Rome's Vestal Virgins: Public Spectacle and Society

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Rome's Vestal Virgins: Public Spectacle and Society Western Washington University Western CEDAR WWU Graduate School Collection WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship 2012 Rome's vestal virgins: public spectacle and society Joshua M. (Joshua Michael) Roberts Western Washington University Follow this and additional works at: https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwuet Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Roberts, Joshua M. (Joshua Michael), "Rome's vestal virgins: public spectacle and society" (2012). WWU Graduate School Collection. 188. https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwuet/188 This Masters Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship at Western CEDAR. It has been accepted for inclusion in WWU Graduate School Collection by an authorized administrator of Western CEDAR. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ROME’S VESTAL VIRGINS: PUBLIC SPECTACLE AND SOCIETY By Joshua Michael Roberts Accepted in Partial Completion Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts Moheb A. Ghali, Dean of the Graduate School ADVISORY COMMITTEE Chair, Dr. Steven Garfinkle Dr. Peter Diehl Dr. Amanda Eurich MASTER’S THESIS In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a master’s degree at Western Washington University, I grant to Western Washington University the non- exclusive royalty-free right to archive, reproduce, distribute, and display the thesis in any and all forms, including electronic format, via any digital library mechanisms maintained by WWU. I represent and warrant this is my original work, and does not infringe or violate any rights of others. I warrant that I have obtained written permissions from the owner of any third party copyrighted material included in these files. I acknowledge that I retain ownership rights to the copyright of this work, including but not limited to the right to use all or part of this work in future works, such as articles or books. Library users are granted permission for individual, research and non-commercial reproduction of this work for educational purposes only. Any further digital posting of this document requires specific permission from the author. Any copying or publication of this thesis for commercial purposes, or for financial gain, is not allowed without my written permission. Joshua Michael Roberts January 19, 2012 ROME’S VESTAL VIRGINS: PUBLIC SPECTACLE AND SOCIETY A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Western Washington University In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts By Joshua Michael Roberts January 2012 iv ABSTRACT The city of Rome developed from a small agricultural village near a small river on the Italian peninsula into the capital of an empire encompassing the entire Mediterranean world and its hinterlands beyond. The Romans themselves attributed the success of their city and society, in part, to their piety. The priesthood of Vesta and the sacred flame that burned within the goddess’s temple symbolize Rome and its denizens. The women who served in this priesthood maintained a sacred and undying flame and performed a variety of other significant religious tasks in order to perpetuate Rome’s achievements. The rigorous process through which a young Roman girl became a Vestal priestess set her apart from society and conferred a status on her that enabled her to be venerated, modeled and representative of the ideal Roman society. The important religious duties the Vestals performed and the rituals in which they directly or indirectly participated permitted the priesthood to represent and unify various demographic categories. Furthermore, the Vestals and their religious role connected Roman society to its past and functioned to instill a collective identity of what it meant to be a Roman. The significance of this function is demonstrated by the accusation and potential execution of a priestess for failing to live up to these expectations through violating her vow of virginity. This work endeavors to understand the status of the women in this priesthood in Roman society. Their ability to unify the collective and create a common identity in a rigidly categorized and divided society across a millennium of history suggests that the Vestals functioned as a public spectacle. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to acknowledge and thank each member of my thesis committee for their patience and advice throughout the course of this endeavor. I appreciate the guidance and time that Dr. Garfinkle, the chair of my committee, devoted to revising several drafts of this work. I would also like to thank Dr. Diehl and Dr. Eurich for reading a draft and participating in my thesis defense. I am also in debt to Eduardo Engelsing, Dr. Diehl and Elke Dinter for their instruction and assistance over the years in the development of my Latin and German skills. This work would not have been possible without their encouragement. Furthermore, I would like to express my gratitude to all other individuals who read drafts of this work and provided valuable suggestions that have only benefited it. