The Pennsylvania State University the Graduate School College Of

The Pennsylvania State University

The Graduate School

College of Arts and Architecture

COMMUNITY SPACES OF KATHMANDU

MODIFICATIONS IN BUILDING BYLAWS TO IMPROVE SOLAR ACCESS

A Thesis in

Architecture

Moondeep Pradhananga

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Architecture

December 2013 The thesis of Moondeep Pradhananga was reviewed and approved* by the following:

Rebecca Henn

Assistant Professor of Architecture

Thesis Advisor

Ute Poerschke

Associate Professor of Architecture

Mallika Bose

Associate Professor of Landscape Architecture

Alexandra Staub

Chair, Graduate Program and Associate Professor of Architecture

*Signatures are on file in the Graduate School.

Abstract

Nepal’s adoption of new planning policies in 1976 has led to significant transformation of urban management practice in Kathmandu. Neglecting issues of larger communal interests, new planning policies have focused on providing individual homeowners with the right to build higher structures. These new planning policies depend on generic height restrictions to control building height in community spaces regardless of their varying shape, size, and orientation.

One outcome of these regulations has been loss of minimum level of solar access in community spaces. This is particularly important since in Nepal solar access in community spaces is integral for the socio-cultural functioning of such public places. This thesis proposes the incorporation of solar access analysis in Nepal’s building bylaws to control the height of buildings in community spaces. Such policy would ensure minimum level of solar access in community spaces, which in turn would support community activities and be beneficial to the entire community.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES

LIST OF TABLES

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

1. INTRODUCTION

A. Background...... 1

B. Problem Statement...... 5

2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 10

A. Urban Morphology...... 11

i. Physical Structure

a. Paths...... 13

b. Edges...... 15

c. Districts...... 16

d. Nodes...... 17

e. Landmarks...... 18

i. Social Aspects...... 19

ii. Cultural Aspects...... 22

B. Public Open Space...... 26

i. Residential Square...... 29

ii. Community Square...... 30

iii. Palace Square...... 31

C. Traditional Built Form...... 34

D. Traditional Urban Management Practice...... 39

E. New Planning Policies...... 42

F. Solar Access...... 48

i. Climate of Kathmandu...... 48

ii. Sun-Based Activities in Public Spaces...... 49

iii. Quality of Built Environment...... 52

iv. International Solar Access Standard...... 52

G. Solar envelope...... 53

i. Daily Solar Path and East-West Facade...... 55

ii. Yearly Limits and North-South Facade...... 56

iii. Periods of Useful Insolation and Cutoff Time...... 58

3. RESEARCH QUESTION ...... 60

4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 59

5. CASE STUDY ...... 62

A. Reduction in Solar Access Due to New Planning Bylaws

i. Case Study 1: Itum Bahal ...... 66

a. Itum Bahal during 1968...... 68

b. Itum Bahal during 2012...... 69

c. Solar Access Analysis in Cultural Infrastructure...... 70

d. Conclusion ...... 72

ii. Case Study 2: Te Baha...... 73

a. Te Baha in Old Condition...... 75

b. Te Baha during 2012...... 76

c. Solar Access Analysis in Cultural Infrastructure...... 77

d. Conclusion ...... 79

B. Modification in Built Environment to Improve Solar Access...... 80

i. Itum Bahal

a. Ascertaining Building Enclosure that Meets Solar Access Standard...... 81

b. Applying Results...... 83

ii. Te Baha

a. Ascertaining Building Enclosure that Meets Solar Access standard...... 84

b. Applying Results...... 85

C. Recommendation...... 86

6. CONCLUSION ...... 88

7. FUTURE AREA FOR RESEARCH ...... 93

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 95

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Kathmandu Valley political map (Pradip Raj Pant, 2009)...... 2

Figure 2 Urban Transformation in Kathmandu within a decade after the introduction of new planning policies (source: Neils Gutschow and Hermann Kreutzmann)...... 6

Figure 3 Vertical division of property...... 7

Figure 4 Taller buildings within historic core after the introduction of new planning policies (UNESCO

2006)...... 8

Figure 5 Diagrammatic representation of decrease in solar access after the introduction of new planning policies...... 8

Figure 6 Path, Edge, District, Node, Landmark...... 11

Figure 7 Path, Edge, District, Node, and Landmark in Historic Core of Kathmandu ...... 12

Figure 8 View of Path P2 (Refer Figure 7 Above)...... 14

Figure 9 View of Path P3 (Refer Figure 7 Above) (Source: http://www.nepal-dia.de/int__England/EK-

Kathmandu-Tal/Ek-Freak_street_Kathmandu_/ek-freak_street_kathmandu_.html)...... 14

Figure 10 View of Path P4 (Refer Figure 7 Above) (Source: http://www.tumblr.com/tagged/palace%20square?before=17)...... 14

Figure 11 Street facade along the edge of new development...... 15

Figure 12 Parked motorcycles on the edge of Preserved Monument Zone (Refer Figure 6 above)...... 15

Figure 13 Palace complex and Durbar Square...... 16

Figure 14 Yetkha Bahal...... 16

Figure 15 Node N1 - Indra Chowk (Refer Figure 6 Above)...... 17

Figure 16 Node N2 - Juddha Shalik (Refer Figure 6 Above)...... 17

Figure 17 Landmark L1 - Taleju Temple (Refer Figure 6 Above)...... 18

Figure 18 Landmark L2 - Nine Storey Palace Tower (Refer Figure 6 Above)...... 18

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Figure 19 Zoning of historic city based on occupation...... 19

Figure 20 Chariot Procession of Machhendranath...... 22

Figure 21 Traditional city boundary defined by nature protector...... 23

Figure 22 Residential Square (Kumari Ghar)...... 26

Figure 23 Community Square (Yetkha Bahal)...... 26

Figure 24 Patan Durbar Square...... 26

Figure 25 Diagrammatic layout of traditional town showing interconnection of different type of public open spaces (Tiwari S., 1988)...... 26

Figure 26 Typologies of public open spaces in Kathmandu (Source: Author)...... 28

Figure 27 Residential court in traditional town (source: Shrestha House, Kathmandu)...... 29

Figure 28 Te Baha, a community square in Kathmandu...... 31

Figure 29 Temples within Te Baha...... 31

Figure 30 Kathmandu Durbar Square (Source: Google Map)...... 31

Figure 31 Palace complexes at Kathmandu Durbar Square...... 31

Figure 32 Cultural Infrastructures in Kathmandu Durbar Square...... 33

Figure 33 Plan, section and elevation of a typical traditional house (source: Neils Gutschow)...... 35

Figure 34 Modified traditional house during Shah Period (source: Neils Gutschow)...... 37

Figure 35 Modified traditional house during Rana period (source: Neils Gutschow)...... 37

Figure 36 Changes in building facade from Malla, Shah to Rana period (source: Neils Gutschow)...... 38

Figure 37 A typical building enclosure of community space during Rana period (source: Neils

Gutschow)...... 38

Figure 38 Mixed Residential Sub-Zone in Kathmandu Municipality's Zoning Map (Source: Kathmandu

Municipality)...... 43

Figure 39 Traditional Street Elevation...... 44

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Figure 40 Impact of planning bylaw on street elevation (source: The P.U.S.H Effect, People, Urban,

Society and Heritage, Rakshya Rayamajhi)...... 45

Figure 41 Uniform skyline in traditional built fabric...... 46

Figure 42 Light plane to restrict height of buildings (source: Kathmandu municipality building

bylaws)...... 47

Figure 43 Potter carrying sun-dried pots to brick kiln...... 49

Figure 44 Woman drying rice grains in Sun...... 50

Figure 45 People basking in Sun ...... 51

Figure 46 Diagrammatic representations of solar rights envelope and solar collection envelope...... 54

Figure 47 Eastern and Western Sun defining solar volume...... 55

Figure 48 Solar path in Kathmandu on summer solstice (source: Ecotect)...... 56

Figure 49 Solar path defining solar volume on North and South face...... 57

Figure 50 Solar path in Kathmandu during winter solstice (source: Ecotect)...... 57

Figure 51 Community squares selected for solar analysis...... 62

Figure 52 Building profile of the study models used for the case study of Itum Bahal...... 64

Figure 53 Key Map of Itum Bahal...... 66

Figure 54 Urban transformation of Itum Bahal...... 67

Figure 55 Solar hour distribution of Itum Bahal in 1968 ...... 68

Figure 56 Solar Hour distribution of Itum Bahal in 2012 ...... 69

Figure 57 Solar access analysis around cultural Infrastructure...... 70

Figure 58 Solar access for cultural object...... 71

Figure 59 Key Map of Te Baha...... 73

Figure 60 Te Bahal with old building marked in white ...... 74

Figure 61 Distribution of sunlight hours over the analysis grid in old conditions...... 75

Figure 62 Distribution of sunlight hour over the analysis grid in new condition...... 76

Figure 63 Cultural Object #1 (C1) in Te Baha...... 77

Figure 64 Map showing cultural objects in Te Bahal...... 77

Figure 65 Solar accesses of cultural objects...... 78

Figure 66 Solar hour distribution for building enclosure 18 meter high with sloped roof...... 81

Figure 67 Solar hour distribution for building enclosure 15 meter high with sloped roof...... 82

Figure 68 Proposed interventions at Itum Bahal...... 83

Figure 69 Solar hour distribution for building enclosure with 18 meter high building with sloped roof...... 84

Figure 70 Proposed Interventions at Te Baha...... 85

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Building bylaw for various zones (Source: Kathmandu municipality bylaws)...... 42

Table 2 Solar altitude angle for summer and winter solstice (Source: http://www.susdesign.com/sunangle/)...... 47

Table 3 Hourly temperature variation from 9 am to 3 pm in Kathmandu (Source: Ecotect, refer appendix)...... 48

Table 4 Comparative study of solar access of cultural object in 1968 and 2012...... 71

Table 5 Comparative study of solar hours in 1968 and 2012 of Itum Bahal...... 72

Table 6 Comparative study of solar access for cultural objects...... 78

Table 7 Comparative study of solar access hour in Old and 2012 Condition...... 79

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis is an output of a combined effort of many people who have been formally as well as informally involved in the research. This thesis certainly would not have been possible without continuous guidance from my advisor, Assistant Professor Rebecca Henn. I am also grateful to my committee members, Associate Professor Ute Poerschke and Associate Professor Mallika Bose, for their insightful thoughts and feedback through critical periods of the research. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank the School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture at the Pennsylvania State

University for providing me an opportunity to pursue Master's degree and conduct the research. I would

also like to thank my mother, Lila Kiran Pradhananga, my father, Badri Bhakta Pradhananga, and my

fiancée, Krisha Amatya for providing their emotional support and care throughout the countless days of

being far from home. I would also like to thank my colleagues, Gaurav Tuladhar and Neha Parkar, for

their advice and support, whenever I needed them.

