National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive pennettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microforni, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fh, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownenhp of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts £hm it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiek may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. THE METASTASiAN AND SERL4:

A COMPARATIVE STUDY

Wade Kenneth Wright

Graduate Progam in Music

Submitted in partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Faculty of Graduate Studies The University of Western Ontario London. Ontario Janii;ur 3000

6 Wade K. Wright 2000 ABSTRACT

Contemporary accounts of the of Pieho Metastasio frequently lead to comparisons with the theatrical genres, particularly the . Yet. apart fiom these brief observations. the Metastasian oratorio has never been compared with the Metastasian opera seriu. thus prompting and justifj4ng this investigation. Since Metastasio's libretti were set repeatedly. the oratorio La passione di Gesù Cristo (1730) and the opera

L 'Olimpiadr ( 1 73 3 ). written by Metastasio and set by for the Viemese court. will sme as the principal vehicles for cornparison. In chapter one. the political. econornic. and social environment in which these works were witten is established and an account of the Viennese sepolcro is provided, prirnarily because La passione is a product of this nadition. Chapters two and three consist. respectively. of a comparative study of the libretti and their musical settings. Finally. the conclusions assess the resuits of these comparisons in light of subsequent adaptations.

Krywords: Metastasio. Caldara oratorio. opera seria. La pussionr. L 'Olimpiade. sepolcro, Habsburgs. . Aha. To my grandmother. Laurena Carrothers. for being such an integrai part of my support network. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Thanks is extended. first md foremost, to my principal advisor, Dr. Don Neville. for his patience. his interest. his kindness. and his time. Thanks are also due to Dr. Richard Sernrnrns. for providing valuable suggestions. and to Lisa Philpott, Gayle Fluter. and the rest of the staff of the Music Library at the University of Western Ontario. While this project has been dedicated to one person in particular. 1 would be remiss if 1 did not acknowledge the role played by al1 of my family (particularly rny parents) and friends. For your support. encouragement. tolerance. patience. and listening ears. I extend to you my wholehearted &gratitude. TABLE OF CONTENTS

.. Certificate of Examination .*.11 Abstract 111 Dedication iv Acknowledgments v Table of Contents vi List of Tables vii List of Appendices viii

Introduction

Chapter 1 Pan 1: Historical Context- The Austro-Italian Baroque Pm II: The Viennese Sepolcro- A Review of the Secondary Source Literature

Chapter 2 The Compared

Chapter 3 The Musical Settings Compared

Conciusions

Vita LIST OF TABLES

Table Description

O. 1 Summary of Metastasio's and Oratorios; 1 730- 1736. Including Composer and Performance Date

The Sepoicro: The Pnmary Sources

The Sepolcro: An Assessrnent of Relevant Secondary Sources ( In C hronological Order)

The Evolution from the Sepoicro to the Oratorio ul Sam issirno Sepoicro

Prevalent Rhyme-Scheme Examples: La passione and L 'Olimpiude

.4na and Ensemble Distribution

The Structure of the Du cupo Aria

The Structure of the Da capo Aria With Vocal Motto

Vocal Soloists who Premiered La passione and L 'Olimpiade in Vienna

Vocal Ranges of La passione and L 'Olimpiacie

Distribution of Mode between La passione and L 'Ofimpiade

Distribution of Tempo between La passione and L 'Olimpiude

La parsione: Structural Organization

L 'Olimpiade: Structural Organization

Summq of Similarities and Differences: Lu passione and L 'Olirnpiode LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Description Page

Appendix 1 Plot Synopsis: Lü passione 103

Appendix II Plot Synopsis: L 'Olimpiade 105

Appendix III La passione and L 'Olimpiade: 1O9 S iructural Organization

Summary of Sirnilarities and Differences: Lo parsione and L 'Olimpiade INTRODUCTION

.As Imperia1 Court Poet in Vienna from 1730 to 1782. was required to provide [ihretti for sacred and seculas dramatic performances and the Vke-Kapellmeister. Antonio Caldara (died 1736). was accountable for severai of their fiat musical settings. Givrn this mutual participation. investigations of the eighteenth-cenniry Metastasian opera and oratorio have tended to suggest that both genres. their most obvious differences aside, resmble each othrr in structure and style. Joyce Johnson. for example. states that "both the operas and the ontonos wrinen by Metastasio are structured along similar lines"' and Howard Srnither daims that "cornposers seem not to have distinguished stylistically between

O~O~Oand serious opera."' Smither Mercontends that: ... the texts and the music [of the oratorio] are modelled on those of contemporary open. Thus. O~O~Oand open tend to exhibit the same kinds of stylization of "affections." or emotional states. in their poetry and music and the çame kinds of structural and stylistic changes during the course of the Baroque period. As opera changes frorn the flexible combination of recitative and aria of the mid-seventeenth century toward the more highly stylized and rationalistic structures of the eighteenth cenniry. oratorio changes with it- or in somr respects behind it: as opera abandons the strophic and other procedures identified with the aria of the mid-seventeenth century in favour of the da capo aria oratorio does so as well: as opera minimizes the use of the chorus. so does oratorio: indeed. as Zeno and Metastasio introduce changes in the Italian opera . they do likewise in the Italian oratorio libretto. and dius they change certain aspects of the oratorio's gened structure.'

' JO -cc JO hnson. Romun Orarorio. 1 '-0- 1800: The Reperrto- at Sonfa Maria in bbllicello (Ann Arbor. hlich.: U.M.I. Research Press. 1987). 38.

-Howard Smither. "Oratorio and Sacred Opera. 1700-1825: Terminology and Genre Distinction" Rojd .\fusicologicul .issociution Proceedings 106 ( 1979180): 89.

'Howard Sm ither. The Orarorio in the Barque Era: /ta&, bïenna Paris, 1. .4 HIStory of rhe Orazorio i Chapd Hill. N.C.:ne L'niversi'y of North Carolina Press. 1977). 13. While other scholars have alluded to this topic. typically in midies of one genre or the other and with a focus primarily upon music. no anempt has ken made to compare and contras1 the two in detail. thus prompting this investigation. A study aimed directly at a comparison of the libretto and score of an eighteenth- ccntury Metastasian oratorio and opera might well reveal similarities and differences that transcend those that have traditionally ken apparent to scholars concemed with either genre. It is. therefore. the intent of this snidy to augment conternporary understanding of this issue. not only by outlining the textual and musical similarities and differences that are easily identitiable. but also to seek hrther for those that are not- Sincc it is impossible. within the scope of this study. to compare ail musical settings of cvrp Metastasian O~O~Oand opera libretto. this investigation will focus upon a single representative exarnple of each genre. ïhus. the oratorio. La parsione di Gesù Cristo (1730). and the open. L 'Olimpiude (1 733). witten by Metastasio and set by Caldara for the Virnncse court around the same time. will serve as the principle vehicles for comparison. By drtrmining the various similarities and differencrs that exist between these two works. it will bc: possible to reveal elements that assist in Further defining the genres that they represent. The proposed study. however. has a secondary aim. From approximately 1660 to 1 710. in addition to the oratorio. librettists and composers at the Habsburg court cultivated the .sepolcro. a genre of sacred drarnatic music virtually unknown in other centres. An account of this genre is essential. not only because a cornprehensive overview of this genre is lacking. but aiso because the Metastasian oratorio chosen for examination is a product of this tradition. While detailed investigations of the Viennese opera4 and oratorio (including

