Civic Responses to the Rise and Fall of Sol Elagabal in the Roman Empire
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The Indian Ocean Trade and the Roman State
The Indian Ocean Trade and the Roman State This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of Master of Research Ancient History at the University of Wales Trinity Saint David, Lampeter Troy Wilkinson 1500107 Word Count: c.33, 000 Footnotes: 7,724 DECLARATION This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed ............T. Wilkinson ......................................................... (candidate) Date .................10/11/2020....................................................... STATEMENT 1 This thesis is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated. Where correction services have been used the extent and nature of the correction is clearly marked in a footnote(s). Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. A bibliography is appended. Signed ..................T. Wilkinson ................................................... (candidate) Date ......................10/11/2020.................................................. STATEMENT 2 I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed ......................T. Wilkinson ............................................... (candidate) Date ............................10/11/2020............................................ STATEMENT 3 I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to -
CILICIA: the FIRST CHRISTIAN CHURCHES in ANATOLIA1 Mark Wilson
CILICIA: THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CHURCHES IN ANATOLIA1 Mark Wilson Summary This article explores the origin of the Christian church in Anatolia. While individual believers undoubtedly entered Anatolia during the 30s after the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:9–10), the book of Acts suggests that it was not until the following decade that the first church was organized. For it was at Antioch, the capital of the Roman province of Syria, that the first Christians appeared (Acts 11:20–26). Yet two obscure references in Acts point to the organization of churches in Cilicia at an earlier date. Among the addressees of the letter drafted by the Jerusalem council were the churches in Cilicia (Acts 15:23). Later Paul visited these same churches at the beginning of his second ministry journey (Acts 15:41). Paul’s relationship to these churches points to this apostle as their founder. Since his home was the Cilician city of Tarsus, to which he returned after his conversion (Gal. 1:21; Acts 9:30), Paul was apparently active in church planting during his so-called ‘silent years’. The core of these churches undoubtedly consisted of Diaspora Jews who, like Paul’s family, lived in the region. Jews from Cilicia were members of a Synagogue of the Freedmen in Jerusalem, to which Paul was associated during his time in Jerusalem (Acts 6:9). Antiochus IV (175–164 BC) hellenized and urbanized Cilicia during his reign; the Romans around 39 BC added Cilicia Pedias to the province of Syria. Four cities along with Tarsus, located along or near the Pilgrim Road that transects Anatolia, constitute the most likely sites for the Cilician churches. -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
XI. St. Paul's Road from Cilicia to Iconium
PAULINE AND OTHER STUDIES IN EARLY CHRISTIAN HISTORY BY W. M. RAM SAY, HoN. D.C.L., ETC. PROF~~SOR OF HUMANITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN HODDER AND STOUGHTON LONDON MCMVI XI ST. PAUL'S ROAD FROM CILICIA TO I CONIUM XI ST. PAUL'S ROAD FROM CILICIA TO !CONIUM THE western part of Cilicia is a triangular plain, whose b}lse is the sea, and whose apex lies in a corner formed by the Taurus Mountains bounding Cilicia on the north. In the apex the river Saros issues from its wonderfully romantic course of more than a hundred miles through the lofty Taurus and enters the low sea plain. There was a time when this level plain was a great gulf of the sea. The gulf has been gradually filled up by the two great Cilician rivers, the Pyramos and the Saros, probably aided by slight elevations of the level of the land ; 1 and of the two rivers the Saros has been the chief agent in determining the character of the plain. The road from Syria and the East enters the western Cilician plain by a pass through which the Pyramos also enters the plain. At the western end of this pa:ss the river turns down towards the south, and the road crosses it by a large bridge (Fig. ro). The crossing has always been a highly important point in all military operations in Cilicia. A gar rison and a fortress had to be placed there to guard the passage of the river. Thus arose the city of Mopsou-Hestia, "the Hearth of Mopsus" (the Greek prophet and interpreter of the will of the Greek god Apollo, who marks the advance of the old Ionian colonists into the Cilician land). -
Pushing the Limit: an Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty
Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects Greek and Roman Studies 4-24-2015 Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Colleen Melone Illinois Wesleyan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj Part of the Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons Recommended Citation Melone, Colleen, "Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty" (2015). Honors Projects. 5. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj/5 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Colleen Melone Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Abstract By applying Judith Butler’s theories of identity to the imperial women of the Severan dynasty in ancient Rome, this paper proves that while the Severan women had many identities, such as wife, mother, philosopher, or mourner, their imperial identity was most valued due to its ability to give them the freedom to step outside many aspects of their gender and to behave in ways which would customarily be deemed inappropriate. -
