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The Meaning of Folklore Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All USU Press Publications USU Press 2007 The Meaning of Folklore Simon J. Bronner Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/usupress_pubs Part of the Folklore Commons Recommended Citation Dundes, A., & Bronner, S. J. (2007). The meaning of folklore: The analytical essays of Alan Dundes. Logan: Utah State University Press. This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the USU Press at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All USU Press Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. !e Meaning of Folklore Photo by Simon Bronner Alan Dundes. !e Meaning of Folklore !e Analytical Essays of Alan Dundes Edited and Introduced by Simon J. Bronner Utah State University Press Logan, Utah Copyright ©2007 Utah State University Press All rights reserved Utah State University Press Logan, Utah 84322-7200 www.usu.edu/usupress Manufactured in the United States of America Printed on recycled, acid-free paper ISBN: 978-0-87421-683-7 (cloth) ISBN: 978-0-87421-684-4 (e-book) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dundes, Alan. !e meaning of folklore : the analytical essays of Alan Dundes / edited and introduced by Simon J. Bronner. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-87421-683-7 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Folklore. 2. Dundes, Alan. I. Bronner, Simon J. II. Title. GR71.D88 2007 398.2--dc22 2007033333 C"#$%#$& Preface and Acknowledgments vii Introduction: !e Analytics of Alan Dundes 1 References 36 Part I: Structure and Analysis 1. Folklore as a Mirror of Culture 53 2. !e Study of Folklore in Literature and Culture: Identi'cation and Interpretation 67 3. Metafolklore and Oral Literary Criticism 77 4. From Etic to Emic Units in the Structural Study of Folktales 88 (Postscript) !e Motif-Index and the Tale Type Index: A Critique 101 5. How Indic Parallels to the Ballad of the “Walled-Up Wife” Reveal the Pitfalls of Parochial Nationalistic Folkloristics 107 6. Structuralism and Folklore 123 (Postscript) Binary Opposition in Myth: !e Propp/ Lévi-Strauss Debate in Retrospect 145 7. On Game Morphology: A Study of the Structure of Non- Verbal Folklore 154 8. !e Devolutionary Premise in Folklore !eory 164 Part II: Worldview and Identity 9. Folk Ideas as Units of Worldview 179 (Postscript) Worldview in Folk Narrative 193 10. As the Crow Flies: A Straightforward Study of Lineal Worldview in American Folk Speech 196 11. Much Ado About “Sweet Bugger All”: Getting to the Bottom of a Puzzle in British Folk Speech 211 12. Grouping Lore: Scientists and Musicians 229 (A) Science in Folklore? Folklore in Science? 232 (B) Viola Jokes: A Study of Second String Humor 237 13. Medical Speech and Professional Identity 249 (A) !e Gomer: A Figure of American Hospital Folk Speech 252 (B) “When You Hear Hoofbeats, !ink Horses, Not Zebras”: A Folk Medical Diagnostic Proverb 264 Part III: Symbol and Mind 14. Getting the Folk and the Lore Together 273 15. Gallus as Phallus: A Psychoanalytic Cross-Cultural Consideration of the Cock'ght as Fowl Play 285 16. !e Symbolic Equivalence of Allomotifs: Towards a Method of Analyzing Folktales 319 17. Earth-Diver: Creation of the Mythopoeic Male 327 (Postscript) Madness in Method Plus a Plea for Projective Inversion in Myth 343 18. !eses on Feces: Scatological Analysis 352 (A) !e Folklore of Wishing Wells 355 (B) Here I Sit: A Study of American Latrinalia 360 (C) !e Kushmaker 375 19. !e Ritual Murder or Blood Libel Legend: A Study of Anti- Semitic Victimization through Projective Inversion 382 20. On the Psychology of Collecting Folklore 410 (Postscript) Chain Letter: A Folk Geometric Progression 422 Index 427 P(%)*+% *#, A+-#"./%,01%#$& T23& 3& * 4""- $2*$ Alan Dundes should have put together, or so I told him. He probably would have done it, had not death in March 2005 put a halt to his tremendous production. !e project came about a5er I read his proposal for a new compilation of his essays following Bloody Mary in the Mirror (2002a). I wanted him to do something dif- ferent from what he planned. Rather than adding another capsule of writing, I cheekily told him it was time to re6ect on the body of his major work covering more than forty years. He appreciated my suggestion that he should thematize his studies under analyti- cal headings and produce a critical, retrospective work twenty-'ve years a5er his monu- mental essay collection, Interpreting Folklore (1980b). Still a vital voice in cultural inquiry, Dundes accepted the challenge and was ready to plunge into the project with his charac- teristic ebullience. He even invited me to write the foreword. Dundes did not foresee that his life would suddenly be cut short. Or maybe he did. He predicted on several occasions that heredity was not in his favor because of the