African American Femininity: an Investigation of the Hegemonic and Unique Culturally Specific Norms Defining Womanhood

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African American Femininity: An Investigation of the hegemonic and unique culturally specific norms defining womanhood

A Dissertation Presented to The Graduate Faculty at the University of Akron

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Ashlee Wynell Davis, M.A. July 2017

African American Femininity: An Investigation of the hegemonic and unique culturally specific norms defining womanhood

Ashlee Wynell Davis, M.A. Dissertation

Approved: Accepted:

______Advisor Department Chair Suzette Speight, Ph.D. Paul Levy, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Dean of Arts & Sciences Ronald Levant, Ed.D. John Green, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Dean of Graduate School Ingrid Weigold, Ph.D. Chand Midha, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Date John Queener, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Delila Owens, Ph.D.

Abstract

The concept of multidimensional feminine norms has been recently developed within the literature. Given the impact of gender socialization imposed via feminine norms a number of researchers have sought to assess a universal or hegemonic femininity. However, this

Eurocentric line of inquiry does not capture African American women’s experience, given their intersectional identities tied to race and gender and distinct gendered racial socialization. A number of scholars have explored the concept of Black womanhood; however this has been from a largely theoretical standpoint and little is known about the specific feminine norms that comprise it. In terms of the empirical literature, much of the work has been qualitative with only one study to date exploring the phenomena quantitatively. This study utilized exploratory factor analysis procedure to examine the content of existing measures toward providing a comprehensive framework of African American femininity.

The present study addressed a gap in the literature by quantitatively investigating the norms that emerge as consistent with African American womanhood and potential differences between age groups. This study provided a culturally appropriate assessment of African

American women’s feminine norms exploring the existence of a combination of both traditional and unique culturally specific norms defining African American womanhood. Participants were

399 African American women ranging in age from 18 to 69 with a mean age of 30.63 (SD =

10.84). Participants were recruited via social media and students from a Midwestern university for a web-based survey. Exploratory factor analyses found the following feminine norms to emerge as consistent with African American Femininity: spirituality, pride, self-reliance, care for children, thinness, domesticity and modesty. One-way ANOVA results further indicated that there is not much variation in feminine norms among African American women across age.

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DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my mother, who has always been my biggest supporter and graced me with her unending wisdom. Thank you for your selfless commitment, unwavering support and encouragement in my pursuit of excellence.

TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER Page I. INTRODUCTION…...... 1 II. A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE……………………………………………………….12 Theory……………………………………………………………………………………….12 Defining Black Womanhood……………..…………………………………………………15 Summary...…………………………………………………………………………………..36 III. METHODS………………………………………………………………………………….39 Participants…………………………………………………………………………………..39 Procedures…………………………………………………………………………………...40 Measures…………………………………………………………………………………….41 Statistical Analytic Plan………………………………………………………………...... 49 IV. RESULTS……………………………………………………………………………………52 Data Screening and Missing Data…………………………………………………………...52 Main Analyses………………………………………………………………………………55 V. Discussion…………………………………………………………………………………...60 Exploratory Analysis of feminine norms……………………………………………………60 Age differences in feminine norms…………………………………..……..……………….64 Implications for Interventions……………………………..………………………………...66 Limitations…………………………………………………………………………………..72 Directions for Future Research………………………………………………………...... 74 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………..77 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………………..79 TABLE.....………………………………………………………………………………………103 APPENDICES………………………………………………………………………………….110 APPENDIX A. Demographic Questionnaire…………………………………………….110 APPENDIX B. Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity ………………………….112 APPENDIX C. The Daily Spiritual Experiences Scale ……………………………...... 113

APPENDIX D. Strong Black Woman Archetype Scale………………………………….114 APPENDIX E. Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory ……………………………...115 APPENDIX F. Institutional Review Board Approval for Human Subjects Research…...117

CHAPTER 1

Within the body of literature, femininity is conceptualized from a Eurocentric vantage point. However, Black women are likely to have a distinct expression of womanhood given their unique history and experiences (Settles, Pratt-Hyatt & Buchanan, 2008; White, 1985; Woods-

Giscombe, 2010). A number of scholars have taken on the daunting task of elucidating this underrepresented area of study concerning Black womanhood. There are varying conceptualizations and theories aimed at this pursuit, encapsulating the complexity of Black women’s unique gender expression and identity development. There is no clear answer as to what Black Femininity is nor the norms that comprise it. Black women in the United States experience some of the same feminine expectations as White women. However, the Eurocentric interpretation of femininity might not be applicable to Black women given their distinct socialization experience. Given Black women’s distinct racial and gender socialization experience, theory suggests that femininity might look differently for Black women compared to

White women. For instance, the norms of strength, independence and perseverance are regarded as key elements of femininity among Black women in addition to more traditional norms such as familial care, investment in physical appearance, and self-respect for one’s body and life in general (Chaney, 2011; Settles, Pratt-Hyatt & Buchanan, 2008). Thus there are feminine norms consistent with an assumed universal (etic) femininity; yet a more culturally specific (emic) approach would require an exploration within the culture for norms specific to Black womanhood yielding a more comprehensive and accurate delineation.

According to Vera and Speight (2003), in order for counseling psychologists to adhere to the field’s values of social justice and multiculturalism, the research needs to contribute to maintaining that commitment. The present study attempts to capture Black women’s unique

racialized gendered norms. Vera and Speight (2003) argue that instead of conducting research in an area “for knowledge’s sake” within a pure science paradigm, it is important for the research to be meaningful, applied and relevant to the community of interest. The current research seeks to improve current conceptualizations of femininity as it relates to Black womanhood. Re- conceptualizing Black femininity from an emic perspective will elucidate the complexities of

Black women’s unique experiences navigating race, class and gender.

Black women are not adequately covered within the notion of traditional femininity

(Collins, 2004; Woods-Giscombe, 2010). Femininity is a social construction and reflects traits consistent with one’s ascribed gender of being female. The traditionally feminine gender roles embody traits such as selflessness, dependence, passivity, emotional sensitivity and submissiveness (Romer, 1980; Stockard & Johnson, 1980; Thomas, 1986). Conversely, Black women’s gender roles reflect traits such as independence, self-reliance, resilience, strength, as well as nurturance (Davis, 1981; Hill, 2002; Ladner, 1971; Stack, 1991; Zinn & Dill, 1996).

This suggests that hegemonic femininity, the standard of norms valued by the dominant culture and ascribed to women via gender roles, may not accurately and fully reflect Black women’s feminine norms.

Historically, Black women have had a different experience of gender roles and gendered racial socialization and expression than White women. To some extent Black women are excluded from the mainstream interpretation of femininity due to the legacy of slavery (White,

1985). During slavery, Black women were not afforded the opportunity to exhibit traditionally feminine stereotypes (Bell, 1992).While enslaved, Black women were forced to take on roles reflective of both stereotypically feminine and masculine traits as means of survival (Burgess,

1994). Their gender did not make them exempt from hard labor in the fields (Jones, 1984). Black

women did “masculine work” right alongside the enslaved males in addition to more “feminine” work such as cooking, cleaning, and child-rearing (Davis, 1971; Smith, 1985). Black women were forced to embody both traditionally masculine and feminine gender roles during slavery which speaks to unique norms in the expression of womanhood and femininity. The strength and resilience necessary to endure the historical oppression that Black women have faced is likely to have contributed to Black women’s expression of a non-traditional femininity. The gender role flexibility involving work and family-related responsibilities that began during slavery still continues as an adaptive coping strategy to mitigate the impact of poverty, racism and discrimination (Konrad & Harris, 2002).

Black Womanhood

Collins (2004) argues that Black women do not fit within the mold of the dominant concept of femininity, urging the resistance of narrow gender roles. A number of scholars across various disciplines have emerged and used Black feminism to call attention to the fact that Black femininity is different than White femininity. Black feminist writer Walker (1983) was the first to use the term “womanist” to describe Black women’s interpretation and experience of womanhood; and hooks (1984) innovatively challenged her audience to consider the interrelatedness of race, class and gender. Womanism allows Black women to engage in self- determination, independent of the term “feminism” which centered around Middle class White women’s experiences and issues. Hudson-Weems (1989) coined the term “Africana Womanism” to account for the unique experiences of Black women across the African Diaspora, rooted within a firm foundation of Africentric theory and African cultural values. Although the notion of a devalued and marginalized femininity extends itself across an array of scholarship, much of

the work has been largely theoretical (hooks, 1981; Collins, 2000; St. Jean & Feagin, 1998).

More recently scholarship has shifted in the direction toward a more empirical exploration.

For instance, Chaney (2011) conducted a qualitative study of perceptions regarding womanhood from 15 Black women between the ages of 18 and 55. Her study revealed that Black women defined womanhood in terms of feminine attitudes (i.e., sensitivity and sensuality) and feminine behaviors (i.e., familial care, physical appearance and self-care). Additionally, non- traditional qualities such as strength, independence, and leadership qualities were seen as characteristics of womanhood which counter notions of hegemonic femininity (Chaney, 2011).

The idealized gender roles for Black women encapsulate traditionally feminine norms associated with nurturing as well as non-traditional norms associated with economic instrumentality and providing (Littlefield, 2003).

Stereotypes of Black Womanhood

To have a comprehensive conceptualization of Black femininity, it is important to address the prominent stereotypes around Black womanhood. There are three pervasive stereotypes about Black women that can be traced back to slavery: Mammy, Jezebel, and

Sapphire (West, 1995), as well as the contemporary “Superwoman” or “Strong Black Woman” stereotype (Mitchell & Herring, 1998; Thomas, Witherspoon & Speight, 2004). The “Mammy” stereotype depicts Black women as overweight, dark, unattractive, masculine, and uneducated.

She was a domestic servant who raised her masters’ children and demonstrating unwavering loyalty, nurturance, and self-sacrifice. “Jezebel” depicts Black women as seductive and oversexed (West, 1995). This stereotype originated during slavery when White men would rape

Black women and exert total control over her body. The “Sapphire” stereotype depicts Black women as aggressive, intimidating, combative domineering, and emasculating (West, 1995;

Mitchell & Herring, 1998). “Sapphire” was a character on a popular radio show called “Amos and Andy” during the 1940’s and 1950’s and conducted herself in a loud, indignant, belligerent, insensitive and overbearing manner. Lastly, the contemporary “Superwoman” stereotype or

“Strong Black woman” (SBW) image depicts Black women as emotionally restricted, invulnerable, and persevering (Mitchell & Herring, 1998).

The stereotypes Mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire and Superwoman devalue Black women’s femininity and perpetuate the notion that White women and hegemonic femininity are the norm

(Bell, 2004; Collins, 2000; Fuller, 2004; West, 2004). The endorsed stereotypes offer a very limited scope of Black women’s femininity. The stereotypes also reinforce the superiority of hegemonic femininity in that stereotypes of Black women reflect traits that are devalued and undesirable to men. These stereotypes could potentially impact definitions of Black womanhood if they are internalized as the standard for which to operate within a racially gendered expression of femininity.

Hegemonic Femininity and Culturally Specific Femininity

According to Collins (2004), “dominant femininity is based on White, heterosexual, middle class norms such as submissiveness which are neither possible nor desirable for Black women” (pg. 197). A number of researchers have attempted to create assessments that measure femininity related constructs. For example, the Feminine Role Norms Scale (Lefkowitz, Shearer,

Gillen, & Espinosa-Hernandez, 2010) assesses attitudes about the appropriate roles of women and men, the BEM Sex Role Inventory (Bem, 1974) measures dispositional characteristics associated with femininity, masculinity and androgyny; and the Feminine Gender Role Stress

Scale (Gillespie & Eisler, 1992) examines the stress that results from not subscribing to feminine norms. The Femininity Ideology Scale measures women’s femininity ideology or rather their

ideas about how women should behave (Levant, Richmond, Cook, House & Aupont, 2007).

According to the FIS, femininity ideology is rooted within five factors: stereotypic image and activities, dependence/deference, purity, caretaking, and emotionality. The stereotypic image and activities category places an emphasis on the importance of maintaining a thin physical appearance. The dependence/deference category places a value on women being dependent on their husbands and deferring roles to them. The purity factor suggests that women should idealize chastity. The caretaking factor stresses the importance of motherhood and nurturing.

Lastly, the emotionality factor reflects the idea that women tend to be sensitive and should experience a sense of emotional satisfaction when doing domestic work. Another measure is the

CFNI-45, which addresses a gap in the literature in terms of directly measuring feminine norm conformity (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Parent and Moradi (2010) identified the following nine traditional feminine norms prevalent within the dominant culture: the value placed on friendships, value placed on niceness in general, positive self-image and self-esteem as a result of thin body size, exhibiting reserve concerning confidence in one’s capabilities, the importance of cleanliness and a tidy dwelling, emphasis on being a good mother, deeming intimacy and being in a romantic relationship as essential, chastity and being virtuous, and the importance placed on appearing desirable and appealing. This innovative CFNI-45 measure allows for the personalization of conformity as opposed to a more general ideology of femininity and gender roles. One critique of all of these femininity instruments however, is that it is unknown if these characteristics generalize to Black women, since the scales were developed with largely White female samples and are representative of hegemonic femininity. Many of the existing femininity instruments within the literature have not been validated on samples of primarily Black women which would be necessary given their adherence to non-traditional gender role norms. Even if

the factor structures of the existing measures did hold on a sample of Black women its etic approach does not guarantee a complete and accurate representation of Black femininity encompassing norms outside of the proposed hegemonic structure.

To establish a holistic framework of Black femininity it is important to determine the feminine norms consistent with Black womanhood. This would require the clarification as to which hegemonic norms are consistent with Black womanhood, as well as the unique culturally specific norms that contribute to the conceptualization of the construct. Some of the norms within Parent and Moradi’s (2010) CFNI-45 measure were found in Chaney’s (2011) qualitative study. Specifically, they are consistent with the domestic, care for children, romantic relationship, sexual fidelity, and investment in appearance norms (five of the nine as relational, sweet and nice, modesty and thinness did not arise); however participants in Chaney’s (2011) study also emphasized a leadership role in the home and spirituality which are constructs the measure does not include.

Spiritual values tend to be a major cultural component among ethnic minorities (Gordon

& Hall, 2001) and are incorporated within the identity of many Black women; thus it is worth exploring as an aspect of Black femininity. Black women collectively are among the most religious and spiritual in the United States (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2009). The centrality of these constructs of spirituality and religiosity to Black women’s identities suggests that Black women may regard this norm as characteristic of Black femininity, womanhood specific to Black culture.

Abrams et al. (2014) conducted a qualitative study with a sample of 44 Black women

(age range of 18-91 years) which sought to identify Black women’s understanding of Black womanhood and gender roles, particularly as they relate to the “Strong Black Woman” (SBW)

image. Religion/spirituality as well as matriarchal leadership were themes that arose consistent with Chaney’s (2011) study. Participants resolved that leadership reflects strength. Settles, Pratt-

Hyatt, and Buchanan (2008) also found that Black women regard strength, independence and perseverance as key elements of femininity. These norms further conspicuously reflect what is missing within the construct of femininity as it relates to Black women.

The SBW image emphasizes self-reliance, self-containment, as well as the caretaking role while minimizing weakness or vulnerability (Harrington, Crowther & Shipherd, 2010) and admonishes Black women to be strong in the face of adversity without showing any physical or emotional distress. According to Harrington and colleagues (2010) the SBW ideology has been re-claimed by Black women, with the SBW identity having numerous positive aspects, in that it

“imbues pride steeped in a rich cultural and historical legacy, engenders self-efficacy for confronting challenges, and provides encouragement during adversity” (p.470). Furthermore, the idealization of the SBW within the Black community promotes Black women to be emotionally contained, competent and persevering (Jackson & Greene, 2000). Despite the negative connotations of this stereotype as it relates to mental health, given the embrace around this image it is warranted to explore as a feminine norm of Black women. The norms around strength and caretaking are also consistent with the work of Belgrave et al. (2015) who recently developed a measure of African American Women’s Gender Role beliefs. Results yielded a two-factor model reflecting agency and caretaking. It appears as though the idealized gender roles for Black women encapsulate traditionally feminine norms associated with nurturing as well as non- traditional norms associated with economic instrumentality and providing (Littlefield, 2003). The economic instrumentality and providing are indicative of agency norms.

Self-pride and racial/ethnic pride arose as feminine norms worthy of exploring toward conceptualizing Black femininity (Abrams et al., 2014; Thomas & King, 2007; Thomas &

Speight, 1999). This is consistent with Black girls’ unique racial socialization experience. Racial socialization prepares children to successfully cope within a system of oppression by facilitating a positive racial identity and teaching them to be healthy both physically and emotionally

(Peters, 1985; Stevenson, 1993). Interestingly Thomas and Speight (1999) found Black girls to be given more socialization messages than Black boys on the importance of racial pride. This indicates that Black girls have a unique gendered racial socialization experience which is not surprising given the unique form of discrimination tied to the intersection of race and gender.