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract………………………………………….……………………………………………iv Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………..v Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………….....1 Methodology…………………………………………………………………………..7 Primary Sources…………………………………………………………….………..10 Historiography……………………………………………………………….……....19 Origins of Vesta and the Vestals……………………………………………………..25 Chapter 2: Induction and Appearance: The Vestal as a Visual Other………………..….…..30 Spectacle……………………………………………………………………...……...31 Qualifications of Selection…………………………………………………….…..…39 Methods of Selection………………………………………………………….….….48 Captio Ceremony………………………………………………………………...…..53 Appearance…………………………………………………………………….….…59 Chapter 3: Duty and Privilege: The Vestal as Public Spectacle……………………….…....67 Private and Public…………………………………………………………….….…..68 Duties in the Aedes Vestae……………………………………………………….…..72 Rites………………………………………………………………………….….…...82 Privileges…………………………………………………………………….…….…93 Chapter 4: Accusation and Execution: Spectaculum Maximum…………………………...102 Sexual Status……………………………………………………………………….103 Accusations…………………………………………………………………...……107 Judicial Process………………………………………………………………...…..118 Execution……………………………………………………………………...…...129 Chapter 5: Conclusion………………………………………………………………….….138 Bibliography……………………………………...…………………………………..….…143 Plates………………………………………………………………………………….....…153 INTRODUCTION By the first century the city-state of Rome had developed from a small agricultural village on the bank of the Tiber into the cultural and political hegemon of the Mediterranean Sea, Britain and substantial portions of the modern Middle East.1 The central location of the Italian peninsula and Rome was well suited to function as the capital of this ‘Middle Sea’, which effectively became a Roman lake following the advent of expansion outside of Italy during the third century BCE. This once impoverished and fragile community, traditionally founded in 753 BCE, exercised authority over this vast expanse of territory and the multitude of cultures along its shores and hinterland. While historians have pondered the means and nature of Roman success on the historical stage, few have considered a perspective that at least some Romans themselves posited. The first century BCE poet Horace echoes at least the elite’s sentiment for his culture’s achievements, “I shall increase and become ever more praised as long as the priest and silent Vestal solemnly climb 1 All dates refer to the common era unless otherwise specified. 2 the Capitoline Hill.”2 Although Horace is specifically referring to himself, certainly his audience would have understood the collective allegory of the priests and Vestals climbing this hill. Roman society would thrive so long as its people remained pious. The subject of this work, the priesthood of Vesta and its priestesses, as Horace specifically mentions, was one of the symbols and expressions of this piety. According to Roman tradition, the priesthood of Vesta was established during the reign of the Etruscan king Numa Pompilius, who is reported to have reigned 715-673 BCE.3 The women devoted to the priesthood, hereafter referred to as Vestals, functioned as a microcosm of Rome. The Vestals and their relationship to Roman society was not static, they performed a variety of tasks throughout the priesthood’s millennium long existence. In addition to witnessing and participating in numerous religious rituals and duties, these women were entrusted with maintaining the sacred flame that burned in the temple of Vesta. So long as Vesta’s sacred flame burned inside the temple located in the Roman forum, the Romans believed that their society and culture would incessantly thrive.4 Society generously compensated these women with a variety of unique privileges and rights denied to most women. On the other hand, if a priestess failed to uphold her end of this social and religious contract, she faced the possibility of incrimination, a trial and, if convicted, execution. Like the institution of religion in general, these conspicuous women were inextricably linked to the Roman state and their unique position in Roman society was derived from this 2 “…usque ego postera; crescam laude recens, dum Capitolium; scandet cum tacita uirgine pontifex. Horace, Odes, ed. T. E. Page (London: MacMillan & Co., 1959), 3.30.7-9. The translations from the original Latin texts are the author’s unless otherwise noted. 3 Livy, Ab Urba Condita, ed. B. O. Foster (New York: Putnam Books, 1919), 1.20 ; Ovid, Tristia, ed. Arthur
