The View from the Holmedale Site, Brantford, Ontario
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CHAPTER 12 SETTLEMENT AND SUBSISTENCE CHANGE AT THE TURN OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM: THE VIEW FROM THE HOLMEDALE SITE, BRANTFORD, ONTARIO by Robert H. Pihl , Stephen G. Monckton , David A. Robertson , and Ronald F. Williamson On going research into the development of maize agricul - Toronto research program headed by David Smith and ture among the pre-Contact populations of the Great Gary Crawford. The complete excavation of the Holme- Lakes region underscores the complex, but not necessari - dale site, dating to ca. A.D. 1000, some 500 to 700 years ly direct causal relationship between maize and increas - after the first appearance of maize in the area, offers ing sedentism. Whereas many researchers formerly another opportunity to examine these and related issues. believed that the introduction of this cultigen ultimately revolutionized the subsistence-settlement systems of the majority of the Late Woodland (ca. A.D. 900–1650) popu - THE PRINCESS POINT COMPLEX lations of the Northeast, whether or not these new sys - tems were accompanied by new people and/or a new The Holmedale site is one of numerous mid-to-late first language, such a simplistic position is no longer tenable. millennium A.D. sites that have been found along the The agricultural “revolution” in southern Ontario, like lower reaches of the Grand River between Brantford and many others in the archaeological record, was by no Lake Erie. These sites (Figure 12-1), together with others means marked by a sudden transformation, as its full within the region, were collectively defined as comprising effects were not manifest until the twelfth or thirteenth the “Princess Point complex,” which was marked, in part, century, during the Middle Iroquoian period (ca. A.D. by the introduction of cultigens to the region. Otherwise, 1300–1400), although again this was not necessarily expe - however, it was believed that the settlement-subsistence rienced by every community or in every area. The ca. systems of the previous Middle Woodland period (ca. 400 A.D. 500–1000 Princess Point complex of the Grand River B.C.–A.D. 800) had remained virtually unchanged. valley has been seen as the core area in the transition to Indeed, David Stother’s (1977:122) original characteriza - agriculture in southern Ontario, although the point—or tion of the basic Princess Point subsistence-settlement sys - more likely points—at which the other aspects of Late tem proposed that for most of the period, communities Woodland Iroquoian life that are so intimately associated followed an annual subsistence cycle involving interior with the local agricultural economic system crystallized fall and winter microband hunting camps, which were within the Grand River drainage, remains to be discov - situated to exploit nuts and animals attracted to mast-pro - ered. This is the case too with respect to communities else - ducing forest, and larger spring and summer macroband where in southern Ontario and the Northeast in general. settlements, which were located on major rivers and We still have a very poor understanding of intraregion - lakeshores in order to take advantage of rich aquatic al variation in the histories of maize and northern resources. Warm season occupations likely also entailed Iroquoian sedentism, although it seems safe to assume limited agricultural pursuits, although for the most part that nowhere was there a simple cause and effect rela - subsistence-settlement patterns were consistent with the tionship between the adoption of maize and the develop - strategies of populations of the preceding Middle Wood- ment of sedentism. This was also true for populations that land period. Stothers further suggested (1977:162–165) that were neighbors to the northern Iroquoians. The Grand the end of the Princess Point period (ca. A.D. 850) River valley remains one of the most promising areas in witnessed an intensification of food pro duction and the Great Lakes in which to investigate such questions, as sedentism that heralded the onset of Early Iroquoian peri - seen by the recent progress made by the University of od (ca. A.D. 900–1200), resulting in another settlement Current Northeast Paleoethnobotany II, edited by John P. Hart, New York State Museum Bulletin 512 © 2008, by The University of the State of New York, The State Education Department, Albany, New York 12230. All rights reserved. 