Lastly, altering self-presentation (e.g. tone of voice, hair style, and demeanor) was found to be a norm among Black women ((Bell, 2004; Hall, Everett, & Hamilton-Mason, 2012;

Hassouneh-Phillips & Beckett, 2003; Johnson et al., 2016). Those who are treated in a stereotypical manner based on their race or gender develop discriminatory expectations (Thomas,

Hoxha, & Hacker, 2013), and are likely to engage in “shifting” behaviors, self-altering behaviors due to heightened expectations of being negatively stereotyped, in order to minimize experiences of discrimination. Johnson, Gamst, Arellano-Morales, Meyers and Shorter-Gooden

(2016) found that altering/shifting strategies of African American Women generally reflect aspects of minimizing pain, masking strength, and refrain from vulnerability and weakness.

Altering self-presentation such as tone of voice, hair style and demeanor was found to be a shifting norm among Black women. Lastly modesty in relationships with Black men as well as

Black people generally who have not been as successful as an attempt to save face within the culture was found to be a shifting norm (Johnson et al., 2016). Strength and modesty norms are

likely to be consistent with Black womanhood, whereas altering self-presentation appears to reflect more of a coping strategy than cultural norm.

The Current Study

Black women share commonalities with all women and as such maintain certain aspects of hegemonic femininity; however, they also espouse non-traditional feminine norms. The

CFNI-45 which measures traditional feminine norm conformity is unlikely to be a complete representation of Black femininity. Additionally some of the norms measured by the CFNI-45 may not be consistent with Black women’s expression of womanhood. The purpose of this study is to determine the feminine norms consistent with Black womanhood from both an etic and emic perspective.

Black femininity has been theorized and addressed as a distinct form of womanhood than the hegemonic standard although sharing similarities; however there is a dearth of empirical work exploring this construct. Furthermore, only one study to date (Belgrave et al., 2015) sought to quantitatively measure Black women’s gender role beliefs and only yielded two factors with nine items. The present study highlights what is missing in the domain concerning Black women and the concept of femininity. The present study seeks to explore conformity, with a larger sample of diverse Black women across age, educational level and socioeconomic status. The aim is to clarify Black women’s traditional and non-traditional norms toward the preliminary understanding of a comprehensive femininity specific to Black womanhood. The purpose of the current investigation is to gain a more full understanding of the construct of Black femininity.

The American Psychological Association’s (APA’s) Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Girls and Women (2007) emphasizes the importance of therapist awareness of socialization effects among culturally diverse women. It also emphasizes the use of gender and culturally-

sensitive provision of services and the importance of attending to gender norms and presenting concerns (American Psychological Association, 2007). Counseling, from a multicultural perspective, aims to incorporate culturally sensitive approaches to helping clients deal with a variety of concerns as well (APA Multicultural Guidelines, 2009). This study is important because it provides a culturally competent framework for addressing the unique concerns and experiences of Black women informing multiculturally sensitive intervention and prevention methods.

Furthermore, it provides grounds for future research aimed at addressing the complexity of Black women’ experiences accounting for their intersectionality.

In the present study, the terms African American and Black are used interchangeably as

African American is subsumed within Black identity. The term Black is an umbrella category which denotes all members across the African diaspora; whereas African American typically reflects a specific cultural experience and albeit ethnic identity. In the present study, the terms

African American and Black are used interchangeably consistent with the nomenclature seen throughout the literature. Additionally there is variation among members of the Black/African

American community concerning how they choose to identify.

CHAPTER 2

A Review of the Literature

The conceptualization of Black femininity integrating relevant traditional and non- traditional feminine norms is important. The field of counseling psychology values cultural competence in both areas of practice and research. As such, cultural sensitivity to Black women’s feminine norms due to their unique intersection of race and gender is necessary. This is a meaningful line of research towards a preliminary understanding of the norms comprising

Black femininity. A more clear understanding of Black women’s feminine norms will inform culturally-tailored interventions which is especially warranted given the multi-layered centrality of power and oppression tied to a distinctive expression of femininity.

This chapter provides a thorough review of the literature relating to the present study.

First, a brief overview of the theoretical underpinnings concerning Black womanhood is discussed. Second, a review of the empirical literature in regards to what norms have emerged as consistent with Black womanhood is presented. Lastly, the intersection of traditional and non- traditional femininity is explored to determine the ways that they may overlap and be distinct from one another.

Theoretical Underpinnings

Cooley’s (1902) Looking Glass Theory posits that the self is a social byproduct reflecting the responses and evaluations of others within our environment. The notion of the “looking glass self” is prominent in the sociological literature on self-concept. Key to the looking glass self is centrality stemming from socialization experiences which emphasize others as the “mirrors” that reflect images of the self. The idea of constructing self-concept based on others evaluations of us and our perceptions of the like is also consistent with Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1979). This

is important given Black women’s membership in devalued groups in regards to both race and gender. Social identity theory is the idea that a sense of belongingness to a particular in-group contributes to a person’s sense of identity. Individuals conceptualize others and themselves as group members, rather than sole individuals. Thus, individual’s self-concept reflects both personal and social identities (Tajfel, 1982; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). The person’s self-concept and self-esteem become contingent upon group membership with the social context acting as a key determinant of self-definition and behavior. There is a sense of collective identity that results from conformity to the in-groups’s norms. In failing to conform to the standards of the in-group, an individual could be rejected and forced to be a member of the out-group which would impact the person’s sense of identity and result in emotional stress. Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) highlighted the distinction between personal and collective self-esteem. Personal esteem refers to a person’s sense of self-worth as an individual; whereas, collective self-esteem refers to a person’s self-worth in relation to group membership (Crocker, Luhtanen, Blaine, & Broadnax,

1994). African Americans vary as to their personal evaluations of their racial group (i.e., private regard) and their perceptions of others’ evaluations of their racial group (i.e., public regard).

Black women must negotiate a sense of self connected to their social identities as women, as

Blacks, and as Black women. Black women’s sense of self may be challenged in attempting to reconcile both personal and social identities as they relate to the intersection of gender and race which are both devalued.

Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) first used the term “intersectionality” which reflected ideas that theorized Black women’s unique experiences for over a century using different terminology.

However, the concept of intersectionality was evident within works by a number of authors such as Angela Davis, bell hooks, Frances Beale and Deborah King (Robinson, 2016). Furthermore it

became the accepted term and incited language around diversity and matters of inclusion

(Robinson, 2016). Essed (1991) later proposed the notion of intersectionality tied to gendered racism and racialized sexism in that Black women experience a unique form of discrimination based on the intersection of race and gender simultaneously. Black women experience unique stressors tied to the intersection of race, gender and social class. Within the body of literature concerning Black women’s unique experiences, there have emerged four intersectional perspectives, such that Black women: (a) experience racism and sexism similarly to their Black male and White female counterparts (Crenshaw, 1989), (b) experience double oppression or a

“double jeopardy” of both racism and sexism (Crenshaw, 1989; Thomas, Witherspoon, &

Speight, 2008), (c) experience the interaction of racism and sexism (e.g., Moradi & Subich,

2003), or (d) experience specific oppression that is unique to Black women on the basis of the intersection of their race and gender (Crenshaw, 1989; Thomas et al., 2008). Racially gendered oppression has been linked to psychological distress, depressive symptoms, objectification, physical safety concerns, disordered eating, and interpersonal conflict (Carr, Szymanski, Taha,

West, & Kaslow, 2014; Szymanski & Stewart, 2010; Thomas et al., 2008; Watson, Robinson,

Dispenza, & Nazari, 2012). Clearly there are stereotypes specific to Black womanhood on account of the intersection of both race and gender (West, 1995) distinct from stereotypes of

Black manhood and White womanhood. Thus, an intersectional approach is both more holistic and accurate reflecting the complexity of Black women’s unique experiences without trying to tease race and gender apart (e.g. Bowleg, 2008; Thomas et al., 2008).

“Fundamentally, race, class, and gender are intersecting categories of experience that

affect all aspects of human life: thus, they simultaneously structure the experiences of all

people in this society. At any moment, race, class, or gender may feel more salient or

meaningful in a given person’s life, but they are overlapping and cumulative in their

effect on people’s experience” (Anderson & Collins, 2004, p. 7).

Race and gender are intersectional identities tied to overlapping oppressions which impact Black women’s daily lived experiences simultaneously (Cole, 2009).

Defining Black womanhood.

Weems (1989) coined the term “Africana Womanism” and suggested that the Eurocentric definition of womanhood is both non-representative and likely harmful to women of African descent. It is not representative in that it reflects the experiences of White middle class women. It is harmful in that it minimizes the racial and cultural identity aspects of Africana womanhood while upholding idealized gender norms unreflective of Black women’s unique experiences.

Weems (1993) lists eighteen distinct characteristics consistent with Africana womanhood: 1.) self-namer, 2.) self-definer, 3.) family centered, 4.) in concert with males in struggle, 5.) flexible roles 6.) genuine sisterhood, 7.) strength, 8.) male compatible, 9.) respected 10.) recognized,

11.)whole 12.) authentic 13.) spirituality 14.) respectful of elders 15.) adaptable, 16.) ambitious,

17.) mothering and 18.) nurturing. These characteristics are consistent with African worldview and cultural values.

Walker (1983) discussed Black women’s historically stifled nature and inability to pursue their dreams due to oppression and limiting responsibilities. Walker (1983) then discusses spirituality as an aspect of Black womanhood (referring to “grandmothers and mothers of ours”) as follows: "They were Creators, who lived lives of spiritual waste, because they were so rich in spirituality- which is the basis of art-that the strain of enduring their unused and unwanted talent drove them insane. Throwing away this spirituality was their pathetic attempt to lighten the soul to a weight their work-worn, sexually abused bodies could bear” (pg. 233).

African American writer Gloria Naylor (1988, p. 28) highlights norms of independence

(e.g. financial contribution) and resilience as aspects of Black women’s unique expression of womanhood:

“We need to speak of submissiveness. That was never in the cards for us. . . . Whether in

the cotton fields of the South or the factories of the North, Black women worked side by

side with men to contribute to the welfare of the family. This did not mean that men were

demeaned and unloved, but it did mean that women had a voice about the destiny of their

families. That independence and resiliency were admired because they aided in the

collective survival when society made it difficult for Black men to find work. But when

we began to internalize Euro- American values, then Black women were no longer “real”

women — and of course only a real woman would love or be loved by a man.”

This speaks to Black women being outside the realm of hegemonic femininity by virtue of their

Blackness, suggesting the reality of an alternative and need for a redefined Black gender ideology (Collins, 2004).

Lastly, hooks (1981) discussed how role flexibility stems from slavery and was a common norm seen among the enslaved Black females. Enslaved Black females would successfully perform traditionally feminine tasks such as housekeeping, cooking and childrearing in addition to labor-intensive work which involved hardship, pain and endurance. Because of their ability to cope without male assistance, enslaved Black females were type cast as

“masculinized subhuman creatures” rather than real women (hooks, 1981, p. 71). There was a fear among White men of political solidarity between Black and White women and concern that

White women would get ideas about equality after seeing the enslaved Black females navigating the labor force so well (hooks, 1981). Because they posed such a threat to the existing patriarchal

structure by defying the notion of women’s inferiority, inadequacies and physical weakness,

Black women were frequently forced into hard labor. The enslaved Black males would not be given orders and were allowed to stand around simply to prove the point that Black women were unusually masculine and atypical of womanhood (hooks, 1981). Role flexibility continues as an adaptive feminine norm consistent with Black womanhood. There are recurrent cues within the environment suggesting that Black women emasculate Black men by being both mothers and providers. Role flexibility as an aspect of Black womanhood is often devalued by the dominant culture.

Within the past couple decades a number of scholars have explored the concept of

Black womanhood through primarily qualitative methodologies as illustrated in Table 1. These studies contribute to the literature in that they conceptualize Black femininity from an emic perspective, reflective of Black women’s unique norms and lived experiences. Furthermore these studies provide empirical support for the existing body of work that has been largely theoretical.

Themes from these studies have revealed significant markers of Black femininity. Toward a comprehensive conceptualization of Black femininity, a number of hegemonic and culturally specific feminine norms are proposed below and described in depth.

Spirituality/religion. Spirituality/religion reflect a core cultural component and aspect of identity for many Black women. Spirituality and church involvement have provided significant means of coping with various stressors including, but not limited to racism and discrimination

(Mattis & Watson, 2008; Taylor & Chatters, 1991). Although Black women follow a number of faiths such as Islam, Buddhism and Judaism, the majority espouse a Christian religious affiliation according to the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey (2008). Additionally the Black church has historically played a significant role in the lives of African Americans serving as a

source of spiritual, social and community support (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Pinn, 2002;

Williams et al., 1999). In a sample of Black women between 18-88 years old residing across 24 states, 86.7% identified as Christian (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). “The Black Church” developed in response to the discriminatory practices of White denominations during the late eighteenth century, serving as a focal point of Black life since the slavery era (Lincoln &

Mamiya, 1990; Pinn, 2002). In addition to serving as a religious center, “The Black Church” has been a hub for political change, human services, social connection and healing (Williams et al.

1999). During the slavery era, Africans would gather for church where they would practice their religious traditions and customs, retaining aspects of their identity and freely expressing themselves without outside interference (Dessio et al., 2004; Este, 2004). Some churches also played a pivotal role during the Underground Railroad Movement serving as designated safe areas for runaways (Este, 2004).

The Black church has been especially pivotal within Black women’s lives. Many Black women experience God as a deliverer from unjust suffering as well as a comforter and source of help in times of trouble (Eugene, 1995). The church provides empowerment as well as spiritual development and renewal. Of note, Black women collectively are among the most religious and spiritual in the United States. Fifty-nine percent of Black women attend some type of religious service each week (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2009) and 84% report that religion is very important to them according to the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey (2008). Seventy- nine percent of African Americans report that religion is very important to them compared to

56% of U.S. adults (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2009). Moreover, Black women demonstrate higher levels of religiosity and spirituality than Black men, White men and White women (Chatters, Levin & Taylor, 1992; Levin, Taylor & Chatters, 1994; Taylor, Mattis &

Chatters, 1999). Black women are also significantly more likely than Black men to seek the assistance of a minister when facing personal problems (Neighbors, Mucick & Williams, 1998).

Optimal Theory (Myers, 1988), which is a theory of optimal mental health from an African- centered framework, includes spiritual development as one of the necessary six tenets (in addition to self-knowledge, diunital logic, intrinsic self-worth, extended self-identity and a more holistic worldview) toward prime psychological functioning (Myers, 1988).

Mattis (2002) conducted a qualitative study and found that religion/spirituality helps

Black women to:

“(1) interrogate and accept reality, (2) gain the insight and courage needed to engage in

spiritual surrender, (3) confront and transcend limitations, (4) identify and grapple with

existential questions and life lessons, (5) recognize purpose and destiny, (6) define

character and act within subjectively meaningful moral principles, (7) achieve growth,

and (8) trust in the viability of transcendent sources of knowledge and communication”

(pg.317).

Research suggests that religion/spirituality positively impacts mental health among Black women

(Crawford et al., 1989; Jang et al., 2006). For instance, Watlington and Murphy (2006) conducted a study examining religious involvement, spirituality, religious coping and social support’s relationship to post-traumatic and depressive symptoms among Black women survivors of domestic violence. Participants with higher levels of spirituality and religious involvement reported fewer depressive symptoms. Religious involvement was also inversely related to post- traumatic symptoms. A positive link was shown for spirituality and religious coping strategies as well as for religious involvement and social support (Watlington & Murphy, 2006). Reed and

Neville (2014) found that spirituality fully mediated the relationship between religiosity and

global mental health and between religiosity and life satisfaction in a sample of 167 Black

American women. Krause and Tran (1989) found that religiousness was a protective factor against the impact of negative life events by supporting feelings of self-worth and personal control in a sample of older African Americans.

Brome, Owens, Allen and Vevaina (2000) conducted a comparison study in which they placed 146 African American women in recovery from substance abuse in an intervention group with a high or low spiritual basis. The researchers found that those in the high spiritual group had higher levels of self-worth and expressed greater satisfaction with their social support network

(Brome et al., 2000). Furthermore spirituality was found to have positive benefits for this sample in regards to a more positive self-concept, perceptions of family climate, and attitudes toward parenting and active coping style (Brome et al., 2000).

Strength. The image of the Strong Black Woman (SBW) depicts Black women as emotionally restricted, invulnerable, and persevering (Mitchell & Herring, 1998). Furthermore, the SBW image additionally encompasses an array of facets such as agency/leadership, self- reliance, and caretaking (Belgrave et al., 2015; Chaney, 2011; Harrington et al, 2010; Littlefield,

2003; Nguyen et al., 2010; Romero, 2000). In perpetuating the idea that Black women were physically and psychologically stronger than White women, the SBW image served as justification for slavery (Harris-Lacewell, 2001). This SBW image counters traditional notions of femininity such as emotional fragility and dependence. Despite the negative historical basis, the image of the SBW has become a salient cultural symbol and is oftentimes idealized within the

Black community (Harrington, Crowther & Shipherd, 2010). With the heavy value placed on strength and caregiving, the SBW is seen as one of the main tenets of black womanhood

(Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Harrington et al., 2010; Harris-Lacewell, 2001). Emotionality is

regarded as a sign of weakness or inadequacy; so many Black women experience pressure to remain strong even in the midst of adversity, extreme pain or fear (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007).

