3 Interwar Period (1919-1939): the Victory of the Khazar Theory
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3 Interwar Period (1919-1939): the Victory of the Khazar Theory 3.1 General State of the Karaite Communities in Poland and Lithuania in the Interwar Period The First World War and the October Revolution divided the East European Karaite community among several newly emerged states: Crimean and Russian Karaites became citizens of the Soviet Union, the Halicz Karaites finally joined their Polish brethren, whereas northern communities (Poniewież and other) became part of the First Republic of Lithuania (Lith. Lietuvos Respublika, Pol. Litwa Kowieńska). In general, most publications on the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Karaites refer to the existence of the four most important Karaite communities of the region, those of Troki, Wilno, Łuck, and Halicz. Nevertheless, one should undoubtedly add to this list the fifth, less known, but still very important community, that of Poniewież. This town was the centre for several other small northern communities.485 Traditionally, the communities were divided into two main divisions: northern (Wilno, Troki, Poniewież) and south-western (Galician and Volhynian) communities. Each of the communities, however, had its own specific features. First, there were strong linguistic differences between southern and northern dialects of the Karaim language. Second, in terms of cultural and liturgical traditions, the south-western Karaites seemed to be more prone to the Rabbanite influence than those of the north. Third, there also were state, economic, and political borders which divided them. After 1919 northern Karaite communities (Poniewież, Nowe Miasto, Birża, Upity, Poswol, Kowno, Kiejdany, and some other smaller ones) were included into the territory of independent Lithuania and separated from their brethren in Troki and Wilno. These communities were thus exposed to the Lithuanian cultural influence. The Karaites of 485 Archival sources also mention the existence of a certain damaged Karaite “chapel” (Pol. kaplica) in the village of Kiorklu Sała (district of Nowe Troki) (AAN MWRiOP, no. 1464, fol. 30; no. 1463, fol. 502). In fact, however, Kiorklu Sała (TrKar. “beautiful village”) or Malowanka in Polish, was but a large estate with a considerable plot of land which had originally belonged to the Karaite community. Later it was apparently privatized by Szapszał for his own use. In 1938 the estate built there was officially presented as the “ḥakhan’s house” (S.F. [Szymon Firkowicz?], “Poświęcenie domu J.E. Hachana,” MK 12 (1938): 150). In 1940 it was occupied by the Soviets (see the description of the night visit of the commissars to the estate (A. Pilecki to S. Szapszał, 20.02.1940, Russian, MS LMAB F. 143, no. 1002, fol. 6v)). Later Szapszał tried to obtain both from the German and Soviet administration the right to return the estate, but apparently without any success. There are a number of archival documents dedicated to this estate and the problem of its return (MS LMAB F. 143, nos. 536; 1044; 1002; 1237; 1056, fol. 13; no. 1063 (for the description of the conflict between Sz. Firkowicz and S. Szapszał with regard to this estate, see fols. 4-5)). There Szapszał often accepted important visitors, e.g. T. Kowalski with his family (ibid., no. 1237). © 2015 Mikhail Kizilov This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License. 110 Interwar Period (1919-1939): the Victory of the Khazar Theory Troki, mostly petty farmers, strict in their religious views, were quite different from the wealthy, well-educated and Europeanized Karaites of the capital city of Wilno in terms of their social status and religiosity. These two communities, together with the Łuck Karaites, whilst living on the territory of the Russian empire, were rather Russified than Polonized. The comparatively small community of Halicz, which was until 1918 the part of the Austro-Hungarian empire, turned out to be probably the most unique of them. This small community, being cut off from their religious brethren, seemed to preserve their religious traditions in much more conservative way than all the others. Of great interest are their ambivalent relations with Ashkenazic neighbours with whom the Halicz Karaites had to co-exist within the limits of their small town.486 Speaking about the self-identification of the local Karaites, it seems highly interesting to refer here to the testimony of one Halicz Karaite emigrant to Israel who mentioned that in the 1920s local Karaite children were taught that they were Jews, but whilst on the street they were supposed to manifest themselves as the “Turks”.487 After the end of the First World War the Karaites of Łuck and Halicz found themselves to be inhabitants of the so-called “Kresy” – eastern Polish territories bordering the Soviet Union. These regions, which were inhabited by a considerable amount of non-Polish ethnic minorities (Jews, Karaites, Russians, Ukrainians, Czechs, Armenians, Gypsies, Lemki to mention some of them),488 had often been considered by the Polish officials as “disputed territories”, hosting a not-too-patriotic population. Especially unwelcome were the pro-Russian tendencies of some inhabitants of “Kresy”. Despite their previous active acculturation into the Russian society, after 1919 the local Karaites started emphasizing their patriotic feelings towards the Polish government. Their pro-Polish tendencies immediately evoked attention of Polish officials who constantly stressed political importance of the Karaites as inhabitants of “Kresy” who were loyal to Poland.489 486 The Rabbanite quarter of Halicz was located next to that of the Karaites; moreover, many Rabbanites rented flats in houses of their Karaite neighbours. 