DOCSLIB.ORG

The Establishment of Neo-Mahdism in the Western Sudan, 1920-1936 Author(S): Awad Al-Sid Al-Karsani Source: African Affairs, Vol

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Establishment of Neo-Mahdism in the Western Sudan, 1920-1936 Author(S): Awad Al-Sid Al-Karsani Source: African Affairs, Vol The Royal African Society The Establishment of Neo-Mahdism in the Western Sudan, 1920-1936 Author(s): Awad Al-Sid Al-Karsani Source: African Affairs, Vol. 86, No. 344 (Jul., 1987), pp. 385-404 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal African Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/722749 Accessed: 07/11/2010 21:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Royal African Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to African Affairs. http://www.jstor.org THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NEO-MAHDISM IN THE WESTERN SUDAN, 19201936 AWADAL-SID AL_KARSANI THE RESURRECTIONOF the Mahdist movement in the twentieth century following the crushing defeat of the Mahdist state by the Anglo-Egyptian re-conquest of Sudan has been one of the most extraordinary features of modern Sudanese politics, as well as a unique form of Islamic revival. The messianic revolt of Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi, which overthrew Turco- Egyptian rule and ended with the death of General Gordon at Khartoum in 1885, 1 was not only a ma jor chapter in Sudanese history, but one of the great uprisings of Muslims in modern times. As a result Sudan's British con- querors remained suspicious of the possible recrudescence of Mahdism, even though they had obtained a crushing victory at the battle of Omdurman in 1898, and they kept a watchful eye not only on Sudan's Muslim peoples, but possible developments right across the Sahel. Following the re-conquest the remaining Mahdists were carefully moni- tored, and the Mahdi's surviving son, born posthumously, Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, lived quietly under supervision in Omdurman. However, in the First World War he was encouraged by the government to emerge from obscurity and rally his father's old supporters as a counter to the call of the Ottoman Sultan for a jihad against the British throughout the Middle East, because Mahdism was associated with anti-Turkish sentiment in Sudan. As a reward for his loyalty he was allowed after the war to develop his estates at Aba Island in the White Nile, where his father had first declared himself to be the Mahdi, with the authorities intending that his commercial activities would deflect him from any religious or political ambitions. However, Abd al-Rahman soon showed himself to be an acute observer of both the political and religious scene. He set about organizing a revival of Mahdism, but not one which would attempt a revolt against the all-conquering British, rather it would be a peaceful movement whose influence would be such that the authorities would have to collaborate with it. Eventually, it was widely believed, he sought to become King of the Sudan, like other British-backed Middle Eastern monarchs. As a result of this abandonment of revolution- ary aims and expectations on the part of its followers, the movement Abd al-Rahman established has been dubbed neo-Mahdist, for it built on the beliefs of the old Mahdists though now directed toward very different goals to those of the nineteenth century revolt. 1 The authoris lecturerin PoliticalScience, University of Khartoum. 1. Peter Woodward,'In the footsteps of Gordon:the Sudan Governmentand the rise of SayyidSir Abd al-Rahmanal-Mahdi, 1915-1935', African Affairs 84 (1985),pp. 39-51. 