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1. INTRODUCTION A. Background

Nepal established democracy in 1960 and adopted a free market economy. Until then,

Kathmandu was largely disconnected with developments in the Western world. Growth until

1960 can be described as closed and organic, undergoing a slow process of self-learning and doing. This isolation kept Kathmandu from reaping the benefits of numerous technological advancements occurring in the urbanized world. In contrast, it can also be argued that this self- containment allowed Kathmandu to protect and flourish its socio-cultural and architectural heritage and to develop its own indigenous form of urbanization.

Since its beginnings, Kathmandu has been home to an immigrant population from all over the region. People living in the valley are historically known as "Newar," and they are accredited for the development of the valley's rich cultural heritage (Slusser 1982, 11). Kathmandu's valley comprises three living historic cities: Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhaktapur as shown in Figure 1 below. The ways of living and urban setting are part of Kathmandu’s rich cultural heritage. One of the most remarkable aspects of Kathmandu's historic cities is the close synergy between the urban built environment and the socio-cultural life of its inhabitants (Korn 1979, 5). Buildings and its urban fabric are an essential part of this cultural setting. Every aspect of it, from materiality to aesthetics, from built forms to city structure, reflects the intricacies of a rich culture. A sense of communal identity is brewed in this synergy, which over the years has been both the cause and effect of rich the cultural life in the region.

Figure 1 Kathmandu Valley political map (Pradip Raj Pant, 2009)

Kathmandu thrived as the political, economic, and cultural capital of Nepal for the past 2000 years. The pattern of urbanization was homogeneous for a long period of time, but it is certainly not a reality today. Urbanization today is not pristine; rather, it is a mix of both traditional and new development superimposed one over another. While it is remorseful when one looks into the vestiges of what is left, it is also equally inspirational to explore new paradigms in current urban problems.

Urbanization brought by the free market economy in the last fifty years has focused more on

promoting economic opportunities. Such urbanization viewed buildings and land as resources

to be capitalized and individual rights received more priority than communal benefits. This

brought a fundamental shift in how people built and how the city of Kathmandu continued to

grow. There has been a constant collision of socio-cultural values and newfound economic

opportunities (Tiwari, 2000, 5). Unfortunately, economic opportunities and individual interests

have weighed in heavily, marring the idea of communal identity and benefits. Due to lack of

proper negotiation between economic and communal benefits, Kathmandu continues to

struggle in managing its urban growth. In Kathmandu, where an indigenous approach to

urbanism is amalgamation of socio-cultural, economic and environmental responses, the

repercussions of disturbing such approach to urban development has manifested in numerous

fronts (Tiwari, 2000, 5).

Environmental aspects were one of the most important considerations in designing the historic

cities of Kathmandu (Tiwari, Kathmandu Valley Urban Capital Region and Historical Urbanism

2000, 4-6). These cities were designed with what we call today passive solar techniques that

utilize the sun as an energy source (sensible heat and light). The roof and terrace architecture of community spaces was also such that it allowed sunlight in the community space for the larger part of day. As the buildings were low-rise, from two and half to three and half stories, street width to building height ratio was within 1:1.5; hence the streets received more sunlight

(Shrestha 2011, 8). However, due to development pressure in the last fifty years or so, the traditional urban fabric has deteriorated drastically. Tall buildings in the historic core have not only deteriorated the built character of public open space, but have also decreased solar access of these spaces. This has resulted due to the inability of new planning policies to realize the essential function of an individual house to not only provide shelter for each household, but also to constitute a building enclosure in a public open space for the entire community.

Nepal started regulating urban growth through government intervention with "The Physical

Development Plan for the Kathmandu Valley" planning act issued by the Department of

Housing and Physical Planning in 1969. The Department of Housing and Physical Planning later issued its first building and construction bylaws in 1976 (Duwal 2013, 18). However, these laws and regulations have not been able to consider the impact that the new development could have on the historic core of Kathmandu both in terms of the quality of living and loss in socio- cultural heritage (Joshi 2007, 6). These issues will be discussed in more detail in later chapters.

B. Problem Statement

Kathmandu valley adopted its first building and construction regulations in 1976. Nepal then was in a race to capitalize on the economic boom brought by the opening up of its economy to the global market. Urban centers like Kathmandu started attracting a rapid influx of migrants, creating a massive housing demand in the historic city. New planning policies responded to the housing demand by allowing people to build more within the historic city. As a result,

Kathmandu started growing rapidly. Figure 2 below shows the impact of urbanization on the historic city of Kathmandu within two decades of the adoption of the new planning policies. In the last decade, Kathmandu urbanized at an unprecedented rate of 4.7 percent, enabling a population density of 2,800 per square kilometer (ICIMOD 2007, 11).

Marketing a historic town like Kathmandu to attract tourists was an attractive proposition for the state government. As Kathmandu promoted tourism, economic opportunities increased in the historic core. Municipality governments wanted to promote such opportunities and generate revenue by allowing people to build more. This act to promote tourism has negatively affected the city’s socio-cultural and architectural heritage, the aspects that attracted tourists in the first place. Ironically, over the years it has adversely affected the tourism industry, as

Kathmandu's architectural heritage and way of living associated with it have been severely deteriorated (ICIMOD, MoEST/GoN, UNEP 2007, 20-21).

Figure 2 Urban Transformation in Kathmandu within two decade s after the introduction of new planning policies (source: Neils Gutschow and Hermann Kreutzmann)

Traditional buildings have either been torn down or modified to increase rental area to the point, where it no longer bears any resemblance to the old fabric. In addition, the social system of distributing parental properties equally amongst siblings has encouraged vertical division of houses. Haphazard renovation and reconstruction like removal of sloped roof to add new floor of different materials; change in floor height, facade details and construction technique for the addition on top floor; addition of new staircase and toilet in the divided part by destroying part of existing structure has all destroyed the vernacular architecture and streetscape as shown in

Figure 3 below (Shrestha 2011, 12-13).

Figure 3 Vertical division of property Source: (UNESCO 2006, 16 & 43)

Kathmandu’s current building by-laws are based largely on generic height restrictions that have allowed proliferation of taller buildings in historic cores (Rai 2008, 6) without providing due consideration to its low-rise urban context, as shown in Figure 4 below. As buildings in historic cores have become taller, they have destroyed the scale and proportion of traditional built forms. As a result, solar access in public plazas and streets has decreased, as diagrammatically

Figure 4 Taller buildings within historic core after the introduction of new planning policies (UNESCO 2006)

Figure 5 Diagrammatic representation of decrease in solar access after the introduction of new planning policies shown in Figure 5 above. Such environmental repercussions have resulted in unhygienic living conditions in historic cores. "Reduction in sunlight due to high rise construction has destroyed the social use value of community spaces to parking lots, dumping sites, and stranger's place"

(Shrestha 2011, 13). New developments in Kathmandu do not follow vocabulary of traditional

architecture, and have made the built environment of the historic core unsystematic and unhygienic. In addition, they are not climate responsive and have not been able to provide quality living environment as the traditional settlements were able to provide (B. Shrestha

2008, 70-73). Kathmandu lies in an earthquake prone zone and in the traditional settlement, community squares were used as a place of refuge during earthquakes. However, with tall buildings, these squares have become death traps, as the addition of floors onto the old foundation have made them vulnerable against the seismic forces (Shrestha B. K., 2002, 36-41).

In recognition of these urban problems, Assistant Professor Rajjan Man Chitrakar at Pokhara

University, Nepal authored a research entitled "Public open spaces in Kathmandu Valley: A review of contemporary problems and historic precedents," which identified a set of recommendations to improve public open spaces in Kathmandu (Chitrakar 2011, 95). One of those recommendations entitled "built form and scale", states "height [of] the enclosing building should be proportionate to the length of open space." However, this recommendation does not address what exactly could define such proportion. This research proposes the use of minimum solar access standards to define the proportion between building height and the scale of open space. The research will refer to international solar standards, as it will be discussed in later chapters to define the minimum solar access standard in community spaces.

2. LITERATURE REVIEW

The literature review consists of seven sub-sections which are Urban Morphology, Public Open

Space, Traditional Built Form, Traditional Urban Management Practice, New Planning Policies,

Solar Access, and Solar Envelope. The section 'Urban Morphology' develops an understanding of the physical structure, social issues and cultural aspects associated with the historic core of

Kathmandu. It helps in understanding how public spaces fit into the overall city fabric. The next section 'Public Open Space' elaborates on different types of public spaces found in the historic core of Kathmandu and why it is important in physical structure of the city and socio-cultural life of the community. The section following 'Public Open Space' is entitled 'Traditional Built

Form' which describes the traditional built forms existing in the historic core of Kathmandu and how it evolved, maintaining consistency in scale and form through Malla, Shah and Rana period when Guthi was active. It is then followed by the section entitled 'Traditional Urban

Management Practice' which talks about Guthi and how it influenced the urban management practice before new planning by laws were introduced in 1976. This section helps to develop an understanding of ways in which traditional urban management practice has been able to safeguard issues of larger communal benefits in the urban fabric. The next section entitled 'New

Planning Policies' elaborates on the impact of new planning policies on the built environment of the historic core and points out its inability to consider issues of larger communal benefit like solar access in community spaces. The next section 'Solar Access,' describes ways in which solar access is important for the community and establishes the need for solar access in public spaces. The last section entitled 'Solar Envelope' develops a theoretical understanding required for solar access analysis, which is then utilized on two case studies later in the thesis.

A. Urban Morphology i. Physical Structure

Traditional architecture and settlement patterns of the Kathmandu valley have been heavily influenced by "Mandala." Mandala is a traditional way of spatial organization, which organizes space ritually and socially based on the three principles of boundary, hierarchy, and center

(Gellner 1992, 5). In a traditional town, the "Palace" is the center of the town boundary, which was articulated with entry gates and various temples to protect the city from any evil.

Agricultural farmlands were beyond this boundary in low-lying lands. This pattern of settlement lasted in Kathmandu until the end of the Malla period in 1768 A.D. Later, with the beginning of urbanization in Kathmandu in 1960 A.D., the historic city structure of Kathmandu transformed drastically.

The city no longer follows the planning principles of Mandala, as the city has transformed well beyond the three principles propounded by Mandala. This section of the literature review uses

Kevin Lynch's theory in the book "The City Image and its Elements (Lynch 1960, 47-48)," to dissect and develop an understanding of Kathmandu’s urban morphology. Kevin Lynch uses five elements to define the physical constituent of the image or perception that an urban dweller has of a city. These elements are Path, Edges, Districts, Nodes, and Landmarks, as shown in

Figure 6 below.

Figure 6 Path Edge District Node Landmark (Lynch 1960)

These five elements are further illustrated in a section of the historic core, which is Kathmandu durbar square as shown in Figure 7 below. These five elements of Path, Edge, District, Node, and Landmark will be discussed in more detail in the following chapters using the map and reference images.

