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Mircea Eliade Und Die Legionäre Bewegung: Rezentere Rumänische Perspektiven

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Mircea Eliade Und Die Legionäre Bewegung: Rezentere Rumänische Perspektiven POLITISCHE MYOPIE, MYSTISCHE REVOLUTION, GLÜCKLICHE (UN)SCHULD? MIRCEA ELIADE UND DIE LEGIONÄRE BEWEGUNG: REZENTERE RUMÄNISCHE PERSPEKTIVEN István Keul 1. Einleitung Im Vorfeld der rumänischen Parlamentswahlen im Winter 1937 beglei- tete Mircea Eliade eine Gruppe von legionären Aktivisten (darunter seine langjährigen Freunde Mihai Polihroniade und Haig Acterian) zu einer Wahlkampfveranstaltung der rechtsextremen Eisernen Garde. „Ich weiß nicht, ob auch Mircea Reden gehalten hat“, notierte der Schriftsteller Mihail Sebastian, ebenfalls ein naher Freund Eliades, am 7. Dezember 1937 in sein Tagebuch.1 Die Aufzeichnungen Sebastians, der 1944 bei einem Verkehrsunfall ums Leben kam, wurden in Rumä- nien 1996 veröffentlicht und boten einem breiten Publikum nicht nur die Gelegenheit, ein turbulentes Jahrzehnt des rumänischen – genauer, des Bukarester – politischen und kulturellen Lebens aus der Sicht eines jüdischen Intellektuellen nachzuemp nden, sondern ermöglichten auch eine Begegnung mit einem Eliade, dessen sukzessive Annäherung an die nationalistische, antisemitische Eiserne Garde aus den Zeilen Sebastians 1 Mihail Sebastian, Jurnal [Tagebuch] 1935–1944 (Bucure-ti: Humanitas, 1996), S. 132. Die Zersplitterung des politischen Spektrums Großrumäniens erreicht 1937 ihren Höhepunkt: An der Wahl am 20. Dezember nehmen 13 größere politische Par- teien und 53 kleinere Gruppierungen teil. Die politische Organisation der Legionäre, die Partei „Alles für das Land“ erreicht die dritthöchste Stimmenzahl (15,58%), hinter der bis dahin regierenden Liberalen Partei (35,92%) und der Nationalen Bauernpartei (20,40%), und vor der Christlich-Nationalen Partei (9,15%). Nach versuchten Block- bildungen und einer missglückten Regierungsbildung unter dem designierten Pre- mierminister Octavian Goga (Christlich-Nationale Partei) kommt König Carol II. von Hohenzollern einem geplanten Staatstreich zuvor, löst das Parlament auf und regiert ab Februar 1938 allein. Vgl. Vlad Georgescu, Istoria românilor. De la origini pîn în zilele noastre [Ge schich te der Rumänen. Von den Anfängen bis heute], 4. Au] . (Bucure-ti: Humanitas, 1995), S. 214f. 398 istván keul deutlich hervorscheint.2 Eine interessierte rumänische Öffentlichkeit nahm um die Mitte der 1990er Jahre neben diesen sehr persönlichen, stellenweise verbittert klingenden Einsichten eines Eliade nahestehenden Zeitgenossen auch zwei aufsehenerregende politik- und kulturhistori- sche Arbeiten von Leon Volovici bzw. Zigu Ornea zur Kenntnis, die die nationalistischen Bewegungen der rumänischen Zwischenkriegszeit umfassend und kenntnisreich analysierten und dabei – neben zahllo- sen anderen – auch die Position und Rolle Eliades in der politischen Landschaft jener Zeit kritisch beleuchteten.3 Die Reihe der Versuche, im postkommunistischen Rumänien Eliades legionäre Vergangenheit zu diskutieren,4 hatte einige Jahre zuvor (1992) bereits Norman Manea eröffnet, der in einem ausführlichen Beitrag Eliade vorwarf, sich von seinen politischen Ansichten der dreißiger Jahre nicht losgesagt zu haben. Manea weitete darin den Ausdruck felix culpa, den Eliade im Zusammenhang mit der Verehrung seines Lehrers Nae Ionescu gebraucht hatte, auf die Nähe/Zugehörigkeit Eliades zum Legionarismus im Allgemeinen aus.5 Alle erwähnten Veröffentlichungen zogen in Rumänien vielstimmige Reaktionen nach sich: Während Maneas Artikel überwiegend Proteste 2 Zur Eisernen Garde siehe Armin Heinen, Die Legion ‚Erzengel Michael‘ in Rumä- nien. Soziale Bewegung und politische Organisation. Ein Beitrag zum Problem des internationalen Faschismus (München: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1986, (rumänische Ausgabe: Bucure-ti: Humanitas, 1999), Nicholas Nagy-Talavera, The Green Shirts and the Others. A History of Fascism in Hungary and Romania (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1970), Francisco Veiga, La mística del ultranationalismo (Historia de la Guardia de Hierro). Rumania 1919–1941 (Bellaterra: Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 1989, rumänische Ausgaben: Bucure-ti: Humanitas, 1991 und 1995). 3 Leon Volovici, Ideologia na/ionalist -i ‚problema evreieasc ‘ în România anilor‘ 30 [Die nationalistische Ideologie und das ‚ jüdische Problem‘ im Rumänien der dreißiger Jahre] (Bucure-ti: Humanitas, 1995). Eine englische Ausgabe liegt bereits seit 1991 vor: Leon Volovici, Nationalist Ideology and Antisemitism. The Case of Romanian Intellectuals in the 30s (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1991), Zigu Ornea, Anii treizeci. Extrema dreapt româneasc [Die dreißiger Jahre. Die rumänische äußere Rechte] (Bucure-ti: Editura Funda/iei Culturale Române, 1995). 4 Als Zäsur dient hier der Dezember 1989, als das Regime Nicolae Ceau-escus beseitigt wurde. 5 Norman Manea, „Culpa fericit . Mircea Eliade, fascismul -i soarta nefericit a României [Glückliche Schuld. Mircea Eliade, der Faschismus und das unglückliche Schicksal Rumäniens]“, in 22 (1992), S. 6–8. Maneas Beitrag erschien zwischen 1991 und 1995 in mehreren Periodika, u.a. in The New Republic (1991), Les temps modernes (April 1992) und Lettre International (Frühjahr 1995, unter dem Titel „Felix Culpa. Erinnerung und Schweigen – Mysterien bei Mircea Eliade“) sowie in Maneas Band, Despre clovni. Dictatorul -i artistul [Über Clowns. Der Diktator und der Künstler] (Cluj: Apostrof, 1997), S. 97–132..
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