385 386 AFRICANAFPAIRS in turning to the Abd al-Rahman also built on his father's achievements al-Mahdi had originally westernSudan for support. Muhammad Ahmad his declaration that he comefrom Dongola in the far north, but following of Darfur and wasthe true Mahdi, it was to the western Sudan provinces where he rallied the Kordofanthat he had turned in search of support, and In turn Abd armywhich defeated Hick's Pasha and captured Khartoum. recruits for his neo- al-Rahmanrealised that the main body of potential there by the sense of Mahdistmovement also lay in the west, but he was faced Mahdist state, and a politicalconfusion following the overthrow of the and semi-nomadic resultingreligious turmoil among the region's nomadic in the western Sudan peoples. In establishing his new Mahdist movement contending forces, afterthe First World War Abd al-Rahman faced three sufiorders. Britishofficials, individualfakis (holymen), and established to terms with the The Sudan government was aware of the need to come conquered peoples, but variousmanifestations of popular Islam among its inherent in the religion, constantlyfeared the dangers it regarded as virtually by the Mahdi's andwhich it was believed had been amply demonstrated the strategy of his neo- revolt. As a result Abd al-Rahman's ambition and his loyalty in the First Mahdistmovement posed a dilemma. He had shown intention and capacity WorldWar and afterwards begun to demonstrate his was regarded by the toextend his neo-Mahdist movement in the west, which both because of the British as the most dangerous area for Muslim revolt early years of British Mahdi's uprising and numerous local uprisings of the to extend its influ- administration as well. If neo-Mahdism was allowed movement, or might it ence unchecked would it remain a loyal collaborative threat than the pose in time a more concerted and thus more dangerous existing Muslim forces? had to contend in It was not only the authorities with which neo-Mahdism there, which represen- the west, but the other Islamic forces already at work not just in Sudan but in ted preceding phases in the development of Islam, was that of the much of Muslim Africa. The oldest of these traditions to the region from individualfakis (holymen) who had first brought Islam century revolt of the late Middle Ages onwards. Following the nineteenth were strong in the Ahmad al-Mahdi, messianic and millenarian expectations Mahdism or other west, and such fakis, who often borrowed ideas from both before and after sects, were associated with a number of local uprisings the First World War. orders (turaq,sing. Sudan had also been penetrated by a number of the sufi Sunni Muslims, tariqa) which were widespread organizations among outside Sudan. The especially in rural areas, and most of which originated started in Morocco, and strongest in the west was the Tijaniyya which had as 1810. Following eventually came to Sudan via the western Sahel as early in west Africa in the the destruction of Hajj Umar al-Futti's Tijani states ESTABLISHMENTOF NEO-MADHISM IN THE WESTERN SUDAN 387 1860s many Tijani migratedeastwards and were particularlyinfluential in Darfur, and there were adherentsalso in northernKordofan. The inter- national characterof such turuqwas particularlyworrying for the Sudan governmentwhich thought that they might act as agents of hostile powers. It was just such a concern which had led to the rehabilitationof Abd al- Rahmanal-Mahdi in the First WorldWar; while in northernNigeria trouble with various Islamic groups in the same period was ascribedin part to the work of Germanagents from the neighbouringCameroons. (The Sudan governmentexchanged information with British colonial governmentson Islamicmatters, mainly with Nigeria.) Thus in seekingto build his neo-Mahdistmovement with backingin the west Abd al-Rahmanwas contendingnot only with the suspicions of the authorities, but other Islamic forces. Furthermorehe was seeking to extendthe influenceof his peacefuland collaborativemovement in what the governmentregarded as the most dangerousregion of the northernSudan, with its unsophisticated and potentially 'fanatical' population amongst whommessianic and millenarianexpectations were rife. In orderto under- standthe successof neo-Mahdismit is necessaryto see how Abd al-Rahman succeededin the face of these contendingIslamic forces and aspirations. TheMessianic fakis The defeat of the Mahdist army at Omdurmanin 1898 did not quell British fears that messianismwas still alive in Sudan, and that other indi- vidualfakis like MuhammadAhmad would in turn claim to be the Mahdi, or his successor, and lead further