Woods-Giscombé (2010) conducted eight qualitative focus groups of a diverse community sample of African American women to further elucidate the complexities of the SBW stereotype.

The participants characterized the SBW stereotype as including: perceived obligations to suppress fear and weakness, a showcase of strength, refrain from vulnerability or dependence, constantly helping others, and success despite limited resources.

Black girls are culturally socialized to regard strength as an essential trait and uphold

SBW ideals. Though formulated during slavery as an adaptive survival mechanism, the SBW image has been transgenerationally passed down through the socialization of Black girls

(Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Harris-Lacewell, 2001; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Thomas &

King, 2007; Townsend, 2008; Wallace, 1990; White, 1985). For instance, Thomas and King

(2007) examined the gendered racial socialization messages given to African American daughters by mothers. Mothers valued teaching their daughters self-determination and assertiveness, self-pride, equality and respect, racial pride, the importance of spirituality and religious beliefs. The self-determination, spirituality and racial-pride themes are consistent with the SBW image. Self-determination reflects one’s ability to make accomplishments on her own effort and merit. Black girls are socialized to believe that they can do anything and overcome any obstacle with faith. There is an expectation that one should be able to overcome challenges with faith. The racial pride theme sends the message that Black women are naturally strong, resilient, and powerful (Thomas & King, 2007).

Settles, Pratt-Hyatt, and Buchanan (2008) conducted three focus groups with 14 Black women between 18- 84 years of age. Participants regarded strength, independence and

perseverance as key elements of femininity, which reflect non-traditional femininity. The women also viewed some more traditional values as elements of their femininity: gender-based mistreatment, perceived advantage, friendships and community, caretaking, and work and family options (Settles, Pratt-Hyatt & Buchanan, 2008). Belgrave et al. (2015) found agency and caretaking to reflect African American women’s gender role beliefs. Agency is the idea that one can do what is required and needed, and encompasses beliefs of strength, independence and resilience. Caretaking speaks to the perceived and assumed responsibilities to take care of and ensure others’ wellbeing (Belgrave et al., 2015). The agency norm among Black women reflects matriarchal leadership qualities and capacity for role flexibility particularly in the absence of male figures (Abrams et al., 2014; Chaney, 2011). This agency/leadership value often involves caring for one’s family and economic instrumentality in providing for the family financially

(Littlefield, 2003; Settles, Pratt-Hyatt & Buchanan, 2008). Black women’s financial contributions and support for their families have long been documented as evidence of the matriarchal leadership norm (e.g., Moynihan, 1965). The SBW is expected to be self-sacrificing, providing others with emotional, spiritual and/or financial support freely without resentment or reciprocal expectations (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Harrington et al., 2010; Romero, 2000).

Black women were forced to take on roles for both men and women during slavery, and they had to be self-reliant and self-sufficient in order to survive because their male partners oftentimes were not present to take care of them and their families (White, 1985). Thus, the matriarchal leadership norm was birthed out of necessity and the role flexibility involving work and family- related responsibilities continues as an adaptive norm among Black women to mitigate oppression (Konrad & Harris, 2002).

Abrams et al. (2014) conducted 8 focus groups with 44 Black women between 18- 91 years of age. This qualitative study sought to identify Black women’s thoughts, perceptions and beliefs around gender roles, in relation to the SBW image. The following four themes emerged: embodies and displays multiple forms of strength, possesses self/ethnic pride in spite of intersectional oppression, embraces being every woman, and anchored by religion/spirituality, volitional independence, learned and compulsory resilience, and matriarchal leadership were subthemes that emerged from the first factor. The second theme reflected pride in one’s ethnic background and womanhood as well as features despite societal views. Self-sacrificial care for others emerged as a subtheme for the third construct and the reflected the ability to be “every woman,” assuming multiple roles of both traditional male and female norms successfully in caring for others. Lastly with the fourth theme, “participants believed that a SBW could gain guidance, wisdom, and strength by acknowledging or honoring a higher power, seeking to identify and fulfill a purpose in life, and engaging in religious/spiritual practices” (pg. 28).

Furthermore, religion and spirituality were also described as being a core aspect of a SBW.

Racial/ethnic pride. From the Civil Rights, Black Power, and Women’s movements to a lesser degree emerged a racial/ethnic pride which affected the self-esteem and racial esteem of many Blacks (Allen, 2001; Porter &Washington, 1979; Simmons, 1978). Each of these movements actively combatted oppression by rejecting the marginalization of the Black

Americans. This resulted in a shift in which Black girls and young adults (as well as their male counterparts) were culturally socialized to identify more strongly with their group (Hughes &

Demo, 1989). Thus within the Black community, racial and cultural pride were stressed. Racial socialization is the process by which messages are communicated to children in order to promote

a positive self-concept and healthy identity in spite of racially hostile experiences (Stevenson,

1995).

Black girls have a unique racially gendered socialization experience than their male counterparts. The literature suggests that they tend to receive messages on racial pride, whereas the boys tend to receive messages on racial barriers, egalitarianism and overcoming racism

(Bowman & Howard, 1985; Thomas & Speight, 1999). Because of Black girls’ unique experiences due to the intersection of their race and gender, parents are presented with unique challenges socializing them in the face of racist and sexist experiences. Thomas and Speight

(1999) found that African American girls and boys receive different socialization messages. In their study the girls received more messages on racial pride and were more encouraged toward educational attainment. They also uniquely received messages on premarital sex and relationships with men, psychological and financial independence in case of abandonment, and received messages about the importance of valuing their physical beauty (Thomas & Speight,

1999). Thomas and King (2007) interviewed 36 Black mother–daughter pairs and administered a racial socialization scale. Mothers were given the open-ended question “What are the specific messages that you teach your daughter(s) on race and gender?” Daughters were asked “What are the specific messages that your mother gives you on being an African American woman/girl?”

The daughters and mothers were found to report sending and receiving similar messages including racial pride, self-pride, self-determination/assertiveness, and spirituality. Abrams et al.

(2014) also found pride in one’s ethnic background and self-pride in one’s womanhood and physical features to emerge as significant markers of Black women’s feminine norms.

It is not surprising that racial/ethnic pride would emerge as an aspect of Black femininity.

Daily lived experiences of racism and sexism which are oftentimes further exacerbated by

classism are likely to have a detrimental impact on the Black psyche, warranting a buffer against ill-health. Racial/ethnic pride serves as that buffer as much of Black women’s wellbeing is tied to their sense of connection and community to members of their group (DeFrancisco & Chatham-

Carpenter, 2000; Patterson, 2004).

A thorough analysis of culturally-specific feminine norms has been presented.

Toward defining a comprehensive conceptualization of Black femininity, it is also important to explore hegemonic feminine norms some of which may also be consistent with Black womanhood. Parent and Moradi (2010) identified the following nine traditional feminine norms prevalent within the dominant culture: care for children norm, domestic norm, relational norm, sexual fidelity norm, romantic relationship norm, thinness norm, investment in appearance norm, modesty norm and sweet and nice norm. These traditional feminine norms are proposed below and described in depth.

Hegemonic Feminine Norms.

Care for children norm. The care for children norm reflects the emphasis on being a good mother (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Child rearing may provide Black women with a sense of fulfillment, purpose, competence and connection. Motherhood particularly is a core aspect of identity for many Black women and is regarded as an expectation in life, a norm many value even above marriage (Boyd-Franklin, 2003; Edin & Kafalas, 2005). Woods et al. (2013) found motherhood to be protective against suicidality among a sample of 146 Black women with a history of suicide attempts. The care for children norm may also be an aspect of extended self- identity which is a cultural value. Extended family network and shared cultural child-rearing values are aspects of Black culture that may provide Black women with the connections and support needed to navigate oppression (Stevenson & Renard, 1993).

Sharing mothering responsibilities is a key component of Black motherhood (Troester,

1984). Within the Black community, community-based child care does not solely pertain to biological family members but has extended itself to also include “fictive kin” (Stack, 1974).

Young women are often socialized from early ages to engage in this care for children norm

(Cantarow, 1980; Collins, 2005).

Domestic norm. The domestic norm reflects the importance of cleanliness and a tidy dwelling (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Black women have historically been relegated to domestic work during slavery, and were oftentimes only eligible for employment in this area during the

Jim Crow. Eighty percent of Black women were still employed as maids, cooks or washerwomen by the end of World War I (Jones, 1985). Despite the negative historical basis, domesticity as a norm, may provide Black women with a sense of pride and belongingness in having a shared cultural value and experiencing a sense of community. Rearing children, maintaining the home and establishing a sense of community during slavery were forms of resistance and domestic labor was the only mold of meaningful work for Black women (Davis, 1971). Furthermore, it was “only in domestic life” that the enslaved Black women were able to maintain the modicum of freedom they had (Davis, 1971 p. 5).

In addition to being a source of pride and connection, domesticity as a norm may also be a buffer against stress and/or negative affect. Atkins (2016) conducted a qualitative study analyzing the responses of 208 Black single mothers between the ages of 18 and 45 to questions assessing how they cope with depressed feelings. Findings indicated that 63% of the responses fell into the escape-avoidance category which included domestic activities such as cooking and cleaning. Black, White and Hannum (2007) interviewed 20 Black women aged 80 and older about their experiences of depression. Three themes emerged from the participants’ narratives

reflecting that depression was tied to diminishment of personal strength, related to sadness and suffering, and regarded as preventable or resolvable through personal responsibility. One participant described domestic work involving cooking for, feeding and cleaning up after her family as a personal remedy for depression (Black et al., 2007). In a thesis by Davis (2014), both domestic and care for children norms significantly predicted collective self-esteem.

Relational norm. The relational norm reflects the value placed on friendships and connection (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Extended self-identity which centers on Africentric principles such as communality and interdependence explains relational cultural tendencies of individuals of African descent and is consistent with optimal functioning (Baldwin, 1990;

Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Myers & Thompson, 1994). Within the African American community there is a sense of collective identity in which being relational is highly valued. Among Black women it is especially salient as an aspect of Black womanhood in that much of these relational norms are interconnected with community norms involving shared responsibility in caring for others’ children (Stack, 1974). Sudarkasa’s qualitative work (1996) suggests that African

Americans have maintained and modified traditional African norms, with special value placed on extended family networks, motherhood, and child rearing. The extended family network is linked to the historical legacy of slavery and oppression (Frazier, 1939; Moynihan, 1965). Biological spouses and children of enslaved Africans were frequently displaced and sold to other plantations. Furthermore, those who were enslaved and lived under the same roof were oftentimes not biologically related (Davis, 1971). Enslaved Africans were stripped of their names, status, language, heritage, and religion (Hooks, 1981). Therefore, building a sense of community with the other enslaved Africans was both a form of survival and resistance (Davis,

1971). This relational norm encompassing an extended family network continues among Black

women and can also be attributed to social and economic forces (Anderson, 1990; Wilson,

1987). There is a tendency to value collectivism over individualism culturally within the African

American community (Lukwago, Kreuter, Bucholtz, Holt, & Clark, 2001; Myers, 1998).

Furthermore, extended family, friends, church members, neighbors, and fictive kin serve as a major source of support. It is likely that there would be a link to mental health among Black women given the emphasis on the relational norm and tendency toward an extended self-identity worldview consistent with Africentric values.

Sexual fidelity norm. The sexual fidelity norm reflects the value placed on chastity and virtue (Parent & Moradi, 2010). According to hooks (1981), “Modesty, sexual purity, innocence, and a submissive manner were the qualities associated with womanhood and femininity that enslaved Black women endeavored to attain even though the conditions under which they lived continually undermined their efforts” (pg. 49). Enslaved Black women had to endure brutality, sexual exploitation, forced breeding, family displacement, harsh work conditions, relentless work schedules, as well as the forced ownership of their offspring. The rape and forced breeding were especially insidious and occurred at the hands of both the white masters and the enslaved Black males, the latter of which was frequently a matter of good economics. As such enslaved Black females, who were usually sexually assaulted between the ages of thirteen and sixteen, lived in a constant state of fear that any male whether White or Black might assault them (hooks, 1981).

Enslaved Black women were regarded as sexual property by White owners. Because enslaved Black women were not regarded as human and were seen as uncivilized, there was an automatic assumption that they were sexually promiscuous (Collins, 2004). In order to justify their enslavement and sexual exploitation, Black women were stereotyped as being insatiable,

primitive, wild hypersexual beings (Harris & Hill, 1998). Enslaved women were raped and labeled “Jezebels,” responsible for leading White men into sin (hooks, 1981).

“Jezebel” is depicted as sexually enticing, which is the antithesis of the traditional feminine norm of sexual fidelity. This image stemming from slavery continues to affect Black women today (Thomas, Witherspoon, and Speight 2004; Thomas, Hacker, and Hoxha, 2011;

Townsend et al. 2010; West 1995). For instance, Stephens and Phillips (2003, 2005) have discussed the contemporary Jezebel representations of Black women seen within music videos, such as freaks, gold diggers, divas, and baby mamas. These representations are especially prevalent within Hip Hop culture, much of which has strayed from that of empowerment to one that frequently objectifies Black women (Ross & Coleman, 2011). The “video vixen” image is a current embodiment of the “Jezebel” stereotype. She is half dressed, accentuates her female parts and gyrates on the set of hip hop videos. Black women are stereotyped as promiscuous (Thomas,

Witherspoon & Speight, 2008; Collins, 2000) which dissociates Black women from the purity and sexual fidelity elements of hegemonic femininity (Levant et al. 2007; Parent & Moradi,

2010; Mahalik et al. 2005).

Romantic relationship norm. The romantic relationship norm reflects the tendency to derive fulfillment from being romantically involved (Parent & Moradi, 2010). In regards to the romantic relationship norm among Black women, it is initially important to examine the historical nature of relationships between Black men and women. Black women worked alongside Black men during slavery and were not protected by their gender from the harsh work conditions and brutality (Collins, 2004; hooks, 1981). Because of the enslaved Black male’s subordinated status he could not protect the enslaved Black females, even if in relation to him she were his wife, daughter or mother. Furthermore, Black men were oftentimes not present to

take care of them and their families which fostered a sense of independence and self-reliance among Black women (White, 1985). There was no stable kinship or marriage structure since this was controlled by the owner on the enslaved Africans (Collins, 2004; Davis, 1971). In addition to the lack of protection and instability of romantic relationships within this context, Black males were also perpetrators of forced breeding against the enslaved Black females. As such enslaved

Black females were in a constant state of hypervigilance that they might be victimized at any time by any male, whether White or Black (hooks, 1981).

During the Jim Crow Era, Black men were chronically unemployed while Black women were able to find steady albeit poorly compensated work in domestic service arenas (Collins,

2004). This created a unique relationship between Black men and women as the situation challenged Black men's masculinity within the provider role. Furthermore Black women have frequently received the brunt of displaced resentment for Black men’s oppression. Male unemployment continues to affect the Black community today and may challenge the romantic relationship norm among Black women. Moreover, economic forces, systemic oppression and male unemployment may influence non-traditional gender role norms as Black women bear the responsibility of having to compensate within a familial, community and individual context.

Black men are 6% of the U.S. population yet comprise the largest portion of male inmates in state or federal prison at 37 % according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics (2014).

With the absence of Black men, Black women then bear a greater responsibility to manage their households and communities without depending on other sources for assistance. Over 50% of

Black households are headed by a woman (Collins, 2000; Sudarkasa, 2007, United States Census

Bureau, 2012), in which Black women may be inclined to adhere to non-traditional feminine norms within the role flexibility such as strong, independent, and self-reliant attitudes (Woods-

Giscombé, 2010). Many Black men have felony convictions, which disqualifies them from a number of employment opportunities and makes them ineligible to vote forfeiting their rights to change labor laws and criminal justice procedures (Calmore, 2001).

Clearly there is a trend in which Black women are the least likely to be married (United

States Census Bureau, 2009). A couple of the most common theories explaining this decline in marriage rates have attributed the disparity to the number of marriageable Black men as well as the significant increase in the number of Black men who marry non-Black women (Crowder &

Tolnay, 2000; Darity & Myers, 1995). Colorism, Eurocentric standards of beauty, hegemonic femininity and controlling images of Black womanhood may also be contributing to this phenomenon. In a sample of 169 mostly White students from a large public university in the

Eastern United States in which 72% were male, Goff, Thomas and Jackson (2008) found that

Black women were rated as less attractive than both White Women and Black men, and that there was more consistent error in accurately guessing the gender of Black women than for any other group. This study supports the dissociation of Black women from femininity. In a study exploring gendered stereotypes, Galinsky, Hall, and Cuddy (2013) found an association between implicit and explicit racial and gender stereotypes examining femininity and masculinity.