Figure 7 Path, Edge, District, Node, and Landmark in Historic Core of Kathmandu 12

a. Path

Kevin Lynch states "Paths are the channels along which the observer customarily, occasionally, or potentially moves (Lynch 1960, 47)." These paths connect diverse elements and environmental conditions of a city, giving a sequence of imagery to the observer. Such imagery forms the essential part of the observer’s visual memory.

Beautifully carved streets are the paths in a dense urban settlement of Kathmandu’s historic core. These streets are for circulation and conglomeration and provide a unique character to the urban form. The historic towns have non-axial streets, which rarely meet at right angles

(Chitrakar 2011, 8), as shown in Figure 7 above. However, the streets are never curvilinear; instead, short segment of streets join at nodal spaces and take an angular turn. Such continuous segmentation of streets provides changing views and vistas to pedestrians, which makes walking in these streets enjoyable.

Streets also act as a connector of various public spaces and residential neighborhoods. Like blood vessels that branch to supply blood to each cell, streets in the historic core of Kathmandu branch from the main street to reach each residential neighborhood and further to each house.

The main street in the historic core can be as wide as 20 feet, as shown in Figures 8 and 10 below, while those connecting individual houses can be as narrow as a 3 foot underpass through another building, as shown in Figure 9 below.

Figure 8 View of Path P2 (Refer Figure 7 Above) Figure 9 View of Path P3 (Refer Figure 7 Above) (Source: http://www.nepal-dia.de/int__England/EK- Kathmandu-Tal/Ek-Freak_street_Kathmandu_/ek- freak_street_kathmandu_.html)

Figure 10 View of Path P4 (Refer Figure 7 Above) (Source: http://www.tumblr.com/tagged/palace%20square?before=17)

b. Edge

Lynch defines edges as linear elements other than paths such as building facade and street elevation that define the boundaries between two visually disparate regions of the city (Lynch

1960, 47). In the context of Kathmandu, the edge, as shown in Figure 7 above, indicates the boundary between the palace complex, which is a Preserved Monument Zone, and the commercial district that developed after the introduction of new planning policies. This demarcation of preserved zone and commercial zone is characterized by a street facade that depicts bustling commercial activities. The road that aligns this edge is filled with parked motorcycles, as shown in Figure 12 below, and the vehicular road itself is filled with pedestrians. The commercial buildings on this edge are filled with signage and they do not follow the vocabulary of traditional architecture, as shown in figure 11 below.

Figure 11 Street facade along the edge of new development Figure 12 Parked motorcycles on the edge of Preserved Monument Zone (Refer Figure 6 above)

c. District

Kevin Lynch states "districts are the medium-to-large sections of the city, conceived of as having two dimensional extents, which the observer mentally enters "inside of," and which are recognizable as having some common, identifying character" (Lynch 1960, 47). In the context of

Kathmandu’s historic core, the palace complex and durbar square that adjoin it hold a central position. This section of the palace complex creates a prominent visual impact on the observer with its scale and grandeur, as shown in Figure 13 below. While, there are residential neighborhoods like Yetkha Bahal that are smaller in scale but have distinct visual and spatial qualities, as shown in Figure 14 below. The two districts, palace complex, and Yetkha Bahal are different in terms of their scale, use, and status as heritage. The palace complex is in a

Protected Monument Zone, which is used as a museum to display heritage from the monarchial times of Nepal. People no longer live in these courtyards. On the other hand, communities still live in Yetkha Bahal, which has buildings used mostly for residential purpose. It has a limited cultural infrastructure with one central stupa, unlike the palace complex which has numerous temples.

Figure 13 Palace complex and Durbar Square Figure 14 Yetkha Bahal (Refer D2 in figure 6 above) (Refer D1 in figure 6 above)

d. Node

Lynch defines "nodes are points, the strategic spots in a city into which an observer can enter, and which are the intensive foci to and from which he is travelling" (Lynch 1960, 47). Nodes can be anything from an intersection of two paths, a hangout place, or a place where the physical nature of the district change. Figure 7 above shows the location of two nodes, which, in the case of the historic city, are the intersection of paths. In the context of the historic core of

Kathmandu, the intersections of major streets develop into public open spaces with important cultural elements like temples, statues, etc. making the space more legible. Figure 15 below depicts the temple as a cultural element in the intersection of paths to form a node, while,

Figure 16 below shows the vehicular roundabout with the statue of a former king. Other than these examples, cultural elements like pati (public rest house), chhaitya (miniature Buddhist shrines in the form of stupa), dabali (open elevated platforms) or dhunge dhara (waterspouts)

can also add legibility to a node (Tiwari, Tiered Temples of Nepal 1988). Streets as paths and

open spaces as nodes define the streetscape in the historic core of Kathmandu.

Figure 15 Node N1 - Indra Chowk (Refer Figure 6 Above) Figure 16 Node N2 - Juddha Shalik (Refer Figure 6 Above)

e. Landmark

Lynch states "landmarks are another type of point-reference, but in this case the observer does not enter within them, they are external (Lynch 1960, 48)." They can be anything, from an important building, a tower, or a temple, that stands out from its setting. Such urban elements provide a visual reference to the observer, establishing a pattern to navigate through the city and recall the "Path."

In the case of the historic core of Kathmandu, cultural infrastructures like temples, the palace building, large iron bells, etc. constitute the landmarks. The temples stand out from their physical context due to their form, architectural feature, scale, and materiality. Temples are laid on a stepped platform with a circumambulatory around it. People use temples as place to meet, hangout, and enjoy activities in public spaces. Some of the temples can be very high, like Taleju

(Goddess of Power), which is 115 feet high, as shown in Figure 17 below. The palace complex also has multiple towers overlooking the durbar square. The nine-storey tower is the highest tower in the palace complex and dominates the entire public space with its towering effect, as shown in Figure 18 below.

Figure 17 Landmark L1 - Taleju Temple (Refer Figure 6 Above) Figure 18 Landmark L2 - Nine Storey Palace Tower (Refer Figure 6 Above) 18

i. Social Aspects

Community living in Kathmandu is called "Newar ," and the community was organized on the basis of caste system during the traditional times. King Jayasthiti Malla introduced the caste system in the 15th century. The occupation of people is the basis for caste system, which attributes people to fixed social strata. Zoning assigned people a fixed place in the urban structure depending upon their occupation, as shown in Figure 19 below (Rayamajhi 2012, 8).

People were allowed to live closer to the palace depending upon the importance of their occupation, which was judged based on the frequency of consultation by palace or the state.

Hence, zoning by caste had socio-cultural, political, and economic connotations. While such a system developed strong neighborhoods, it was also the cause for social discrimination within

Figure 19 Zoning of historic city based on occupation

the "Newar" society.

Social structure forms the basic principles that drove the development and articulation of urban morphology in Kathmandu. Hierarchy in society is also evident through the location of important urban elements like the palace, temples, waterspouts, and squares in the city.

Important temples, like the temple of Durga (goddess of power), and large water spouts were located close to the palace. The cremation grounds were located on the city outskirts, where people of lower occupation levels lived. The royal palace, locally known as "Durbar" with its series of courtyards, big open spaces and temples, occupied a central position in the city. The immediate areas surrounding the palace were allocated for the priests, nobleman, and people belonging to high occupation level or "Caste" (N. Gutschow 1993, 163-183).

Newars are communal people with a strong belief in social norms and values. Social institutions like Guthi are a testament to this. The meaning of the word "Guthi" is derived from the Sanskrit word "Gosthi" meaning an "association" or an "assembly" (Müller-Böker 1988, 28). Guthi refers to a communal institution, which played a huge role in maintaining the physical structure of the city and socio-cultural life of the community. Guthi is composed of the members of the community itself and is based on the socio-cultural values of the community. Newars lived in extended families in closed quarters around a courtyard. The idea of looking after each other and being together drove their social values. It is this value that has made public life and the public realm very important to the community. Guthi looked after each member of the community, regardless of their social strata, as long as they abided by the social norms.

However, a community member or a family who did not abide such norms would be declared an outcast and would be deprived from benefits provided by the Guthi.

Public spaces were celebrated through various festivals and through monuments that added to its grandeur. Guthi took care of public buildings like Pati (rest house), Chappas or Digis (public party venue), and Ashram (place of refuge for homeless), providing a great service to society.

However, Guthi was not all-inclusive, as it did not allow people from other ethnicities to be part of it. As more people migrated into the city after the political transition, the role of Guthi started being questioned. As Guthi was not able to transform itself with changing demographics, its roles and responsibilities were curtailed by the state government. Today,

Guthi is limited only to the preservation of temples and few public buildings. However, it still plays an important role in organizing major religious festivals and social celebrations. As Guthi no longer plays a role in the larger part of urban management, communal interests protected by it in the city have also been neglected in the process. This in turn has led to massive degradation in urban structures (Selter, Pradhananga, 2007, 4). It would have been very fruitful if the new planning policies could have reflected upon these old practices and incorporated value for communal gain in their approach.

ii. Cultural Aspects

Cultural activities are an essential part of the annual life-cycle in Kathmandu. These cultural activities have deep social and cultural meanings that had a huge impact on urban morphology of traditional towns. For instance, there is a chariot procession of "Machhendranath" as shown in Figure 20 below, which travels through the historic town boundary and plays a vital role in controlling urban sprawl.

Figure 20 Chariot Procession of Machhendranath

Ancient settlements relied heavily on local agriculture to feed its population. In order to protect agricultural land, the historic town created a city boundary defined by nature protectors, which are numbered from 1 to 8 in Figure 21 below. It was religiously established that anyone who lived beyond the city boundary would not be protected from evil powers. It was given a religious imagery and was mediated through rituals so that it could be easily followed by a

religiously devout community. This had profound social implications, as residents were forced to live close to each other. Consequently, the dependency of the city on its surrounding natural ecology was protected, which added greatly to the sustainability of these historic towns (Tiwari,

2000, 4).

The urban structure of the historic town was articulated so that it was able to host various kinds of cultural activities. Some of these cultural activities are Jatra (chariot procession), ritual dances, and public feasts. The streets were designed to allow for public processions, and they had important stopping points at various public open spaces to allow inhabitants of specific neighborhoods to do their ritual prayers. As the procession moved through open spaces of various neighborhoods along the path, as shown in Figure 21 below, it collected and brought people together, adding mass to the procession.

Figure 21 Traditional city boundary defined by nature protector

Numerous cultural activities were devised to improve social life and were given religious connotation, so that they were readily followed by the community. In addition, these cultural activities brought communities of all castes together, which helped in maintaining communal integrity.

Knowledge and building practices adopted by traditional towns were also consciously built in cultural practices. They were not universal and were instead specific to the region, developed slowly over time. For example, an important temple in a neighborhood was often used as a reference to control building height. The roof overhang was designed precisely to deal with the environmental condition of Kathmandu, which was sufficient to protect the facade from monsoon rain and summer sun, but allow winter sun into the rooms (Shrestha 2011, 7). In addition, interior courtyards, locally known as "Sagh as" formed by groups of houses, were used to compost organic wastes, which were later used in kitchen gardens. Cleaning of "Saghas" was built into cultural practice, so that voluntary labor from society was readily available whenever required. These practices were developed by people responsible for directing urban development. "Cultural mediation ensconced indigenous knowledge transmission mode, and was able to forestall negative individual action likely to damage the community life, the city and its ecological dependencies (Tiwari, 2000, 6)."