revolts. Sir Reginald Wingate, the governor-general,wrote in 1908 that 'no doubt there is plenty of latent Mahdismand until the generationborn and brought up in thatfaith has died out we shall be subject to these outbreaks'.2 His fears were particularly borneout by the frequencyof revoltsin westernSudan, where officials were alwayson the alertand tryingto assessthe danger. In northernKordofan the local administratorswere worriedby the many individualfakiswho settled amongthe tribes of the areapreaching Mahdist tenets and that the second coming of the prophet 'Isa (Jesus) was near. (Accordingto certain Muslim teaching the Mahdi will be followed by al- Dajjal, the anti-Christ,who will in turn be succeededby the second coming of Jesus, Nabi 'Isa.) The Meramrawere the largest tribal group who 'believed in MohammadAhmad as the true Mahdi'.3 Among the other tribes of the areathe local DC remarked:'I am afraidNorthern Kordofan is not entirelyfree from the Mahdisttaint.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The London Gazette; 3 November, 1929. 7073
    THE LONDON GAZETTE; 3 NOVEMBER, 1929. 7073 5th Bn. King's Own JE.—Edward Ashworth UNIVERSITY CANDIDATES. (late Cadet, Panal Ash Coll. Cadet Corps) Frederick Baldwin Childe to be 2nd Lt. to be 2nd Lt. 16th Oct. 1929. 14th Oct. 1929. 5th Bn. JR. War. R.—Robert James Blofeld TERRITORIAL ARMY RESERVE OF OFFICERS. (late Cadet Serjt., Bromsgrove Sch. Contgt., Jun. Div., O.T.C.) to be 2nd Lt. 23rd Sept. GENERAL LIST. 1929. ROYAL ARMY CHAPLAINS' DEPARTMENT. 8th Bn. R. War. R.—Lt. C. I. Herbert, R. War. The Rev. F. R. Williams, M.A., B.D., R., to be Adjt. and is granted the temp, rank Chapln. to the Forces, 2nd CL, having of Capt. in the T.A. (with pay and allces. of attained the age limit relinquishes his a Lt.), whilst holding that appt. 15th Oct. commn. and retains Chapln. to the Forces, 1929. 2nd 01. 5th July 1929. The Rev. W. L. Bell, V.D., M.A., Chapln. 8th Bn. Devon R.—Maj. W. H. Brooke, M.C. to the Forces, 4th 01., having attained the (Res. of Off.), to be Lt.-Col. 24th Oct. 1929. age limit relinquishes his commn. and is re- granted Hon. Chapln. to the Forces, 2nd Cl. 7th Bn. W. York R.— Capt. (Qr.-Mr.) W. 3rd Nov. 1929. Gardham, O.B.E., T.D., to be Maj. (Qr.- Mr.). 14th Oct. 1929. REGIMENTAL LIST. 4th Bu. Green Howards—-Lt. D. G. Whitwell ROYAL ARMY ORDNANCE CORPS. to be Capt. 15th Oct. 1929. 46th (N. Midland) Ord. Vo.—Lt. E.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan: Rights Activist Detained, at Risk of Torture: Bushra Gamar Hussein Rahma
    UA: 205/11 Index: AFR 54/021/2011 Sudan Date: 30 June 2011 URGENT ACTION RIGHTS ACTIVIST DETAINED, AT RISK OF TORTURE Sudanese human rights activist, Bushra Gamar Hussein Rahma, is being detained in an unknown location. He was arrested on 25 June in Omdurman, Sudan, and has no access to his family or a lawyer. He is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment. Bushra Gamar Hussein Rahma was arrested in his home in Omdurman, on the outskirts of the Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, on 25 June, and is being held in an unknown location. Although he was not in Southern Kordofan when he was arrested, it appears his arrest was in connection with the current conflict in Southern Kordofan. The Sudanese authorities are refusing to confirm where Bushra Gamar Hussein Rahma is being held. He is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment. Forty seven-year-old Bushra Gamar Hussein Rahma is from Talodi, Southern Kordofan, which lies on the border of North Sudan and South Sudan. He is an X-ray technician and the founder of the Human Rights and Development Organization (HUDO) in Southern Kordofan, Sudan. Prior to this, he was the Director of Sudan Social Development Organization (SUDO) in Nyala, Darfur from 2005 to 2006. He is Nuban, a Sudanese ethnic group, and was the Director of the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Movement (SPLM) in Darfur from 2006 to 2008. He has not been an active member of the SPLM since 2008. Conflict has escalated in Southern Kordofan since early June 2011 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA).
