Tourism, Seasonality and the Attraction of Youth

19 Tourism, Seasonality and the Attraction of Youth Tara Duncan, Maria Thulemark, and Peter Möller The Myth/s Tourism is often perceived as a saviour to rural parts of the north, creat- ing a myth of tourism as a panacea for development in rural areas, including mountain tourism destinations in northern Sweden. Tourism often gives hope to small communities and stakeholders, including local and regional government, entrepreneurs and local community groups, who endeavour to support, start and develop tourism industries to become successful, growing tourism destinations. At the same time, rural communities are seen as sleepy and unattractive for young adults leading to high rates of out-migration and distorted population development. Whilst strong growth of tourism in rural areas can lead to increased employment with high demand for labour, these new jobs are often seasonal. In spite of the acknowledged pluriactivity of those who live in northern areas (Dubois and Carson 2019), the seasonality of these jobs T. Duncan (*) • M. Tulemark • P. Möller Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden e-mail: [email protected] © Te Author(s) 2020 373 L. Lundmark et al. (eds.), Dipping in to the North, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6623-3_19 374 T. Duncan et al. gives birth to another myth: that these jobs do not lead to positive community development. Alongside the employment of locals, an infux of (young) seasonal employees, often from other parts of the Sweden, who only stay for a few months, who tend to only spend time with each other, and who pay taxes somewhere else, reafrms the myth that season tourism jobs lead to an inevitable lack of connection to the local, rural community. Tis chapter considers the importance of tourism to rural communities in the Swedish north through the example of Sälen, a mountain resort in northern Dalarna, Sweden. Focusing on young adults as rural inhabit- ants and workers in a seasonal tourism industry, this chapter highlights the value of youth workers to community. Tis chapter focuses both on young people who have grown up and live in the local, rural, community and on those who come to the area for seasonal tourism work, often for lifestyle reasons. Young people often leave rural areas to escape to urban areas where they perceive there to be greater opportunities (see, e.g. Rauhut and Littke 2016). At the same time, many young people take the opportunity to explore alternative lifestyles by escaping to rural areas, especially seasonal destinations, such as Sälen (Tulemark 2017). Tis chapter considers how seasonal workers, both locals and in-migrants, can positively afect the sustainability of rural communities. It ends with thoughts on the future of Sälen and policy implications. Youths, Tourism and Rurality Tourism is increasingly important to the Swedish economy (SOU 2017). Globally, and in Sweden, the value of tourism, whether export value, GDP or employment numbers, is growing at a rate greater than many other industries (SOU 2017; UNEP & UNWTO 2005). Overall, Sweden has seen increasing employment (170,000 in 2016 vs. 131,000 in 2000) and increasing value from tourism (from SEK 160 billion in 2000 to SEK 296 billion in 2016) (see SOU 2017, p. 46). Te growth of the tourism industry is particularly relevant for rural areas as tourism is often seen to have greater importance in the development of such areas (SOU 2017). Tis development is often seen in job creation opportunities, 19 Tourism, Seasonality and the Attraction of Youth 375 in-migration of entrepreneurs (who can have important multiplier efects) and through the infux of young seasonal employees who (it is antici- pated) might stay in the community (SOU 2017; Müller 2006; Tulemark et al. 2014). In some rural spaces where the tourism industry is better developed, the industry is attractive for in-migrants as entrepreneurial opportunities exist and there are (relatively) plentiful services and job opportunities available, with in-migrants often choosing tourism-related jobs (Müller 2006; Tulemark et al. 2014). In such places, amenities (Nepal and Chipeniuk 2005; Moss 2006) and lifestyle factors (Benson and O’Reilly 2009; Tulemark 2011) can play an important role as they provide these rural spaces with tourism experiences and infrastructure (Löfer and Steinicke 2006; Tulemark 2015). As Tulemark et al. (2014) show, a large percentage of (young, seasonal) in-migrants make the choice to move to rural areas such as Sälen for reasons other than employment. Teir analysis shows that the in-migrants roughly come from the same regions as the tourists to Sälen (and the wider mountainous area), sug- gesting that lifestyle and leisure are factors heavily infuencing their move to this area (Tulemark et al. 2014). However, it must also be acknowledged that migrants moving to rural areas with established but un- developed tourism destinations often saw natural or cultural amenities as a stronger driving force than tourism opportunities (Vuin et al. 2016). For these migrants, moving was for health or family reasons