Recommended publications
  • Vestal Virgins and Their Families
    Vestal Virgins and Their Families Andrew B. Gallia* I. INTRODUCTION There is perhaps no more shining example of the extent to which the field of Roman studies has been enriched by a renewed engagement with anthropology and other cognate disciplines than the efflorescence of interest in the Vestal virgins that has followed Mary Beard’s path-breaking article regarding these priestesses’ “sexual status.”1 No longer content to treat the privileges and ritual obligations of this priesthood as the vestiges of some original position (whether as wives or daughters) in the household of the early Roman kings, scholars now interrogate these features as part of the broader frameworks of social and cultural meaning through which Roman concepts of family, * Published in Classical Antiquity 34.1 (2015). Early versions of this article were inflicted upon audiences in Berkeley and Minneapolis. I wish to thank the participants of those colloquia for helpful and judicious feedback, especially Ruth Karras, Darcy Krasne, Carlos Noreña, J. B. Shank, and Barbara Welke. I am also indebted to George Sheets, who read a penultimate draft, and to Alain Gowing and the anonymous readers for CA, who prompted additional improvements. None of the above should be held accountable for the views expressed or any errors that remain. 1 Beard 1980, cited approvingly by, e.g., Hopkins 1983: 18, Hallett 1984: x, Brown 1988: 8, Schultz 2012: 122. Critiques: Gardner 1986: 24-25, Beard 1995. 1 gender, and religion were produced.2 This shift, from a quasi-diachronic perspective, which seeks explanations for recorded phenomena in the conditions of an imagined past, to a more synchronic approach, in which contemporary contexts are emphasized, represents a welcome methodological advance.
    [Show full text]
  • Roll of 1891: Thirty Years After
    University of Michigan Law School University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository Yearbooks & Class Year Publications Law School History and Publications Class of 1891 Roll of 1891: Thirty Years After Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/class_pubs Part of the Legal Education Commons Recommended Citation "Roll of 1891: Thirty Years After" (1891). Yearbooks & Class Year Publications. 9. https://repository.law.umich.edu/class_pubs/9 This Directory is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School History and Publications at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Yearbooks & Class Year Publications by an authorized administrator of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abbott, Howard To,vnsend, '88-'89; '91 l. Lawyer. 2219 East Superior Street, Duluth, Minnesota. t Allan, Harry I"'incoln, '87-'90. Died, in Cleveland, Ohio, 16 March. 1896. Allen, Hilah Lock\vood, B. L. TeachPr. 522 Cedar Street, Niles, Michigan. Ames, Hcl n Eloise, 187-'89. Mrs. Neil S. MacDonald. 100 Hubbell A venue, Houghton, Michigan. Anderson, J~lizabeth Viola, '87-'88. Mrs. James Chalmers. Frainingham, Massachusetts. - Anthony, Daniel Read, '88-'89; '91 1. Newspaper publisher, and !\fember of Cong1·css. Leavenworth, Kansas. Ashley, Frank Riley, B. S. (Chem.). President of Western Chemical Manu­ factu1ing Company. Edge"rater, Colo­ rado. Office, 306 Colorado National Bank Building, Denver. Atkins, Sara Frances, '87-'88; A. B., Bryn Mawr, '93. Mrs. Thomas R. Kackley. 26 West Thirteenth Street, Indianapol­ is, Indiana.. 1 Babcock, Charles Ebenezer, '87-'88; '91 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
    The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March.
    [Show full text]
  • Pushing the Limit: an Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty
    Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects Greek and Roman Studies 4-24-2015 Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Colleen Melone Illinois Wesleyan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj Part of the Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons Recommended Citation Melone, Colleen, "Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty" (2015). Honors Projects. 5. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj/5 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Colleen Melone Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Abstract By applying Judith Butler’s theories of identity to the imperial women of the Severan dynasty in ancient Rome, this paper proves that while the Severan women had many identities, such as wife, mother, philosopher, or mourner, their imperial identity was most valued due to its ability to give them the freedom to step outside many aspects of their gender and to behave in ways which would customarily be deemed inappropriate.