Blackness was consistently associated with masculinity.

Black women are the least associated with femininity and also the least preferred in terms of interracial dating. For instance, Donovan (2011) conducted a study with a sample of 109

White college students at a large, rural university. A checklist of 92 adjectives that have been linked to traditional femininity, the Jezebel, Mammy, Matriarch/Sapphire and Strong Black

Woman stereotypes were randomly listed in five columns. Participants were assigned to a typical

Black women or typical White women condition and asked to circle the top five characteristics

corresponding with their condition. The researcher found that Black women were rated significantly higher than White women on the Matriarch/Sapphire construct and Jezebel construct. Black women were also more stereotyped as loud, tough and less sensitive compared to White women. Black men play an instrumental role in Black women’s self-view namely around feelings of attractiveness and body image (Capodilupo & Kim, 2014; Kelch-Oliver &

Ancis, 2011; Poran, 2006). This means that Black men hold a lot of power over Black women’s self-esteem which could be harmful if Black men internalize Eurocentric standards of beauty and project them onto Black women. Even though Black women are blamed for their failure in attaining and/or sustaining romantic relationships due to their alleged domineering nature as well as a number of other deficiencies (Craig-Henderson, 2006; Collins, 2004; Jones, 2006;

McMillan, 1992), they are likely to still value romantic relationships.

Thinness norm. The thinness norm reflects the value placed on thin body size (Parent &

Moradi, 2010). Despite the vast body of literature which reports that Black women experience higher body satisfaction than White women (Annesi, Tennant, & Mareno, 2014; Baird,

Morrison, & Sleigh, 2007; Jacobi, Taylor, & Fante, 2014), Black women are not immune to mainstream influence or messages pertaining to body image. Bagley, Character and Shelton

(2003) found that Black women (particularly as socioeconomic status increases), like their White counterparts, struggle with issues pertaining to body image and weight management.

Additionally in a thesis study investigating traditional femininity and gendered stereotypes’ impact on mental health among Black women, Davis (2014) found that the thin ideal-one hallmark of hegemonic femininity- was significantly related to each of the endorsed stereotypic roles of Black women (Mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire and Superwoman). This indicates that the more Black women internalize the negative stereotypes of Black womanhood, the more they

subscribe to the thin, hegemonic ideal. This is inconsistent with notions that Black women are impervious to mainstream influence namely around body image and protected from ideals of the dominant culture.

Buchanan et al. (2008) applied objectification theory to African American women’s body image and extended it to include cultural facets such as skin tone with a sample of 117 undergraduate participants. High body shape surveillance predicted high self-objectification and body shame. Additionally, high skin tone surveillance predicted high self-objectification and skin tone dissatisfaction which suggests that Black women are susceptible to body image concerns beyond the thinness ideal. Black women may also strive for thinness in an attempt to avoid further discrimination tied to skin tone (Hesse-Biber et al., 2010; B. W. Thompson, 1992).

Capodilupo and Kim (2014) found that in addition to weight and shape centering on the thinness ideal with curves, Black women’s body image concerns also involved hair texture and length, skin complexion and attitude. In a follow up study, Capodilupo (2015) examined the impact of idealized media images on Black women’s body esteem and appearance satisfaction using a sample of 230 Black women. Capodilupo (2015) found support for the notion that Black women’s body satisfaction is negatively impacted by internalizing idealized media images emphasizing Eurocentric standards of beauty. Although ethnic identity may serve as a protective factor to internalizing societal standards of beauty (Rogers-Wood & Petrie, 2010), many Black women strive for thinness and are still influenced by the dominant culture.

Investment in appearance norm. The investment in appearance norm reflects the importance placed on appearing desirable and appealing (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Many women hold an investment in their physical appearance. In Chaney’s (2011) qualitative study, physical appearance emerged as key of Black women’s definition of their womanhood. For instance, Cole

and Zucker (2007) examined Black and White women’s perspectives on femininity, finding that

Black and White women conceptualized femininity similarly reflecting hegemonic femininity: feminine appearance, feminine traits or demeanor, and traditional gender role ideology. Though femininity was conceptualized similarly, the researchers found that Black women had a stronger investment in feminine appearance, and were more likely to self-identify as feminists while also holding more traditional views on gender roles (Cole & Zucker, 2007). Smith et al. (1999) also found that although there was no difference between Black and White women’s self-evaluation of their own appearance, Black women placed a stronger emphasis on investment in their appearance.

Many Black women may feel that the mainstream interpretation of femininity and the

Eurocentric beauty standards place them at a disadvantage compared to other racial groups in terms of desirability (Jones & Shorter-Goodwin, 2003; Rose, 2003). Black women are subjected to Eurocentric standards of beauty involving factors such as hair texture, colorism, body type, facial features as well as demeanor around the valued and dominant form of femininity (Lewis et al., 2010; Collins, 2004; Kelch-Oliver & Ancis, 2011; Poran, 2006; Rubin et al., 2003).

Morevover, Black men impact Black women’s self-view namely around feelings of attractiveness as well as body image (Capodilupo & Kim, 2014; Kelch-Oliver & Ancis, 2011;

Poran, 2006). Capodilupo (2015) found that although appearance satisfaction was not directly negatively affected by internalization of media images among Black women, it was negatively impacted when they perceived that Black men had internalized media images that reflected societal standards.

Modesty norm. The modesty norm reflects reservations concerning the confidence displayed in one’s capabilities (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Johnson et al. (2016) found that

modesty emerged as a shifting strategy norm among Black women. Black women experience pressure to engage in self-altering behaviors due to heightened expectations of being negatively stereotyped or discriminated against. The modesty norm emerged within the Sensitivity to the

Perceptions of Blacks construct which suggests that Black women experience within-group stressors in addition to stressors from the dominant culture. The Sensitivity to the Perceptions of

Blacks factor reflects norms of modesty in which Black women feel the need to downplay their successes in relationships with Black men. Additionally, Black women feel pressure to conceal their achievements when communicating with Black friends and family members who are not doing as well. This shifting strategy is an attempt to save face within the community so as not to be perceived as having “sold out.” Black women experience pressure to prove that they have still retained their roots and cultural values (Johnson et al., 2016). In Davis’ (2014) thesis, modesty along with thinness, domestic and care for children norms significantly predicted self-esteem

(excluding five others traditional feminine norms which did not emerge as significant). This supports the notion that Black women do not see themselves within the mold of hegemonic femininity as a whole, but rather evaluate themselves based on particular hegemonic feminine norms as well as historical, non-traditional norms reflective of a distinct form of femininity.

Sweet and nice norm. Women tend to be socialized into niceness whereas overtly direct, aggressive and violent behaviors are more consistent with men and masculine norms (Gilligan,

1982; Parent & Moradi, 2009). However, many of the stereotypes targeting Black women stem from the media portrayal of “Sapphire,” particularly as they relate to the contemporary “Angry

Black Woman.” “Sapphire” was a character on a popular radio show called “Amos and Andy” during the 1940’s and 1950’s, who was loud, indignant, belligerent, insensitive and overbearing.

“Sapphire” consistently emasculated Black men by means of verbal assail which she delivered in

an animated and witty manner (Jewell, 1993). This image is perpetuated and depicts Black women as aggressive, intrusive and domineering. (West, 1995; Mitchell & Herring, 1998). If the

“Sapphire” image is endorsed, Black women may view anger as the only outlet by which to express emotion or use anger as a defense to hide vulnerability (West, 1995).

It has been theorized that there is a cultural inclination within the African American community to distrust White people, and that there is a “healthy cultural paranoia” in which the motives of White people are questioned during interracial exchanges (Grier & Cobbs, 1968).

This suspicion is due to a longstanding history of racism and oppression and may be misperceived as contrasting the sweet and nice norm, which might manifest as Black women being unsociable or aloof.

Summary

Black women share common experiences with other women as a result of their gender.

Feminist theory asserts that women’s identities are largely influenced by the social context which includes sexism and constricting feminine norms (Brown, 1994; Worrell & Remer, 1992).

Furthermore, pathology is frequently the results of power inequality and a rigidly defined social structure (Prochaska & Norcross, 2010). Sexism and ascribed gender roles influence behavior and mental health, as well as women’s overall daily lived experience. Though women of all backgrounds experience sexism, the targeted racial group aspect may make the experience of oppression more distressing for Black women (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). This “Double

Jeopardy approach” reflects a dual form of discrimination based on racism and sexism and was first proposed by Beale (1979). Theorists later asserted that class and sexual orientation serve as additional jeopardies (King, 1988). Essed (1991) later proposed the notion of intersectionality in

that Black women experience a unique form of discrimination based on the intersection of race and gender simultaneously. Hence they experience a unique daily lived reality-gendered racism.

The historical dissimilarities of Black women’s gender role norms result in marginalization (Settles, Pratt-Hyatt & Buchanan, 2008). Feminine norms are maintained by reinforcement or social penalization when not ascribing to these norms (Locksley & Colten,

1979). Black women’s gender role norms reflect traits outside of hegemonic femininity (Davis,

1981; Ladner, 1971; Stack, 1991; Zinn & Dill, 1996), and Black women are stereotyped as deviant from the valued form of traditional femininity which could exacerbate the impact on mental health and self-concept as a result of social penalization and pressure. Being consistently marginalized and dissociated from hegemonic femininity may negatively impact a woman’s sense of self. According to Seidenberg (1970), “This below the belt blow (of being called unfeminine) sends most women into despair” (pg.134). A preliminary understanding of Black women’s feminine norms could increase awareness among mental health professionals in recognizing distress in Black female clients resulting from internalized racialized gender norm expectancies. Additionally it provides a framework toward empowerment, self-acceptance, resilience and healthy coping. A preliminary understanding of the norms comprising Black femininity enhances both theory and practice as it relates to addressing the unique needs of Black women from a comprehensive standpoint.

Research Question # 1:

What combination of feminine norms (i.e., traditional and culturally specific) emerges as consistent with African American womanhood?

Research Question # 2:

Of the factors that emerge are there any age differences in feminine norms comparing younger women (ages 18 to 25), middle-age women (26 to 39) and older women (ages 40 and older)?

From this literature review there are 6 scales, 100 items and 16 norms likely to represent

African American womanhood: agency and caretaking norms (operationalized within the

Belgrave Gender Role Inventory; BGRI), the emotional stoicism/ invulnerability norm

(operationalized within the Strong Black Woman subscale of the African American Women’s shifting scale; AAWSS), self-pride (operationalized within the Centrality subscale of the

Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity; MIBI), racial/ethnic pride (operationalized within the Private Regard subscale of the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity; MIBI), spirituality (operationalized within the Daily Spiritual Experience Scale; DSES), and self- reliance/strength (operationalized within the Strong Black Woman Archetype Scale; SBWAS); in addition to the nine universal norms: domestic, care for children, romantic relationship, sexual fidelity, investment in appearance, relational, sweet and nice, modesty and thinness within the

Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory (CFNI-45). However, in light of the exploratory nature of this study, only the 8 most prominent norms were used. They are as follow: self- reliance/strength, spirituality, self-pride, racial/ethnic pride, domesticity, care for children, thinness and modesty. In a sample of diverse Black women used in Davis’ (2014) thesis study, only the thinness, domestic, modesty and care for children traditional norms significantly predicted self-esteem whereas the other five norms (romantic relationship, relational, sweet and nice, sexual fidelity and investment in appearance) did not arise as significant, thus supporting the selection of these four universal norms. In the present study, middle-age denoted the mid- range age of the sample.

CHAPTER 3

Methods

This chapter reviews participants, procedures, measures, and analyses for the present study.

Details regarding the number of participants needed for this study and procedures are discussed first. An analysis of the reliability and validity of the measures utilized in this study are then reviewed. Lastly, the statistical analyses used in this study are outlined.

Participants

Participants included any self-identifying African American women 18 years of age and older. The participants were recruited through a web-based survey and several other sampling methods were employed. The first method utilized SONA, an online tool in which psychology students participate in experiments and earn extra credit. Secondly, participants were recruited by email through the Office of Multicultural Development, and in-person through The Office of

Fraternity and Sorority Life and student groups at the University of Akron (i.e., Black Students

United, National Society of Black Engineers, and Student African American Sisterhood).

Additionally the researcher reached out to HBCUs such as Howard University and Morgan State

University (as well as a few chapter sororities) to see if they would be willing to pass the survey along through different listservs. The third method involved snowball sampling by means of

Facebook to reach a broader population outside of the University of Akron setting. Snowball sampling was used to recruit community members through the use of social media (e.g., Facebook,

Twitter, email-list servs). In addition, the author attended church services at local churches as an additional means to recruit participants by obtaining potential participants’ email addresses and emailing the survey directly to them. This assisted with obtaining a more age-diverse sample. It

is acknowledged, however, this place of recruitment might potentially have interacted with the spirituality/religion variable.

To determine the necessary number of participants for exploratory factor analysis it is suggested that there be a minimum of five subjects per variable to be analyzed (Tinsley & Tinsley,

1987). Furthermore, to meet the requirements conducted among the six measures explored for norms consistent with Black womanhood Hatcher (1994) recommends that the sample size for exploratory factor analysis should be “the larger of 100 subjects, or 5 times the number of variables being analyzed” at minimum recommending ten to twenty participants per item as ideal (p. 73).

Therefore, based on the total number of items that were factor analyzed (60 items total) a sample size of at least 300 was appropriate as this ensured five participants for each item meeting the minimum rule of thumb.

Procedures

After obtaining Institutional Review Board approval, all of the proposed measures were available to participants through the use of Qualtrics, an online survey software. The participants were recruited through a web-based survey and several other sampling methods. The first method utilized SONA, an online tool in which psychology students can participate in experiments and earn extra credit. Secondly, participants were recruited by email through the

Office of Multicultural Development and in-person through the Office of Fraternity and Sorority

Life as well as other student groups on campus (in addition to HBCU listservs and sorority chapters). The third method involved snowball sampling by means of Facebook to reach a broader population outside of the University of Akron setting. Students were able to receive extra credit; while those who were recruited through social media were given the opportunity to enter a random drawing to win one of four $25 gift cards. An ID code was assigned to participant

responses which allowed anonymity. Those who wanted the opportunity to be considered for the gift cards had the option of providing contact information to potentially claim the prize.

Measures

A number of norms have been identified throughout the literature. For the purposes of this study, 8 norms were investigated because they are the most prominent: self-reliance/strength, spirituality, self-pride, racial/ethnic pride, domesticity, care for children, thinness and modesty.

Demographics Questionnaire. A brief, self-report demographics questionnaire was administered to assess the women’s social class, sexual orientation, education level, and relationship status. Though this data was not analyzed directly in the present study, it provided relevant descriptive information about the sample. See Appendix A. Because there is a potential developmental/cohort issue in terms of identity development, preliminary analyses regarding age was conducted to determine any significant relationships. Scales were carefully selected to minimize overlap.

Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (Sellers et al., 1997). This measure was used to operationalize self-pride and racial/ethnic pride as norms consistent with Black

Womanhood (See Appendix B). The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI) is a 56- item measure assessing the three components of racial identity (Centrality, Ideology, and Regard) highlighted within the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity for African Americans (Sellers et al., 1997). Items are rated on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1=strongly disagree to

7=strongly agree. The MIBI is comprised of seven subscales: Centrality, Private Regard, Public

Regard, Assimilation, Humanist, Minority and Nationalist.

The Centrality scale consists of eight items measuring the extent to which being African

American is central to the respondent’s self-concept (e.g., “Being Black is important to my self-

image,” “I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people”). A higher score on the Centrality scale reflects race being a more salient aspect of the individuals’ self-definition (α = .75). The

Regard scale is comprised of two subscales: Private Regard and Public Regard. The Private Regard subscale consists of six items measuring how participants evaluate African Americans as a social group/community in general (e.g., “I feel good about Black people,” “I am happy that I am Black”).

A higher score reflects more positive feelings toward African Americans (α = .73). The Public

Regard subscale consists of six items measuring the participant’s interpretation of how others are believed to evaluate African Americans as a group (e.g., “Overall, Blacks are considered good by others,” “In general, other groups view Blacks in a positive manner”). A higher score on the Public

Regard subscale indicates a belief that other groups have more positive feelings toward African

Americans (α = .73).