    [Show full text]
  • Evolution and Changes in the Morphologies of Sudanese Cities Mohamed Babiker Ibrahima* and Omer Abdalla Omerb
    Urban Geography, 2014 Vol. 35, No. 5, 735–756, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2014.919798 Evolution and changes in the morphologies of Sudanese cities Mohamed Babiker Ibrahima* and Omer Abdalla Omerb aDepartment of Geography, Hunter College of the City University of New York, New York, NY 10065, USA; bDepartment of Marketing, Entrepreneurship, Hospitality, and Tourism, The University of North Carolina-Greensboro, Greensboro, NC 27412, USA (Received 20 March 2013; accepted 17 March 2014) This article investigates the morphological evolution of Sudanese cities. The study of morphology or urban morphology involves consideration of town planning, building form, and the pattern of land and building utilization. Sudan has a long history of urbanization that contributed to the establishment of an early Sudanese civilization and European-style urban centers that have shaped the morphology of today’s cities. We identify three broad morphologies: indigenous, African-Islamic, and European style (colonial). The ongoing, rapid urbanization of African cities in general and Sudanese cities in particular points to a need to understand the structure of this urbanization. The morphology of cities includes not only physical structure, but the cultural heritage, economic, and historical values on which it is based. Therefore, preservation, redeve- lopment, and urban policy underlying future urban expansion must be based on the nature of cities’ morphologies and development. Keywords: urban morphology; indigenous cities; African-Islamic cities; European- style cities; Sudan Introduction The objective of this study is to investigate the evolving urban morphology of several Sudanese cities. Sudan has a long history of urbanization, beginning at the time of the Meroitic kingdom that flourished in the central part of the country from approximately 300 BCE to 350 CE (Adams, 1977; Shinnie, 1967).
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan a Country Study.Pdf
    A Country Study: Sudan An Nilain Mosque, at the site of the confluence of the Blue Nile and White Nile in Khartoum Federal Research Division Library of Congress Edited by Helen Chapin Metz Research Completed June 1991 Table of Contents Foreword Acknowledgements Preface Country Profile Country Geography Society Economy Transportation Government and Politics National Security Introduction Chapter 1 - Historical Setting (Thomas Ofcansky) Early History Cush Meroe Christian Nubia The Coming of Islam The Arabs The Decline of Christian Nubia The Rule of the Kashif The Funj The Fur The Turkiyah, 1821-85 The Mahdiyah, 1884-98 The Khalifa Reconquest of Sudan The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, 1899-1955 Britain's Southern Policy Rise of Sudanese Nationalism The Road to Independence The South and the Unity of Sudan Independent Sudan The Politics of Independence The Abbud Military Government, 1958-64 Return to Civilian Rule, 1964-69 The Nimeiri Era, 1969-85 Revolutionary Command Council The Southern Problem Political Developments National Reconciliation The Transitional Military Council Sadiq Al Mahdi and Coalition Governments Chapter 2 - The Society and its Environment (Robert O. Collins) Physical Setting Geographical Regions Soils Hydrology Climate Population Ethnicity Language Ethnic Groups The Muslim Peoples Non-Muslim Peoples Migration Regionalism and Ethnicity The Social Order Northern Arabized Communities Southern Communities Urban and National Elites Women and the Family Religious
    [Show full text]
  • Forts of North Omdurman: As a Satellite Defence of the Main Centre
    SUDAN & NUBIA can be built during long sieges of well-defended towns or Forts of North Omdurman: as a satellite defence of the main centre. However, in the case of the North Omdurman forts, the enclosures are of First season of fieldwork in approximately the same size. Hosh el-Kab is slightly bigger Hosh el-Kab and Abu Nafisa that the others but not significantly so. It is more probable that they functioned in different cir- Mariusz Drzewiecki, Aneta Cedro, Robert Ryndzie- cumstances which could have been the result of rapid political wicz, Elmontaser Dafaalla Mohamed Elamin change. If all of those forts were built in the early medieval period, there were many important events that might have Elmoubark and Włodzimierz Rączkowski led people to erect not one, but three, defensive sites. It is difficult to answer why succeeding architects did not use the In January 2018, a team of Polish and Sudanese researchers earlier, already standing forts. Why bother to erect a new one? began fieldwork as part of a new research project launched by Had the previous defences been destroyed? The forts today the Institute of Mediterranean and Oriental Cultures, Polish are in various states of preservation, but this could be the Academy of Sciences. The aim of the project is to understand result of centuries of human activities and natural events, who constructed a number of forts of regular plan in Upper and that is why these questions remain open. Nubia and why. Three sites were selected for field research, Alternatively, what if the forts were constructed in differ- all located in the North Omdurman district (Figure 1).
