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Origines Et Fonctions De La Hierarchie: Trente Ans De Debats, 1968 ORIGINES ET FONCTIONS DE LA HIERARCHIE : TRENTE ANS DE DEBATS, 1968 - 1998 Bruno Tinel To cite this version: Bruno Tinel. ORIGINES ET FONCTIONS DE LA HIERARCHIE : TRENTE ANS DE DEBATS, 1968 - 1998. Economies et finances. Université Lumière - Lyon II, 2000. Français. tel-00935771 HAL Id: tel-00935771 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00935771 Submitted on 24 Jan 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. UNIVERSITE LUMIERE - LYON 2 FACULTE de SCIENCES ÉCONOMIQUES et de GESTION CENTRE AUGUSTE ET LEON WALRAS (CNRS - UMR 5056) THESE pour obtenir le grade de Docteur de l’Université Lyon 2 Discipline : Analyse et Histoire Économique des Institutions et des Organisations présentée et soutenue publiquement par Bruno TINEL le 21 décembre 2000 ORIGINES ET FONCTIONS DE LA HIERARCHIE : TRENTE ANS DE DEBATS, 1968 - 1998 Directeur de thèse : M. Pierre DOCKES Professeur à l’Université LYON 2 Jury M. Bernard BAUDRY Professeur à l’Université LYON 2 M. François EYMARD-DUVERNAY Professeur à l’Université PARIS X M. Stephen MARGLIN Professeur à l’Université de HARVARD (USA) M. Claude MENARD Professeur à l’Université PARIS 1 M. André ZYLBERBERG Directeur de Recherche au CNRS (EUREQUA - UMR 8594) -1- -2- à Claude -3- -4- Remerciements Je remercie Pierre Dockès pour la richesse de ses enseignements et de ses conseils, sa rigueur scientifique, sa disponibilité et la confiance qu’il m’a témoignée en acceptant de prendre cette thèse sous sa direction. Je remercie aussi Bernard Baudry pour ses encouragements, les nombreux conseils qu’il me donna tout au long de ce travail et les lectures qu’il fit de certaines parties de cette thèse. Que soit remercié Jean-Michel Servet pour l’acceuil qu’il me réserva au Centre Walras (UMR 5056) et le soutien apporté à cette recherche. Que soient également remerciés Richard Arena, Vladimir Borgy, Pierre Crépel, Rodolphe Dos Santos Ferreira, Benjamin Dubrion, Gérard Duménil, Ben Fine, Ludovic Frobert, Claudine Gay, Louis-André Gérard-Varet, Herbert Gintis, Oliver Hart, Thierry Kirat, Gérard Klotz, Dominique Lévy, Steve Marglin, Laurence Moss, Kako Nubukpo, Giulio Palermo, Jean-Pierre Potier, Warren Samuels et Victor Vieira pour leurs conseils, leur soutien ou les lectures qu’ils firent à différents moments de l’avancée de ce travail. Je n’omettrais pas de remercier particulièrement Jérôme Maucourant dont l’avis m’est précieux. Enfin, je remercie Sylvie Quiblier pour ses minutieuses lectures et surtout pour son soutien de chaque instant durant ces quatre années de doctorat. -5- -6- «Les époques qui ont mis en cause l’autorité ou au moins les autorités particulières ont eu tendance à examiner les fondements et la nécessité de l’autorité. La chouette de Minerve ne vole pas dans la nuit mais dans la tempête.» Arrow [1974], p. 78. -7- -8- SOMMAIRE Sommaire ...................................................................................................................... 9 Introduction générale .................................................................................................... 10 Chapitre Préliminaire : La notion d’autorité en économie avant 1970 ....................... 28 Première partie : Le défi radical dans les années 1970 : la hiérarchie comme moyen de diviser pour régner .......................................................................... 42 Chapitre 1 : Qu'est-ce que le courant radical? ............................................................ 44 Chapitre 2 : L’organisation du travail : un refus du déterminisme technologique .............................................................................................................. 60 Chapitre 3 : La théorie de la segmentation du marché du travail.............................. 101 Conclusion de la première partie .......................................................................... 139 Seconde Partie : La réponse du courant dominant et l’évolution de la position radicale ........................................................................................................... 141 Chapitre 1 : La réponse du courant dominant au défi radical ................................... 144 Chapitre 2 : La transformation du courant radical .................................................... 184 Conclusion de la seconde partie ........................................................................... 223 Troisième Partie : Autorité et pouvoir dans la théorie des contrats incomplets : une convergence avec le courant radical ? .......................................... 