4 Herbert Siekn's study of the opera at the Viennese court fiom its beginning to 1705 is, as of yet un su rpassed : S ie fert, Die Opera am Wiener Kaiserhof im I 7 Jahrhundert. Wiener Ver6ffent i ichungen zur blusikgeschichte, ed. Othmar Wessel-y. vol. 25 (Tutzing: Ham Schneider. 1 985). See also Seifert, Der Sig- prungende Hockeir-Gort: Hochzeirfeste am Wiender Kaiserhof 1 622- 16 99. Dramma per mus ica. Vol 2. (Vienna: Musikwissenschaftlicher Verlag. 1988). The most comprehensive snidy of Fuu's Viennese operas is: J. H. Van der Meer.Jo)wnn Josef Fia ais Opernkompnîsr (Bilthoven, A. B. Cpghton, 196 1). See further. however, Seifert -The Secular-Dramatic Compositions of Fux: A Genefal Survey," in Johann Joseph Fm and the! .\tusic of rhr .-furrro-lralianBaroque, ed. Harry White (Aldershot. U.K.: Scolar Press, 1W), 138-152. Caldan's Viennese operas are discussed in Robert Freeman, "Opera Without Drarna: Cunents of Change in the sepolcro)' have been done. examinations of the sepolcro in panicular await assembly into a comprehensive whole. Within the limits of this thesis. therefore. an attempt will be made to provide a succinct account of this genre by bnnging together a disparate body of research. Part of this task wilI entail an assessrnent of relevant secondary sources and the extent to which they retlect extant primary source materials. In the fint chapter. preceding this account of the sepolcro. Metastasio's works of the

1730s hi11 be placed within their historical context. Existing research suggests that as works composed at the Habsburg court during the height of the Baroque period. they occupied a special place within a well-established tradition. Within this tradition. art and architecture were employed as instruments of religious and socio-political propaganda. Both rnediums becarne metaphorical vehicles which the Habsburgs employed to convince their subjects and. perhaps more importantly. their enemies. of their wealth, power. order. and moral supremacy. In this respect. however. the Habsburg monarchy was not unique. During the Baroque period. noble hows throughout Europe employed the arts to apostrophise the glory of their own regimes. But as with any court environment. Habsburg artistic patronage was Mned by its own unique blend of the particular social. political. economic. and religious factors that characterized the reign of the House of Habsburg during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For that reason. chapter one will surnmarize the factors that made the religious and political propaganda with which the Habsburgs surrounded themselves part of a tradition that. during the srventeenth century. had ken essential to the very sumival of the monarchy

ltalian Opera. 1675 to 1725. and the Roles Played Therein by Zeno. Caldam and Ohers." (Ph. D. diss.. Princeton Universip. l967), 1 8 1-273.

or the most comprehensive account of the oratorio currently available. see Howard Smither. A Hisioc of the Oratorio. 3 vols. (Chape1 Hiil. N.C.: University of North Cmlina Press. 1977-1987). Although dated, Arnold Schering's mdy of the oratorio is still an important one: Arnold Schering Geschichte des Oruroriums (Vienna 19 1 1 : reprint. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966). Caldara's Venetian oratorios are esarn ined in: Ursula Kirkendale, .-l nronio Cddwa: Sein Leben und Seine P kne=ianisch-rumischen Oratorien (: Hermann Bohlaus Nachf. 1966). A comprehensive investigation of Caldara's Viemese oratorios has not ?et ken done. Other sources that examine the Viennese sepolcro oratorio are listed in their entirety in chap. 1. it~elf.~By no means the situation during the early 1730s. Metastasio's works. nevertheiess, continued a tradition established under more trying circumstances. A detailed comparative study of Metastasio's libretto for the oratorio La passione di Gesù Cristo and opera L 'Olimpiade will comprise chapter two. This cornparison will include such technical considerations as the literary-dramatic structure of these texts (versification. rhyme scheme. vowel placement etc.); proportion of recitative to aria; sources and thernes within the plot: the adherence to and/or direct reference (through footnotes) to hi storicalhiblical fact: drarnatic pace: drarnatic emphasis (medit.ation/reflection venus drarnatic dialogue); and finally. treatment. distribution. and development of dramatic personagcs. Considerable weight will also be placed upon Metastasio's approach to moral instruction. the actual moral and didactic function of the srcular and sacred texts having rilrèady beèn established.' Chaptrr threè will entail a comparative study of Antonio Caldara's setting of the two tests. as well as the relationship of these particular works to Caldara's general stylistic tendencies. another topic that has already been investigated.' Detailed analyses of both works cornplered by the present author will serve as a foundation upon which to determine inherent similarities and differencrs in musical approach.

'on this topic. see Ennt Wangemann, 7k .Ausrrian .-îchimen~liOU-I8OO (London. Thames and Hudson. 1973). 1 1-16; and Don Neville. -Metastasi0 and the [mage of Majesty in the Austro-Italim Banque". chap. 7 in Italian Culture in ,Vorthern Europe in the Eighteenrh century, ed. Shearer West (Cambridge: University Press. l998), 140- 158.

7~onNeville. **Metastasio:Poet and Preacher in Vienna" Pierro itfetastasio (1698-1783. uomo rrnirrrsufr. ed. Elizabeth T. Hilscher and Andrea Sommer-Maths (Vienna: Verlag der Ostemichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 1999- in press): "Moral Philosophy in the Metastasian ûramas," pmeedings of the symposium "Crosscurrents and the Mainsneam of' Italian Serious Opera 1730-1790.- published as Studies in .\lusicfiom the Uniwrsih of Western Onrurio 7/I (1982): 2846: "Cartesian Principles in Mozart's Ld clmtim di Tito." Sttddies in rhe Histoq of,2.Iuic 2 (?Vew York: Broude Brothers. 1988). 97-123; and .*Mozart's La Ciernrnza di Tito and the Metasmian Opera Seria," (Ph. D. diss., University of Cambridge. 1986). 85-13.

for example. BFian Pritchard ed.. Amnio Caldam: &ssays on his L$k and Times. (Aldershot, U.K.: Scholar Press, t 987): Kirkendale, .-in~onioCuIduru: and Freeman. "Opera Without Drama- 18 1-273. Biographical Sketches: Pietro Metastasio and Antonio Caldara

Pietro Metastasio was born Pietro Trapassi to parents of humble means in . on 3 Janw 1698. At age ten. he became the ward of Gian Vincenzo Gravina, a jurist man of letters. and founding member of the first Arcadian Acadrmy in Rome. Having been impressed by the boy's intelligence and ability to improvise verse. Gravina agreed to direct Metastasio's education. Envisioning for him a career as a lawyer. Gravina guided his ward through a study of the classics that included an acquaintance with Greek and Latin drarna. Furthcr. Gravina established Metastasio's fint connections with the Arcadian literary acadrmies" and also arranpd for him to study the mord philosophy of René Descartes with Gravina's cousin. Gregono Caloprese. an influential Cartesian scholar described by Giambattista Vico as a "gan filosofo renatista."" Akrwiting occasional pieces for members of the Neapolitan aristocmcy. Metastasio began his carerr as an opera seria librettist in Naples in 1724." Then. fiom 1730 until his

'Many of the driails of Mctastasio's life can be readily located. For cxarnple. see ?3iografiaVin Pietro Antonio Domenico Buonaventura Metastasio. Tutti Ir opere di Pietro .\letastusio. ed. Bruno Brunelli Bonetti. I classici Mondadori. fondazione Borletti. 5 vols. (Verona: Mondadori. 1951-1965). Sealso "Cronolgia della vita e delle opere di Pietro Metastasio." Opere. I: XLV: Thr .VwGrow Dicrionary of Music uncl .\lzrsiciuns. s.v. "Metastasio. Pietro." by Michael F. Robinson; The New Grove Dicriana? of Opcira, S.V. "Metastasio. Pietro." by Don Neville: and Neville, "Mozart's La C!emen=a di Tito." 85-103.

O I Metastasi0 hirnself berne a member of the Arcadian Accademia Aletina in Naples in 17 18. He was assigned the Arcadian title .-!rtino C'oraseio. Michele Maylender, Storia delle accadernie d'Italia, 5 vols. ( Bolopna: Licinio Cappelli. 1926). 1 : 135.