The traditional town followed this culturally mediated development approach until 1960. Then, western mode of cultural practice gained prominence, especially in urban centers like

Kathmandu. When Nepal adopted democracy in 1960, new planning policies replaced the old cultural practices. These planning policies were driven by economic opportunities, and adopted

generic bylaws without considering the local context and variations. The physical structure of the traditional town represented the hierarchical arrangement of society. The typology of residential buildings remained consistent throughout the traditional city, while the public realm consisted of spaces that ranged widely in terms of its shape, size, and orientation. The development pattern that followed after the introduction of generic bylaws destroyed the intricate variations of the public realm.

With rapid in-migration, local people and local culture were reduced to a minority. Soon, "local culture was considered old and irrelevant, not understanding that it had resulted from hundreds of year of interaction with natural ecology, local economy and social relationship"(Tiwari, 2000, 2). Place specificity and place relevance were neglected by new urban managers in order to take ownership of the place from locals. All the communal properties owned by Guthi which funded its operation were taken over by the government.

This consequently rendered Guthi powerless over the course of time. Besides, the right to develop property was solely provided to individual homeowners, provided that they complied with generic building bylaws. In this process, traditional norms of building practice that encapsulated socio-cultural values were largely abandoned. In the context of Kathmandu, safeguarding indigenous cultural values would have simultaneously protected the natural and urban ecological balance of the place. Unfortunately, the contemporary urban management practice has neglected existing cultural practices and physical built environment, which has diminished the inherent environmental responsiveness of the traditional city.

B. Public Open Space

Public spaces in historic towns have a strong hierarchy ranging in scale and function. Such hierarchy corresponds to the hierarchy built into the social structure. Broadly, there are three types of public spaces in the historic core: Chowk (small and private residential courts), Baha or

Bahal (community squares), and Durbar Square (larger palatial squares) (Tiwari, 1988, 95-98) as

shown in Figures 22, 23, and 24 below. These different scales of public spaces form a network

Figure 22 Residential Square (Kumari Ghar)

Figure 23 Community Square (Yetkha Bahal)

Figure 24 Patan Durbar Square Figure 25 Diagrammatic layout of traditional town showing interconnection of different type of public open spaces (Tiwari S., 1988) 26

of public realm in the traditional city, as diagrammatically shown in Figure 25 above, allowing for social and cultural exchange within and amongst different neighborhoods.

The traditional town of Kathmandu developed from small hamlets surrounded by farmlands. It was part of the daily livelihood of people to walk from their village to the farmland in the morning and return back in the evening. City inhabitants used numerous routes radiating from the center of settlement, which took them from their residential neighborhoods to their respective farms. These routes later developed into streets, which all converged into the durbar square. At some instances these streets intersected each other to form nodal points that later developed into public spaces. The social importance of these public spaces was higher as it got closer to the durbar square, establishing a strong hierarchy amongst these open spaces (Tiwari,

Tiered Temples of Nepal 1988). These public spaces, along with private residential quarters, were interconnected by narrow streets to form a dense urban fabric, as shown in Figure 26 below.

Figure 26 Typologies of public open spaces in Kathmandu (Source: Author)

i. Residential Squares

Residential square are small scaled private quarter bounded by two to three storey sloped roof buildings, as shown in Figure 27 below. The traditional city comprises numerous residential squares, which are known as "Chowks" in the local language. These residential squares are densely compacted to form the larger neighborhood. These residential squares are small and private in nature, historically catering to an extended family or people of the same caste.

Residents use these courts for social interactions, marriage and personal celebrations, and recreational activities. Built structures around these courts are mostly residential in nature, while the structures having direct access to roads sometimes have commercial shops. Narrow alleys that interconnect these small courts eventually lead to a major street or a larger community square. These squares are independent and are a complete social entity in themselves, as they have their own central open space with public amenities like temples, rest houses, water spouts, etc. (Gutschow 1993, 163-183).

Figure 27 Residential court in traditional town (source: Shrestha House, Kathmandu)

ii. Community Squares

Community squares are larger open spaces, as shown in Figure 28 below. A Community square is inhabited by multiple families and allows inhabitants of a particular neighborhood to congregate on a daily basis. These spaces are also used by residents from surrounding neighborhoods as they have important temples and public infrastructures like wells, and rest houses. Communities use this space to celebrate various festivals and rituals from life to death.

It also encourages social interaction amongst neighbors on a daily basis. The daily livelihoods of people living around these squares extend out to these spaces in the form of buying vegetables, cleaning clothes, and so on. A community space is the stage for interaction between different age groups at different periods of time and seasons. It is a place to worship for old people in the early morning, a place to dry grain and clothes in the afternoon, a playing area for children and conversation place for adults in the evening. In fact, these public spaces were extension of private houses, merging private and public realm. "Such social system had communal integrity, diversification and security all contributing towards town sustainability (Shrestha 2011, 10)."

Community squares are mostly comprised of residential buildings but often have one or more temples within the space or as a part of the built structure defining its perimeter. These squares also have other social amenities such as wells, ponds, rest houses, and cultural infrastructures such as stupa and temples as part of its content. Figure 29 below indicates the distribution of various temples within Te Baha (Chitrakar 2011, 53-70).

Figure 28 Te Baha, a community square in Kathmandu Figure 29 Temples within Te Baha iii. Palace Squares

Palace squares are the largest of all squares. The palace buildings characterize these squares, as they dominate the entire public space through their scale, geometry, and grandeur as shown in

Figure 31 below. The palace complex comprises multiple courtyards and larger built forms as compared to community squares, as shown in Figure 30 below. The built forms are rectilinear in plan with a strong symmetry in plan and elevation (Chitrakar 2011, 65).

Figure 30 Kathmandu Durbar Square (Source: Google Map) Figure 31 Palace complex at Kathmandu Durbar Square

Today, the palace complex has been converted into a museum that is heavily guarded for security purposes. However, the public space that surrounds the palace complex is bustling with socio-cultural and economic activities. The palace complex has a central public square highlighted in red on Figure 32 below. The palace square has numerous temples, platforms, and rest houses, creating informal spaces within and around them. These informal spaces function as a place where people meet and hang out enjoying the sun, especially during winter.

Figure 32 Cultural Infrastructures in Kathmandu Durbar Square

C. Traditional Built Form

The traditional towns of Kathmandu gained full maturity during the Malla period. After the

Malla period, two more dynasties, Rana and Shah, ruled Nepal until Nepal adopted a democratic form of governance. The urban history of Nepal consists of three periods: the Malla period (1200 to 1768 AD), the Shah period (1768 to 1867 AD), and the Rana period (1867 to

1934 AD), before the new planning policies were adopted by the democratic government.

Built forms in the historic town included low-rise buildings of no more than four stories in a dense mosaic that made the scale very anthropometric. All built structures in the traditional town had sloped roofs covered with clay roof tiles. These slopes ended into eaves that protected the building's walls from rain, shaded windows, or provided shelter to the people on streets below. However, stone structures like Chhaitya (Buddhist shrine) did not have sloped roofs. All other buildings, including the palace, common residences, and community buildings, were made up of brick walls. These walls were two and half bricks wide comprising of outer sun dried brick, and inner adobe brick with mud plaster. The inner adobe wall helped in absorbing moisture, which is extremely beneficial in the humid environment of Kathmandu. The composite wall also has good insulation properties, which stores heat from sun during daytime and dissipates it into interior environment during night. In addition, the sloped roof had clay tiles over a thick layer of mud, which also increased the thermal lag of the roof (Shrestha, 2011,

7). While, the windows were made up of wood and were latticed to allow sunlight to enter into the rooms, maintaining privacy as well (Korn 1979, 12).

i. Malla Period

Buildings from the Malla period are the traditional houses seen in the historic core of

Kathmandu. Some of them are still in their original form, while some have been modified by the homeowners. A traditional house in its original form, as shown in Figure 33 below, is usually three stories high. The buildings are simple and rectangular in plan with three load bearing walls running parallel to the length of rectangle. It uses local materials like brick, clay, and wood as materials for construction. The construction of each unit is independent, which are four to

Figure 33 Plan, section and elevation of a typical traditional house (source: Neils Gutschow)

eight meters wide and of variable length. However, all buildings were of similar height and followed the same architectural vocabulary, including window design, floor height, roof design, and so on. Because of this, even though each building is structurally separate, together they form a harmonious facade. Decorative timber columns replace the masonry wall, opening up the first floor to street level, which homeowners use for commercial activities. For instance, a metalworker would use this space to work on utensils and to sell product. The second floor includes private bedrooms with small lattice windows. The third floor is a multifunction room used for recreational purpose as well as for drying farm products. It has large sun window for this purpose. The top floor or attic is used as kitchen and has eating areas as well as a family chapel (Shrestha 2011, 6). Clay roof tiles over the wood truss cover the sloped roof, while the decorative sun window with lattice structure called San Jhya (Sun-window) forms the focal point of house.

ii. Shah Period

During the Shah period, houses continued to follow Malla style and proportions. However, the scale of buildings slightly increased. During this period, new materials and technology were introduced as economic base shifted from agriculture to service and commerce. Service and commerce based industries were economically more lucrative than craft based industries. As a result, intricate craftwork associated with traditional houses started decreasing, which led to the simplification of building facade as shown in Figure 34 below (Shrestha 2011, 3). Facades were stucco plastered instead of being exposed brick to protect the brick facade from the effects of weather. Windows became simpler with less ornamentation, but they continued to

have a lattice structure. Despite these changes, the overall built form was not a severe deviation from the traditional Malla form. Houses from the Shah period were still able to fit the scale and proportion of traditional street facade.

Figure 34 Modified traditional house during Shah Period (source: Neils Gutschow)

iii. Rana Period

During the Rana period, the overall style of the Malla period was followed, but the level of detailing decreased even more than the Shah Period. Facade finishes were comprised of stucco plaster, while windows started becoming larger and simpler and avoided the lattice structure as

Figure 35 Modified traditional house during Rana period (source: Neils Gutschow) 37

shown in Figure 35 above. San Jhya (sun-window) was replaced with regular sized window.

During these periods, there were some changes in original built forms. However, the overall scale and form of the buildings remained the same, as shown in Figure 36 below. This also is accounted to the fact that Guthi , driven by socio-cultural values, was still in charge of managing building practices. There were few changes in building façade, especially with the articulation of windows, but it maintained its proportion and was contextual. It represented the idea of communal living, where similar architectural vocabulary was used by all. Remarkably, these houses from different time-periods were able to co-exist together to form a harmonious elevation at community spaces as shown in Figure 37 below (Korn 1979, 21).