ROUTES and COMMUNICATIONS in LATE ROMAN and BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (Ca
ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY TÜLİN KAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. D. Burcu ERCİYAS Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Suna GÜVEN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ufuk SERİN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşe F. EROL (Hacı Bayram Veli Uni., Arkeoloji) Assist. Prof. Dr. Emine SÖKMEN (Hitit Uni., Arkeoloji) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Tülin Kaya Signature : iii ABSTRACT ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) Kaya, Tülin Ph.D., Department of Settlement Archaeology Supervisor : Assoc. Prof. Dr. -
ROMANIZATION and SOME CILICIAN CULTS by HUGH ELTON (BIAA)
ROMANIZATION AND SOME CILICIAN CULTS By HUGH ELTON (BIAA) This paper focuses on two sites from central Cilicia in Anatolia, the Cory cian Cave and Kanhdivane, to make some comments about religion and Romanization. From the Corycian Cave, a pair of early third-century AD altars are dedicated to Zeus Korykios, described as Victorious (Epinikios), Triumphant (Tropaiuchos), and the Harvester (Epikarpios), and to Hermes Korykios, also Victorious, Triumphant, and the Harvester. The altars were erected for 'the fruitfulness and brotherly love of the Augusti', suggesting they come from the period before Geta's murder, i.e. between AD 209 and 212. 1 These altars are unremarkable and similar examples are common else where, so these altars can be interpreted as showing the homogenising effect of the Roman Empire. But behind these dedications, however, may lie a re ligious tradition stretching back to the second millennium BC. At the second site, Kanhdivane, a tomb in the west necropolis was accompanied by a fu nerary inscription erected by Marcus Ulpius Knos for himself and his family, probably in the second century AD. Marcus then added, 'but if anyone damages or opens [the tomb] let him pay to the treasury of Zeus 1000 [de narii] and to the Moon (Selene) and to the Sun (Helios) above 1000 [denarii] and let him be subject to the curses also of the Underground Gods (Kata chthoniai Theoi). ' 2 When he wanted to threaten retribution, Knos turned to a local group of gods. As at the Corycian Cave, Knos' actions may preserve traces of pre-Roman practices, though within a Roman framework. -
The Roman Augustae: the Most Powerful Women Who Ever Lived a Collection of Six Silver Coins
The Roman Augustae: The Most Powerful Women Who Ever Lived A Collection of Six Silver Coins Frieze of Severan Dynasty All coins in each set are protected in an archival capsule and beautifully displayed in a mahogany-like box. The box set is accompanied with a story card, certificate of authenticity, and a black gift box. The best-known names of ancient Rome are invariably male, and in the 500 years between the reigns of Caesar Augustus and Justinian I, not a single woman held the Roman throne—not even during the chaotic Crisis of the Third Century, when new emperors claimed the throne every other year. This does not mean that women were not vital to the greatest empire the world has ever known. Indeed, much of the time, the real wielders of imperial might were the wives, sisters, and mothers of the emperors. Never was this more true than during the 193-235, when three women—the sisters Julia Maesa and Julia Domna, and Julia Maesa’s daughter Julia Avita Mamaea—secured the succession of their husbands, sons, and grandsons to the imperial throne, thus guaranteeing that they would remain in control. The dynasty is known in the history books as “the Severan,” for Julia Domna’s husband Septimius Severus, but it was the three Julias—and none of the men—who were really responsible for this relatively transition of power. These remarkable women, working in a patriarchal system that officially excluded them from assuming absolute power, nevertheless managed to have their way. Our story begins in Emesa, capital of the Roman client kingdom of Syria, in the year 187 CE. -
Greek Cities & Islands of Asia Minor
MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 93-81605- Y MICROFILMED 1 993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK / as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project'' Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United photocopies or States Code - concerns the making of other reproductions of copyrighted material. and Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries or other archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy the reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that for any photocopy or other reproduction is not to be "used purpose other than private study, scholarship, or for, or later uses, a research." If a user makes a request photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of fair infringement. use," that user may be liable for copyright a This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept fulfillment of the order copy order if, in its judgement, would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: VAUX, WILLIAM SANDYS WRIGHT TITLE: GREEK CITIES ISLANDS OF ASIA MINOR PLACE: LONDON DA TE: 1877 ' Master Negative # COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MTCROFORM TAR^FT Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record m^m i» 884.7 !! V46 Vaux, V7aiion Sandys Wright, 1818-1885. ' Ancient history from the monuments. Greek cities I i and islands of Asia Minor, by W. S. W. Vaux... ' ,' London, Society for promoting Christian knowledce." ! 1877. 188. p. plate illus. 17 cm. ^iH2n KJ Restrictions on Use: TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA i? FILM SIZE: 3 S'^y^/"^ REDUCTION IMAGE RATIO: J^/ PLACEMENT: lA UA) iB . -