pre- mature death of his father, and he opined, o5en with humor, that his diet did not 't into the “healthy fare” category. Still, with his giving barely a hint of slowing down, news of his heart attack came as a shock. When the University of California press o7ce called me on the day he died, asking me for a quote to put in the public announcement, I quickly responded, “Alan Dundes will undoubtedly go down in history as one of the most in6uen- tial folklorists, indeed one of the most in6uential minds, the world has known. !at mind had an incredible range, reaching into cultures around the globe, and all manner of mate- rial including literature, narratives, art, customs, speech, and games. His specialty was not in a single genre, but in the provocative interpretation.” It 't his devotion to learning that his 'nal context when he was struck down was a Berkeley seminar room, as he was about to instruct and inspire another eager 6ock of students. !is book, in part, elaborates on my soundbite, with the hope of reaching new generations of students with Dundes’s insights. Even if he had not died, I thought that a project to elucidate, and evaluate, Dundes’s contributions to folkloristics was imperative. !e season before he died, he had touched o8 a lively debate with an address to the American Folklore Society on the role of psy- chological perspectives and what he called “grand theory” in the future of folklore stud- ies (2005c). Outside of the meetings, Dundes’s ears must have been ringing with invoca- tions of his name and work in global Internet discussions, symposia (including one in the Netherlands in which I was a participant), and classrooms. With his correspondence and essays stacked high on my desk, I put my words of advice into action. I checked with sev- eral of Dundes’s con'dants, and I consulted his widow, Carolyn Dundes, on the project. She sagely encouraged me to organize it as my book, rather than his, but commented that he would have liked the title and sections I had mapped out. !e result of my e8ort testi'es vii viii !e Meaning of Folklore to his lasting legacy, o8ers products of his most fertile mind, and re6ects on his contribu- tions to the study of culture that he pursued vigorously through the materials of folklore and encapsulated as an analytic endeavor of folkloristics. Why “meaning” as an organizing theme? It comes from Dundes’s frequent refer- ence to 'nding “patterns of meaning” as the goal of folkloristics. Meaning for Dundes was o5en hidden, frequently elusive, but uncoverable through folkloristic analysis. He saw meaning as the thinking underlying, and explaining, puzzling images, fantasies, and actions that pervade cultural life, o5en outside the awareness of participants in it. Rather than being random creations, the expressive texts of folklore—brought together in aggregate, traced historically and socially, identi'ed and compared textually, under- stood in their cultural context, appreciated for their texture or performance, and mined for structure, belief, and symbol—showed patterns that the folklorist was trained to dis- cern, and indeed analyze. In Dundes’s view, the scholar’s role was more than reporting native exegesis or perfor- mance, but rather that of broad-based analysis involving scholarly organization and inter- pretation of folkloric materials. If ethnography reported culture on the natives’ own terms, his folkloristics de'ned the terms, and expressions (and “projections”), by which natives could be understood. It should be emphasized that for Dundes, his “natives” were fre- quently “ourselves” rather than exotic others, attested to by his studies of children, stu- dents, musicians, scientists, and folklorists, in his family as well as his classroom and coun- try. Frequently relying on the collections of others (his Berkeley folklore archives is one of the world’s largest), his strength was to set up in the library and archives a kind of folklor- istic operating table where he laid out his “corpus of data,” as he liked to say, and surgically probed it, thereby revealing its inner workings to an anxious audience. Once the material was put back together, the analysis led to ideas on its meaning—with social and psycho- logical implications—that would not be evident from a surface inspection. In fact, I could continue the metaphor by saying that he had a reputation akin to a famed master surgeon, bearing the aura of risk-taking ability that surrounds an authoritative 'gure who develops novel procedures and ingenious, if controversial, solutions. Elliott Oring (1975a) recog- nized this persona when he referred to folklorists informed by his incisive “operations” and taking on the role of “surgical interns.” Noteworthy in this regard are Dundes’s ground- breaking essays on the folklore of the medical profession (Dundes and George 1978; Dundes, L.
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