The Ideology scale of the MIBI is comprised of the final four subscales. The Assimilation subscale consisted of nine items measuring the extent to which respondents emphasize the similarities between African Americans and mainstream America (α = .53). However, two items were dropped in order to increase the reliability of the Assimilation subscale, resulting in a subscale of seven items (α = .61). Sample items include: “A sign of progress is that Blacks are in the mainstream of America more than ever before” and “Blacks should view themselves as Americans first and foremost.” The Humanist subscale is comprised of nine items assessing the extent to which participants emphasize the similarities among individuals of all races (α = .68). Sample items include: “Black values should not be inconsistent with human values” and “Blacks would be better off if they were more concerned with the problems facing all people than just focusing on Black issues.” The Minority subscale is comprised of nine items measuring the extent to which participants emphasize the similarities between African Americans and other minority groups (α

= .77). Sample items include: “The same forces which have led to the oppression of Blacks have also led to the oppression of other groups” and “Blacks should learn about the oppression of other groups.” Lastly, the Nationalist subscale is comprised of nine items measuring the extent to which participants favor and emphasize unwavering devotion to the uniqueness consistent with being

African American (α = .69). Sample items include: “Blacks would be better off if they adopted

Afrocentric values” and “Black students are better off going to schools that are controlled and organized by Blacks.” Although the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) test for a single factor solution of all three scales was inadequate, analyses for each scale individually yielded adequate results

(KMO = .86, .63, and .61 for Ideology, Centrality and Regard, respectively). In the present study, only the Centrality and Private Regard subscales were used. These subscales best operationalize the constructs of self-pride and racial/ethnic pride. The MIBI has been used with Black women and yielded a Cronbach’s alpha of .74 for the centrality subscale and .78 for the private regard subscale (Street et al., 2012). For the purposes of this study, this scale was rated on a 4 point scale instead of 7 ranging from 0 (strongly disagree) to 3 (strongly agree). This is consistent with the 4 universal norms for better efficiency. Permission was requested from the authors.

The Daily Spiritual Experience Scale (Underwood & Teresi, 2002). The Daily Spiritual

Experience Scale (DSES) is a 16-item self-report measure designed to assess ordinary experiences of connection with the transcendent in daily life (See Appendix C). It was constructed to reflect an overlapping circle model of spirituality/religiousness. It includes constructs such as awe, gratitude, mercy, and awareness of discernment/inspiration and a sense of deep inner peace. It contains four explicit items on giving and receiving compassionate love. Additionally it works for those from various religions as well as for those not comfortable with religion. Religion implies practice affiliated with institutionalized dogma or structured guidelines based on doctrine (Post & Wade,

2009); whereas, spirituality refers to a connection with the transcendent which is distinct from formal religion for many (Sperry & Shafranske, 2005). Religiosity involves engagement in activities and participation in institutions consistent with prescribed beliefs; while spirituality involves more of a personal relationship and experiences with divinity (Mattis & Watson, 2008).

Though variant in definition, religion and spirituality are oftentimes used interchangeably. They are similar in that they frequently go hand in hand with considerable overlap in that individuals frequently adhere to prescribed beliefs with the goal of maintaining connection to the transcendent.

As such spirituality is the overarching construct with religion subsumed within. When developing this scale, the authors took this stance and used the following excerpt as a clarifying statement

“While religions aim to foster and nourish the spiritual life—and spirituality is often a salient aspect of religious participation—it is possible to adopt the outward forms of religious worship and doctrine without having a strong relationship to the transcendent (Underwood & Teresi, 2002, p. 23).” This scale leaves space for spirituality that is religiously based, as well as spirituality that lacks that religious component.

Originally developed for use in health studies, it has more recently been used in the social sciences, for program evaluation, and for examining changes in spiritual experiences over time.

It has also been used within the counseling arena, addiction treatment settings, and religious organizations. It has been included in longitudinal health studies and in the U.S. General Social

Survey which established random-sample population norms. It has publications on its psychometric validity in English, Spanish, French, Portuguese, German and Mandarin Chinese.

Translations have been made into 20 languages including Hindi, Hebrew and Arabic and the scale has been effectively used in a variety of cultures. Furthermore, the scale has been used in over 70 published studies.

In terms of scale development, Underwood and Teresi (2002) held in-depth interviews and focus groups with individuals from an array of different religious backgrounds which provided qualitative data. She conducted a review of scales that attempt to measure some aspects of spirituality as well as reviewed a variety of theological, spiritual, and religious writings which helped to categorize experiences to develop an item pool. Next, the researcher refined the items based on interpretations of the questions through semi-structured interviews. Then, individual, open-ended interviews were conducted to confirm what the items actually meant to people responding to them. Finally, the items were further revised based on a review of the instrument by representatives of a variety of spiritual orientations at a meeting of the World Health

Organization Working Group on Spiritual Aspects of Quality- of-Life. This group included agnostics, atheists, Buddhists, Christians, Hindus, Jews, and Muslims.

One of the issues that arose during scale development was whether or not to use the term

“God.” However this was the most dominant word used to refer to the transcendent or divine across a variety of belief backgrounds during the initial interviews; and the introduction to the instrument encourages participants not comfortable with the term to “substitute another idea which calls to mind the divine or holy for you.” All of the items but the last one (first 15 items) are scored using a 6-point scale ranging from 1 to 6, in which response categories are many times a day, every day, most days, some days, once in a while, and never or almost never. Lower scores reflect more frequent daily spiritual experiences (e.g., many times a day = 1, never or almost never = 6.) Sample items include: “I find strength in my religion or spirituality” and “I desire to be closer to God or in union with the divine.” The 16th item, “In general, how close do you feel to God?” has four response categories: not close at all, somewhat close, very close, and as close as possible. The raw score for this item is adjusted since it is reverse score. For the total

score, the four-point score was simply added into the total after reverse scoring. The internal consistency of this scale was found to be high, with a Cronbach’s alpha of .93. The interrater reliability coefficients were found to be adequate, ranging from .64 to .78. This would be of importance if being administered by an interviewer to a frail or older population. However, this scale is usually self-administered. To the author’s knowledge, there are no published articles in which the DSES was used with Black women. However, the DSES has extended beyond its normed population, and has effectively been used with diverse populations (Underwood &

Teresi, 2002). Item 16 of the DSES was omitted in the present study. Please note that the creators of the scale also support use of the 15 item version as the 16th item was originally intended to calibrate the previous question and is the only item reverse scored with four response categories as opposed to six. For the purposes of this study, this scale was rated on a 4 point scale instead of a 6 point Likert format ranging from 0 (strongly disagree) to 3 (strongly agree). This is consistent with the 4 universal norms for better efficiency. Permission was requested from the authors.

Strong Black Woman Archetype Scale (Woods, 2013). The Strong Black Woman

Archetype Scale (SBWAS) is a self-report measure that was developed for a dissertation and sought to assess adherence to the Strong Black Woman (SBW) stereotype (Woods, 2013). The measure consists of three subscales that cover dimensions of the SBW symbol: mask of strength/ emotional invulnerability (14 items), self-reliance and strength (11 items), and care-taking/self- sacrifice (11 items). The mask of strength/emotional invulnerability subscale assesses emotional stoicism (e.g. “I have difficulty showing my emotions,” and “I always try to maintain my composure). Sample items of the self-reliance/strength subscale include: “Women of my race have to be strong to survive,” “As I become an adult, it is important that I become financially

independent and not expect a boy/girlfriend or husband/wife to support me financially,” and “In order to feel good about myself, I need to feel independent and self-sufficient.” Lastly, sample items of the caretaking/self-sacrifice subscale include: “I will let people down if I take time out for myself,” and “I am often expected to take care of family members.”

Items were intended to reflect statements of Black womanhood concerning the value of strength cited throughout the literature and to address gaps in the literature concerning aspects of

SBW ideology by building upon the limitations of previous measures. It sought to measure the following 8 dimensions of the SBW stereotype: the mask of strength, perceived strength, physical strength, emotional invulnerability, struggle, self-reliance, caretaking, and self-sacrifice.

The SBWAS initially consisted of 63 items pulled from the Strong Black Woman Cultural

Construct Scale (SBWCC; Hamin, 2008; 14 items), the Mammy and Superwoman subscales of the Stereotypic Roles for Black Women Scale (SRBWS; Thomas, Witherspoon & Speight, 2004;

15 items), the Silencing the Self Scale (Jack & Dill, 1992; 3 items), and 31 items developed by

Woods after a thorough review of the SBW ideology literature. Exploratory factor analysis indicated that 36 of the 63 items should be retained, and results yielded a three-factor structure: mask of strength/emotional invulnerability, care-taking/self-sacrifice, and self-reliance/strength

(Woods, 2013). Convergent and discriminant validity were listed in the Limitations & Future

Directions section as something to investigate in future studies. However, the internal consistency of the SBWAS was reported (total α =.91; mask of strength α =.88; self-reliance α

=.80; care-taking α =.79) and improved upon the previous scale alpha range of prior studies (.66-

.76; Hamin, 2008; Thomas et al., 2004; Thompson, 2003).

The items are rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (almost always).

Responses were summed per subscale to score the SBWAS. Furthermore, subscale scores are

summed to yield a total score. Higher scores reflect greater endorsement of SBW ideology. In the current study, only the Self-Reliance/Strength subscale were used (See Appendix D). For the purposes of this study, this scale was rated on a 4 point scale instead of a 5 point Likert format ranging from 0 (strongly disagree) to 3 (strongly agree). This is consistent with the 4 universal norms for better efficiency. Permission was requested from the author.

Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory-45 (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Traditional norms/ universal femininity were measured using the CFNI-45 (See Appendix E). The CFNI-45 is a nine-factor, 45 item measure based on the original CFNI. Mahalik et al. (2005) developed the

CFNI by identifying and compiling a list of feminine gender-role norms present throughout the

U.S. The CFNI assesses an individual's conformity to traditional feminine norms. The CFNI is an eight-factor, 84-item measure that reflects: Nice in Relationships, Thinness, Modesty, Domestic,

Care for Children, Romantic Relationship, Sexual Fidelity, and Invest in Appearance. Sample items on the CFNI include: “I am always trying to lose weight”(Thinness scale), “I always downplay my achievements” (Modesty scale), “It is important to keep your living space clean”

(Domestic scale), “It is important to look physically attractive in public”(Invest in Appearance scale), “It is important to let people know they are special”(Nice in Relationships scale), “Taking care of children is extremely fulfilling”(Care for Children scale), “I would feel guilty if I had a one-night stand”(Sexual Fidelity scale), and “I pity people who are single”(Romantic Relationship scale). The items are rated on a 4-point scale ranging from 0 (strongly disagree) to 3 (strongly agree). Parent and Moradi (2010) created a short form of the measure, the CFNI-45, which reduced the number of items. Moradi and Parent (2010) also divided the Nice in Relationships factor into two separate constructs: the value placed on niceness in general (Sweet and Nice) and the value placed on sustaining friendships (Relational). This inventory is based on self-report and reflects

the extent in which women believe they conform to society’s interpretation of femininity. The

CFNI-45 is much more practical, in that the items that are weaker in validity were omitted while the psychometric strength of the original CFNI has been maintained. The CFNI-45 is also more clinically efficient and less tedious, mitigating participant fatigue. The CFNI suggested an acceptable fit for the RMSEA (.049) and SRMR (.0743), but a poor fit for the CFI (.75). The CFNI-

45 suggested a superior fit for the RMSEA (.048) and SRMR (.0732), and a better fit for the CFI

(.77). A chi-square difference test, Akaike Information Criterion (AIC), and Expected Cross-

Validation Index (ECVI), were also performed and each supported the CFNI-45 (nine-factor model) as well. Reliability coefficients range from .69 to .92. This measure has never been used with a sample of Black women aside from the thesis by Davis (2014) yielding a Cronbach’s alpha for the CFNI-45 total of .78. In the current study, only the Domestic, Care for Children, Thinness and Modesty subscales were used.

Statistical Analytic Plan

Before statistical analyses were conducted, data were screened for missing values, outliers, and assessed for univariate and multivariate normality (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001).

After data screening, descriptive statistics of participants (e.g., frequencies, means, ranges and standard deviations) for the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (Centrality and Private

Regard subscales), Daily Spiritual Experience Scale, Strong Black Woman Archetype Scale

(Self-Reliance/Strength subscale), and Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory (Domestic,

Care for Children, Thinness and Modesty subscales) were calculated and presented in separate tables. Internal consistency reliabilities and intercorrelations among variables for the measures used in this study were also calculated.

Missing data were handled following guidelines set forth by Parent (2013). A 10% cutoff of item-level missing data was used, which means that cases were retained provided they completed at least 90% of each instrument. Available item analysis (AIA) uses the existing data to generate a mean score for scales without substituting or imputing missing values. It uses available scale-level participant data to produce a participant scale mean score and is used to handle low-level (< 10%) item-level missing data. According to Parent (2013), AIA may be used consistent with the following criteria: 1. missing data levels are assumable to be not MNAR

(missing not at random), 2. are at normal levels (e.g., below 10% of all data on each scale and ideally much lower), and there are no other major complicating concerns (e.g., 3. low sample size, 4. poor internal reliability of scales, 5. scales with fewer than five items). Parent (2013) found AIA to be an effective method of handling missing data, comparable and almost equivalent to participant mean substitution and multiple imputations methods.

Research Question # 1:

What combination of feminine norms (i.e traditional and culturally specific) emerges as consistent with African American womanhood?

For the first research question, Exploratory Factor Analyses using the Principal axis factoring procedure were conducted through SPSS to explore factor structure of the feminine norms that arise as consistent with African American womanhood. The 8 variables specifically that were used in this EFA are as follow: self-pride (Centrality; MIBI), racial/ethnic pride

(Private Regard; MIBI), spirituality (DSES), and self- reliance/strength (SBWAS); in addition to the four universal norms: domestic, care for children, modesty, and thinness.

Before running the EFA, a Parallel Analysis was conducted to determine the number of factors using the O’Connor (2000) SPSS syntax using raw data. A parallel analysis determines

the number of factors that explain more variance than chance compared with a set of eigenvalues generated from a random set of data based on the same number of variables and cases (Kahn,

2006, p. 692). Furthermore, actual eigenvalues greater than the corresponding mean eigenvalues are suggested for factor retention in parallel analysis (O’Connor, 2005). Raw data eignenvalues smaller than the random data mean and 95th percentile eigenvalues were not retained. The decision to interpret the output within an Orthogonal or Oblique rotation was determined by a cutoff of .32. Since the correlations within Component Correlation Matrix are under .32, the

Orthogonal Rotation was interpreted.

Item loading cutoffs typically range from .30 to .50, with higher cutoffs being used when item reduction is the goal of the EFA (Kahn, 2006). Items were inspected for sufficient loading values (> .40) and cross loading values (items loading at > .30 on one factor) (Tabachnick &

Fidell, 2007). This means that small coefficients were suppressed with a refrain from providing factor loadings with absolute values below .30. This also means that a cutoff of .40 was used to determine which items to omit because they did not yield a strong enough loading on a given factor.

Research Question # 2:

Of the factors that emerge are there any age differences in feminine norms comparing younger women (ages 18 to 25), middle-age women (26 to 39) and older women (ages 40 and older)?

For the last research question, separate one-way ANOVAs were conducted for each emerging factor to assess differences between younger, middle age and older women on the culturally specific and universal feminine norms. In the present study, middle-age denoted the mid-range age of the sample.

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

The primary purpose of this chapter is to review the data analysis procedures used to investigate: (1) the norms that emerge as consistent with African American womanhood and (2) potential differences between age groups. First, the data were cleaned, missing points were identified, and variables of interest were assessed for univariate and multivariate normality

(Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001). After the process of cleaning and screening, the main statistical analyses were conducted. It was proposed that a combination of traditional and culturally- specific feminine norms would emerge as consistent with African American Femininity.

Exploratory aim one was investigated with the use of Exploratory Factor Analyses, and exploratory aim two was investigated with the use of a series of single-factor between subjects

ANOVAs.

Data Screening and Missing Data

Five hundred and fifty four surveys were submitted. See Table 2 for participant demographics. In total 155 cases were removed. Eighty-six participants (15.5%) were ineligible considering that they did not identify as an African American woman, fourty-six participants

(8.3%) did not complete enough of the survey for the data to be usable missing at least 10% of data on one or more measures and seventeen participants (3.07%) stopped immediately before completing any of the responses. Four participants (.007%) identified as an African American woman solely answering that one question and lastly two cases were identified as multivariate outliers having Mahalanobis distances significant at p < .001 (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001) and omitted. Thus, the final sample of 399 satisfied the proposed sample size of 300 participants and

reflected more than adequate power (Hatcher, 1994; Tinsley & Tinsley, 1987).The chi square cutoff that was used was 26.125 for the 8 explored variables.

Missing Data Values

Available Item Analysis (AIA) was the method of choice for handling missing data as recommended for Counseling Psychology research by Parent (2013). There was very little missing data in the present sample. In fact, this AIA method was only used for two participants. Overall one data point was replaced for a participant on the CFNI-45 Care for Children subscale and two data points for a participant on the SBWAS Self-reliance/Strength subscale. Given the acceptable reliability of the former (α=.84) and latter (α=.81) subscales in this study and the low volume of missing data, this method was appropriate. The mean scores, standard deviations, ranges, and reliability coefficients for the Thinness, Domestic, Modesty and Care for Children CFNI-45

(Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory) subscales, Centrality and Private Regard MIBI

(Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity) subscales, Strength/Self-reliance SBWAS (Strong

Black Woman Archetype Scale) and Spirituality DSES (Daily Spiritual Experience Scale) measures were calculated reflecting the traditional and culturally-specific feminine norms (see

Table 3). Internal consistency for the measures used in this study were calculated and reported as

Cronbach’s alpha. The coefficient alphas for the measures were marginal to excellent with a range of .69 to .94. According to Nunnally (1978), a reliability score of .70 or better is acceptable for social science research.