    [Show full text]
  • Civic Responses to the Rise and Fall of Sol Elagabal in the Roman Empire
    EMPIRE OF THE SUN? CIVIC RESPONSES TO THE RISE AND FALL OF SOL ELAGABAL IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Martijn Icks During its long and turbulent history, the city of Rome witnessed many changes in its religious institutions and traditions. For many centuries, these came to pass under the benevolent eye of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, the city‟s supreme deity since time immemorial. Not until the fourth century AD would Iupiter finally loose this position to the monotheistic, omnipotent God of Christianity. However, the power of the thunder god had been challenged before. The first deity who temporarily conquered his throne was Sol Invictus Elagabal, a local sun god from the Syrian town of Emesa. This unlikely usurper was the personal god of the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, whose short-lived reign lasted from 218 to 222 AD, and who has been nicknamed Elagabalus for his affiliation with Elagabal. Even before his rise to power, Elagabalus served as Elagabal‟s high priest. The deity was worshipped in the form of a conical black stone, a so-called baitylos or “house of god”, which resided in a big temple in Emesa. Elagabalus, at that time a fourteen-year-old boy, performed ritual dances in honour of his god. By doing so, he drew the attention of Roman soldiers who were stationed near the town. They proclaimed the boy emperor under the false pretense that he was a bastard son of emperor Caracalla (211-217 AD). Elagabalus won sufficient military support, defeated the reigning emperor and thus gained the throne. He installed himself in Rome and took his god with him.
    [Show full text]
  • Ritual Cleaning-Up of the City: from the Lupercalia to the Argei*
    RITUAL CLEANING-UP OF THE CITY: FROM THE LUPERCALIA TO THE ARGEI* This paper is not an analysis of the fine aspects of ritual, myth and ety- mology. I do not intend to guess the exact meaning of Luperci and Argei, or why the former sacrificed a dog and the latter were bound hand and foot. What I want to examine is the role of the festivals of the Lupercalia and the Argei in the functioning of the Roman community. The best-informed among ancient writers were convinced that these were purification cere- monies. I assume that the ancients knew what they were talking about and propose, first, to establish the nature of the ritual cleanliness of the city, and second, see by what techniques the two festivals achieved that goal. What, in the perception of the Romans themselves, normally made their city unclean? What were the ordinary, repetitive sources of pollution in pre-Imperial Rome, before the concept of the cura Urbis was refined? The answer to this is provided by taboos and restrictions on certain sub- stances, and also certain activities, in the City. First, there is a rule from the Twelve Tables with Cicero’s curiously anachronistic comment: «hominem mortuum», inquit lex in duodecim, «in urbe ne sepelito neve urito», credo vel propter ignis periculum (De leg. II 58). Secondly, we have the edict of the praetor L. Sentius C.f., known from three inscrip- tions dating from the beginning of the first century BC1: L. Sentius C. f. pr(aetor) de sen(atus) sent(entia) loca terminanda coer(avit).