151 pattern shift toward more sedentary communities situat - Iroquoian incursion into New York and Ontario during ed in well-drained sandy uplands. Subsequently other the Middle to Late Woodland transition (Snow 1992, 1994, researchers questioned various aspects of this model, sug - 1995a, 1995b). In Snow’s model, the founding population gesting, for example, that the archaeological record was of the Iroquoian-speakers of southern Ontario and west - not sufficiently detailed to allow the macroband/ central New York originated with the central microband hypothesis to be rigorously tested (e.g., Fox Pennsylvanian proto-Iroquoian Clemson’s Island com - 1990:179). plex. Snow characterized these Pennsylvanian groups as It has always proven difficult to incorporate the already possessing many traits associated with the Princess Point complex within the existing culture history Iroquoian cultural repertoire (in particular, maize agricul - of southern Ontario. In his original description, Stothers ture and technologically more sophisticated ceramic ves - (1977) argued that this cultural manifestation represented sel manufacturing traditions) prior to their expansion the original incursion of Iroquoians into southern Ontario northward. He further asserted that these traits were in sometime after ca. A.D. 400. This hypothesis lost support large degree mutually dependent; other distinctive when Fox (1982, 1984, 1990) reassigned Stothers’ “Point Iroquoian traits, those of matrilineal descent and matrilo - Pelee” focus of Princess Point to the ca. A.D. 600–900 cal residence patterns within palisades villages composed Riviere au Vase phase of the Western Basin Tradition, of longhouses, were seen as an adaptive response on the which encompasses a series of Late Woodland manifesta - part of these small groups of immigrants to hostilities that tions on both sides of the Canada-United States border arose between them and the native Algonquian-speaking within the drainages of western Lake Erie, Lake St. Clair, groups of southern Ontario and New York. Originally, and lower Lake Huron (Fox 1990; Murphy and Ferris Snow (1992, 1994, 1995a, 1995b) proposed that this migra - 1990; Stothers and Pratt 1981). Fox (1982, 1984) also elim - tion occurred ca. AD. 900, based on the “sudden” appear - inated Stother’s “Ausable” focus on the southeast shore ance of maize on Ontario and New York sites and appar - of Lake Huron as being too ill-defined. The remaining ent ceramic and other material culture and settlement Ontario focus on the Grand River was generally thought pattern discontinuities between Middle Woodland and to represent cultural continuity and a genetic relationship Princess Point traditions in Ontario and between Middle between the preceding Middle Woodland populations Woodland and Owasco in New York. and the subsequent Late Woodland (Early Iroquoian) Snow’s chronology was upset almost immediately by communities of the region (e.g., Fox 1990; Molto 1983; some of the results of a research program into the origins Spence et al. 1990; Warrick 1990). An even more vaguely of agriculture in the lower Great Lakes that was initiated understood Sandbanks construct is characterized as a in 1993 by David Smith and Gary Crawford of the small number of widely dispersed sites at the eastern end University of Toronto. This work initially involved site of Lake Ontario and the north shore of the St. Lawrence survey and excavation at Princess Point sites along the River. These apparently date to the ca. A.D. 800–1000 peri - Grand River in the Cayuga area and at Cootes Paradise od and have produced “Princess Point-like” ceramics on Burlington Bay at the west end of Lake Ontario (Figure (Curtis 2002; Daechsel and Wright 1988). 12-1). Although perhaps presaged by Lawrence Jackson The Princess Point “complex” has also sat uncomfort - with his earlier research in the Rice Lake area (Jackson ably in the taxonomic framework that has generally 1983), Crawford and Smith’s most outstanding finding underlain lower Great Lakes archaeology. Some authors was that maize was present at several of the Cayuga sites (e.g., Ferris 1999; Ferris and Spence 1995; Fox 1990; Spence as early as ca. A.D. 550 (Crawford et al. 1997; Crawford and Pihl 1984; Williamson and Robertson 1994) in recog - and Smith 1996; Smith 1997a; Smith and Crawford 1995, nition that these other mid-to-late-first millennium A.D. 1997). They further suggested that the overall span of sites represent cultural developments that are intermedi - Princess Point should be expanded to ca. A.D. 500–1100 ate between the patterns of the preceding Middle and that Princess Point co-existed for several centuries Woodland and subsequent earlier periods within the Late with Middle Woodland cultural expressions to the west Woodland Iroquoian and Western Basin Traditions have a and east and with later Early Iroquoian manifestations new category termed the “Middle to Late Woodland from around A.D. 900 to A.D. 1000 (Smith 1997a; Smith Transition” or “Transitional Woodland” in an attempt to and Crawford 1997). They also speculated that in the overcome the constraints of the existing taxonomy. This lower Grand River valley, “Princess Point society was assignment has been shown to be taxonomically prob - dependent on food production as a subsistence regime” lematic as well (Smith 1997a; Smith and Crawford 1997). by ca. A.D. 1000, accompanied by “more centred commu - In the past decade or so, the Middle to Late Woodland nities” (Smith and Crawford 1997:27). transition has reemerged as an important topic of debate In response to Crawford and Smith (1996), Snow (1996) and research for a number of reasons.