Examining Data Normality

The variables explored did meet the assumptions of normality. Skew and Kurtosis statistics were not used considering the sensitivity to sample sizes above 200 (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001).

The shapes of the distributions for the measures were visually inspected to assess if they departed

significantly from the distribution of a normal curve, as recommended by Tabachnick and Fidell

(2001).The P-plot and histogram suggested that the variables were normally distributed. However, there were slight levels of negative skew on the Private Regard (Racial/Ethnic Pride norm) subscale and Spirituality subscale. Data transformations to address negative skew were made and did not result in any improvements to the distributions. Therefore, the racial/ethnic pride and spirituality variables were retained.

Screening for Data Outliers and Multicollinearity

Univariate outliers were examined using z-scores in alignment with Tabachnick and

Fidell’s (2001) suggestion that standardized scores above 3.29 (p<.001) may be potential outliers warranting examination. Only one case was found to have a standardized score in excess of 3.29 on the Modesty norm with a score of 3.31. However this case did not exert unreasonable influence.

The data point was still within appropriate range across other subscale scores and thus was retained. In regards to multivariate outliers, Mahalanobis distances were examined to detect influential data points with the critical value on the χ2 distribution as 26.13 (df = 8). Two cases were omitted. Tests for multicollinearity indicated that low multicollinearity was found among the eight variables used in this study (VIF = 1.10 for Thinness, 1.21 for Domestic, 1.06 for Modesty,

1.16 for Care for Children, 1.50 for Centrality operationalizing self-pride, 1.66 for Private Regard operationalizing racial/ethnic pride, 1.18 for Self-reliance/Strength, 1.28 for Spirituality and

Tolerance greater than the conservative value of .20). Multicollinearity refers to when predictor variables are too highly correlated and correlations greater than r = .90 suggest likely multicollinearity issues with r = .70 as the more conservative cutoff (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007).

No correlations above r = .70 were identified for scales or subscales in the present study meaning

that the variables are not redundant but rather independent of each other. The VIFs in the present study are low which reflect lack of collinearity among the variables.

Main Analyses

Exploratory Aim 1. What combination of feminine norms (i.e traditional and culturally specific) emerges as consistent with African American womanhood?

The parallel analysis technique (Horn, 1965) is one of the most utilized methods of determining the number of factors to retain (Kahn, 2006), with the literature supporting its superiority relative to other methods such as Kaiser’s criterion and Cattell’s scree plot (Zwick &

Velicer, 1986). Moreover, this technique seeks to determine the number of factors that explain more variance than chance based on a comparison with random data eigenvalues generated from random data sets based on the same sample size and number of variables (Kahn, 2006, p. 692).

Parallel analysis was conducted using 1,000 random data points after the preliminary analyses and initially supported the proposed eight-factor solution. The first eight raw data eigenvalues ranged from 10.55 to 1.66 and were all larger than the random data mean and 95th percentile eigenvalues (1.85 to 1.52 and 1.93 to 1.54, respectively). All other raw data eigenvalues were smaller than the random data mean and 95th percentile eigenvalues.

An EFA was then conducted using an orthogonal varimax rotation to aid in interpretability. Item loading cutoffs typically range from .30 to .50, with higher cutoffs being used when item reduction is the goal of the EFA (Kahn, 2006). In the present study, a cutoff of

.40 was used to determine which items to omit because they did not yield a strong enough loading on a given factor. The eighth factor was uninterpretable on this Principal axis factor analysis (PAF) with varimax rotation loading only one item above .40 from the Daily Spiritual

Experiences Scale (DSES). A PAF was then conducted using the oblique direct oblimin rotation

to aid in interpretability and yielded eight factors. The eighth factor was again uninterpretable loading only one item above .40 from the DSES. Additionally, in the Factor Correlation Matrix under the direct oblimin rotation the correlations are below the cutoff of .32. Finally, a Principal axis factor analysis was again conducted using an orthogonal varimax rotation but this time was fixed to seven factors. After examining the percentage of variance accounted for by each factor, eigenvalues, and the results from the parallel analysis, this varimax rotation was chosen retaining the seven-factor solution (see Table 4).

The Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy is at .87 which is well above the cutoff value of .5 indicating greater likelihood of getting distinct and reliable factors with values ranging from 0-1. The higher the score, the stronger the likelihood of reliability. Bartlett’s test of sphericity informs the researcher if the variables do not correlate at all. According to Bartlett’s test of sphericity in the present sample, χ2 (1770) = 11871.26, p <.001. The Bartlett test of sphericity’s significance along with KMO being adequate signifies that the output is interpretable

(Bartlett, 1950; Cerny & Kaiser, 1977; Dziuban & Shirkey, 1974; Kaiser, 1970). The total explained variance is 44.33% which is moderate. Within social science research, explained variance figures of .16, .36 and .64 are generally considered to reflect low, medium and high variance levels (Hancock & Mueller, 2010). The 44.33% total explained variance level in the present study indicates that the seven feminine norms reflecting hegemonic and unique culturally specific norms contributed to almost half of our understanding of what accounts for African

American womanhood irrespective of alternative factors and that which is explained by chance.

Guidelines by Tinsley and Tinsley (1987) were used to interpret and name factors with an emphasis on placing the highest loading items on each factor. The first factor, which accounted for 13.82% of the variance, contained 12 out of the 15 items originally on the Daily Spiritual

Experiences Scale and was named Spirituality. The second factor, which accounted for 8.10% of

the variance, contained all 8 of the Centrality subscale items and 5 out of the 6 Private Regard items and was named Pride. The factor Pride is comprised of the originally distinct subscales reflecting both the originally proposed racial/ethnic pride and self-pride norms as one construct.

The third factor, which accounted for 5.83% of the variance, contained 7 out of the 11 items originally on the Self-reliance/Strength subscale and was named Self-reliance; since all of the retained items but one reflect more self-sufficiency than the omitted 4 items which are directly tied to strength. The remaining fourth through seventh factors reflecting the hegemonic feminine norms contained all five of their original items with no cross-loading items. The percentage of variance of the traditional norms which maintained their original names are as follow: Care for

Children accounted for 4.84% of the variance, Thinness accounted for 4.81%, Domestic accounted for 3.82%, and Modesty accounted for 3.11% of the variance. See Table 5 for correlations of the emergent factors. In conclusion, the EFA has elucidated the complexity of

African American women’s unique experiences by showing seven factors reflecting both the traditional and unique feminine norms which explain nearly half of the explanation toward the definition of womanhood for this underrepresented population.

Main Analyses

Exploratory Aim 2. Of the factors that emerge are there any age differences in feminine norms comparing younger women (ages 18 to 25), middle-age women (26 to 39) and older women

(ages 40 and older)?

A series of univariate analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were conducted to assess if a significant main effect existed between younger (18 to 25 years), middle-age (26 to 39) and older

(40 and over) women in conformity to feminine norms (i.e. culturally-specific and traditional).

The single-factor between subjects ANOVA was the appropriate statistical analysis to run

because there were more than two conditions (three age groups) and only one predictor variable as the feminine norm of interest (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). Moreover, the ANOVA was the appropriate method of choice since the factors did not correlate strongly. If the seven variables reflecting the feminine norms had correlated above .50, then a MANOVA would have been the analysis of choice. Post-hoc tests allow for examination of individual group differences with no hypotheses and was the method of choice in interpreting findings given the exploratory nature of the present study. The Games-Howell test was chosen to evaluate where mean differences between any two age groups specifically were significant and is one of the most commonly used post-hoc tests. Additionally this test is useful when sample sizes are unequal and there is no homogeneity of variances. See Table 6 for descriptive statistics of each of the feminine norms by age group.

Results indicated that there was a significant main effect of age group on pride, F(2, 396)

2 = 6.83, p = .001, η P = .03. Post hoc analyses using Games-Howell indicated a statistically significant difference in pride which was higher for middle-age women compared to older women (p = .003) and younger women compared to older women (p = .004), but pride did not differ significantly between younger women and middle-age women (p = .999). Results indicated that there was a significant main effect of age group on self-reliance, F(2, 396) = 9.54, p < .001,

2 η P = .05. Post hoc analyses using Games-Howell indicated that self-reliance was highest among younger women and differed significantly compared to both middle-age women (p = .003) and older women (p < .001). There was no significant difference between middle-age and older women (p = .445). Results indicated that there was a significant main effect of spirituality on age

2 group, F(2, 396) = 6.63, p = .001, η P = .03. Post hoc analyses using Games-Howell indicated that spirituality was highest among older women and differed significantly compared to both

younger women (p < .001) and middle-age women (p = .004). There was no statistically significant difference in spirituality between middle-age and younger women (p =.414).

Results indicated that there was a significant main effect of age group on caring for

2 children, F(2, 396) = 6.20, p = .002, η P = .03. Post hoc analyses using Games-Howell indicated that caring for children was significantly higher for older women compared to both younger (p =

.001) and middle-age women (p = .007). There was no significant difference between middle-age and younger women (p = .586). Lastly, results indicated that the three age groups did not

2 significantly differ in thinness F(2, 396) = 2.85, p = .059, η P = .01, domesticity F(2, 396) = 1.12,

2 2 p = .326, η P = .01, nor modesty F(2, 396) = .22, p = .806, η P = .001. In conclusion, the

ANOVAs tell us that there is not much variation in feminine norms among African American women according to age group. Of the three culturally-specific norms, younger women scored highest on self-reliance, middle-age women scored highest on pride, and older women scored highest on spirituality. These differences are to be expected given generational and cohort differences. However, results indicate more similarities than differences. For instance, older women scored higher on care for children. There were no age group differences on thinness, domesticity and modesty.

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION

This chapter provides an overview of the aims of the present study as well as a synopsis of findings and connection with previous literature. The purpose of this study is to quantitatively explore the feminine norms consistent with African American womanhood as well as clarify whether there are age differences within the construct of African American femininity. This chapter emphasizes the establishment of a factor structure consistent with African American

Femininity reflecting traditional and culturally-specific norms. The investigation of age differences in the expression of African American womanhood relied upon the emergent factor structure. Limitations of the current study and implications for future research and interventions are discussed. Moreover, this chapter concludes with a summary of the present study.

Exploratory Analysis of feminine norms

The results supported the notion that the construct of African American Femininity would yield a multi-factor structure. Exploratory factor analyses yielded a final 60-item seven-factor solution with a high reliability estimate and 44.33% total explained variance level. Results of exploratory factor analyses yielded a multi-factor solution reflecting the following seven factors:

Spirituality accounting for 13.82% of the variance, Pride accounting for 8.10% of the variance and containing both Centrality and Private Regard items (racial/ethnic pride and self-pride norms) combined, Self-reliance accounting for 5.83% of the variance, Care for Children accounting for 4.84% of the variance, Thinness accounting for 4.81%, Domestic accounting for

3.82%, and Modesty accounted for 3.11% of the variance. These findings reflect some of the norms found within the literature. Contrary to expected, the Centrality and Private Regard subscales reflecting racial/ethnic pride and self-pride norms emerged as a single pride factor.

Centrality reflects the extent to which being African American is a salient aspect of one’s self- concept; whereas Private Regard reflects an individual’s positive or negative sentiment toward

African Americans and being a member of said social group/community (Sellers et al., 1997).

Additionally, the strength/self-reliance norm emerged as a factor reflecting self-reliance solely.

This means that the concept of self-reliance resonated with the African American women in terms of how they conceptualize womanhood whereas strength as a concept ideologically did not. All of the retained items for the emergent self-reliance factor but one reflect self-reliance while the omitted four items are directly tied to the concept of strength.

In regards to the Centrality and Private Regard subscales operationalizing racial/ethnic pride and self-pride norms emerging as a single pride factor, it appears that African American women in the present study did not differentiate between the two constructs. Sellers et al. (1997) in developing the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI) found the constructs to be related but distinct. Factor analysis yielded six distinct factors including Centrality and Private

Regard although results of a MANOVA found all factors but Centrality to show a mean difference statistically significant at .01. The African American women in the present sample likely evaluated their identity and derived a sense of pride based on race personally tied to self- view as well as being a member of the Black community. This suggests that pride comes from both an intrinsic sense of identity as a Black individual and connection to the community for

African American women. The intrinsic sense of identity as a Black individual is usually consistent with self-knowledge and intrinsic self-worth; while connection to the community is consistent with an extended self-identity. These tenets reflect some Africentic cultural core values and are integral to optimal functioning (Myers, 1988). According to Optimal theory, self- knowledge is the process of gaining a deeper understanding of one’s true identity which within

the context of the present sample is as a member of the African diaspora or Black community

(Myers, 1988). Intrinsic self-worth reflects the belief that one is innately worthy and good enough possessing a divine purpose. Lastly, an extended self-identity is awareness of one’s sense of connectedness to family, ancestors and community, which reflects self in relation to others

(Myers, 1988). Social groups that are devalued tend to have a higher sense of pride than groups that are in the majority (Fiske, 2010). This might be an adaptive cultural strategy to combat oppression (Crocker & Major, 1989). Racial/ethnic pride is protective considering that the well- being of many African American women is tied to their sense of connection and community to members of their group (DeFrancisco & Chatham-Carpenter, 2000; Patterson, 2004). It appears that for this sample of African American women, racial identity is rooted in being a member of the community.

In considering the historical and contemporary roles of African American womanhood,

African American women were not afforded the luxury to hold an identity in which race was not central reflecting an intersectional reality. Moreover, Black women consistent with their role flexibility tend to experience a sense of responsibility to their community (Abrams et al., 2014;

Romero, 2000). Extended self-identity which centers on Africentric principles such as communality and interdependence explains relational tendencies that African American women exhibit (Baldwin, 1990; Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Myers & Thompson, 1994). As such, African

American women’s identities and roles are likely to have blended together private regard and centrality into one factor. Prior research finds positive correlations between centrality and private regard. Among a sample of 474 African American college students, those for which race was central to identity also held positive private regard for African Americans with a correlation coefficient of r = .37 (Sellers et al., 1997). Thus it is to be expected that African American

women who regard Blackness as a salient aspect of their identities also hold positive feelings toward the Black community of which they are members. It would have been interesting to see if the findings would be affected if test items operationalizing pride were adapted to emphasize a racially gendered identity. For instance, “Being Black” would be replaced with “Being a Black woman” and “Black people” would be replaced with “Black women.” African American women might have displayed a different connection to the community with the added gender component, and centrality and private regard factors could potentially have remained distinct.

In regards to the explored strength/self-reliance norm emerging as a factor reflecting self- reliance solely, the findings do not support the multidimensional nature of strength as a marker of womanhood which is inconsistent with the literature. Woods (2013) purports three different aspects of the strength construct: mask of strength/emotional invulnerability, self-reliance and strength, and caretaking/self-sacrifice. The SBWAS measure (Woods, 2013) was designed to capture different elements of the Strong Black woman ideology characterized by independence, self-reliance and caretaking responsibilities for others to the detriment of one’s own needs

(Abrams et al., 2014). Only one of the three factors was explored in the present study, self- reliance/strength. In the present study however, it appears that the concept of self-reliance resonated with the African American women in terms of how they conceptualize womanhood while strength conceptually did not. All of the retained items for the emergent self-reliance factor but one reflect self-reliance (i.e. “I cannot rely on others to meet my needs” and “I am independent”) while the omitted 4 items are directly tied to the concept of strength (i.e. “Women of my race have to be strong to survive” and “I am strong”). It is likely that these findings are rooted in ideology and value-laden. Traditional femininity ideology reflects ideas about how women should behave (Levant, Richmond, Cook, House & Aupont, 2007). The concept of self-

reliance ideologically is inconsistent with traditional femininity; yet it has been an adaptive norm among African American women birthed out of necessity and oppression. Dependence and deference of roles and responsibilities to male partners are consistent with traditional femininity

(Levant et al., 2007). Thomas and Speight (1999) found that African American girls receive parental socialization messages promoting self-reliance, namely psychological and financial independence. Arguably self-reliance is a better socialization message than strength which oftentimes reflects hardiness and emotional stoicism. Instead of getting the help they need, many

African American women suffer in silence in attempts to meet the expectations of others while maintaining the appearance of strength (Abrams et al., 2014; Beauboeuf-LaFontant, 2007; Jones

& Shorter-Gooden, 2003). In the present sample, it appears that African American women rejected the concept of strength which is likely due to the ideological underpinnings and associated values. Interestingly ideology and actual expression can be completely different.