224 Chapitre 1 : L’élaboration des concepts : de l’intégration verticale à l’autorité .................................................................................................................... 226 Chapitre 2 : L’étude de l’organisation intra-firme, de l’autorité au pouvoir ............ 266 Conclusion de la troisième partie ......................................................................... 299 Annexes .................................................................................................................... 301 Bibliographie ................................................................................................................ 312 Table des Matières ....................................................................................................... 343 -9- INTRODUCTION GENERALE 1. Méthodologie 1.1. Une histoire de la pensée économique contemporaine 1.2. Quelques difficultés de définition 1.2.1. Délimiter les courants et les périodes 1.2.2. Une première définition de l’autorité 2. Les débats sur les origines et les fonctions de la hiérarchie dans la firme : un aperçu 2.1. La théorie des droits de propriété 2.2. Le défi radical 2.3. La réponse du courant dominant 2.4. Le tournant des radicaux vers la micro-économie 2.5. Le pouvoir : une notion clé de la théorie économique des organisations 3. Convergence ou impérialisme ? 4. Plan de la thèse -10- En 1957, dans sa “dissection moderne” du modèle marxien, Paul Samuelson écrivait cette phrase désormais très connue : “(...) dans un marché parfaitement concurrentiel, peu importe qui embauche qui : disons que c’est le travail qui embauche le “capital”(...)”.1 Environ quarante ans plus tard, Raghuram Rajan et Luigi Zingales, deux jeunes économistes de l’université de Chicago, écrivent que : “l’autorité, ou le pouvoir, est différente du mécanisme des prix parce qu’elle implique l’exercice de droits qui ne peuvent pas faire l’objet d’un contrat (...). [L]e pouvoir [dans la firme] provient de la propriété des actifs (...)”.2 Ces deux citations ont en commun d’exprimer, chacune à leur époque, le point de vue du courant dominant en économie. Paul Samuelson incarne le projet d’une théorie de l’équilibre général, qui arrive alors à maturité3, entrepris quatre-vingt ans plus tôt par Léon Walras. Raghuram Rajan et Luigi Zingales, quant à eux, participent à l’un des courants qui ont le plus renouvelé la théorie économique contemporaine, la théorie des contrats incomplets. Bien qu’appartenant à la même tradition intellectuelle, généralement qualifiée de “néoclassique”, il est clair que les notions de concurrence et de firme, sous-jacentes à ces deux extraits, ont évolué. En effet, pour Paul Samuelson, la firme se résume à une fonction de production. Les notions d’autorité, de hiérarchie et de pouvoir n’ont pas de place en analyse économique dans la mesure où l’allocation des ressources rares s’effectue de manière optimale par le mécanisme des prix. Tout obstacle au libre jeu des forces de la concurrence est nécessairement considéré comme exogène au marché. Comme chez Léon Walras, la production est ramenée à des échanges.4 Pour Raghuram Rajan et Luigi Zingales, au contraire, la concurrence elle-même peut produire de manière endogène des imperfections dans le fonctionnement du marché et surtout, la firme, loin d’être le lieu d’échanges ponctuels que décrit l’analyse néoclassique, est conçue comme une organisation hiérarchique où la propriété des moyens de production joue un rôle crucial pour comprendre les relations d’autorité et de pouvoir entre les individus. Il n’est dès lors plus possible de considérer que “peu importe qui embauche qui dans un marché concurrentiel” précisément parce que la signification des termes “embauche” et “concurrence” a changé. Comment un tel changement a-t-il pu s’opérer ? 1 Samuelson [1957] (p. 894), notre traduction. Nous sommes seul responsable des erreurs et lourdeurs de traduction que cette thèse comporte, excepté concernant les ouvrages traduits en français figurant dans notre bibliographie. 2 Rajan & Zingales [1998], pp. 387-388. 3 Le modèle Arrow-Debreu date de 1954, The theory of value de Debreu date de 1959. 4 cf. Dockès [1996], (p. 124 et suiv.). -11- Répondre entièrement à une telle question nécessiterait de faire l’histoire du courant dominant depuis quarante ans en s’intéressant à la fois à la théorie de la concurrence et à la théorie de la firme. Notre propos est plus modeste : d’une part, nous nous intéresserons principalement à la théorie de la firme et d’autre part,
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