Figure 36 Changes in building facade from Malla, Shah to Rana period (source: Neils Gutschow)

Figure 37 A typical building enclosure of community space during Rana period (source: Neils Gutschow) 38

D. Traditional Urban Management Practice

Traditional modes of urban management were practiced in Kathmandu until the political transition occurred in 1960. Until then, local communities played an active role in the growth and management of the settlements in Kathmandu Valley. The social institution locally known as Guthi was established for the management of urban infrastructures. Rulers from the Malla dynasty first introduced this institution in Kathmandu around 1,200 years ago. It was comprised of people from the local community and was a bottom-up planning process (Dee, Pradhananga and Shrestha, 2009, 5).

Guthi looked after every aspect of living from managing urban growth, conserving heritage, to promoting socio-cultural life. Guthi managed urban growth by implementing zoning based on the caste system in order to promote a building culture that closely related to social and cultural life. Public space was also an essential part of its jurisdiction, as it was a stage for all social and cultural activities. Guthi also played a huge role in social welfare and made sure that each family was well supported in times of need from birth to death (Selter 2007, 3).

Guthi strictly operated on the basis of the caste system and was very successful in ensuring welfare amongst particular castes. However, it was not successful in promoting permeability within different castes. For instance, if someone married a person from lower caste, they would be declared an outcast and would not have access to the benefits offered by Guthi. Even within

Guthi , people from a particular caste held powerful positions, which meant that the voices of certain castes were heard more than others. Hence, Guthi , despite being a grass root level

institution, was not entirely democratic. Often caste and social dogma were used as a means of social discrimination within the community.

Communities in Kathmandu before the political transformation were closed and homogeneous.

After the political transformation, people from all over Nepal migrated into the city, and the community rapidly started to become heterogeneous. Guthi was not able to adjust to this change. Therefore, the roles and responsibilities of Guthi were severely reduced over time.

Guthi owned land and buildings as part of its property. As opposed to tax system, which is

practiced now, Guthi gathered funds from wealth donated by community as a philanthropic

endeavor. Religious imagery such as whoever donates more will have better life after death,

motivated people to donate more to Guthi. Endowment trusts were established to look after

such properties, which were managed by the community themselves (Tiwari, 2000, 8-9).

However with political transition, properties that once belonged to Guthi and were major

source of its income were nationalized and redistributed amongst the new population.

A lack of financial resources and new legal framework curtailed Guthi's jurisdiction, limiting its

functioning today to the maintenance of temples and monuments only. Positive aspects of

Guthi that ensured communal welfare were also lost in this process. The communal approach

to planning was replaced by the top-down approach with layers of bureaucracy that failed to

safeguard the urban amenities that benefitted the entire community (Dee, Pradhananga,

Shrestha, 2009, 5-7).

There were certainly some missed opportunities in learning from the traditional practice in

regards to identifying the elements of greater communal interest and devising policies to

safeguard them. For instance, in traditional times Hitti , which is a traditional water spout, was the chief source of water for the community; therefore, it was essential for the community to maintain it. Guthi ensured that Hittis were well maintained and functioning. However, today water is delivered to each house through municipality pipelines. As a result, these public waterspouts have been neglected. Very recently, there has been a scarcity of water in the

Kathmandu valley, and people are reverting back to public water spouts for their source of water. Unfortunately, now there is no institution that makes sure these water spouts are well maintained and functional.

E. New Planning Policies

The planning bylaws of 1976 zoned Kathmandu not based on social structure, but based on economic opportunities (Tiwari, 2000, 2). These bylaws divided the entire city into zones, such as the Old Settlement Zone, the New Residential Zone, the Industrial Zone, the Institutional

Zone, the City Extension Zone, etc. The planning bylaws of 1976 demarked the historic core as the Mixed-Old Settlement Sub-Zone in Kathmandu’s zoning map as shown in Figure 38 below.

The economic opportunities and development pressures were highest in this zone, and, subsequently, the municipality treated this sub-zone as a commercial zone to allow for maximum building flexibility. The total amount of area allowed to build per square foot of land in this zone is the highest anywhere in Kathmandu as shown in Table 1 below (F.A.R. is 4.5 for

Table 1. Building bylaw for various zones (Source: Kathmandu municipality bylaws) this zone). The height restriction applied in the Mixed Old Residential Sub-Zone is also highest for any zone in Kathmandu. People could build as high as 18 meters (59 feet including the staircase cover) as long as the F.A.R. allowed them, covering as much as 100 percent of their land. Compared to new residential zones, where the F.A.R. is as low as 1.75, the transformation brought by this new bylaws is unprecedented anywhere in Nepal.

Figure 38 Mixed Residential Sub-Zone in Kathmandu Municipality's Zoning Map (Source: Kathmandu Municipality)

Disregard for shared identity and individual gain replaced the idea of communal identity and building as socio-cultural practice with the adoption of new planning policies (Selter,

Pradhananga 2007, 4). The planning policies adopted by the state government allowed property owners to build freely without considering the physical character of the surrounding built environment. In the town, where buildings were three to four stories high, people were allowed to build as tall as six and seven storey, as they adopted higher height restrictions as shown in Table 1 above. Considering that the original built fabric was comprised of houses only as high as four stories or 12 meters (39.3 feet) as shown in Figure 39 below, it affected the town

Figure 39 Traditional Street Elevation in many ways. Not only there was a severe overuse of the public infrastructure, but public open spaces also lost their original character. As one homeowner added floors, it shaded adjacent buildings and blocked views for others, forcing adjacent building to add floors as well. Soon, it was a race to build taller. As the size and scale of public spaces was a constant in the historic core and the buildings surrounding it got taller, there was a loss in the proportion between the size of open space and the building enclosure.

Building taller allowed inhabitants to capitalize their land ownership to the maximum, but in the process it destroyed the Kathmandu's traditional built fabric. Taller buildings violated the

scale and proportion of the open spaces. As open spaces were an intricate part of socio-cultural life, changes in the built fabric had adverse effects in these activities. Access to sun in these spaces was very important, but new planning policies neglected this requirement. In turn, it relied on generic height restriction regardless of the size, scale and shape of the open space.

This approach was not at all useful in assuring solar access, and consequently there was a considerable loss of activities that relied on the sun (ICIMOD, 2007).

People were not only building taller, but they were also building haphazardly and very dangerously. They were building as and when they wanted in an incremental fashion. This destroyed the skyline and harmonious nature of the traditional street façade, as shown in

Figure 40 below. In some cases, homeowner added up to three floors more upon the old

Figure 40 Impact of planning bylaw on street elevation (source: The P.U.S.H Effect, People, Urban, Society and Heritage, Rakshya Rayamajhi)

foundation originally designed to take only the load of a three to four storey building. This is very problematic, since Kathmandu lies in Zone V for earthquake vulnerability.

The skyline is an integral part of the built character of traditional towns. The residential buildings in Kathmandu’s historic core are three to four stories high with a sloped roof structure, creating a harmonious built fabric and uniform skyline. In a traditional town, residential buildings were never taller than temples, which was one of the measures of height restriction. Even though there were no written bylaws, people abided by such building practices, as it was established as a social norm. As all buildings had similar height, they created a uniform skyline and a built fabric that was homogeneous, appearing as a single entity as shown in Figure 41 below (UNESCO 2006, 13). Uniformity in skyline also represented unanimous adoption of singular building practice by all community members and common lifestyle of all city dwellers. It reflected the strong communal identity of the town, where each building was an integral part of the larger urban fabric, and each household was an integral part of the larger social fabric (Shrestha 2011, 8).

Figure 41 Uniform skyline in traditional built fabric

With new planning policies, municipality adopted the Light plane concept, as shown in Figure

42 below, to control the building height at open space in new residential zones and other zones except in the historic core. This concept was not applied to the historic core, as it would have significantly reduced the development potential in the historic core. With the Light Plane

Concept, the municipality would not have been able to achieve a floor-area-ratio of 4.5 in the historic core. The Light plane concept provides the possibility of defining the proportion between building height and width of the street, but it too has a major drawback. The Light

Figure 42 Light plane to restrict height of buildings (source: Kathmandu municipality building bylaws) plane concept only considers diffused daylighting and neglects thermal gain associated with solar access. Hence, it does not take into account the dynamic nature of the sun and applies it for all orientations (Kathmandu Valley Town Development Committee 1993). In the context of

Kathmandu, it uses an obstruction angle (angle made by top of one building to the base of opposite building) of 63.5 degrees.

A study of solar altitude angle during summer and winter solstice through 9 am, 12 pm, and 3 pm, as shown in Table 2 below, indicates that the solar altitude angles through winter period is less than the obstruction angle of 63.5 degrees. This shows that the building height that follows light plane concept would not have been able to ensure solar access at public open space during winter, when solar access is required the most.

Table 2 Solar altitude angle for summer and winter solstice (Source: http://www.susdesign.com/sunangle/) 47

F. Solar Access i. Climate of Kathmandu

A study of hourly temperature variation through a period from 9 am to 3 pm, as indicated in

Table 3 below, showed that through the months of January, February, and March, temperature ranged from a minimum of 34 F to 67 F. The study also showed that there was a direct solar radiation available in this period, which provides evidence for the use of public open spaces for sun based activities. In addition, for the months of April, May, November, and December, the temperature ranged from a minimum of 52 F to a maximum of 75 F, which is close to comfortable range. This shows it is comfortable for people to be outside in the open space during these periods. The months of June, July, August, September, and October indicate that the temperature ranges from 71 F to 87 F. The temperature is slightly above comfortable range, but it seems appropriate enough for people to be out in open space.

Table 3 Hourly temperature variation from 9 am to 3 pm in Kathmandu (Source: Ecotect, refer appendix)

ii. Sun -Based Activities in Public Open Spaces

There are many activities in public open spaces that rely completely on the sun. Some of these activities range from drying clothes, grains, vegetables, making clay utensils, etc. (Chitrakar

2011, 80). People enjoy sitting on building steps to bask in the sun and socialize during winter.

Even during summer it is not too hot to sit outside and there is presence of summer breeze.

Besides, the buildings on southern end of community space provide shaded area to avoid sun during hottest days of summer. Cottage industries, like pottery, rely on the sun to complete an essential part of its production process, as shown in Figure 43 below. After skillfully carving out a beautiful vessel from a lump of clay, the potter leaves it in the openness of the square to dry in sun for days. If the clay pot does not receive adequate sunlight, it cracks while baking in the kiln. Besides pots, many building materials like roof and roof tiles, decorative terracotta, and coal based space heaters are made using a similar process. Hence, it is very essential for the pottery industry to have sun access (Harvey 2003, 1).

