrorist attacks had strained significantly the political atmosphere in Europe, showing that Europe is not safe anymore. In this conditions, it is necessary for us to try to assume, how far this insecurity and tensions might go and will the circumstances and the challenges of a international relations ignite the conflict in Northern Ireland again. It also makes sense for us to recognize that the Troubles was also a proxy war to a certain degree 23 Sources, used in this essay are mostly mass-media articles, human rights observers’ and international organizations reports, and surveys made by political scientists on this issue. -
Ventunesimo Secolo
Anno XIII - ottobre 2014 35 Rivista di studi sulle transizioni Ventunesimo Secolo Direzione Gaetano Quagliariello Comitato scientifco Elena Aga-Rossi, Roberto Balzani, Giampietro Berti, Eugenio Capozzi, Antonio Carioti, Marina Cattaruzza, Roberto Chiarini, Simona Colarizi, Piero Craveri, Stefano De Luca, Gianni Donno, Marco Gervasoni, Fabio Grassi Orsini, Lev Gudkov, Juan Carlos Martinez Oliva, Mauro Moretti, Gerardo Nicolosi, Giovanni Orsina, Roberto Pertici, Antonio Varsori, Paolo Varvaro Caporedattori Vera Capperucci, Christine Vodovar Redazione Michele Afnito, Emanuele Bernardi, Lucia Bonfreschi, Maria Elena Cavallaro, Michele Donno, Gabriele D’Ottavio, Maria Teresa Giusti, Andrea Guiso, Marzia Maccaferri, Evelina Martelli, Tommaso Pifer, Carmine Pinto, Luca Polese Remaggi, Andrea Spiri Corrispondenti Juan Eugenio Corradi (America Latina); Marc Lazar, Nicolas Roussellier, Olivier Wieviorka (Francia); Kiran Klaus Patel (Germania); Carl Levy (Gran Bretagna); Abdòn Mateos (Spagna); Christian Ostermann (Stati Uniti); Vladislav Zubok (Russia) Rubbettino Direzione e redazione c/o Centro Transition Studies, Luiss Guido Carli viale Romania 32, 00197 Roma tel.: 06 86506799; fax: 06 86506503; e-mail: [email protected] Amministrazione Rubbettino Editore, viale Rosario Rubbettino 10, 88049 Soveria Mannelli tel.: 0968 6664208; fax 0968 662055; e-mail: [email protected] Sommario Gaetano Quagliariello Editoriale 5 L’eredità di Margaret Tatcher Antonio Masala Introduzione: L’eredità di Margaret Tatcher 9 Richard Vinen Britain’s Tatcher. -
La Mon Atrocity Remembered a Memorial Service Has Been Held In
::: u.tv ::: NEWS Body found at Grand Canal SUNDAY Confidential files found at roadside 17/02/2008 18:05:01 Jobs boost for Cork Two 'critical' after attack La Mon atrocity remembered War of words 09:39 A memorial service has been held in Belfast to 09:20 New crime crackdown launched mark the 30th anniversary of the La Mon hotel Atrocity is remembered Man held after 'sex attack' bombing. La Mon atrocity remembered Relatives of the 12 people killed in the 1978 IRA atrocity gathered at Two held after Moira assault Castlereagh Council offices this afternoon for a service of remembrance Three held after drugs find led by the Rev David McIlveen. Limavady fire is 'suspicious' Man dies after Galway crash The DUP`s Irish Robinson and Jimmy Spratt were also among those Brendan Hughes has died attending the service today. Petrol bomb attack in Cullybackey Charge after Belfast death Disruption to Dublin Airport flights The event follows criticism of the DUP from some of the La Mon families who have accused Ian Paisley of letting victims down by going into Cannabis seeds found in Moy government with Sinn Fein. Man dies after Carlow RTC Charges after Portadown attack Two held after drugs seizure More than 400 people were attending a dinner dance in La Mon, when the IRA incendiary device went off. Man stabbed in Sligo Man 'critical' after Dublin assault Bluetongue confirmed in NI A wreath was laid at the La Mon garden in the council grounds today in Donegal murder victim laid to rest memory of the seven women and five men who were killed in one of the worst attacks of the Troubles. -
1 Demographic Change and Conflict in Northern Ireland
Demographic Change and Conflict in Northern Ireland: Reconciling Qualitative and Quantitative Evidence Eric Kaufmann James Fearon and David Laitin (2003) famously argued that there is no connection between the ethnic fractionalisation of a state’s population and its likelihood of experiencing ethnic conflict. This has contributed towards a general view that ethnic demography is not integral to explaining ethnic violence. Furthermore, sophisticated attempts to probe the connection between ethnic shifts and conflict using large-N datasets have failed to reveal a convincing link. Thus Toft (2007), using Ellingsen's dataset for 1945-94, finds that in world-historical perspective, since 1945, ethno-demographic change does not predict civil war. Toft developed hypotheses from realist theories to explain why a growing minority and/or shrinking majority might set the conditions for conflict. But in tests, the results proved inconclusive. These cross-national data-driven studies tell a story that is out of phase with qualitative evidence from case study and small-N comparative research. Donald Horowitz cites the ‘fear of extinction’ voiced by numerous ethnic group members in relation to the spectre of becoming minorities in ‘their’ own homelands due to differences of fertility and migration. (Horowitz 1985: 175-208) Slack and Doyon (2001) show how districts in Bosnia where Serb populations declined most against their Muslim counterparts during 1961-91 were associated with the highest levels of anti-Muslim ethnic violence. Likewise, a growing field of interest in African studies concerns the problem of ‘autochthony’, whereby ‘native’ groups wreak havoc on new settlers in response to the perception that migrants from more advanced or dense population regions are ‘swamping’ them.