    [Show full text]
  • Magic in Private and Public Lives of the Ancient Romans
    COLLECTANEA PHILOLOGICA XXIII, 2020: 53–72 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.23.04 Idaliana KACZOR Uniwersytet Łódzki MAGIC IN PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LIVES OF THE ANCIENT ROMANS The Romans practiced magic in their private and public life. Besides magical practices against the property and lives of people, the Romans also used generally known and used protective and healing magic. Sometimes magical practices were used in official religious ceremonies for the safety of the civil and sacral community of the Romans. Keywords: ancient magic practice, homeopathic magic, black magic, ancient Roman religion, Roman religious festivals MAGIE IM PRIVATEN UND ÖFFENTLICHEN LEBEN DER ALTEN RÖMER Die Römer praktizierten Magie in ihrem privaten und öffentlichen Leben. Neben magische Praktik- en gegen das Eigentum und das Leben von Menschen, verwendeten die Römer auch allgemein bekannte und verwendete Schutz- und Heilmagie. Manchmal wurden magische Praktiken in offiziellen religiösen Zeremonien zur Sicherheit der bürgerlichen und sakralen Gemeinschaft der Römer angewendet. Schlüsselwörter: alte magische Praxis, homöopathische Magie, schwarze Magie, alte römi- sche Religion, Römische religiöse Feste Magic, despite our sustained efforts at defining this term, remains a slippery and obscure concept. It is uncertain how magic has been understood and practised in differ- ent cultural contexts and what the difference is (if any) between magical and religious praxis. Similarly, no satisfactory and all-encompassing definition of ‘magic’ exists. It appears that no singular concept of ‘magic’ has ever existed: instead, this polyvalent notion emerged at the crossroads of local custom, religious praxis, superstition, and politics of the day. Individual scholars of magic, positioning themselves as ostensi- bly objective observers (an etic perspective), mostly defined magic in opposition to religion and overemphasised intercultural parallels over differences1.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Construction, Labor, and Society at Middle Republican Rome, 390-168 B.C
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Men at Work: Public Construction, Labor, and Society at Middle Republican Rome, 390-168 B.C. Seth G. Bernard University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Recommended Citation Bernard, Seth G., "Men at Work: Public Construction, Labor, and Society at Middle Republican Rome, 390-168 B.C." (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 492. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/492 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/492 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Men at Work: Public Construction, Labor, and Society at Middle Republican Rome, 390-168 B.C. Abstract MEN AT WORK: PUBLIC CONSTRUCTION, LABOR, AND SOCIETY AT MID-REPUBLICAN ROME, 390-168 B.C. Seth G. Bernard C. Brian Rose, Supervisor of Dissertation This dissertation investigates how Rome organized and paid for the considerable amount of labor that went into the physical transformation of the Middle Republican city. In particular, it considers the role played by the cost of public construction in the socioeconomic history of the period, here defined as 390 to 168 B.C. During the Middle Republic period, Rome expanded its dominion first over Italy and then over the Mediterranean. As it developed into the political and economic capital of its world, the city itself went through transformative change, recognizable in a great deal of new public infrastructure.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PONTIFICAL LAW of the ROMAN REPUBLIC by MICHAEL
    THE PONTIFICAL LAW OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC by MICHAEL JOSEPH JOHNSON A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Classics written under the direct of T. Corey Brennan and approved by ____________________________ ____________________________ ____________________________ ____________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2007 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Pontifical Law of the Roman Republic by MICHAEL JOSEPH JOHNSON Dissertation Director: T. Corey Brennan This dissertation investigates the guiding principle of arguably the most important religious authority in ancient Rome, the pontifical college. Chapter One introduces the subject and discusses the hypothesis the dissertation will advance. Chapter Two examines the place of the college within Roman law and religion, giving particular attention to disproving several widely held notions about the relationship of the pontifical law to the civil and sacral law. Chapter Three offers the first detailed examination of the duties of the pontifical college as a collective body. I spend the bulk of the chapter analyzing two of the three collegiate duties I identify: the issuing of documents known as decrees and responses and the supervision of the Vestal Virgins. I analyze all decrees and responses from the point of view their content, treating first those that concern dedications, then those on the calendar, and finally those on vows. In doing so my goal is to understand the reasoning behind the decree and the major theological doctrines underpinning it. In documenting the pontifical supervision of Vestal Virgins I focus on the college's actions towards a Vestal accused of losing her chastity.