Figure 43 Potter carrying sun-dried pots to brick kiln

Kathmandu Valley has very fertile land, which is considered one of the reasons why settlement first started in Kathmandu. Rice is one of the staple foods in the valley and is prepared either in the form of beaten rice or normal rice. Preparation of both types of rice requires drying the sheave in the sun. When monsoon season ends in October, the harvesting season begins. After the rice is harvested, the sheaves are left to dry in sun for several days, as shown in Figure 44 below. Then the rice grain is separated from sheave by beating it onto the ground. Drying grains, beating sheaves, and winnowing is a regular sight in open spaces during October, which creates a festive atmosphere in these open spaces. Hence for the production of rice, which is a staple diet in Nepal, sun is necessary.

Figure 4 4 Woman drying rice grains in Sun

Nepal relies on hydropower for its source of electricity. During the winter season, the water levels of rivers drop, and there is an acute shortage of power. However, in the winter season, people require more electricity for heating purposes. With a lack of electricity, people have to rely on the sun for heating more than ever. As a result, people often sit outside in the sun in public spaces during winter. Sitting in sun also gives people increased opportunities to meet and interact, as shown in Figure 45 below.

Figure 45 People basking in Sun

"As sunlight appeared in the roughly 50 by 50 meter (164 feet by 164 feet)

public square, elders and children came out of their houses with rectangular hay

mattresses to sit in the sun (Khanal 2013) " - Excerpt from an interview with

Surya Kumar, who works his living by making clay utensils.

iii. Quality of Built Environment

Since the building bylaws do not incorporate solar considerations, they not only undermine the access of sun to public spaces, but also affect the access of sun to individual houses and their interior environment. UV rays kill harmful viruses in the air (Lee 2007, 1). Shaded open spaces and built environments in a humid environment like Kathmandu can lead to an unhygienic public realm and interior living environment. In addition, our body requires sunlight to naturally produce vitamin D (Lee 2007, 1), which is very important in maintaining our immune system.

Therefore, solar access is also equally important to maintain the quality of the urban built environment and our health. iv. International Solar Access Standards

Research conducted by Maria Jose Leveratto, a faculty member of Architecture, Design and

Urbanism at the University of Buenos Aires, Argentina, in the article "Urban planning instruments to improve solar access in open public spaces" recommends four hours of solar access from a period of 10 am to 2 pm in open public spaces during winter (Leveratto 2002, 3).

In "Solar Access and Overshadowing" a paper presented at NEERG Seminars (Continuing

Education for the Management of the Built Environment) by Steve King, a faculty member of

Built Environment at the University of New South Wales, recommends that three hours of solar access in mid-winter is acceptable (King 2006, 2).

Based on this research, this study adopts three hours as a minimum solar access required in

public open space during winter.

G. Solar Envelope

Ralph Knowles (1981) developed the solar envelope concept during the 1970s energy crisis. The solar envelope is “the volumetric limits of building that will not shadow surrounding buildings or open spaces at specified times (Knowles 1981, 51-57)." The solar envelope defines the maximum building height for a site that does not compromise the neighboring building's solar accessibility. Solar accessibility is the preset number of hours of sun during critical periods of the day and year that a space should have access. This data translates into a volumetric description of the solar envelope. Specifically, the daily and seasonal paths of the sky describe the east, west, north and south limits for development within a solar envelope. The idea of the solar envelope is different than conventional zoning approach because it is dynamic, responding to the seasonal and daily variation of the sun, while conventional zoning is static in respect to dealing with the annual solar cycle (Knowles 1981, 42).

California adopted these regulations during the 1970s energy crisis, which forced new construction to respect solar rights of surrounding buildings. The concept of the solar envelope was further refined with the distinction between part of the envelope that has ensured access to sun and the envelope that ensures solar access of surrounding building and open spaces. The solar collection envelope (SCE) is the lowest possible surface on a building envelope to locate windows and solar collectors so that neighboring buildings do not obstruct them during a specified period of year. It describes the overshadowing of a building on a given site or envelope. On the other hand, the solar rights envelope (SRE) is the highest part of building envelope that does not block solar access of surrounding building and open space through critical periods of the year. The solar right envelope (SRE) and the solar collection envelope

(SCE) are the upper and lower limits, as shown in Figure 46 below, which together define a solar volume (Morello, 2005).

Figure 46 Diagrammatic representation of solar rights envelope and solar collection envelope

i. Daily Solar Path and East-West Façade

The daily solar path governs the shadow casting and solar access on the east and west side of a building. The shadow cast by a building on its west side during the morning and on its east side during the evening defines its east and west geometry, as shown in Figure 47 below. The required amount of solar access on western end of open space during morning defines the geometry of buildings on eastern end of open space. On the other hand, required amount of solar access on eastern end of open space during even ing define the geometry of buildings on the western end of open space. This research uses a cut off time of 9 am in morning and 3 pm in the afternoon for its study. The case study will look to define the building enclosure that satisfies minimum solar acce ss standard through this period .

Figure 47 Eastern and Western Sun defining solar volume

(Source: Ralph Knowles, Sun, Rhythm, Form)

ii. Yearly Limits and North – South Facade

In summer, most of the solar path is north of east-west axis as shown in Figure 48 below, so it casts shadow to the south side. Hence, the buildings and cultural objects in the open space will be casting shadow on its southern side. However, these cultural objects and building enclosures will cast minimum shadow, since the sun has a highest altitude through the study period of 9 am to 3 pm during summer.

Figure 48 Solar path in Kathmandu on summer solstice (source: Ecotect)

On the other hand, the winter sun rises and sets on the southern side of east -west axis, as shown in Figure 49 below, which means it will cast shadows on the northern side of the building. It affects the buildings on the southern end of the open space. Sin ce the winter solar angle is gentler, as shown in Figure 50 below, it has a larger impact on the solar envelope. For this reason, the solar access of public open space will be investigated through the winter period, which in the case of Kathmandu is from D ecember 1 to February 28. The built form which will satisfy solar access standard through the winter period will also satisfy it through the summer period. Daily limits of 9 am to 3 pm through the winter period will be used to investigate whether the build ing enclosure meets solar access standards or not .

Figure 49. Solar path defining solar volume on North Figure 50 Solar path in Kathmandu during winter and South face solstice (source: Ecotect)

iii. Periods of useful Insolation and Cutoff Time

The insolation period through various times of day and through various seasons is critical in controlling the usability of solar energy in people’s daily livelihoods. Access to the sun is critical through winter from morning to afternoon due to anthropometric and climatological reasons.

Maintaining access to sun in public spaces through this period is critical for an open space to enhance public life. The sun’s energy varies annually as it moves through its solar path. The sun assumes different positions in the sky and gives off different heat and light intensities. A clear understanding of the solar path and climate patterns is helpful in designing built environments, particularly for these uncomfortable periods of the year. Six hours of sunlight from 9 am to 3 pm is the period where solar insolation is highest. Access to sun through this period in winter is very desirable; however, in dense urban conditions, such standards are hard to achieve

(Knowles 1981). Studies by Maria Levaratto and Steve King recommend need of 3 to 4 hours of sunlight in public spaces. Hence, this study will use a period of 9 am to 3 pm to investigate, whether the public spaces get minimum three hours of sunlight or not.

Cut off time is the local time of a place that determines the various faces of the solar envelope.

In the context of an open space, daily limits determine the geometry of buildings on east and west end of an open space, while yearly limits determine the geometry of buildings on southern end of an open space. The solar envelope controls the impact of shadow the built environment projects onto its surrounding. Cut off time considers various time of the day where the shadowing impact is critical to its surrounding. For buildings on eastern and western end of an open space, the sun setting and sun rising time periods are critical respectively. While the buildings on southern end of an open space, solar position at noon during winter is critical.

These cut off time periods can be used to determine the geometry of buildings around public open space.

3. RESEARCH QUESTION

What modification in Kathmandu's planning bylaws can improve solar access in community spaces?

SUB-QUESTIONS

1) How did traditional urban management practice impact solar access in community spaces?

2) How did new planning bylaws affect solar access in community spaces?

3) What modifications can be made to new planning bylaws to improve solar access in community spaces?

4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The literature review established the existence of three types of public open spaces in

Kathmandu: residential square, palace square, and community square. Relatively few families live around residential squares compared to community squares while the Palace square has been converted into a museum with no residential land use around it. Hence, solar access in community spaces provides benefits to a larger section of people and for this reason community spaces are selected for further investigation.

The research uses a case study approach, where two case studies are used to investigate how urban transformation brought by the change in urban management practice has affected the solar access of community spaces. The solar access of a community space varies with its orientation, size, proportion, and the height, and geometry of buildings surrounding it. The thesis proposes solar access analysis to be conducted for each community space to ascertain allowable building height. However, for this research, two case studies Itum Bahal and Te Bahal are selected as they have varying geometry and orientation. Itum Bahal is oriented north-south, while Te Bahal is oriented east-west.

Case studies are also used to establish maximum building height, which can ensure a minimum level of solar access through critical periods of the year in community spaces. Based on these results, recommendations are made accordingly to modify Kathmandu's planning bylaws to improve and ensure minimum level of solar access in community spaces. This research uses the following steps to meet its objectives:

Step I: This step uses Ecotect 2011 to conduct modeling and solar access analysis of community

spaces. Only the buildings having a shading effect on community space are modeled. The model

uses image, city maps, and planning bylaws to reference the building height. Two existing

conditions, one before and one after the adoption of the 1976 planning bylaws are modeled, to

document the changes brought by new planning policies on solar access of community spaces.

Step II: This step uses solar access analysis for building enclosure of various heights. Building

enclosure with height decreasing from 18 meters (59 feet) is analyzed simultaneously to

ascertain building enclosure, which can provide minimum level of solar access in community

spaces.

Step III: This step will propose modifications based on results from Step I and II to

contemporary building bylaws, such that it can improve solar access in community spaces.

5. CASE STUDY

1. Reduction in solar access due to New Planning Bylaws

This part of the research includes two case studies to understand the impact of urban transformation on solar access of community spaces. The two case studies are Itum Bahal and

Te Bahal, which belong to the Mixed-Residential Sub-Zone in the Old Residential Zone of

Kathmandu. Itum Bahal lies north of Kathmandu Durbar square, while Te Bahal lies south of it.

The selected community squares have different geometry and orientation, as shown in Figure

51 below.

Figure 51 Community squares selected for solar analysis

Study Period

The solar access analysis investigates community spaces during the winter period from

December 1 to February 28 for a total of 90 days. The period from 9 am to 3 pm is the daily study period owing to the highest insolation value of sun and the need for solar access during this period. The daily study includes a 6-hour period, which totals to 540 hours over the 90-day period.

Modeling Parameters

The shading and solar study is done with Autodesk Ecotect Analysis, which uses an analysis grid of 5 by 5 meters (16 feet 5 inches by 16 feet 5 inches) over the open space. The study includes buildings only around the community space. The modeling of the buildings includes a minimum level of detail, where only the volume containment of each building that affects solar access of community space is considered. Actual buildings on the open spaces are not modeled; instead volume containment defined by building regulations before and after 1976 is modeled.