Within the context of the present study, ideology reflects judgment, values, and ideals about women’s gender roles. Conversely feminine norm conformity reflects actual behaviors and is a much more personalized assessment. Thus, ideologically African American women can reject the concept of strength yet engage in behaviors reflecting strength out of necessity and lack of freedom to be fragile. The ideology of the Strong Black Woman suggests than many African

American women are “strong” not because they want to be but, rather because they have to be.

Thus the women in this sample rejected “strength” but endorsed “self-reliance” as a key aspect of their womanhood.

Age differences in feminine norms

The current study found that there is not much variation in feminine norms among

African American women according to age. Although a few significant differences by age were

found, the practical significance is minimal. In looking at the standard deviations in Table 6, the scores across the three age groups are highly comparable and minimally dispersed. The four traditional norms and pride reflected the least deviation. Self-reliance and spirituality yielded slightly more variation. These findings support the generalizability of the 7-factor solution reflecting the unique and culturally-specific norms defining African American womanhood across age. There were no meaningful effects of cohort around African American femininity.

Moreover, the results effectively develop a more complex understanding toward providing a full representation of African American women’s expression of feminine norms. The literature has discussed the significance of exploring intersectionality among African American women and the benefits of this vantage point toward elucidating the complexity of this population’s unique experiences (Cole, 2009; Settles, 2006). African American women are clearly a heterogeneous group and variations are duly noted as it is important not to regard this population nor any other as a monolithic group which would undermine individual differences. The term “ethnic gloss” refers to the overgeneralization of racial and ethnic social categories (Trimble, 2005). However, understanding similarities allows us to better address the needs, concerns, and unique daily lived experiences common among those who share a culture or any number of intersecting identities.

Although age is a salient identity reflecting a developmental stage of life and unique set of experiences, it appears that African American women perform femininity and demonstrate womanhood similarly regardless of age.

The findings are consistent with the literature in which narratives reflecting conceptualizations of how African American women define and express womanhood were supported and reinforced across ages such as ranging from 18 to 55 in Chaney’s (2011) study and 18 to 84 in Settles, Pratt-Hyatt, and Buchanan’s (2008) study. Abrams, Maxwell, Pope and

Belgrave’s (2014) study consisted of eight focus groups, separated by participant age (18-24, 25-

39,40-54, 55 and older) and ranged in age of participants from 18 to 91. Abrams et al. (2014) found that themes concerning womanhood (i.e. strength, self/ethnic pride, and religion/spirituality) were consistent across age. Although the construct of religion/spirituality was more frequently mentioned among older women compared to younger women, of the women who did discuss it as consistent with womanhood, there were no differences in perceptions based on age. There was a general consensus concerning the definition and expression of womanhood across all age-based focus groups.

Implications for Interventions

This study has important implications for understanding African American women’s feminine norms. The literature has demonstrated variation across cultures in regards to the salience of some gender role norms (Gibbons et al., 1997), and differences in sociopolitical history and racially-gendered socialization indicate that existing measures may not be culturally appropriate for African American women (Harris, 1994; Nguyen et al., 2010). There are shared commonalities across all women so African American women experience some of the same feminine expectations as White women. However, there are also distinct culturally-specific differences reflecting unique feminine norms. The present study aimed to clarify African American women’s traditional and non-traditional norms toward the preliminary understanding of a comprehensive femininity specific to African American womanhood.

Feminine norms influence various facets of health and well-being, impact relationships and inform major life decisions. Consistent with the American Psychological Association’s

(APA’s) Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Girls and Women (2007) which emphasizes the use of gender-sensitive provision of care, gender norms are regarded as integral to

incorporate within the context of therapy (Brown, 1986; Gilbert & Scher, 1999). Psychologists must account for the effects of gender socialization, stereotypes, and unique life events on client worldview, development and experiences. Consistent with the American Psychological

Association’s (APA’s) Multicultural Guidelines (2009) which emphasizes culturally-tailored provision of care, an intersectional approach is, therefore, most appropriate explaining the complexity of African American women’s unique experiences without trying to tease race and gender apart (e.g. Bowleg, 2008; Thomas et al., 2008). African American women face inequities in a number of different areas influenced by feminine norms as evidenced by disparities in health, career aspirations, and education.

Though adaptive and beneficial in numerous contexts, non-traditional self-reliance and spirituality feminine norms might influence African American women’s delay in seeking mental health treatment and medical care (Black & Woods-Giscombe, 2012 & Dessio et al., 2004).

African American women underutilize mental health services compared to White women and even African American men (Breslau, Kendler, Su, Gaxiola-Aguilar, & Kessler, 2005; Mays,

Caldwell, & Jackson, 1996). Self-reliance is consistent with an attitude of suffering in silence and handling adversity alone. In addition, many African American women hold strong religious/spiritual beliefs upon which they make decisions concerning their health. This is frequently a barrier to treatment seeking for serious conditions like cancer (Bourjolly, 1998;

Dessio et al., 2004; Underwood & Powell 2006). Counseling psychologists might use this information in treatment by fostering diunital logic and a holistic worldview consistent with

Optimal theory (Myers, 1988) whereby clients can become aware that God can be in control of an outcome and there is also free will/personal agency to seek help when needed. Illogical views namely around personal deficiencies and weakness concerning help seeking should also be

debunked. Counseling psychologists might use psychoeducation to discuss the history of the concept of the SBW stereotype tied to self-reliance and reframe strength as taking a proactive approach concerning one’s well-being.

Feminine norms also influence career aspirations. Social context and culture play a significant role in determining individuals’ perceptions of their range of options as they make educational and occupational decisions. In terms of modesty African American women experience pressure to conceal their achievements as is common among women generally due to sexism. However, African American women also experience a simultaneous unique pressure to prove that they have still retained their roots and cultural values (Johnson et al., 2016). This is rooted in historical trauma and could result in internal conflict where African American women may limit themselves so as not to accomplish too much and maintain a favorable within-group connection. This could also limit career aspiration by means of imposter syndrome, hyper- concern with failure of being exposed as an intellectual phony and feelings of diminished self- worth. Gottfredson’s (1996) theory of circumscription suggests that individuals oftentimes have to compromise their vocational preferences and that satisfying (i.e., basic needs being met) rather than optimizing (i.e., advancement and personal fulfillment) is the norm. Compromise occurs when individuals have to steer away from their preferences and settle for less preferred options in alignment with an external reality (Wee, 2014). Given the external reality of low social support and racially gendered oppression, African American women are more susceptible to limitations. Perceived barriers might also prevent African American women from attaining a career or choosing a given career path; even in childhood as they are developing schemas and exploring their identity development in relation to the social world. Self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations also influence outcomes such as career interests and attainment level

(Lent, Brown & Hackett, 1994). As such counseling psychologists might empower African

American women, highlight their strengths, and affirm their intrinsic value, divine purpose and responsibility to their community. Counseling psychologists might also raise consciousness and use psychoeducation to discuss the impact of patriarchy, historical trauma and oppression.

A final feminine norm found in the present study which could potentially pose as a risk factor warranting preventive effort is thinness idealization. Despite the literature that suggests that Black women experience higher body satisfaction than White women (Annesi, Tennant, &

Mareno, 2014; Baird, Morrison, & Sleigh, 2007; Jacobi, Taylor, & Fante, 2014), Black women are not immune to mainstream influence pertaining to body image. For years, the dominant view within the literature was that Black girls and women were somehow impervious to Eurocentric standards of beauty and body image issues. As such the finding in the present study of thinness being consistent with African American femininity holds relevance for preventative, outreach, and therapeutic intervention measures. A counseling psychologist might explore the multigenerational transmission process with respect to how grandmothers and mothers modeled body image to their daughters. Treatment might involve consciousness raising about sexism, racism and objectification theory. It would be beneficial to start as young as school-age and conduct a community outreach program facilitating identity development and self-compassion through empowerment. Dohnt and Tiggemann (2006) found that girls as young as 5 years of age already desired a thinner body size, with this concern becoming more salient in 6- to 8-year-old girls. Prevention programs with Black girls and adolescents should seek to promote a healthy body image by promoting comfort with imperfections, self-acceptance, and raising positive body consciousness for the parts of the body the girls would like to celebrate. It would also be beneficial to make affirmations so that the girls become more in touch with themselves as a

whole person, thus emphasizing more intrinsic strengths and qualities. One thing to consider is that the majority of the present sample had completed at least some college and almost half identified as middle class. A higher degree of socioeconomic status and acculturation to mainstream values and culture is positively linked to exacerbated thinness idealization (Bagley,

Character and Shelton, 2003; Rogers-Wood & Petrie, 2010).

The remaining three feminine norms found in the present study could be protective: care for children, domesticity, and pride. It would be important to explore intersectionality and the various roles that African American women hold. For caring for children, culturally-tailored parental support groups and psychoeducational groups would be important to increase positive parenting skills and provide novel tools for child-rearing practices. Many African American women derive a sense of fulfilment from parenting and could benefit from support especially given the overwhelming number of single-parent households. In terms of the domestic norm, it could be beneficial to affirm domesticity as a coping tool to deal with stress. Cleaning is a worthwhile mindfulness strategy in that it assists with re-centering in the present moment. It might also be beneficial to assist clients in managing conflict tied to balancing gender role expectations and maintaining and delegating household duties. In regards to pride it would be important to facilitate clients’ racial identity development. Counseling psychologists should seek to use culturally-relevant bibliotherapy focused on African American women’s unique experiences, challenges, and feats. Lastly, the finding of spirituality being an aspect of African

American femininity in the present study holds relevance for counseling psychologists. Although spirituality could be consistent with aversive help-seeking attitudes and is thus something to explore, it also is central to identity for many African American women and is a viable coping tool, buffer against distress and against experiences of oppression. According to Optimal theory,

spiritual development, is a cultural value integral to optimal functioning (Myers, 1988). As such, treatment might involve use of prayer in session, faith-based cognitive restructuring and/or reframes, reflection on spiritual text, and mind-body interventions incorporating meditation.

Brooks-Harris and Gavetti (2001) recommend the integration of spiritual awareness and faith development as a holistic multicultural technique to be considered in treatment planning.

The findings of the present study provide a culturally sensitive framework for addressing the unique concerns and experiences of African American women by defining a distinct African

American femininity encompassing both traditional and culturally-specific feminine norms.

Griner and Smith (2006) found that interventions tailored to a specific cultural group are four times more effective than standard, traditional treatment. Furthermore, recent meta-analysis found that culturally appropriate methods are more effective than traditional, non-culturally adapted methods on intervention changes (effect size = 0.46) and that better treatment outcomes are linked to the degree of cultural appropriateness (Smith, Rodriguez, & Bernal, 2011).

Consciousness raising is one intervention used within the field of counseling psychology in working with culturally diverse clients (Ivey & Brooks-Harris, 2005; Prochaska & Norcross,

2010). Given the implications for feminine norms and well-being for African American women and their intersecting identities, culturally-relevant interventions are especially relevant. As such, the findings in the present study also yield significant implications for clinical training. When social context is ignored and there is a fixation on the medical model and individuals’ symptoms, oppression and social injustice are further reinforced (Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002; Speight &

Vera, 2008).

Ivey (1995) theorized that therapy is a process of liberation and proposed the following four skills as essential in facilitating critical consciousness: therapists must foster self-awareness

and assist clients in 1.) shifting from a state of acceptance of the status quo to resistance, 2.) identifying contradictions within the environment and resisting oppressive systems, 3.) self- reflecting within a personal and cultural context and redefining themselves in a way that promotes pride and finally, 4.) developing the ability to see from multiple perspectives while integrating their thoughts and actions. Critical consciousness will aid African American women in recognizing and resisting the external definitions and expectations of their racially gendered identities toward a mold of self-pride and self-definition (Speight, Isom & Thomas, 2013). Thus, expanding the role beyond the therapy room would be effective for counseling psychologists via outreach and psychoeducation within the community (Vera & Speight, 2003). These outreaches and workshops can take place at various locations such as churches, libraries, book clubs or at organization meetings (i.e., sorority meetings and NAACP meetings). Moreover, psychoeducation might increase awareness about racially-gendered norm expectancies and potential conflict tied to the maintenance of hegemonic and culturally specific feminine norms.

Preventative measures aimed at empowering African American women, as well as teaching coping and self-care strategies, are pivotal toward the continued fight against the unique oppression faced by African American women consistent with their intersecting identities. It is imperative that counseling psychologists are aware of the interaction between race and gender, and how it influences African American women’s identity development and expression of womanhood.

Limitations

One limitation to this study is that only self-report methods are used which poses a threat to construct validity in terms of mono-method bias. Ideally, multiple methods would be used to capture the components of a given construct (Heppner, Wampold, Owen, Thompson & Wang,

2015). For instance, a more effective approach towards defining African American femininity might have involved using self-report coupled with recording participant responses qualitatively.

Self-selection bias is another limitation and poses a threat to internal validity. This could lead to an overestimation of effects given the interest of participants in the current study. For instance, participants could respond in a socially desirable manner if they hold personal interest in a given area so as to skew results; or rather results could reflect the conception of African American

Femininity solely from the demographic with piqued interest in the topic. An additional limitation is the unequal sample size for older women which was significantly smaller (n=82) compared to younger (n= 147) and middle-age (n=170) women. This poses a threat to statistical conclusion validity in the sense that there is a homogeneity of variance assumption within one- way ANOVAs, so unequal sample sizes could result in Type 1 error, the probability of falsely reporting a significant relationship. However, between-subjects designs such as the one-way

ANOVA are more robust against this homogeneity violation. In addition, Games-Howell post hoc tests were conducted which accounted for unequal samples sizes and minimized likelihood that Type 1 error was present. Finally, the sample would have benefited from more diversity as it relates to socioeconomic status. The majority of the sample had completed at least some college and almost half identified as middle class. This poses a threat to external validity and is an issue of generalizability in the sense that class and educational attainment play a huge role in terms of

African American women’s daily lived experience. As such there may be differences in the performance of femininity which challenges the applicability of the present sample to African

American women more broadly as the target population across socioeconomic status.

Directions for Future Research

Future research consisting of qualitative methodology, larger and more diverse sample size, cluster analysis and multiple focus groups should be carried out to ultimately develop a femininity instrument encompassing African American women’s feminine norms. Hinkin,

Tracey and Enz (1997) present the following seven-step recommendations for instrument development and analysis: (1) item generation, (2) content adequacy assessment which ensures theoretical soundness, (3) questionnaire administration which involves the clustering of items with scales, power determination, and use of other established measures, (4) factor analysis (both exploratory and confirmatory), (5) internal consistency assessment, (6) construct validity which assesses convergent, discriminant and criterion-related validity, and lastly, (7) replication.

In order to assess what a culturally-tailored femininity scale specific to African American women might look like it would first be helpful to conduct a thorough literature review to identify any norms discussed within the context of African American womanhood. The next step would be to conduct a series of qualitative interviews with a variety of African American women from diverse backgrounds for a representative sample. The constructivist/interpretivist vantage point proposes that reality is relative to the one experiencing it and maintains that there are equally valid realities (Schwandt, 1994). A strength of the qualitative approach is that it seeks to interpret the experiences of individuals within a given context and encapsulates subtle nuances.

Grounded theory methods should be used to assess how participants conceptualize femininity, womanhood and gender role norms within the context of interpersonal, familial, romantic relationships and everyday life from an emic perspective. Participants in these focus groups or interviews should be asked to reflect on their experiences as African American women and to identify their thoughts and attitudes about womanhood. It is important to assess personal views

as opposed to assessing societal messages they have received around how African American women are supposed to act, think, and feel which might simply result in stereotypes as opposed to authentic feminine values and norms; though it is unclear to what extent there may or may not be some overlap.

In the present study, an EFA was conducted which provided information concerning factor structure, items to retain and reliability/validity which is consistent with preliminary scale development ((Netemeyer, Bearden, & Sharma, 2003). The factor analytic findings and small inter-correlations in the present study indicate construct distinctiveness. This limits the possibility of redundancy among the subscales and further asserts that they are separate constructs. Factor correlations are typically expected to be at least .30, since a lower value might suggest a weak relationship between variables (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). This threshold was not reached in the present study. As such, it is unclear how the factors hold together empirically although they hold theoretically. Future studies should confirm the factor structure in the present study via confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) given the EFA’s inability to quantify goodness-of fit of competing models to determine superior fit (Long, 1983). Thus the CFA would serve to confirm results of the EFA, thereby explaining how the factors empirically hold. Age invariance is a worthwhile direction for future research. Evidence for convergent and discriminant validity would be beneficial. It would also be beneficial to better understand the contextual influences such as socioeconomic status, access to opportunities/resources and composition of household on

African American women’s racially gendered identity development toward the conceptualization and expression of feminine norms. The literature review proposed that there are 6 scales, 100 items and 16 norms likely to represent African womanhood. It was beyond the scope of the present study to investigate all 16 quantitatively so the 8 most prominent were investigated in

this study with a total explained variance of 44.33%. What is unexplained is approximately half of the variance which is to be expected given the exploration of eight of the sixteen norms found throughout the literature in the present study. A direction for future research would be to explore the items from the remaining norms which are: agency and caretaking norms (operationalized within the Belgrave Gender Role Inventory; BGRI), the emotional stoicism/invulnerability norm

(operationalized within the Strong Black Woman subscale of the African American Women’s shifting scale; AAWSS), in addition to the hegemonic norms romantic relationship, sexual fidelity, investment in appearance, relational, and sweet and nice within the Conformity to

Feminine Norms Inventory (CFNI-45). The remaining norms would likely account for approximately the other half of the variance aside from chance, and as such would be worthwhile to explore. The important research questions that have yet to be answered include how the norms in the present study generalize across diverse communities including African, Latin and

Caribbean women. Although Black women share cultural similarities and historical sociopolitical commonalities related to enslavement and imperialism, the variation in cultural differences suggest unique racially-gendered socialization experiences. Future research could investigate how the norms in the present study relate to mental health outcomes such as perceived stress, self-esteem or subjective well-being. Although one aim of Davis’ (2014) thesis study investigated traditional femininity’s impact on mental health among Black women, it would be beneficial to explore the effect of the combined traditional and culturally-specific feminine norms on mental health and the relationship to wellness.