    [Show full text]
  • British Major-General Charles George Gordon and His Legacies, 1885-1960 Stephanie Laffer
    Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2010 Gordon's Ghosts: British Major-General Charles George Gordon and His Legacies, 1885-1960 Stephanie Laffer Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES GORDON‘S GHOSTS: BRITISH MAJOR-GENERAL CHARLES GEORGE GORDON AND HIS LEGACIES, 1885-1960 By STEPHANIE LAFFER A Dissertation submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2010 Copyright © 2010 Stephanie Laffer All Rights Reserve The members of the committee approve the dissertation of Stephanie Laffer defended on February 5, 2010. __________________________________ Charles Upchurch Professor Directing Dissertation __________________________________ Barry Faulk University Representative __________________________________ Max Paul Friedman Committee Member __________________________________ Peter Garretson Committee Member __________________________________ Jonathan Grant Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members. ii For my parents, who always encouraged me… iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation has been a multi-year project, with research in multiple states and countries. It would not have been possible without the generous assistance of the libraries and archives I visited, in both the United States and the United Kingdom. However, without the support of the history department and Florida State University, I would not have been able to complete the project. My advisor, Charles Upchurch encouraged me to broaden my understanding of the British Empire, which led to my decision to study Charles Gordon. Dr. Upchurch‘s constant urging for me to push my writing and theoretical understanding of imperialism further, led to a much stronger dissertation than I could have ever produced on my own.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan, Imperialism, and the Mahdi's Holy
    bria_29_3:Layout 1 3/14/2014 6:41 PM Page 6 bria_29_3:Layout 1 3/14/2014 6:41 PM Page 7 the rebels. Enraged mobs rioted in the Believing these victories proved city and killed about 50 Europeans. that Allah had blessed the jihad, huge SUDAN, IMPERIALISM, The French withdrew their fleet, but numbers of fighters from Arab tribes the British opened fire on Alexandria swarmed to the Mahdi. They joined AND THE MAHDI’SHOLYWAR and leveled many buildings. Later in his cause of liberating Sudan and DURING THE AGE OF IMPERIALISM, EUROPEAN POWERS SCRAMBLED TO DIVIDE UP the year, Britain sent 25,000 troops to bringing Islam to the entire world. AFRICA. IN SUDAN, HOWEVER, A MUSLIM RELIGIOUS FIGURE KNOWN AS THE MAHDI Egypt and easily defeated the rebel The worried Egyptian khedive and LED A SUCCESSFUL JIHAD (HOLY WAR) THAT FOR A TIME DROVE OUT THE BRITISH Egyptian army. Britain then returned British government decided to send AND EGYPTIANS. the government to the khedive, who Charles Gordon, the former governor- In the late 1800s, many European Ali established Sudan’s colonial now was little more than a British general of Sudan, to Khartoum. His nations tried to stake out pieces of capital at Khartoum, where the White puppet. Thus began the British occu- mission was to organize the evacua- Africa to colonize. In what is known and Blue Nile rivers join to form the pation of Egypt. tion of all Egyptian soldiers and gov- as the “scramble for Africa,” coun- main Nile River, which flows north to While these dramatic events were ernment personnel from Sudan.