All buildings built before 1976 have sloped roofs, which allow for increased solar access into these public spaces, while the buildings built after 1968 have flat roofs. Therefore, the buildings in 1976 conditions are modeled with a sloped roof at an angle of 30 degrees, which is the slope used while constructing a traditional roof structure. The average floor-to-floor height in a traditional building is 2.7 to 3 meters (8 feet 10 inches to 9 feet 10 inches). Therefore, buildings from 1976 are modeled with a 12-meter (39 feet 4 inches) height including the sloped roof. On the other hand, height restriction applied by new planning bylaws is 18 meters (59 feet), so

buildings from new conditions are modeled with 18-meter (59 feet) height. The Figure 52 below shows the building profile used for creating the model before and after 1976.

Figure 5 2 Building profile of the study models used for the case study of Itum Bahal

Comparative Study

The study includes two periods, one when traditional mode of urban management is active in

Kathmandu before the political transition of 1960 and one after the political transition when new planning policies is introduced to manage urban development. The case study documents the impact of urban transformation on the solar access of open space and compares these results with the study derived from the international standard on solar access, which establishes three hours as a minimum solar access required in a public open space.

Case Study 1: Itum Bahal

Summary of findings:

• Solar access in open spaces decreased by 32 percent to an average of 2.04 hours per

day. 58 minutes below 3-hour standard on an average over the entire open space.

• Solar access for cultural objects decreased by 68.5 percent to 1.41 hours.

• Cultural objects have solar access 1 hour 35 minutes below the 3-hour standard.

Figure 5 3 Key Map of Itum Bahal

i. Itum Bahal

Itum Bahal is one of the community squares in Kathmandu’s historic core. It is oriented north- south with a tilt angle of 11 degrees. Historic photographs of Itum Bahal, as shown in Figure 54 below, show traditional buildings of mostly three to four stories, while the photograph from

2012 shows buildings with six to seven stories. Therefore, the study uses a building height of 12 meter (39 feet 4 inches) including slope roof and 18 meter (59 feet) with flat roof for 1968, and

2012 conditions respectively.

Figure 54 Urban transformation of Itum Bahal

a. Itum Bahal during 1968

The analysis shows that the maximum hours of sunlight in the public space is a full 6 hours a day in two of the grids, and nine grids in the analysis does not receive any direct sunlight. The average sunlight in the public space is 3.46 hours a day, and the total sunlight hours received by the space is 363.41 hours, over the 540 hours of study period in winter.

The results show that the sunlight hours are highest in the central vertical strip of the public space accounting to the western and southern sun, as shown in Figure 55 below. The eastern end of the public space receives sunlight only during noon and after noon. The western end of public space receives most sun, up to a maximum of 6 hours, while the open spaces shaded by southern buildings receive very little sunlight. Two strips of grids adjoining these buildings receive no sunlight at all.

Figure 55 Solar hour distribution of Itum Bahal in 1968

b. Itum Bahal during 2012

Increased building height has resulted in the loss of solar access in open space, as shown in

Figure 56 below. The maximum solar exposure is 4 hours in one grid. Most areas of public space on the southern end have zero to one hour of solar exposure, which is shaded in blue. The average daily solar hours in this condition is 2.04 hours, which is a decrease in 0.98 hours as compared to the 12-meter (39 feet 4 inches) high condition of 1968. It is 0.96 hours short of the minimum number of solar hours required for public space during winter (Refer International

Solar Access Standards). There is a 32.43 percent decrease in the total average daily solar hours from 1968 conditions. The total solar hours have decreased from 317.09 hours to 177.53 hours through the study period. This goes to show that there is a severe decrease in available solar hours in the public space due to the additional floors in the built environment.

Figure 5 6 Solar Hour distribution of Itum Bahal in 2012

c. Solar Access Analysis in Cultural Infrastructure

A typical day in public space in Kathmandu starts at around 9 am. Therefore, solar access from 9 am onwards is important in public spaces, as the solar insolation is also highest in this period.

Figure 57 below is the image of Itum Bahal taken from its southern end. It shows that people are sitting, playing, and interacting on the eastern side of public space. The eastern side of public space in the photo has access to sun, which suggests the photo is taken sometime during the afternoon. It also correlates with the day-to-day life of inhabitants where there is the possibility of an increased use of public space during the afternoon. People on the eastern side of the public space seem stationed at a place, either interacting or playing. People on the shaded western side seem to be mostly travelling and do not exhibit any social interaction. This also proves the value of solar access in public open spaces of Kathmandu and role it can play to enhance social interaction in an open space.

Figure 57 Solar access analysis around cultural Infrastructure

The structure depicted in the center of Itum Bahal in the Figure 56 above is a stupa. It is a socio- cultural object, a place of worship and gathering for the community. During the winter season, people often sit around these cultural objects to bask in the sun and do a variety of activities.

Some of these activities are knitting, selling knick-knacks, and playing board games.

When buildings were 12 meters (39 feet 4 inches) high, the stupa had an average solar access of 4.48 hours per day during the study period. When it is 18 meters (59 feet) high, it has a solar access of only 1.41 hours, which is less than the minimum standard of three hours. Therefore, the picture taken most probably is from the one-and-a-half-hour window period during winter.

There is a 68.5 percent decrease in solar access from 4.48 solar hours to 1.41 solar hours, as shown in Figure 58 below. The decrease is quite staggering, amounting to an average of 3.07 hours a day, as indicated in Table 4 below.

Table 4 Comparative study of solar access of cultural object in 1968 and 2012 Figure 58 Solar access for cultural object

d. Conclusion

The building bylaws allow a maximum building height of 18 meters (59 feet) in mixed residential zones of Kathmandu’s Old Settlement Zone. The F.A.R. allowed is 4.0 for new development and 4.5 for building on old development. The solar analysis study of Itum Bahal shows that these bylaws have resulted in a severe loss in solar access to the point where it does not even meet the minimum solar standard. This urban transformation has resulted in a 32 percent decrease in solar hours of the public space, as shown in Table 5 below. Itum Bahal currently has only 2.04 hours of sunlight during the study period, which is 58 minutes below the minimum standard of 3.0 hours.

Table 5 Comparative study of solar hours in 1968 and 2012 of Itum Bahal

Case Study 2: Te Baha

Summary of findings:

• Solar access in open space decreased by 46.03 percent to 2.22 hours.

• 47 minutes below the 3-hour standard on an average over the entire open space.

• Solar access for cultural object #1 decreased by 95.99 percent to 0.16 hours.

• Cultural object # 1 has solar access 2 hours 50 minutes below the 3-hour standard.

Figure 59 Key Map of Te Baha

ii. Te Baha

Te Baha is a community square in the south part of the mixed residential zone. It is rectangular in shape and is oriented east-west with an extended south-west pocket. Te Baha historically had buildings of three to three-and-a-half stories (Korn, 1979). A current photograph of Te

Baha, as shown in Figure 60 below, depicts two buildings with original floor conditions on the picture below on the right. However, these building owners have replaced the sloped roofs with flat roofs. Most of the other old buildings have additional floors.

Figure 60 Te Bahal with old building marked in white box

a. Te Baha in Old Condition

The analysis shows that 59 grids receive a full 6 hours of sunlight during the study period, while

19 grids do not receive any sunlight at all. The average sunlight for the public space is 4.11 hours, with a total sunlight hours of 608.84 over the entire analysis grid. The results, as indicated in Figure 61 below, show that the sunlight hours are highest at the northern end of the public space accounting to the southern, eastern, and western sun. As the space is elongated east-west, it receives an ample amount of sunlight during the afternoon, when the sun has reached higher altitude. The western end of the public space receives a comparatively lesser amount of sunlight hours accounting to the solar path of the eastern sun, while the eastern part of the public space receives a minimum of 5 hours of sunlight. On the other hand, three grids aligning to the southern end of the public space receive no sunlight at all, as it remains shaded by the southern buildings over the course of the day.

Figure 61 Distribution of sunlight hours over the analysis grid in old conditions

b. Te Baha in 2012

Solar access analysis showed that only seven grids received a full 6 hours of sunlight during the study period, while 50 grids received close to zero solar hours on the southern end of the public space. Most of the public space on the southern part had zero hours of solar exposure. The public space on the eastern and western ends also received a reduced number of sunlight hours. Only the northern central section of the public space continued to receive a considerable amount of sunlight hours, as seen in Figure 62 below. The average daily solar hours in this condition are 2.21 hours, which is a decrease of 1.9 hours when compared to old conditions.

There is a 46.22 percent decrease in the total average daily solar hours. The total solar hours have decreased from 535 to 399 hours.

Figure 62 Distribution of sunlight hour over the analysis grid in new condition

c. Solar Access Analysis in Cultural Infrastructure

Te Bahal has six cultural objects within it. People like sitting around these cultural objects, like the one shown in Figure 64 below. Because of this, solar access during winter would be an added amenity. These cultural objects are tagged C1 to C6 in Figure 63 below.

Figure 63 Map showing cultural objects in Te Bahal Figure 64 Cultural Object #1 (C1) in Te Baha

Cultural objects C2, C3, C4, C5, and C6 lie on the northern end of the public space. They all receive 6 full hours of solar access during winter in old conditions. After urban transformation, solar access in these cultural infrastructures has decreased by a range of 12 to 40.33 percent, as indicated in Table 6 and Figure 65 below. Cultural object #2 received 5.07 solar hours, cultural object #3 received 3.58 solar hours, cultural object #4 received 6 full hours, cultural object #5 received five solar hours, and cultural object #6 received 5.28 solar hours before urban transformation. After urban transformation, solar access decreased for all cultural objects except cultural object #4, where solar hours remained at 6 full hours. Cultural object #1, which

lies on the southern end of the public space, was most affected due to the transformation.

Cultural object #1 received 3.99 solar hours during the winter in old conditions. After urban transformation, it received only 0.16 solar hours, which is 2.84 hours (2 hours 48 minutes) below the standard 3-hour requirement.

Table 6 Comparative study of solar access for cu ltural objects

Figure 65 Solar access of cultural objects

d. Conclusion

The case study of Te Baha showed that solar access for cultural objects remained above the 3- hour standard requirement even after urban transformation, except for cultural object #1 on the southern end of the public space. However, the average solar hours received by the public space have decreased from 4.11 to 2.22 hours from old to current conditions, which is a net decrease of 46.03 percent. More importantly, after urban transformation, the public space receives sunlight lower than the standard 3-hour requirement. The solar access in 2012 falls

0.98 hours short of the standard 3-hour requirement, as indicated in Table 7 below. This illustrates that the current building bylaws have not been able to ensure the minimum 3-hour solar access in Te Baha, as was the case in Itum Bahal.