Geç Antik Dönem'de Kapadokya'da Kentler
GEÇ ANTİK DÖNEM’DE KAPADOKYA’DA KENTLER Araştırma Makalesi / Research Article Erpek, C. (2020). Geç Antik Dönem’de Kapadokya’da Geliş Tarihi: 28.09.2020 Kentler. Nevşehir Hacı Bektaş Veli Üniversitesi SBE Kabul Tarihi: 12.10.2020 Dergisi, 10(2), 642-657. E-ISSN: 2149-3871 DOI: 10.30783/nevsosbilen.801202 Can Erpek Nevşehir Hacı Bektaş Veli Üniversitesi, Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi, Sanat Tarihi Bölümü [email protected] ORCID No: 1.0000-0002-2096-0725 ÖZ Kapadokya Bölgesi’nin Geç Antik Çağ’ına ilişkin yazılı belgeler günümüze ulaşmış olmakla birlikte, bu döneme ait arkeolojik kalıntı birkaç kent dışında yok denecek kadar azdır. Dönemin önemli şehirlerinden günümüze neredeyse hiçbir arkeolojik kalıntı ulaşmamıştır. Dönem kaynaklarından yola çıkılarak kentlerin Geç Antik Çağ’daki durumları hakkında bazı bilgiler edinilebilmektedir. Yapılan araştırmalar ile lokalizasyonu yapılabilen yerleşimler genel olarak köy bazen de kasaba ölçeğini geçmezler. Bu çalışmada Geç Antik Çağ’ın Anadolu’daki yerleşimlerinin durumları genel olarak ele alındıktan sonra, aynı dönemde Kapadokya’daki kent yerleşimleri incelenmiştir. Yerleşim yerlerinin tespitinde dönem kaynakları ve modern dönem çalışmalarından faydalanılmıştır. Kapadokya Bölgesi’nde bu döneme ait kalıntıların günümüze ulaştığı üç yerleşim yeri özellikle dikkat çekicidir. Bunlardan Mokissos ve Tyana kent statüsüne sahip, başkentlik yapmış yerleşim yerleriyken, Sobesos daha küçük ölçekli bir piskoposluk merkezidir. Özellikle Kemerhisar’da (Tyana) gerçekleştirilen kazılar ile Helvadere (Mokissos) ve Şahinefendi’de (Sobesos) gerçekleştirilecek arkeolojik kazı çalışmaları bölgenin Geç Antik Çağ yerleşimleri hakkında daha detaylı bilgi edinilmesinde önemli bir rol oynayacaktır. Çalışma Kapadokya’ya has bir kurum olan “Comes Domorum Per Cappadociam” ın anlaşılmasında bir ön çalışma olarak düşünülmüştür. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kapadokya, Geç Antik Çağ, Bizans Sanatı. -
Chapter 4 the Rejected Ruler
CHAPTER 4 THE REJECTED RULER ‘Nor emperor he, nor Antoninus, nor citizen, nor senator, nor man of noble blood, nor Roman’ - Historia Augusta, Vita Severi Alexandri During his reign, Elagabalus had presented himself as a good and worthy ruler: first as a be- nevolent monarch in the tradition of the Antonines, later as the invincible priest-emperor of Elagabal. After he had been violently overthrown by the praetorians, this positive image was discarded in favour of another, far less flattering view. To what extent this change reflected a genuine dislike for the priest-emperor, and to what extent it was merely keeping in line with the propaganda of Severus Alexander, who had little choice but to condemn his predecessor, is a question which remains ultimately unanswerable. However, this chapter will not only describe the negative images which emerged in Greek and Roman literature after Elagabalus’s death, but will also offer possible explanations for the reasons why particular authors chose to portray the emperor in particular ways. What we are interested in, is the construction of a fic- tional Elagabalus, an imperial monster who surpassed Caligula, Nero and Commodus in al- leged wickedness and vice. Starting with Xenophon in the fourth century BC, who wrote a panegyric on the Spar- tan king Agesilaos, many Greek and Roman authors had defined the boundaries of good and bad rule.1 A good ruler typically came from a line of noble and worthy ancestors. He re- spected the gods, loved his country and ruled wisely and justly, taking heed of the advice of good and worthy councilors. -
Emperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman Religion
Emperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman Religion The Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus is best-known to history as Elagabalus due to his affiliation with the Syrian god of the same name. As a youth he became a priest of Elagabalus in Syria, and he brought the worship of this god along with himself to the Roman capital. There the god Elagabalus was assimilated with different aspects of the Roman sun-god Sol (especially Sol Invictus or the “unconquered sun”). This, in turn, led to affiliation with the Greek sun-god Helios, from which we get an alternative name for both the emperor and god, Heliogabalus. Recent scholarship has also pushed to reclaim the identification of this emperor by his birth-name, Varius Avitus Bassianus, and examinations of his life as Varian studies (de Arrizabalaga y Prado, 2005). All of these distinctions are used for an emperor who only ruled the Roman Empire for four years (218-222 CE), and is most noted for his religious preference for the god Elagabalus, a questionable sexual identity, and a lack of mental stability. This paper examines Elagabalus and his interactions with traditional Roman religious practices. As emperor he was also pontifex maximus or high priest of and responsible for overseeing Rome’s traditional cults, festivals and sacred objects. Holding multiple priesthoods would not have been in and of itself a problem for most Romans. However, Elagabalus showed overwhelming preference for his god, who was relatively unknown in the capital but at the clear expense of Rome’s traditional religions. The Historia Augusta provides the fullest account of Elagabalus’s outrages including the transfer of sacred objects to his god’s temple including the emblem of the Mother Goddess, fire of Vesta, Palladium, and sacred shields (3.4).