' '..~reatphilosopher of Renato [Descartes]." Giarnbattista Vico. Yitu di Giarnbattirta Fico scritra do se niedesirno in .-lutobiogrï$a e rispaste al "giorrtufede' ietteruti d'Italia," ed. Michele F. Sciacca. Scrittori italiani (Milan: Marzorati editore. 1969). 32. [Vita fînt published 17281 For discussions of the Arcadian precepts advanced by Metastasio, see Neville. "Moral Philosophy in the Metastasian Dramas." 30-32: Neville. "Metastasio: Poet and Preacher in Vienna" in press; and Nino Pirrotta "Metastasio and the Demands of his Literap Environment" proceedings of the symposium "Crosscurrents and the Mainstrearn of Italian Serious Opera. 1 730- 1 790." published as Studies in .Misicfi.am the University of Western Ontario 7/ 1 ( 1 982): 10-27. On Metastasio's exposure to the principles of Cartesian moral philosophy, see Neville. "Momrt's La cfemerra di Th.'. 93- l O3 : and Neville. "Moral Philosophy in the Metastasian Dramas." 30-3 2.

"in 1724. met as ta si o.^ first opera serio libretto. Sface re di ivmidia, was performed in a sening by Francwo Feo. As the reworking of Domenico David's La forza del virtic, Metastasio later viewed this work as a -'rnere adjunct to his oeuvre." The first completely originaI opera libretto by Metastasio was Didone ubhancionata. Written in 1724 and first set by Domenico Sarro, this work officially launched his career in death in 1782. he held the prestigious position of Imperia1 Court Poet in Viema first to Emperor Charles VI (emperor 17 1 1- 1 740), then to Empress Maria Theresa (empress 1740- 1780). and finally. to her son. Joseph II (emperor 1765-1 790). At the height of his career, during the ten-year Blütezeit under Charles VI frorn 1730 to 1740. Metastasio wrote the librettos for seven oratorios and eleven opere serie. Wlen Metastasio arrived in Vienna in 1730, Antonio Caldara. the composer who was to set most of his texts betwern 1730 and 1736. had dready been "in-house" since 1716. Previously. Caldara had set the texts of numerous sacred and secular dramatic works. most of them by Apostolo Zrno. Metastasio's imperial predecessor.13 Born in 1670. Caldara had been a choir boy at St. Mark's in . where he may have been a pupil of the muesfro di cuppella. . After setting operas for theatrrs in Venice. Genoa. and , Caldara became muesfro di cappella at Mantua to Ferdinand0 Cdo. the last Duke of Gonzaga in 1699. Following Ferdinand's death in 1708. Caldara was commissioned to wnte works for Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni in Rome and, betwern 1709 and 17 16. he worked as mcresiro di cclppelku to Prince Francesca Maria Ruspoli. also in Rome. While occupying this position. he composed sporadically for Charles III. who was in as a pretender to the Spanish thronr. Charles. who unexpectedly succeeded to the Habsburg throm (as Charles VI) in 171 1. officially &carne Caldara's panon in Vienna when the composer was appointed tke-Kapcllrneister at the Habsburg imperial court in 1 7 16. Caldara remainrd in the service of the Habsburg court until his death in 1736. Like Metastasio. Caldara's contract at the Viennese court was quite demanding. In addition to the secular and sacred works which he was oblipd to write for a plethora of court-related occasions. Caldara was frequently called upon to compose works in place of the O ften ailing Kapellmeister. .u( 1660- 174 1 ). And rnoreover. Caldara also

Naples. Neville. "Metastasio." in Opera Grove.

"~ikerhose of Metastasio. the deiails of Caldara's life are readily available. See furcher, Robert Fnxman. "Opera W ithout Draman 1: 1 82- 186; Kirkendale. .-inronio Caidara. 2 1- 103; the articles on Caldara by Kirkendale, Paolo Isotta. and Claudio Gallico in Chigiana. XXVI-XXVII ( 1971): 223-346; Ursula and Warren Kirkendale. "Caldan Antonio." Dkionario biografico >i italiani. vol. 16 (Rome, 1973): 556-566; Freeman. "Caldam.'. in .Vew Grove: and The Nat. Grove Dicrionan, of Opera. S.V. "Calciara, Antonio," by Bnan Pritchard. fulfilled outside commissions. including annual opera productions for the archiepiscopal court at as well as the re-s~gingof his Viennese works at the palace of Count Questenberg. a Viennese courtier. in Moravia. In order to demonstrate the extent of the association between Caldara and Metastasio, the works that Metastasio wrote for the irnperial court between 1730 and 1736 have been set out in tabular fom below." The date of performance and the composer who set each work have also been indicated.

Table 0.1 Surnrnary of Metastasio's Operas and Oratorios; 1730-1736. lncluding Composer and Performance Date.

1 Metastasian Work Composer Pertbrmance Date Opera:

Demerrio Caldara lss ipil e Conti .-î driuno in Siria Caldara L 'Olimpiarle Caldara Dernofoonie Caldara Lu clrmenx di Tito Caidara .-îchille in Sciro Caldara C'iro riconoscittro Caldara T~imistocle Caldara II Oratorio: Lu pimione di Gesu Crisro Caldara Sunr 'Elena al Caliwio Caldara Lu morte d +.A bel Caldara Giicseppe roconoscium Porsile Berrrlia liberaru Reutter Gioas re di Giuda Reutter

IJ Between 1730 and 1736. Caldara also set texts by Zeno and Pasquini, for a total of three operas. tourfista teatrale. and tive oratorios. See Freernan. "Caldam- in New Grove. Primary Sources

Many of the sources consulted for this study are discussed in the second part of chapter 1 and. for that reason. will not be assessed here. Not specifically identified. however. are the scores and librettos of La passione and L 'Olimpiade. Al1 references to. and quotations from the librettos for these two works are based upon the cntical edition of Metastasio's works entitled Tuite le opere di Pieno Mermtasio." Compilrd and edited by Bruno BruneIli (Milan and Verona. 1943-54). this "rremainsthe only cdition to cmbrace [Metastasio's] entire output and to attempt the type of commentary that it generate~."'~ Al1 references to the score of La passione in the ensuing discussion cite a copy of the autograph made for the impenal court library (the fonner Kaiseriiche und Konigiiche Bihliothek). now part of the collection of the .Musikmmrnlung. a division of the tisrrrreichische .Vntionulbibliothek (A:W~)." Such copies. which were kept in the emprror's library. were. for the most pari. prepared by court copyists. usually in the same year as the premiere performance. A facsimile reproduction of this manuscript is available in the series The [talion Oratorio. rdited by Smither and ~ohnson.'~Similady. the present study of L 'Olimpiud~~is based upon a facsimile reproduction of a "fair copy" also made for the imperial court library and held in the iblusiksamrnlung of the Gkerreichische .\~utionaibibliorhek.'Y This reproduction has been published as part of the Garland series

IrFor a full citation. see n. 9.

17 Antonio Caldara Lu psione di GesÙ Christo, (Vienna 1730). Contemporary MS. Copy. Vienna: ~stemichischeNationaibibliothek. Mus. Hs. 17. 13 1.

' '~nronioCaldva Ln pussione di Grsù Chrisro. d.Howard E. Smither and Joyce L. Johnson. in 7k frulicrn Orarario. vol. I I (New York: Garland Press, 1985).

"~ntonioCaldara. L 'Olimpide.(Vienna, 1 733). Contemporary MS. Copy . Vienna: herreichische 'iationalbibliothek, Mus. Hs. 17. 164. 9

Italian Opera: 16-10-1 770.20Those references to Joachim Perinet's adaptation of Isacco. figuru del Redenfore which are found in the conclusion refer to a copy of the printed libretto, publishcd by Joseph Trendler in Vienna in 18 11." Unfortunately. the musical setting by Jhos Fusz is no longer extant.