Table 7 Comparative study of solar access hour in Old and 2012 Condition

2. Modification in built environment to Improve Solar Access

This section of the solar study investigates the height for building enclosures that allows for the minimum three hours of solar access into the open space. Sloped roofs are an essential part of traditional built forms, which allows homeowners with additional built space without hindering solar access. It is highly desirable to incorporate sloped roofs into built form. Hence, all proposed building enclosures are modeled with sloped roofs. In addition, following the recommendation proposed by Rajjan Chitrakar, developing a uniform skyline will correlate with traditional built forms, where all houses in a public open space have similar height. Building enclosure is simultaneously modeled through one-meter (3 feet 3 inches) intervals to find the maximum height that can meet minimum solar access standard in the open space.

i. Itum Bahal a. Ascertaining Building Enclosure that Meets Solar Access Standard

Building enclosure with 18-meter height (59 feet or 6-storey) including sloped roof

The open space receives 282.20 solar hours with this configuration at an average of 2.69 solar hours a day. It is 0.31 hours (18 minutes) below the 3-hour minimum solar standard.

Figure 66 Solar hour distribution for building enclosure 18 meter high with sloped roof

Building enclosure with 15 meter height (5-storey or 49 feet 4 inches) including sloped roof

The open space receives 319.56 solar hours with this configuration at an average of 3.04 solar hours a day. It is 0.04 hours (2 minutes) above the 3-hour minimum solar standard. Therefore, the building enclosure at 15 meters (49 feet 4 inches) high, including a sloped roof, is able to meet the solar standard. Hence, the results of the study indicate that Itum Bahal needs to adopt 15-meter (49 feet 4 inches) building height, including sloped roofs to maintain minimum level of solar access.

Figure 67 Solar hour distribution for building enclosure 15 meter high with sloped roof

b. Applying Results

This study indicates retaining only five stories of the building or 15 meters (49 feet 4 inches) of the total height of building, whichever is more. Floors above the fifth floor, such as the sixth or seven floors are to be avoided. The fifth floor needs to be modified to accommodate a sloped roof at an angle of 30 degrees, as indicated in Figure 68 below. The space beneath the roof can be developed as useable space.

Figure 68 Proposed intervention at Itum Bahal

ii. Te Baha a. Ascertaining Building Enclosure that Meets Solar Access Standard

Building enclosure with 18-meter height (59 feet or 6-storey) including sloped roof

The open space receives 482.29 solar hours with this configuration at an average of 3.24 solar hours a day. It is 0.24 hours (14 minutes) above the 3-hour minimum solar standard.

Figure 69 Solar hour distribution for building enclosure with 18 meter high building with sloped roof

b. Applying Results

This study indicates that a building enclosure with an 18-meter (59 feet) height or 6 stories, including a sloped roof, can allow a 3-hour minimum solar access in the open space. This requires buildings of 18 meters (59 feet) in height already to have their top floor modified to incorporate a sloped roof, as indicated in Figure 70 below.

Figure 70 Proposed Interventions at Te Baha

C. Recommendation

By making a minimum solar access of 3 hours mandatory, building enclosures can be defined to ensure it as a public right in community spaces. In Itum Bahal, building enclosure of 15-meter

(49 feet 4 inches) height including the sloped roof structure, while, in Te Baha, building enclosure of 18-meter (59 feet) height including sloped roof are able to meet the solar standard. These results also illustrates that the orientation and geometry of the open space plays a vital role in solar access of community spaces. Itum Bahal is narrow rectangular in shape, which is oriented North-South. On the other hand, Te Bahal is more or less square, which is slightly elongated in East-West direction. Results showed that Te Baha had better solar access in compared to Itum Bahal.

During solar access analysis, it was also found that only buildings on the southern, eastern, and western ends of community space affect solar access during winter, while, buildings on the northern end do not affect solar access of the community space. Therefore, it is necessary to adopt the height restriction only on the southern, eastern, and western end of the community space, while buildings on the northern end can be freed from solar restriction. Buildings on northern end can be allowed to be built to the maximum of current height restriction of 18 meters (59 feet). However it is recommended for all buildings to have sloped roof, which maintains the visual congruency of entire building enclosure around the community space.

Through the two case studies it is seen that, generic height restrictions for all buildings encompassing community space have not been able to ensure minimum hours of solar access in the community space; hence, the municipality should reconsider this practice. Instead, the

municipality should incorporate solar access analysis as part of the planning approach and conduct solar access analysis for each community space in order to define the building enclosure around it. Allowable building height should be generated from such analysis and should be implemented specific to the community space for which it is generated for.

6. CONCLUSION

Contemporary planning policies of Nepal have focused more on promoting economic opportunities and in the process have neglected issues of larger communal gain. Such a myopic approach has allowed people to build freely in the historic cores without providing due consideration to the existing urban context. This has led to severe degradation in the quality of the urban environment in the historic cores. The effects are even more serious in the community spaces, as it is a hub of socio-cultural and economic life of Kathmandu.

This thesis critiques the "one size fits all" policy adopted by the Kathmandu Municipality in adopting generic height restrictions for buildings in community spaces, regardless of its varying shape, size, and orientation. This research does not include behavioral study to investigate how changes in built environment have affected the daily livelihood of community. Instead, this research uses solar studies to analyze the change in physical environment brought by such urban transformation. During the case studies, it was observed that the current planning approach has not been able to ensure minimum solar access in community space. This thesis outlines a process to compute building heights in community space such that they can ensure minimum three hours of solar access in community space. It provides an alternative to generic height restriction by proposing solar access as a parameter that can define the relation between community space and building height.

While configuration of public open space calls for cooperative action such that each house functions as an integral part of the whole; in the current reality it is not the case. Buildings encompassing community space and the community space itself stand in contradiction

between individual and communal identity. The houses no longer realize a collective identity for the community; instead, it seeks its own identity to meet the varying needs of each household. Often, the cost of aspiration to build more by one individual has to be paid by the entire community. For instance, as one homeowner builds tall on the southern end of the open space, the public space used by all is shaded. In lack of proper negotiation between individual and communal gain, the quality of urban built environment has suffered a lot.

Built environment represents how the society is organized and how it functions. In traditional times, city fabric was homogeneous as the communities unanimously followed singular building practice and construction technology. It also represented similar lifestyle of larger section of community and the strong communal bond. In traditional town, each building was an integral part of the larger urban fabric, and each household was an integral part of the larger social fabric. Such part to whole relation has been lost with the onset of urbanization in Kathmandu. It is in part due to the inability of new planning policies to manage the rising heterogeneity brought by in-migration in Kathmandu. New planning policies have failed to identify issues of larger communal interest amidst increasing heterogeneity, and develop a building practice to ensure communal gain for all.

The municipality can improve the existing planning policies by identifying issues of larger communal gain and devising policies to ensure such benefits. Valuable lessons can be learnt from Guthi in this regard, which was able to formulate building practice to realize greater communal aspiration and in the process help in organizing the society. However as with any system, Guthi had its own pros and cons. While, it was able to ensure issues of larger communal

gain, it was not totally a democratic and socially just system. Instead of romanticizing Guthi , the municipality should critically review the urban management practice adopted by Guthi and explore ways in which it was able to identify and ensure communal values in the planning process.

One of the positive aspects of Guthi was its ability to engage community in public development

works. Such public participation is an important means of gathering public opinion on new

planning policies. It would ensure that new policies are developed through a participatory

process and as a result accepted by the community, leading to successful implementation.

Before implementing the recommendations proposed by this thesis, it should be presented to

the community and public opinion on it should be gathered. Such public participation would

collect valuable opinions on how such policies can be successfully implemented. This stage of

gathering public opinion is beyond the scope of this project, however it is highly recommended.

An exploration of the intricate relationships between the natural environment, built

environment, and daily livelihood of the community can help in identification of issues of

greater communal gain. Such planning approaches not only identify contesting realities in a

heterogeneous urban landscape, but also help in negotiating a balance between them. Solar

access is one such urban amenity, which is beneficial to entire community. By promoting it as a

public right, building bylaws can take a valuable step in prioritizing communal interest over

individual gain. As each homeowner builds to address issues of larger communal benefits, a

greater sense of communal responsibility and cooperation can be established, which can in turn

lay the foundation for a strong and resilient community.

This thesis proposes the incorporation of solar access analysis to be part of building bylaws of

Kathmandu. Solar access analysis should be conducted for each community space to determine the height of buildings that could ensure minimum three hours of solar access in these open spaces. Building heights ascertained through solar access analysis should be enlisted in the building codes specific to each community space. Maintenance and rebuilding is a continuous process in the historic core of Kathmandu. Whenever a homeowner maintains or rebuilds their building, building heights ascertained through solar access analysis should be applied to such renovation works. On the other hand, height of buildings on the northern end of community space that do not impact solar access should be regulated through generic height restriction, as adopted by current building bylaws. However, these buildings should not exceed the generic height restriction as it would negatively affect the visual congruency of the building enclosure around the community space.

This also brings a situation where homeowners at different ends of community space will have the right to build up to different heights. Since the community space is used by all regardless of which end of the community space they live in; benefits brought by solar access will be reaped by all. However, such inequality in building rights can be adjusted through compensatory policies such as higher taxes for additional floor on the blocks at the northern end of community space. Homeowners, who do not want to build as tall as the height restriction allows for, should have the right to do so. However, there could be a legal provision where such homeowner can sell their building right for the remainder of height restriction to another homeowner. Such provision would encourage homeowner to attain maximum building potential in each plot and in turn help to maintain urban density in the historic core. It would

also help in maintaining uniform skyline and visual congruency of the built forms in community spaces. There are many houses in the historic core, which exceeds the height restriction prescribed by solar access analysis. Portion of such buildings, which do not comply with solar access standard should be subjected to taxes higher than the ones imposed on additional floors at northern end of community space. Money collected from such additional taxes could be used to maintain the community space, which would be beneficial to the entire community.

7. FUTURE AREA FOR RESEARCH

This study has opened numerous areas of investigation for future research. One area of research is the creation of solar performance based building bylaws for Kathmandu. This would involve the development of a regulatory framework that is dynamic and capable of taking into consideration height, orientation, and location of buildings to achieve acceptable levels of solar access in community spaces. Such a framework would help restore visual congruency to the historic core, support tourism and accommodate community use of public spaces.

The urban transformation of 1960 has affected the city of Kathmandu in many ways. Along with the physical environment, the way of living has also changed drastically in Kathmandu.

Behavioral study of the effects of urban transformation brought by new planning policies on the inhabitants of community spaces would also be a useful area for investigation. Such a study would be invaluable in understanding how the daily livelihood, quality of living, social relationship, and cultural values have changed due to the environmental consequences of urban transformation. Such a study would be extremely beneficial in developing environmental indicators for pursuing sustainable planning approach in the context of Kathmandu.

Solar studies should also be extended to the new developments around the historic core of

Kathmandu. A different pattern of development has ensued around the historic core and solar studies would be very beneficial in understanding the pattern of this development and its environmental consequences. In addition, solar studies of the community spaces of different shape, size, and orientations can be useful in determining the optimum geometry of community

space for increased solar access. The results from such study would be invaluable in designing the community spaces for future developments of Kathmandu.

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