Of the three culturally specific norms, self-reliance is an adaptation to oppression and enslavement. It was not a cultural norm pre-enslavement as it is inconsistent with the Ujiima

African Centered value of collective work and responsibility as well as the Ubuntu principle

reflecting an individual identity interconnected with the community. Extended self-identity centers on Africentric principles such as communality and interdependence (Baldwin, 1990;

Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Myers & Thompson, 1994), which is inconsistent with self-reliance.

Pride and spiritual development are both pre-enslavement cultural norms and post-enslavement adaptive norms birthed out of a need for coping and resistance of oppression. During the pre- enslavement era, pride and spiritual development reflected appreciation for one’s traditions and tribal heritage; and frequently reflected connection to the ancestors and worship of a traditional indigenous deity. Conversely, pride and spiritual development post-enslavement were most notably birthed out of the civil rights movement (Allen, 2001; Porter &Washington, 1979;

Simmons, 1978) and rise of the “The Black Church” which served as a focal point of Black life since the slavery era (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Pinn, 2002). The present study challenges the hegemonic femininity structure’s premise of a universal femininity applicable to all women.

Traditional hegemonic theory promotes the Eurocentric operation of womanhood as normative and superior. However, the findings in the present study reflect a distinct African American

Femininity encompassing both traditional and adaptive, non-traditional norms rooted in a legacy of perseverance, spiritual development and pride.

Conclusion

A number of scholars have explored the concept of African American womanhood; however this has been from a largely theoretical standpoint. In terms of the empirical literature, much of the work has been qualitative (e.g., Abrams et al., 2014; Chaney, 2011; Settles, Pratt-

Hyatt, & Buchanan, 2008) with only one published study to date (Belgrave et al., 2015) exploring the phenomena quantitatively. Many theoretical articles are rooted in Black feminist schools of thought and have focused on historical underpinnings and etiology of African

American womanhood tied to resilience, overcoming oppression and struggle: several qualitative studies have increased understanding of how African womanhood define and perform femininity and the role femininity plays in their daily lives. The present study addressed a gap in the literature by quantitatively investigating the norms that emerge as consistent with African

American womanhood and potential differences between age groups. This study provided a culturally appropriate assessment of African American women’s feminine norms exploring the existence of a combination of both traditional and unique culturally specific norms defining

African American womanhood.

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Table 1

Study: Author, Year Sample Unique Black Women Norms

______

Chaney (2011) 15 interviews; 18-55 sensitivity, sensuality, strength, familial care, physical appearance, self-care, leadership qualities in the home (in the absence of men)

Settles, Pratt-Hyatt and 3 of 6 focus groups; 14 Black women and gender-based mistreatment, perceived advantage, friendships and community, Buchanan (2008) 17 White women; 18-84 caretaking, work and family options and inner strength (i.e. caring for one’s family while working and supporting the family financially) --resolve, persistence, and self-reliance Spanned 3 studies; 1-focus groups; 44 Belgrave et al. (2015) community and college participants; 2- agency (encompassed strength, independence and resilience) and EFA; 94 college participants; 3-CFA; 184 caretaking college participants

Littlefield (2003) Cluster sample drawn from Norfolk Area nurturing, economic instrumentality, providing Health Study; 481 Black women; 18-65+

Harrington, Crowther and 179 Black female trauma survivors; caretaking, strength (self-reliance, self-containment), emotional Shipherd (2010) representative sample from Midwestern regulation/inhibition university, urban hospital medicine clinic, faculty/staff mailings and word of mouth, 17-63 strength (independence, resilience, matriarchal leadership), self/ethnic Abrams et al. (2014) 8 focus groups; 44 Black women; 18-91 pride, being every woman (multiple roles in caring for others), religion/spirituality

36 Black mother-daughter dyads; mothers self-determination and assertiveness, self-pride, equality and respect, Thomas and King (2007) ranged from 33-58 and daughters from 13- racial pride/cultural heritage and legacy, spirituality/religious beliefs, 21 *mothers’ responses regarding gendered male-female relationships racial socialization of daughters strong black woman (minimizing pain, masking strength, refrain from vulnerability and weakness), awareness of shifting behavior (altering Study 1-EFA; 318; 18-72. Study 2-CFA; self-presentation such as tone of voice, hair style and demeanor), Johnson et al. (2016) 190; 18-73 sensitivity to the perception of Blacks (norms of modesty in relationships with Black men as well as Black people generally who have not been as successful)

398 Black women recruited from churches, caretaking/mindful of others, interpersonal sensitivity, and persistent/active Nguyen et al. (2010) community organizations and 3 universities coping in SE urban city; 18-45 negative stereotypes (less than sons), self-pride, coping strategies (less 104 participants (35 fathers and 69 than sons), values of the family, reality of racism, achievement (more Thomas and Speight (1999) mothers); recruited from 3 Black churches; than sons), moral values, racial pride (more than sons), male-female 17-76 *responses regarding gendered racial relationships (uniquely to Black girls; i.e. abstinence from premarital socialization of daughters sex, not being used by men, financial independence in case of abandonment) 143 Black women; recruited from Woods (2013) Psychology Department in a Midwestern mask of strength, caretaking, self-reliance University

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Table 2 Demographic Characteristics

Mean SD Frequency Percent N 399 100% Age 30.63 10.84 Group 1 (18-25) 147 36.8% Group 2 (26-39) 170 42.6% Group 3 (40+) 82 20.6% Sexual Orientation Heterosexual 356 89.2% Lesbian 7 1.8% Bisexual 27 6.8% Other 9 2.3% Education Completed junior high school 1 0.3% Some high school 5 1.3% Graduated from high school/GED 52 13% Some college 90 22.6% Graduated from college 117 29.3% Graduated from graduate/professional program 134 33.6% Employment Background Part-Time 104 26.1% Full-time 227 56.9% Unemployed 59 14.8% Retired 9 2.3% Social Class Lower Class 25 6.3% Working Class 150 37.6% Middle Class 179 44.9% Upper Middle Class 42 10.5% Upper Class 3 0.8% Relationship Status Single 191 47.9% In a relationship 100 25.1% Engaged 12 0.3% Married 73 18.3% Separated 6 1.5% Divorced 14 3.5% Widowed 3 0.8%

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Table 3 Descriptive Statistics

Measures M SD Observed Potential Range α Range

1. Thinness 1.50 .75 0.00-3.00 0.00 - 3.00 0.85

2. Domestic 2.22 .52 0.60-3.00 0.00 - 3.00 0.79

3. Modesty 1.36 .49 0.00-3.00 0.00 - 3.00 0.69

4. Care for Children 2.14 .62 0.00-3.00 0.00 - 3.00 0.84

5. Centrality (Self-Pride) 2.18 .51 0.88-3.00 0.00 - 3.00 0.78

6. Private Regard (Racial/Ethnic Pride) 2.65 .37 1.00-3.00 0.00 - 3.00 0.78

7. Strength/Self-Reliance 25.57 4.58 10.00-33.00 0.00-33.00 0.81

8. Spirituality 2.36 .54 0.40-3.00 0.00-3.00 0.94

Note: N=399; CFNI-45=Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory (Norms 1-4); MIBI=Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (Norms 5 and 6); SBWAS=Strong Black Woman Archetype Scale (Norm 7); DSES= Daily Spiritual Experience Scale (Norm 8)

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Table 4 Principal Axis Factoring: Orthogonal Varimax Rotation with seven factors (Final Factor Solution)

Factor 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 I feel God’s love for me, directly. .89 I find comfort in my religion or spirituality. .87 I find strength in my religion or spirituality. .87 I feel guided by God in the midst of Daily activities. .84 During worship, or at other times when connecting with God, I feel joy which lifts .84 me out of my daily concerns. I feel God’s presence. .83 I feel God’s love for me, through others. .80 I ask for God’s help in the midst of daily activities. .80 I desire to be closer to God or in union with Him. .79 I am spiritually touched by the beauty of creation. .63 I feel thankful for my blessings. .59 I feel deep inner peace or harmony. .57 I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people. .65 I am proud to be Black. .64 I am happy that I am Black. .63 Being Black is an important reflection of who I am. .61 I feel that the Black community has made valuable contributions to this society. .58 In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image. .57 I have a strong attachment to other Black people. .56 Being Black is unimportant to my sense of what kind of person I am. .55 I feel that Blacks have made major accomplishments and advancements. .53 I feel good about Black people. .49 Overall, being Black has very little to do with how I feel about myself. .48 Being Black is not a major factor in my social relationships. .43 My destiny is tied to the destiny of other Black people. .43 I believe that it is best not to rely on others. .71 In order to feel good about myself, I need to feel independent and self-sufficient. .67 I cannot rely on others to meet my needs. .63 I need people to see me as always confident. .61 It is important for me to feel strong. .55 I am independent. .54

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As an adult, it is important that I be financially independent and not expect a .53 boy/girlfriend or husband/wife to support me financially. I find children annoying. .77 Most people enjoy children more than I do. .75 I like being around children. .71 I actively avoid children. .68 Taking care of children is extremely fulfilling. .55 I would be happier if I was thinner. .80 I am always trying to lose weight. .76 I would like to lose a few pounds. .75 I would be perfectly happy with myself even if I gained weight. .64 I am terrified of gaining weight. .60 I don’t care if my living space looks messy. .75 There is no point to cleaning because things will get dirty again. .69 It is important to keep your living space clean. .59 I clean my home on a regular basis. .57 I enjoy spending time making my living space look nice. .49 I tell everyone about my accomplishments. .72 When I succeed, I tell my friends about it. .56 I am not afraid to tell people about my achievements. .48 I hate telling people about my accomplishments. .47 I always downplay my achievements. .41

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Table 5 Correlations between the Feminine Norms 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 Thinness 1.00 -.10 .07 -.19** .16** .02 -.13**

2 Domestic -.10 1.00 -.20** .20** .24** .04 .25**

3 Modesty .07 -.20** 1.00 -.13* -.03 -.04 -.12*

4 Care for Children -.19** .20** -.13* 1.00 .01 .09 .28**

5 Self-reliance .16** .24** -.03 .01 1.00 .10* .06

6 Pride .02 .04 -.04 .09 .10* 1.00 .19**

7 Spirituality -.13** .25** -.12* .28** .06 .19** 1.00 Note: These values reflect the emergent feminine norm factors. **Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

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Table 6 Descriptive Statistics for feminine norm variables by age group.

Younger Middle-age Older Feminine Norms (18-25) (26-39) (40+) N=147 N=170 N=82

M (SD) M (SD) M (SD)

1. Pride 2.40 (.39) 2.40 (.41) 2.20 (.43)

2. Self-Reliance 16.47 (3.33) 15.11 (3.86) 14.57 (2.99)

3. Spirituality 2.29 (.66) 2.39 (.63) 2.60 (.40) 4. Care for 2.04 (.67) 2.12 (.61) 2.34 (.50) Children 5. Thinness 1.52 (.81) 1.56 (.70) 1.33 (.71)

6. Domestic 2.26 (.52) 2.17 (.55) 2.23 (.47)

7. Modesty 1.34 (.52) 1.37 (.48) 1.39 (.44)

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Appendix A Demographic Questionnaire Please answer each question by filling in the correct answer or clicking on the response that is most accurate. 1. Do you identify as an African American woman?

Yes No

2. How old are you?

3. What is your relationship status?

______Single ______In a relationship ______Engaged ______Married ______Separated ______Divorced ______Widowed

4. What best describes your sexual orientation?

______Heterosexual ______Lesbian ______Bisexual ______Other

5. What is your highest educational degree (What was the last grade you completed in

school)?

______Less than 7 years of school (Have not completed 7th grade) ______Completed junior high school (7th, 8th, or 9th grade) ______Completed some high school but did not graduate ______Graduated from high school or received GED ______Completed some college but did not graduate ______Graduated from college

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______Graduated from a graduate or professional program

6. How would you describe your social class?

______Lower Class ______Working Class ______Middle Class ______Upper Middle Class ______Upper Class

7. What is your employment background?

______Part-time ______Full-time ______Unemployed ______Retired

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Appendix B Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity: MIBI

Directions: This is a scale to determine your feelings and beliefs. There are no right or wrong answers. Please indicate how much you personally agree or disagree with each statement.

______Strongly Disagree – Disagree – Agree –Strongly Agree

0 1 2 3 ______

1. Overall, being Black has very little to do with how I feel about myself.

2. I feel good about Black people.

3. In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image.

4. I am happy that I am Black.

5. I feel that Blacks have made major accomplishments and advancements.

6. My destiny is tied to the destiny of other Black people.

7. Being Black is unimportant to my sense of what kind of person I am.

8. I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people.

9. I often regret that I am Black.

10. I have a strong attachment to other Black people.

11. Being Black is an important reflection of who I am.

12. Being Black is not a major factor in my social relationships.

13. I am proud to be Black.

14. I feel that the Black community has made valuable contributions to this society.

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Appendix C The Daily Spiritual Experience Scale: DSES

Directions: The list that follows includes items you may or may not experience. Please consider

the extent in which you personally agree or disagree in which you have these experiences. A

number of items use the word ‘God.’ If this word is not a comfortable one for you, please

substitute another word that calls to mind the divine or holy for you.

Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly Disagree Agree I feel God’s presence. I experience a connection to all of life. During worship, or at other times when connecting with God, I feel joy which lifts me out of my daily concerns. I find strength in my religion or spirituality.

I find comfort in my religion or spirituality.

I feel deep inner peace or harmony.

I ask for God’s help in the midst of daily activities.

I feel guided by God in the midst of daily activities.

I feel God’s love for me, directly.

I feel God’s love for me, through others.

I am spiritually touched by the beauty of creation.

I feel thankful for my blessings

I feel a selfless caring for others.

I accept others even when they do things I think are wrong.

I desire to be closer to God or in union with the divine

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Appendix D Strong Black Woman Archetype Scale: SBWAS

Please read the following items and rate the degree in which you disagree or agree with the following statements as they apply to you.

______Strongly Disagree – Disagree – Agree –Strongly Agree

0 1 2 3 ______

1. Women of my race have to be strong to survive.

2. As an adult, it is important that I be financially independent and not expect a boy/girlfriend or husband/wife to support me financially.

3. In order to feel good about myself, I need to feel independent and self-sufficient.

4. The women in my family are survivors.

5. I believe that it is best not to rely on others.

6. I am strong.

7. I cannot rely on others to meet my needs.

8. I need people to see me as always confident.

9. I am independent.

10. It is important for me to feel strong.

11. Women of my race are stronger than women of other races.

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Appendix E Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory: CFNI-45

Thinking about your own actions, feelings and beliefs, please indicate how much you personally agree or disagree with each statement by selecting one of the following for each response: "Strongly Disagree,” D for "Disagree," A for "Agree," or SA for "Strongly agree." There are no right or wrong responses to the statements. You should give the responses that most accurately describe your personal actions, feelings and beliefs. It is best if you respond with your first impression when answering.

[Response scale: Strongly Disagree – Disagree – Agree –Strongly Agree]

1 I would be happier if I was thinner

2 It is important to keep your living space clean

3 I tell everyone about my accomplishments

4 I clean my home on a regular basis

5 I find children annoying

6 When I succeed, I tell my friends about it

7 I enjoy spending time making my living space look nice

8 Most people enjoy children more than I do

9 I would like to lose a few pounds

10 I hate telling people about my accomplishments

11 I always downplay my achievements

12 I don’t care if my living space looks messy

13 I am not afraid to tell people about my achievements

14 I am always trying to lose weight

15 There is no point to cleaning because things will get dirty again

16 Taking care of children is extremely fulfilling

17 I would be perfectly happy with myself even if I gained weight

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18 I actively avoid children

19 I am terrified of gaining weight

20 I like being around children

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Appendix F Institutional Review Board Approval for Human Subjects Research

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