20 Antonio Caldara, L 'Olitnpiude. ed. Howard Mayer Brown, in ItuIicfn Opera: 1640-IYO. vol. 22 (New York: Garland Press, 1978).

" Pietro Metastasio. Isc1uk. adapted by Joachim Perinet (Vienna: Joseph Trendler. 18 12). A eopy of this libretto is located in the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek at 7522-A.M.. CHAPTER ONE

Part 1: Historical Context- The Austro-Italian Baroque

Viennese art. architecture. literature. and music during the Baroque period bar witnrss to a stronp lralian presence at the Habsburg court. a presence due in no small part to various Austro-ltalian mamage and political alliances' and the predominantly "ltalianate" nature of the Counter-Refomation. ardently pursued in Austria throughout much of the seventeenth century.' In each of these areas. Italian influences were so prominent that Vienna secured for itself the reputation as "forse la città d'oltralpe piu italiana."' In music. this approbation of '-things Italian" had specific relevancc ter the sacred and secular dramatic genres cultivated at the imperial court. Here. music was so thoroughly Italian that imported C ltalian composers. librenim. and perfomers dominated the centre of Viema's musical life. the imperial H~fmusikkupefie.~and the "stylistic features distinguishing Viennese musical

I The first in a series of such marriage alliances was the second rnamiage of Maximilian 1 (emperor 1493- 15 19) to Bianca Maria Sforza of Milan in 1494. For a full account of these marriages. together with their cultural impact, see Neville. "Metastasio and the Image of Majesty," 140-158; Rudolph Schnitzler "The Sacred Dnmatic Music of Antonio Draghi"'(Ph. D. diss.. University of North Carolina, 1971), 16; Charles 1 ngrao. The Habshzug .tfonarchy, 161 5- 1815 (Cambridge: University Press, 1994). 34; and Karl Vocelka, Hubsburgische Hock-eiren, 1550- 1600 (Vienna: BIJhlaus. 1976).

'~arryWhite. *.TheOratorios of Johann Joseph Fux and the Imperial Court in Vienna" Stdies in .\fusi~.frornrhe C'niversi~of Wesrern Ontario 15 ( 1994): 4. For a discussion of the larger Vienna iraliana see Liusa Ricaldone. !*ienna italiana (Gorizia: Editrice Goriziana, 1987).

'"Perhaps the most Italian city beyond the Alps." Luisa Ricaldone. fienna iraliana. 14; cited and tnnslated in Neville. "Metastasio and the Image of Majesty," Ido.

'~iterall-. the court music chapel. the Hofmurikhpelle- together with its inherent retinue of (predominantly Italian) composes. singen. instrumentalists- designates collective1y the entire musical organization ( with administration) employed under the Habsburgs. As part of their contract the members of the Ho/inzrsikkapelk were obliged to provide music for a vast array of court and church festivities. For the standard (although dateci) study of the HofmuîikkapefZ+ includuig persorne1 and expendi- during this genres From their Italian equivalents were few."' Steven Saunders suggests that the prominent place afforded the HofiirriRknpelle cxtended back to the reign of Ferdinand iI (emperor 16 19- 1637): Durllig the entire Baroque prriod such was its importance that it "enjoyed favoured statu even during difficult financial timrs."' Indeed. the expendinires were enormous. so much so that they encountered outside criiicism.' The resources lavished upon the music chape1 can be attributed to the following two factors:

( I ) the prsonal musical interest of the Habsburgs (particularly Ferdinand II. Leopold 1. his stepmother. Eleonom' and Charles VI. the three emperors being composers. conductors. and perfomiers). 'O

t ime see Ludwig Ritter von Kikhel. Die kaiserliche Hof-itfusikkapellein Wien von 1543 bis 186' (Wien: Beck'sche Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1867). See also Egon Wel lesa "Die Opern und Oratorien in W ien, 1 660- 1 708." Sruditrn zur I\fusikwissenschafi 6 ( 19 19): 5- 139. For a discussion of the ltalian personnel who came to Vienna from Italy see Herbert Seifert, "La politica culturale degli Asburgo e le relazioni musicali tra Venezirt e Vienna" in L 'Operai~alium a bïenna prima di .bfetmtusio.ed. M. T. Muraro (: Olschki. 1 990). 2-4; and Die Oper am Wenrr Kuiserhof. 25-32.

'~mither. The Oratorio in the Baroque Era. 395-396.

b~tevenSaunders. Cross. Sword. and Lyre: Sucwd ,Music ut the Imperid Court of Ferdinand II of Hahshurg ( 16 19-1 63 ') (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1995). 1 i -1 2. 1 7. and 22.

' Ibid.. 1 I.

Y Herbert Seifert susests that the extravagant sacred and secular dramatic perfonances that took place at the Habsburg court in Vienna were '-not aiways looked on favourably because of the great expense involviid; the Habsburg court of Spain and ambassadors From Venice. arnong others. were at tirnes very critical of them." SeTk .Va+- Grove Diciionqv of Opera. 1992, s.v. "Vienna (I)," by Herbert Seifert. For a sumrnary of such performmces, including an account of the vast sums of money spent in connection with them. se FmHadarnowsky. "Bmhheater am Wiener Kaiserhof. Mit einem Spielplan (1 625- 1740)."Jahrbuch der Gesellschqfï f iir Wiener Thearerforschung ( 195 1-52): 26-67.

'~leonoraof Go- (the second). Leopold's stepmother. was the third wife of Empemr Ferdinand III ( emperor 1637-1 657). After the death of Ferdinand in 1657. Eleonora rnaintained her own hfusihpellrr (until her death in 1668). overshadowed in opulence only by the Ho/muîikkapelle under Leopold. Eleonora ivas responsible for instituting the regular performance of sacred dramatic works as part of the Holy Week observances at court. SeSchniîzler. "The SadDramatic Music." 12 and 50.

[OFor an account of the participation of the emperors in the musical affairs of the imperial courf togethet with their activities as musicians. see Guido Adler, "Der Kaiser Ferdinand III. Leopold 1, Joseph I, und Karl VI als Tonsetzer und Forderer der Musik" F'ierrel Jahrschriftjir Musikwissenschqfr 8 ( 1 892): 252- 274: Egon Wellwz "Die Opern und Oratorien in Wien," 5-139: and H. V. F. Somerset, "The Habsburg (2) the important role that music played- most notably in the form of secular and sacred dramatic productions- in the festivities that marked significant events in the court and church calender. ' ' At the Habsburg court. the carnival season" and the celebration of such occasions as royal weddings." coronations. birthdays. and name days were often marked by the performance of a theatricai work (opera seria, festa reun~Ze.azione rru~rule.or cornponimrnro drammatico) composed specificaily to augment the extensive court festivities surrounding such events." During the Lenten period. in which secular opera productions were forbidden. the court's observance of the Catholic liturgical calender was typically nccrntuarrd by the performance of one or more Italian oratorios (rappresenmzione sacra. uzionr sucru. sepolcro. componimcnro sacro al sanrissimo sepoicro. etc."). also composed particularly for that o~ciision.'~

Emperon as Musicians." .lhsic und Leuers (July 1949):204-2 15.

If Saunders. C'ross, Sworri. und Lyre. I 1. Sealso White, "The Oratorios of Johann Joseph Fu." 4-9.

"~raditionall~.the penod of merrymakine occurring in many Roman Catholic regions. which anticipates the austere pend of Lent. Althougfi the first day of the carnival season varies according to location, it usually be~insafter Advent on January 6. and lasts until Shrove Tuesday. The Lenten period begins with Matins of Ash Wednesday and continues until the Mass of the Easter Vigil. The week fiom the second Sunday of the Passion (Palm Sunday) until Holy Saturday inclusive is Holy Wek.