    [Show full text]
  • International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding A
    Comparative Study of Post-Marriage Nationality Of Women in Legal Systems of Different Countries http://ijmmu.com [email protected] International Journal of Multicultural ISSN 2364-5369 Volume 7, Issue 1 and Multireligious Understanding February, 2020 Pages: 68-80 A Study and Evaluation of the Opinions of Seyyid Abul-Fazl Burqe’i 1 2 3 Fereydun Mohammadi-Fam ; keyvan Ehsani ; Seyyid Majid Nabavi 6666666666666 1 Ph.D Graduate of Kalami Religions,University of Religions and Denominations, Iran 2 Quran and Hadith Sciences Department, Arak University, Iran 3Ph.D Student Quran and Hadith Arak University, Iran Email: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v7i1.1289 Abstract Sayyid Abul-Fadl Burge’i is one of the Shiite clerics who was born in 1287 and died in 1372. His life has two phases, in the first stage, until the age of 45, there are seen less materials written by him against the Shia, but in the second stage, after about 45, he has expressed very harsh things against the Shia. In this article, the views of Burge’i are evaluated. He denied this Shiite belief that God Himself has appointed the Imam and introduced him to people by the Prophet (peace be upon him). According to Qur'anic reasons and traditions, his opinions are incorrect. He rejected recourse (Tavassul), intercession (Shifa’at), and pilgrimage (ziyarat), but there are many verses and reasons to prove them which are mentioned in the present article. He wrote a book titles “Scientific Studies on the Hadiths about Mahdi” and in it rejected the hadiths this is while the Prophet (peace be upon him) has said that the one who denies Mahdi has denied me.
    [Show full text]
  • Utd^L. Dean of the Graduate School Ev .•^C>V
    THE FASHODA CRISIS: A SURVEY OF ANGLO-FRENCH IMPERIAL POLICY ON THE UPPER NILE QUESTION, 1882-1899 APPROVED: Graduate ttee: Majdr Prbfessor ~y /• Minor Professor lttee Member Committee Member irman of the Department/6f History J (7-ZZyUtd^L. Dean of the Graduate School eV .•^C>v Goode, James Hubbard, The Fashoda Crisis: A Survey of Anglo-French Imperial Policy on the Upper Nile Question, 1882-1899. Doctor of Philosophy (History), December, 1971, 235 pp., bibliography, 161 titles. Early and recent interpretations of imperialism and long-range expansionist policies of Britain and France during the period of so-called "new imperialism" after 1870 are examined as factors in the causes of the Fashoda Crisis of 1898-1899. British, French, and German diplomatic docu- ments, memoirs, eye-witness accounts, journals, letters, newspaper and journal articles, and secondary works form the basis of the study. Anglo-French rivalry for overseas territories is traced from the Age of Discovery to the British occupation of Egypt in 1882, the event which, more than any other, triggered the opening up of Africa by Europeans. The British intention to build a railroad and an empire from Cairo to Capetown and the French dream of drawing a line of authority from the mouth of the Congo River to Djibouti, on the Red Sea, for Tied a huge cross of European imperialism over the African continent, The point of intersection was the mud-hut village of Fashoda on the left bank of the White Nile south of Khartoum. The. Fashoda meeting, on September 19, 1898, of Captain Jean-Baptiste Marchand, representing France, and General Sir Herbert Kitchener, representing Britain and Egypt, touched off an international crisis, almost resulting in global war.