487 Shapira, “The Turkic Languages and Literatures,” 688. 488 E.g. J.B., “Staroobrzędowcy, Musułmanie i Karaimi w Polsce,” Orędownik Wrzesiński 12 (1.02.1930), 1. 489 AAN MWRiOP, no. 1461, fol. 85. General State of the Karaite Communities in Poland and Lithuania in the Interwar Period 111 In general, about one third of Poland’s population in the 1920s consisted of ethnic minorities whose legal status sometimes was not clearly defined.490 Polish and Karaite statistical data which stated that there were as many as 1,500 Karaites in interwar Poland undoubtedly considerably overestimated the real number of Karaite population.491 According to the official estimates of 1919 there were approximately 150 Karaites living in the towns of Halicz and Lwów, and adjacent villages of Załukiew, Żyrawa and Bóbrka. The Karaite community of Łuck was considerably less numerous than all other Karaite communities: according to statistics of 1922-1925, the community consisted of only 12 families (65 persons).492 According to the official data, there were 203 Karaites living in Troki on 15.03.1922. The Wilno Karaite community consisted of 127 people on 15.03.1922.493 The Poniewież community comprised about a hundred persons in the 1920s, and 155 in the 1930s.494 Even if one takes into consideration the fact that some Karaites had continued to gradually return from the Russian evacuation, the Polish-Lithuanian Karaite community could hardly exceed 900-1,000 inhabitants, with only 700-800 of them living within the limits of Poland. According to S. Saggese, in 1931 there were 724-729 Karaites living in Poland and independent Lithuania (215 in Troki, 193 in Wilno, 71 in Łuck, 145-150 in Halicz).495 The Karaites themselves were undoubtedly aware of insignificance of their numbers. The Wilno Karaite, Emanuel Kobecki, emphasized that the Karaite in fact represented “the linguistic and confessional minority.... we are so scarce in numbers that we cannot have any ambitions to be recognized as a national minority”.496 According to one interwar author, the main reason for the demographic decline of the community was the Karaite motto: “It is impossible to become a Karaite; one needs to be born a Karaite.”497 490 Michał Tymowski, Jan Kieniewicz, Jerzy Holzer, Historia Polski (Warsaw, 1990), 282, 286. In interbellum Poland there were about 11,792,200 representatives of non-Polish ethnicity (i.e. 36% of the whole population), whereas in contemporary Poland their number is estimated to 1, 487, 600 – 2,141, 800 (around 3.5%-5.5% only) (Gabriele Simoncini, “National Minorities of Poland at the End of the Twentieth Century,” Polish Review 43:2 (1998): 173-193). On the Jews in interwar Poland, see Jerzy Tomaszewski, Zarys dziejów Żydów w Polsce w latach 1918-1939 (Warsaw, 1990); on the state of local ethnic minorities between the two world wars, see Polska-Polacy-mniejszości narodowe (Wrocław, 1992); Georg W. Strobel, Minderheiten in der Volksrepublik Polen (Cologne, 1964); Jerzy Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków (Warsaw, 1985); idem, Rzeczpospolita wielu narodów (Warsaw, 1985). 491 E.g. Szapszał’s letter to MWRiOP of 29.11.1928 (AAN MWRiOP, no. 1464, fol. 30). 492 AAN MWRiOP, no. 1466, fol. 118. 493 AAN MWRiOP, no. 1466, fols. 166-168. Cf. the list of the Karaite landowners in Troki in the 1920s (61 individuals altogether: “Wykaz Karaimów właścicieli ziemi,” MS LMAB F. 301, no. 10, fols. 226r-227r). 494 Kowalski, Karaimische Texte, ix. 495 S. Saggese, “I Caraimi di Polonia e Lituania,” Genus 23 (1967): 61. 496 AAN MWRiOP, no. 1461, fol. 298. 497 Hepke, Wilno, 70-71. 112 Interwar Period (1919-1939): the Victory of the Khazar Theory Linguistic publications of Tadeusz Kowalski, who visited all Polish-Lithuanian Karaite qehilot498 during his field trips of 1925-1928, provide much important information on the general state of the Karaite community in the 1920s and 1930s. Especially interesting is the introduction to his most important publication, the monograph Karaimische Texte im Dialekt von Troki (Kraków, 1929) which he wrote in German. In general, Kowalski found the Polish-Lithuanian Karaite community to be “pious and conservative, however, without any fanatic tendencies.” In his opinion, this feature could explain why the Polish-Lithuanian Karaites had better relations with their Christian or Muslim neighbours, than with the Rabbanite Jews.