"~absbur~weddin~ celebrations and their associated stage performances are the subject of two snrd ia: Herbert Sei fat: Der Sig-prangende Hockzit-Gort: Hockei~esteam Wiener Kaiserhof 1622- 1699. Dnmma per musica vol. 2 (Vienna: Musikwissenschafilicfier Verlag, 1988); and Andrea Sommer-Mathis, Tu f2li~..~ILSII'~U nubr: Hockeirfsre der Habsburger im 18. Juhrhundert. vol. 4 (1994) in the same series.

se or a comprehensive account of the works performed on these occasions see Franz Hadarnowsiq, "Barochheater am Wiener Kaiserhof." 69- 1 15. For other accounts of the sacred and secuhr works performed at the Viennese court in the Baroque period, see Kkhel, Die kaiserliche Hof-~Mzisikkupelle.483-572: and Ale.umder von Weilen, Zur Wiener Theorergeschichre: Die vom Jahre 1629 bis -rem Jah1 ?JO am Wiener Ho12 zw .-!ufihrunggehgten Werke rhearralirchen Charucters und Oratorim Schriften des herreichische Vereins für Bibliothekswesen (Viema: Alfred Holder. 190 1).

15 The terminolop used here is discussed in Rudolf Schnitzler. "From Sepoicro to Passion Oratorio: Tradition and Innovation in the Early Eighteenth-Centuy Viennese Oratorio," selected proceedings of the irlsh .liqnouth International :tfuricologicalConfrence. Dublin Ireland. 1995. published as Irish hfusical Smdies, eds. Patrick F. Devine and Hany White (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1996), 392410.

i 6 Herbert Seifert suggests th& afler 166 1. through the in tluence of Eleonon Gonzaga (third wife of Ferdinand III). oratorio performances becme a reguiar part of Lenten and Advent observances at the Habsburg court. Seifert "La politica culturde." 4-5. The context and stylistic feamof such works- particularly the in his discussion of music at the court of Ferdinand II. Saunden argues that Ferdinand sstablished the imperial mode1 for the next century and a half through which the Hofmusikkupelle also becarne a dominant tool for the representation of imperid propaganda. " Representation through sacred [and secular] music assumed distinctive forms at the imperial court. Music sought to project the court3 grandeur through works for large forces. beyond the means of ail but the largest courts: ... through texts implicitly linking the notions of temporal and divine kingship." Thus. sacred and secular dramatic productions at the imperial couwere intended to impress by the very force of their Ernshajiigkeii. But moreover. the moral. philosophical. and thrological principles advanced in their texts served to supplement the Habsburg image of rnajesty 'rhrough association and identification. thus affording them an important place within the grneral court and church ceremonial with which the Habsburgs surrounded thrmselves."" Far from providing mere entertainment for the privileged few. these works were an intepi part of a court and church ceremonid that since the advent of the Counter- Reformarion. had ken founded upon one ovemding premise: the glorification of monarchial absolutism and Counter-Reformation Catholici~rn.'~Such mutual glorification was by no mçms exclusive: for to glorib the niler was to glorify the one me faith which the niler scrved and upon which his authority ultimately rested. Comprehension of this principle. however. must begin with a basic understanding of the attitudes that guided the Counter- Reformation offensive in the Habsburg lands. With the advent of the Reformation. the devoutly-Catholic Habsburgs recognized a threat to the religious and political system in which they believed- to its unity and its

Viennese sclpakre will be discussed in part 2 of the present chapter.

' '~aunden.Cross. Sword. and Lyre. I2 and 1 7.

'%evilla .lktaswio and the Image of Majesty." 142. For a discussion of the specific ways in which these works contributed to tfiis function see also Neville. -'Metastasio: Poet and Preacher in Vienna." The pincipies nourished and imparted in these texts will be discussed in some detail in the latter haIf of chap. 2.

''white. The Oratorios of Fm and the Imperia1 Cout." 3. rmperor's divine nght to de." Charles Ingrao suggests that, kginning with Rudolf II (emperor 15 76- 16 12) and Matthias I (emperor 16 12- 16 19). the Habsburgs became convinced "that only a uniformly Catholic society could be trusted to remain steadfastly loyal to the crown."" This belirf. shed with particular fervour by later generations. consolidated Habsburg support for the Counter-Refomation. a movement offensively embraced by the Habsburgs with the Battle of White Mountain near Prague in 1620 and the Thirty Years War

( 16 18- 1648)." The emdication of the "Protestant menace," driven by the Habsburg belie f that Trotestantism equals disloyalty." became a serious enterprise, and Catholicism was systcmatically snforced through forced convenions and the suppression of religions other than the "ocr tnie faith."" By recognizing the political differences that could easily gain mornctnturn through religious divenity. and by subsequently blending politicai allegiance to the rmpcror with religious allegiance. the Habsburgs linked their own religious convictions indelibly with politics. The association of imperid crown wiih divine mission became a dominant feature of Habsburg imperid propaganda during the reign of Ferdinand II. Robert Evans suggests that the biography of Ferdinand written by his Jesuit confessor. William Larn~rmaini.'~

"As Holy Roman Emperor. the Austrian monarch's divine right and selection had. in theory, the sanction and support of the establisheâ Catholic Church. For a hi1 account of the Counter-Refonnation in the Habsburg lands seRobert Bireley. Religion and Poiitics in the .4ge of the Counter-Refirmation: Emperor Fdinartd Il. CWliam Lumormaini. S. J.. and the Formation of Imperia1 Pulicy (Chape1 Hi1 1. N.C .: University Press. 198 1 ): Robert J. W. Evans and Trevor V.nomas. eds., Crown ChUrch, and Esfures: Cenrra1 European Po1iric.s in the S~wenthand Seventeenth Centuries (London: MacMillan. 199 1 ): and Martin Jones. The ~'ounrdr-Rti/ormation:Religion and Sociee in Eorly Modern Europe (Cambridge: University Press. 1995).

13 --lnpo. The Hubsburg .\fonurchy. 29-30. .- -'The Battle of White Mountain and the events that fo Ilowed are assessed in Jean Bérenger. .4 Hktory ($the Huhsbwg Empire, 12'3-1 -00. trans. C. A. Simpson (London: Longman. 1994), 261-268; Ingrao, The Huhshurg .\!oncrchy. 304;and Bireley, Religion and Poiitics. 3-5.

%ben J. W.Evans. The .tfakingof the Hobsburg Monarchy. 1550-/ -00 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979). 68.

7s --This bio_pphy, first published in Antwerp in 1638. was entitled Ferdinandi /I Romanorunt Imprarorio k'irrutes ( Thr C'irtues of Ferdiwnd I/,Emperor of the Romans). Religion and politics at the court of Emperor Ferdinand Il. and the role played therein by WiIIiam Larnormaini. are the subject of Bireley, Religion and Poiirics. (For a full citation. see note 2 1.) preserved the imperial prototype For future generations : 1n retum for Ferdinand's hvour Larnomaini propagated the Catholic virtues of his master. publicizing al1 the stokof his hatred of Protestant sin and delight in conversion. his charity and respect for the priesthood. his love of the Virgin and the Saints. of the Eucharist and the Tnnity. These Virftrres Ferdinandi II laid the foundation for a very important dynastic political myth: the pietus Ausfriacu. a confessional reinterpretation of the traditional precepts of govemment in terrns of seventeenth-century absolutism. The faith and Christian merits of the house of Austria since the days of Rudolf 1 were paraded both as visual and literary topai? Through thesr -visual and literary fopoi." the Catholic piety of the irnperial house and the image of its divine tàvour could be projected to the point where Lropold 1 was represented as the "mediator between eanh and heaven. between hurnanity and the Holy Tnnity- a psition normal ly reserved for the Holy ~ir~in."" The pierus ..liistriu~a'~becarne a standard feature of Habsburg representation. subsequently revealing itself during the reigns of Joseph 1 and Charles VI. Visma's Kurlskirche. begun in 17 16. further demonstrates this celebration of Gottesdiemt (divine faveur).'" Not only did this structure "forge parallels between Charles VI and his patron saint. Charles Borrorneo."" it was also symbolic of Charles VI's daim to the Spanish throne." Thus. under the Habsburgs. art and architecture were spbolic of more than wealth

TT -'Sec Helmut Lorenz. "The Imperia1 Hohurg: The Theory and Practice of Architectural Representation in Baroque Vienna" in Stare andsociep in hrfv Modern .-lusrrici.ed. Charles Ingrao (West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, 1994). 97-99.