    [Show full text]
  • 2017 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index
    STRENGTHENING STRENGTHENING CIVIL SOCIETY CIVIL SOCIETY GLOBALLY GLOBALLY 2017 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION SUSTAINABILITY INDEX FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 9th EDITION - DECEMBER 2018 2017 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION SUSTAINABILITY INDEX FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 9th EDITION - DECEMBER 2018 Developed By: United States Agency for International Development Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance Center of Excellence on Democracy, Human Rights and Governance In Partnership With: FHI 360 International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL) Acknowledgment: This publication was made possible through support provided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) under Cooperative Agreement No. AID-OAA-LA-17-00003. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed herein are those of the panelists and other project researchers and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or FHI 360. Cover Photo: Fanis Lisiagali, Executive Director of Healthcare Assistance Kenya, leads the White Ribbon Campaign in a march in Nairobi to promote its rapid response call center hotline, which responds to violence against women in elections (October 2017). Photo Credit: Carla Chianese, Kenya Electoral Assistance Program, International Foundation for Electoral Systems TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................................... i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Feasting on Famines Food Insecurity and the Making of the Anglo
    Feasting on Famines Food Insecurity and the Making of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1883-1956 Steven Serels Department of History, McGill University, Montreal April 2012 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy © Steven Serels 2012 Abstract The cycle of famine and food insecurity that afflicted much of Northern, Central and Eastern Sudan in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was part of an inter-generational process that fundamentally altered indigenous economic, political and social structures and, in so doing, allowed British imperial agents to conquer the Sudan and, subsequently, to seize key natural resources, including the Nile and fertile regions in the Jazira and Eastern Sudan. This cycle was triggered by British military policies pursued in the 1880s to contain the Mahdist Rebellion (1883-1898). These policies eroded the food security of indigenous communities in Dunqula, Eastern Sudan and the Red Sea Hills and precipitated a series of famines that destabilized the Mahdist state. Though British-led forces were unaffected by these nineteenth century food crises, the British-controlled Anglo-Egyptian government was, in the years following its establishment in 1898, weakened by a prolonged period of food insecurity during which indigenous communities exerted their right to control their slaves, land and produce. Subsequent innovations in the colonial economy, notably the development of a common grain market, precipitated a number of early twentieth century famines that impoverished many indigenous communities and, thereby, prevented indigenous resistance to state efforts to develop Sudanese resources for the benefit of British industry.
    [Show full text]
  • Pre-Colonial Kingdoms and the Coup-Civil War Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa
    Pre-Colonial Kingdoms and the Coup-Civil War Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa Jack Paine∗ December 15, 2014 Abstract Rulers of weakly institutionalized states constantly fear coup attempts. The risk of coups may lead rulers to exclude certain ethnic groups from power|despite creat- ing incentives for excluded groups to rebel against the government. But under what conditions do leaders perceive strong threats? Focusing on post-independence Sub- Saharan Africa, this paper argues that leaders of countries containing one or multiple large pre-colonial kingdoms (PCKs) perceived greater hazards from members of other ethnic groups. A formal model examines conditions under which (1) a coup-civil war nexus will arise and (2) a strategic ruler will pursue ethnic exclusion. Empirically, PCK groups undermined possibilities for developing strong inter-ethnic institutional ties, which undermined commitment ability after independence. Statistical evidence at the country and ethnic group level, alongside case evidence, shows PCKs are an im- portant explanation for ethnic exclusion, coups, and civil wars in Sub-Saharan Africa during the Cold War era. ∗Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley, [email protected] 1 Contents 1 Introduction 3 2 Modeling the Tradeoff Between Ethnic Inclusion and Exclusion 6 2.1 Setup . .6 2.2 Model Analysis . .9 3 How Pre-Colonial Kingdoms Caused Weak Institutions and a Coup-Civil War Nexus 15 3.1 How PCK Groups Caused Regional Schisms and Undermined Inter-Ethnic Institutions . 15 3.2 Empirical Examples of PCKs Causing Weak Institutions and Political Violence . 20 3.3 Hypotheses . 22 4 Case Selection and Data 25 4.1 Case Selection .
    [Show full text]