and work could involve lifestyle farming or other non-tourism business opportunities. However, many of these (older) migrants did admit that having some tourism infrastructure to ‘fall back on’ eased potential anxieties about their move (Vuin et al. 2016). As already stated, young seasonal workers can be potential in-migrants or derive from local young adults. Rönnlund (2019) highlights that whilst much literature has neglected young adults in rural areas, this is changing. However, she does emphasize that the choice to stay ‘local’ or move away is a complex issue (Rönnlund 2019, p. 1). Te majority of seasonal workers stay for only a season. Tose, either local or in-migrants that do consider staying in the destinations permanently, are often the ones who engage in their favourite leisure activities, make/fnd a career and see a rural setting as an opportunity for climbing the career ladder, or 376 T. Duncan et al. the ones who want to start a new life in a ‘better’ place (Tuulentie and Heimtun 2014). Despite these motivations, it is not always easy to have a sustainable career in rural areas due to small labour markets and lack of positions (Heldt Cassel et al. 2018). Declining employment in traditional rural activities such as agricul- ture, forestry and fshing (Dubois and Carson 2019; Hall et al. 2009) has, together with higher educational requirements for many jobs and very limited opportunities for tertiary education in rural areas (Berlin et al. 2010; Olofsson and Panican 2012), a great infuence on employment opportunities for rural youth. Several studies have revealed that perceived local job opportunities are equally important for young adults’ decision to stay or to migrate. Residential attachment—strong bonds to people and place (Rönnlund 2019)—is infuenced by individuals’ expec- tations about their futures. Tis may indicate an adaptability to local young people’s educational and economic reality even as many of these young adults will have to migrate (at least temporarily) for higher education and employment purposes. (Kirkpatrick Johnson et al. 2005). Alongside this, Davies (2008, p. 170) argues that the willingness among young people to move to rural areas is based on perceived social and employment opportunities, regardless of whether such perceptions are based on actual conditions or not. Terefore, whilst both the myth and the reality of young people leaving rural areas remains (Rauhut and Littke 2016), contradictory evidence suggests that the issues of de-population is much more than government statistics and research implies. However, in support of the myth, several perceived obstacles for young adults to stay in rural areas have been reported in previous studies. For example, it has been suggested that compared to urban schools, in rural schools there are limited choice of peers, a generally more constraining milieu for youth who do not ft into the conventional mould, a sense of isolation, limited social networking opportunities and a claustrophobic local community (National Youth Bureau 1990; Phillips and Skinner 1994; Crockett et al. 2000; Ní Laoire 2000; Stockdale 2002). Furthermore, young adults who leave rural areas are often considered as more successful than those who choose to stay (Easthope and Gabriel 2008; Svensson 2006; Kåks 2007). Tese perceptions and the subsequent migration cul- ture have shown persistence during periods even when rural areas have 19 Tourism, Seasonality and the Attraction of Youth 377 had a fourishing economy and employment opportunities. Tis reiter- ates the notion that migration decisions are not based solely on education and employment prospects. Employment and education opportunities are often pointed to as reasons for migration but have been shown to function as triggers for migration decisions taken long before these triggers became relevant (Ní Laoire 2000). Closely connected to this is the belief of a mobile life as an ideal of success (Jonsson 2003; Kåks 2007; Heldt Cassel et al. 2018). Tere is also a temporal dimension to young residents’ relationships with rural areas where the childhoods in rural areas are often described in positive terms, but the life phases of late teens and young adults are more often described in negative terms, sometimes using the ‘rural dull’ concept where the darker sides of the rural idyll—a community spirit of simplicity, safety and cohesion—are seen as control- ling and lacking tolerance of diference (including success) (Glendinning et al. 2003; Rye 2006; Möller 2012; Sørensen and Pless 2017; although for an exception to this in a Swedish context, see Rönnlund 2019). What is obvious in rural areas is that the role of tourism and its social impacts highlight positive efects for young adults, both local and in- migrants. Opportunities to meet new people, increased understanding and tolerance of diferences, higher than standard public facilities, and increased shopping, entertainment and recreation supply are all evident in rural areas where tourism dominates (Milman and Pizam 1988; Fredline 2002; Easterling 2004; Sharma et al.

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