'8 For a thorough examination of the pietus .-iusrriacasee Anna Coreth. Pietas ..lutriuca Urspung und Enr~icklirngbarocker Frommigkeir in Osrerreich ( Wien. 1959).

o or a smdy of symbolic religious and pol itical representation in art and architecture drving the reign of CharIes VI see Fram Matsche. Die Kumr in Diensr der Staatsidee Kaiser Kds VI, 2 vols. (Berlin: de Gnirter. 198 1 ). The Kurkkirche is discussed specifically in i: 20 1-205.

'%eville. ..Metastasio and the Image of Majesty." 117.

''Particularly demonstrative of this juxtaposition of chwch and crowm are the wocolumns which fom part ofthe front facade of the Kahkirche. The religious and imperial symbols with which the columns are inscribed include qmbolic refmnce to Charles as King of Spain. See A. Peter Brown. "Caldam's Trumpet Music for the Impeial celebrations of Charles VI and Elisabeth Christine.' in ..intonio Caklara: Essqs on his and power. they were also alleprical abstractions of a distinctly Catholic brand of kingship, part of the larger -'image of rnajesty" that emphasized the Christian aspirations of the imperial house. as well as its special place in a divinely-conceived order. in keeping with this --imageof majesty." these themes were inevitably juxtaposed with representations of the titlrs. achievernents. and functions of the monarchy itselt By nurtwing an image of an emperor representative of supreme "Catholic" piety and divins favour. argues Saunden. the Habsburgs were not only celebrating the relative triumph of the Catholic Counter-Reformation. but they were also cultivating support for a der supposedly crowned by divine forces and an empire which rested upon the authority of heaven it~elf.~' In this image of the emperor as the universal and suprernely Christian der pur excellence lies a clue to understanding the role of the Habsburg court during the Baroque. This court was not simply the centrai institution for an absolutist govemment- which was. incidentally. by far not as centralized as the Habsburgs would have wished it to be. It wanted to be considered the centre of the world. a symbol of imperial sovereignty. the ultimate source of secular power. and. at the same time. a fountain of Christian virtues: in short. a cosmos in itself." Baroque art. architecture. literature, and music at the Habsburg court. therefore, reflected the largrr relat ionship betwern the sacred and secular institutions of govemment. They demonstrated the intimate bond between der and church while sirnultanrously giving symbolic representation to the power. glory. virtue. order. and prestige of both. Mile such blatant sel f-glori fication may seem superficial by contemporary standards. it is important to recognize that the religious and political propaganda with which the Habsburgs surrounded themselves was part of a tradition that had been essential to the very survival of the monarchy itself. Far fiom providing an empty display. these works. contributing as they did to the Habsburg image of majesty. were borne of a politicai. social.

L# and Times. ed. Brian Pritchard (Aldershof U.K.: Scolar Press. 1987). 43-44. :-' --Saunders. Cross. Sulord and Lyre. 12- 13. .- '-%icelstte Mout. "introduction." in Srart! and Socieg in Earlv Modern =lustria.ed. CharIes Ingrao ( West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press. 1994), 87. reiigious. and economic necessity that becarne evident towards the end of the second decade of the seventeenth cenniry. During the seventeenth cenniry, the Habsburgs managed to secure a position as one of Europe's most powerful fint families, but they did not do so without considerable intemal ruid rxtemal opposition.'" As King of Hungq and Bohemia derof the hereditary lands, and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire- to mention ody the most signîficant of his many titles- the Austnan monarch had the particular misfortune of ruling over a loose conglomeration of states and temtories, each with its own political and economic rnotivati~ns.'~Particularly "loose" was the Holy Roman Empire. itself a disentangled collection of territories mled by an ofien self-serving goup of secdar princes and prince- bishops. Furthermore. the Austrian monarch was constantly disadvantaged by the -ceographical position of the Habsbuq lands and the Holy Roman Empire. According to Ingao. the central location of the Habsburg Empire. with France to the West and the ûttoman Empire to the east. exposed the Habsburgs to a perpetual threat in which they were continuously forcrd to tight defernive war~.~~Habsburg unity. fiom within the Holy Roman Empire and the inherited Austrian lands. invariably suffered under the threat of various political. economic. and religious contlicts. Ernst Wangermann contends that such problems with unity were further aggravated by an ineffective and inefficient administrative system. dong with the inherent economic dificulties that arose fiom the lack of sufficient state revenue (tiom regular taxation) and adequate facilities for commercial enterprise."

j4~obertKann. ..l Histwy of the Habsburg Empire. 1526-1918 (Berkeley: University Press. 1974). 103. In addition to the latter. usehl introductions to this pend in Austrian history, and the various forces that defincd the Habsburg rnonarchy are Evans, 731e Making of the Habsburg ,tfunarchyand Bérenger. ..i Histol of the Hubsburg Empire.

:C --KarI Vocelka "Public Opinion and the Phenornenon of Socialdiszipliniemng in the Habsburg Monarchy." in Stute and Socieg in EcvJy .Modern Autria. ed. Charles hgrao (West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press. 1994). 132; and Charles Inpo, "Foreign Policy: An Introduction.- ibid.. 276; and Robert Kann. .-l Sm& in .-iustrian Intellecrual Htrtory: From Late Buroque ro Romantickm (New York: Fredekk A. Pmeger. 1960). 9.

or example. the Thirty Yrars. War ( 16 18- 1638). the Austm-Turkish war ( 166 I - 1664). the Dutch War ( i 672- 1679). the Twkish siege of Vienna ( 1683). the War of the Spanish Succession ( 170 1 - 17 14).

57 Wangerrnann. The -4 ustriun .-ichievement. 12 and 22. Thus. unity. fiom a nationdistic perspective. was elusive, and support fiom the feudal nobility and clerw who dominated the esta te^,'^ both within the Austrian dominions and the Holy Roman Empire, had to be secured, at least in part, through privilege, granted carefully ro pnons who could pmvide essentid political. economic. or military suppon.j9 This given, John Spielman argues that privilege, in the tom of land grants. social elevation. and specid tau exemptions. quickly becme one of the most common incentives used by the Habsburgs ro ensure suppon. Indeed. in the absence of sufficient economic and military resources. privilege became the Habsburg monarch's only inexhaustible cornn~odity.~~But privilege. suggests Don Neville. "in order to be sought and exploited." required a court hierarchy representative of the uaost in organization. stability. and order. govemed by a monarch to whom on1 y a select few had access." Moreover. it demanded value: that is. "it required status within the jurisdiction of a recopized major power supponed by an ordered and stable administrative systcm."" Drmonstrations of this power. privilege. order. and stability came in the form of a court and church crremonial characterized by pageantry, ritual. and formality. carefully conceived to contribute to the larger Habsburg "image of majesty." .An examination of the Hofmusikkopelle during the reip of Ferdinand II within a work rntitled Cross. Sword. and Lyre properly places that institution within the larger

38 The Autrian territories and the Holy Roman Empire. held by the Habsburgs since the middle aga, were. in eftkct. little more than a loose clustet of states or principalities ("estates") governed (at the local level) by a Habsburg archduke. secular prince. or prince-bishop. These figures answered. at least in theory, to the senior rnemkr of the Habsburg rnonarchy. either as derof the Habsburg lands or the Holy Roman Ernperor. and --paid their dues" by providing essential political, military, and economic support. ;u - For a thorough account of the so-called "econorny of privilege." see John P. Spielman, "Status as Comrnodity : The Habs bug Economy of Privilege." in Stute und Sociey in Modern .4 ustria. ed. Charles Ingrao (West Lafayette. Indiana: Purdue University Press, 1994). 1 12- 125.