    [Show full text]
  • Pontifex Maximus
    bs_bs_banner Journal of Religious History Vol. ••, No. ••, •• 2016 doi: 10.1111/1467-9809.12400 ROALD DIJKSTRA AND DORINE VAN ESPELO Anchoring Pontifical Authority: A Reconsideration of the Papal Employment of the Title Pontifex Maximus It is a common assumption that the title of supreme priesthood or pontifex maximus is included in the official papal titulature, and it has been supposed that the Roman bishop adopted it from the Roman emperor in late antiquity. In fact, however, it was probably not until the fifteenth century that the designation was first used by the papacy, and it has continued to be part of papal representation ever since. The title was deeply rooted in the Roman imperial past. At several stages in papal history the papal agency felt the need to draw back (again) on this ancient, traditional title and managed to successfully (re-)introduce the title by anchoring it in the cultural biogra- phy of the papacy. Introduction Since Antiquity, the interplay between the Roman bishops and secular rulers has been subject to continuous transformation and renegotiation, as both groups continually reverted to established traditions in order to sustain legiti- macy and pre-eminence.1 At the same time, however, modes of representation had to be innovative in order to appeal to contemporary tastes, needs, and ex- pectations. Anchoring these novelties in tradition was a convenient means of implementing, and reinforcing, the desired effect, and tracing these processes of embedding the new in the familiar offers us the possibility of understanding cultural, political, and religious transformation. An outstanding example of this kind of “anchoring innovation” is that of Roman episcopal titulature, as can be 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Rodolfo Lanciani, the Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, 1897, P
    10/29/2010 1 Primus Adventus ad Romam Urbem Aeternam Your First Visit to Rome The Eternal City 2 Accessimus in Urbe AeternA! • Welcome, traveler! Avoiding the travails of the road, you arrived by ship at the port of Ostia; from there, you’ve had a short journey up the Via Ostiensis into Roma herself. What do you see there? 3 Quam pulchra est urbs aeterna! • What is there to see in Rome? • What are some monuments you have heard of? • How old are the buildings in Rome? • How long would it take you to see everything important? 4 Map of Roma 5 The Roman Forum • “According to the Roman legend, Romulus and Tatius, after the mediation of the Sabine women, met on the very spot where the battle had been fought, and made peace and an alliance. The spot, a low, damp, grassy field, exposed to the floods of the river Spinon, took the name of “Comitium” from the verb coire, to assemble. It is possible that, in consequence of the alliance, a road connecting the Sabine and the Roman settlements was made across these swamps; it became afterwards the Sacra Via…. 6 The Roman Forum • “…Tullus Hostilius, the third king, built a stone inclosure on the Comitium, for the meeting of the Senators, named from him Curia Hostilia; then came the state prison built by Ancus Marcius in one of the quarries (the Tullianum). The Tarquin [kings] drained the land, gave the Forum a regular (trapezoidal) shape, divided the space around its borders into building- lots, and sold them to private speculators for shops and houses, the fronts of which were to be lined with porticoes.” --Rodolfo Lanciani, The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, 1897, p.
    [Show full text]
  • The Vestal Habit
    THE VESTAL HABIT Andrew B. Gallia* In her epochal study of the Vestal virgins, Mary Beard called attention to the ambiguous position of these priestesses in relation to the normative categories of gender in Roman society.1 Drawing on the insights of structural anthropology, she argued that this ambiguity was central to the Vestals’ sacredness. Essentially, her interpretation rests on the proposition that, by combining features relating to the status of unmarried daughters (virgines) with those of married women (matronae), the priestesses became in themselves vessels for the symbolic mediation between culturally opposed categories that Claude Lévi-Strauss, Mary Douglas, and others have identified as a central function of myth and ritual.2 Although the underlying observation about the peculiarity of the Vestals’ “sexual status” must ultimately be allowed to stand, more recent work on the inherent instability of categories of sex and gender suggests that we ought to revisit the problem of the priestesses’ ambiguity, paying closer attention to the socially contingent nature of its production.3 In this article, I will confine my discussion to an aspect of gender construction that Beard regarded as essential to establishing the matronal piece of the Vestals’ supposed interstitiality: * Published in Classical Philology 109.3 (2014). 1 Beard 1980. 2 Beard 1980, 23-4; cf. Lévi-Strauss 1955, 437-42; Douglas 1969, 163-70; Leach 1976, 34-6. 3 Butler 1990; Fausto Sterling 2000. For social-historical critiques of Beard’s original thesis, see Gardner 1986, 22-6; Cancik-Lindemaier 1990; Scardigli 2003; Gallia 2015. Note also the subsequent self-critique of Beard 1995, although this account is avowedly “not concerned with ‘how the facts fit’” (169).
    [Show full text]