JO Spielman. "Status as Commodity." 1 12: and Ingrao, The Habsburg !Cionarc&. 132.

4 I Neville. -'Metastasi0 and the Image of Majesty." 149. A description of the hierarchical court orpnization cm be found in John P. SpieIman. The City und rk Crown: bïennu and the lmperia! Couri, 1600- 1-40 (West Lafayette. Indiana: Purdue Universi'y Press. 1993). 53-74-

%Jeville.Wetastasio and the [mage of Majesty." 149. For a cornprehensive discussion of the role of court and church ceremonial within his society see Elizabeth Kovacs "Kirchliches Zeremoniell am Wiener Hof des 18. lahrtiunderts im Wandel von Mentalitiit und Gesellschaft," .tfitteiiungen da Osterreichisckn Stuursarchivs 32 ( t 979): 109- 132. context of a monarchy which employed al1 three to satisQ its own religious and political agenda.'" At the Habsburg imperial court. the "cross, sword, and lyre" had been indelibly intertwined since the second decade of the seventeenth century. While persona1 preference. on die part of Ferdinand 11. Leopold 1. his stepmother, Eleonora. and Charles VI. undoubtedly played a part in this association. so too did a much Iarger political. economic. and religious necrssity. The trecity of Rastatt. signed by France and Austria in 1 7 14. signalled the beginning of a period of comparative stability in the Habsburg landsu in addition. the threat posed by the Turks and the French had been momentarily alleviated through a series of brilliant military carnpaigns led by Prince Eugene of Savoy. the Protestant population had been vinually eradicated from al1 Habsburg lands. and in less than one generation. the temtoriai size of the Habsburg empire had virtually doubled." Faced with an era of unprecedented pcacr. together with the most expansive territorial possessions that the monarchy had ever known. Charles VI celebrated the military and religious tnurnphs of his empire by patronizing a court and church cerernonial that was extravagant in al1 respects. A true Baroque BIiïtrzeif. this period coincided almost exactly with the reip of Charles VI. yielding to the War of the Ausnian Succession upon his death in 1740." Ingrao suggests. howevrr. that the opulence of the Viemese Baroque masked a fundamental weakness. Lurking behind the glmorous Baroque facade was a reaiity largely unchanged since the days of Leopold I. The monarchy was more than ever

4 3 Saunders. Cross. Sword. and Lyre.

U This treaty officially signalled the end of the War of the Spanish Succession ( 1 70 1- 17 14) for the Habsburgs. See Kann. .4 Hisrory of the Habsbvg Empire. 15 1.

4 5 W angermann. The A ustrian ..ichievernenf. 1 1.

MThe conditions that upheld the Baroque in Vienna however. had already begun to erode before the dath of Charles in 1740. For a survq of these conditions and the changes that they wrought see Franz Szabo, 'The Cultural Transformation of the Habsburg Momhy in the Age of Metastasio, 1730-1 780," proceedings of the international symposium "Metastasio at Home and Abroad." London. Ontano. 1996. published as Strtdics in .Cfusicfrornthe L;iiiversiy of Western Ontario 16 (1997): 27-50. For an account of the effects of these changes upon the theatre in Viema and Metastasio's relation to it see Andrea Sommer-Mathis. "Il lamento di .Clerclstasio: Metastasio and the Viennese Theatre in a Changing Society," ibid.. 5 1-85; and Don Neville. "Metastasio: Beyond the Stage in Vienna" ibid.. 87-109. a corporate society that was much better at displaying wealth than creating it." Despite an apparent lack of econornic resources. Charles continurd to employ the arts to apostrophize the Irnperilrm of his dynasty. Hence. those privileged enough to be in attendance at the irnperial court witnessed an extremely rich epoch of Baroque cultural creativity. Under Charles VI. sacred and secular court events. as they had been for some tirne. were enhanced by the performance of sacred and secular dramatic works." Brought to the imperial capital frorn Italy in the early seventeenth ~entuiy.'~such works were still wrîtten by [ tal ian composers and libreîtists. performed by predominantly Itaiian instrumentalists and singers. before sets designed by Italian stage architects. and an audience accustomed to such Italianate spectacle^.'^ Yet. beyond any mere emulation of Italian culture in "an outpost of ttalian musical thought."" these works were attunrd to the cultural ethos of the Habsburg coun and fined for their role as ailegorical demonstrations of the supremacy of monarchial absolutism and Counter-Reformation Catholicism. Thus. by the time Caldara and Metastasio arrived in Vienna, in 17 16 and 1730: ... the Italian oratorio and the theatrical genres- the jisia and the cione teorrule. as well as the opera seria- had becorne matters of course as

47 Inpo, The Hubsbzwg Monarchy, 126.

48 Particularly so imbued were the so-called Hof-Feste Gaku-Tage: The Ernperor Charles VI's birthday on 1 October and his narne day on 4 November. and the Empress Elisabeth Christine's birthday on 28 August and her narne day on 19 November." See Brown. "Caldara's Trumpet Music." 10.

19 The first opera was performed in Vienna in 1622 by a travelling troupe hmMantua on the occasion of the birthday of Ferdinand II. The performance was comrnissioned by Ferdinand's wife, Eleonora of Gonzaga. Hadarnowsky. "Barockheater am Wiener Kaiserhof," 69. See also the performance statistics in K oche l. Johann Joseph Fur. Ho fcompositor und Hojkapellmrister der Kaiser Leopold I.. Josef 1.. und Kark 1% von 1695 bis 1-40 (Wien: Alfred Holder. l872), 485-572.

50 It is hardly surprishg that, during the reign of Charles VI. the Hofmusikkapelk (still dominated by [tafian personnel) grew to a size previously unrivalled, Sethe statistics given in Eleanor Sellidge-Field. "The Viennese Court Orchestra in the Time of Caldara.' in .Antonio Cakdura: Essqvs on His Lge and Times. ed. Brian Pritchard (Aldershot. t'.K.: ScoIar Press. 1987). 124- 125.

or a discussion of this maner see White. -The Oratorios of Fux and the Imperiai Corn- 4-9: and '*The Oratorios of Johann Joseph Fux.- 3. demonstmtions of the Habsburg "image of majesty'l of Habsburg piety, moral stance. divine favour. awe, power. and order- to be projected at the Hofkapelle (and subsequently reported)" or at the court theatres? The works tbat Metastasio (in the fom of librettos for sacred and secular dramatic productions) and Caldara (in their subsequmt musical settings) provided for the court çontributed. in no small rneasure. to the projection of this image? While such a dcmonstration may seem somewhat exorbitant and superticial. particularly given the relative srability of Viema during the period in question. it is important to remernber that the traditions that these works perpetuated were. by that time. an integral part of court and church li fe. Such traditions had their ongins in ceremonial practices that once played a vital rote in the survival of the monarchy itself.

"~evillealludes to both the conversations at social gatherings and to a process thmugh which ihe calenders and newspapers of the court printer chronicled. in some detail. the performance of these wok for memkrs of the ducated class. Such publications are fuizher examples of a carefully conceived propagmda. It was. after dl. important for the g-non-privilegedto lem about those court activities which were enjoyed by the "privileged." Don Neville. "Opera or oratorio?: Meiasiasio's sacred opere serie." Eurfy .Mrrsic (Nov. 1998): 596.

cl On this subject see Neville, -'Metastasio: Poet and Preacher in Viema" in press: and White "Tne Oratorios of Johann Joseph Fux.'. 34. For a study of the te.- of Metastasio's oratorios, together with their impaial contest. see Enka Kanduth. "Metastasio 'viemese': i cornponimenti sacri." Itafianistica: Rivista di krrerururu daliana xiiii 1-2 ( 1984): 125-1 43. This matter wili also be briefly addressed in chap. 2. Part II: The Viennese Sepolcro- -4 Review of the Secondary Source Litenîure

By the middle of the seventeenth century. the Italian oratorio had been fmly cstablished as a distinct musico-drarnatic entity. a fact amply verified by Smither in his study of the oratorio." From that time. suggests Smither. the with "considerable consistency." can be loosely defïed as the musical sening. for vocal (both solo and choral) and instrumental forces. of a text based upon sacred subject matter (ofien Biblical. hagiographical. or allegorical). cast in two structural parts. with arias. choruses. and rrcitative. and generally performed without staging, costumes. or action." During the srventeenth crntw. the oratorio developed in two distinct directions: the oratorio latino. crntred around the confratemities in Rome. and the oratorio volgare. centred around centrai and northem Italy." The former. with Latin text. are typically associated with Giacomo

Carissimi ( 1605- 1674)." By the mid-seventeenth century. the latter. modelled increasingly upon the contemporary opera. evolved into a popular replacement for opera during the Lcnten period when secular theatrical performances were forbidden. In Viema such works. typicaily performed in the Hofburgkapelle (usually referred to as the "CClppellu C'esarea" [imperial chapel]) before the emperor and a select assembly.

"~rnither.The Oratorio in the Baroque &m.4.

rt, As with the opera. the oratorio was often given different designations on the title pages of contsmpoq librettos and scores. Common seventeenth and eighteenth-century designations include: coniponinrento sacro. crione sacru (including versions of these which were performed al sanrissinlo sepolcro), oratorio, and sucra ruppresentciorre. The tem oratorio. however. has become u, fimly entrenched in current rnusicological literature that its use here is both maintaineci and justifteci. Smither, The Oratorio in the Baroque &ru. 4 and 293.

"srnither. Tlae Oratorio in the Buroque Era. 4204-206. and 256-257. See also the insightful genre distinctions offered in Smither. "Oratorio and Sacred ûpera. 1700-1 825: TeminoIogy and Genre Distinction," 88- 104.

B 5 Smither. The Oratorio in the Baroque Era, 76. Smither summarizes the chief characteristics of the c~ruforiohino across pp. 20.1257 of this work and those of the oratorio volgare across pp. 145-206. For nvo other standard. although dateci studies of the oratorio volgare see Schering, Geschichre des Oratoriicms: and Guido Pasquetti. L 'oratorio musicale in /tafia (Firenze: Successori le Monnier, 19 14).

"S mi ther. The Oratorio in the &roque Ga. 2 15-246. become a standard feature of the liturgical and extra-liturgical Lenten observances which climaved during Holy Week.* As performances for one of the rnost important. yet solernn prriods in the Christian calender. they fulfilled a larger propagandist function by parading Habsburg religious convictions before a select audience! From approximately 1660 to 1740. in addition to the ora~oriovolgare. librettists and cornposers at the Habsburg court cultivated a genre of sacred dramatic music vimially unknoun in other centres: the sepofcr~.~'The descendent of the oratorio volgare and a tradition of liturgical drarna centred around the Passion story. the sepolcro characteristically del ivered an account or a senes of meditations upon the Crucifixion. and drew its generic naine tiom the practice of performing such rneditations. during Holy Week. before a replica of the Holy Srpulchre (the tomb) of Chri~t.~' An account of the Viennese sepolcro. particularly of die evolution fiom sepolcro to the oratorio al sunrissimo sepolcro. is a prirnary focus of this snidy. since the Metastasian oratorio chosen For examination. La possione di Gesii Crisro. is a product of this tradition. Moreover. the absence of a readily available comment. on this genre invites a fbller account. Detailed research has been done. but it awaits assembly into a comprehensive whole. These secondary sources require assessrnent according to the extent that they retlect primary source materials. Before proceeding with an outline of the sepokro and its subsequent evolution. therefore, it is irnpomt to identifi the secondary sources from which such an outline cm k denved. Those used for the present study are listed (in chronological order) in Table 1.2. their subject matter noted (particularly as it relates to the sepolcro) and.

ta Schnitzler. "The Sacreci ürarnatic Music." 25-26. For a discussion of the relationship be~eenthe ltaiian and Viennese oratorio see Leopold Kantner, "L'Oratorio tra Venezia e Vienna: Un Confionto." in L 'Opera iralianu a IÏenna primu di LMerartasio,ed. M. T. Muraro (Firenze: Olschki. 1990), 207-2 16.

3 1 This subject wiIl be addressed in more detail in chap. 2.

b'~udolphSchnitzler. .'The Viemese Oratorio and the Work of Ludovico Chtavio Bumacini." in L ' Opera iralianu u LYenna prima di .Metustasio. ed. M. T. Muraro (Firenze: Olschki, 1990). 217. See also Schnitzler. "From Sepolcro to Passion Oratorio," 3924 10; and Srniber. The Oratorio in the Baroque &m. 3 76-380.

"~rnithcr.The Oratorio in the Baroque Enz, 376-380: and White. The Oratorios of Fm and the Imperia1 Court." 10- 1 1. where possible. the primary sources consulted by the authors have ken identified. These sources. located for the most part in Viemese libraries, provide information regarding such matters as performance date. location, and context. These primary sourccos are listed srparately in Table 1.1. Research into specific aspects of the Viemese sepolcro as it existed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries has been conducted by Gernot Gruber, Franz Hadarnowsky. Erika Kanduth. Friedrich Riedel. Rudolf Schnitzler. and Harry White. Together. the results of this research rnerge into an accurate picture of this unique genre. Also helphl are the more general overviews provided by Howard Smither and. again. Haq White.* Ln addition. a number of these same scholars have dso rxarnined the musical styles of soms of the leading composers of this genre. to which Merreference will be made in relation to Caldara's style in chapter 3? For the present. this discussion will focus upon thrse sources as they relate to the non-musical features (context. occasion. performance characteristics) of the sepolcro. Musicological scholanhip has long recognized the distinction. in Vienna between the seventeenth-cenw oratorio volgare and its close associate. the ~eppokro.~The former. suggrsts Schnitzler. were comrnonly the musical setting of a sacred Italian text (otten drawn from hagiography or the Old and New Testaments). in two structural parts. performed without staging. action. and costumes by a cast of four to seven character~.~~The latter were typically the musical setting. also of a sacred Italian text in one structural part. focussed upon the Crucifixion of Christ. Such sepofcri were usually perfonned during Holy Week

MSrnither. The Orutotio in the Baroque Ela. 3664 15: and White. "The Oratorios of Johm Joseph Fus." 9-37 ctnd 257-268.

b5 See particularly S mither. The Oratorio in the Baroque Era. 395-1 I 5: Schnitzler, "The Sacred Drarnatic Music." 190-263: and White. "The Sepoiw Oratorios of Fa" 164230. The musical style of these works will be esamined (with necessary brevity) in relation to Caldara in chap. 3.

66 SeArnoid Schering, Geschichte des Oraforium, 130-1 37, 162- 168. 195-2 12; and Robert Haas, .-tuffüührung~prauisder .Musik. Vol. III. Handbuch der MuikwissemchaF, ed. Ernst Biicken (New York: Mesurgia Publistiers. 193 1). 163. TABLE 1.1 The Sepolcro: The Prirnary Sources

Abbreviation Comments

Virtually al1 of the scores consulted by each iuthor are held in the imperial collection of the bfusiksammlung,a division of the Osrerreichische Narionalbibliorhek (A:Wn). The scores contained in this colIection were, for the most part, prepared by the copyists of the H~musikkupelle(typically in the same year as the performance) and preserved in the Kaiserfiche und Konigliche Bibliorhek. later incorporated Uito the Osrerreichische :Varionufbibliothek.A limited number of the scores consulted are also held in the :Ciuriksammlungof the Vienna Sradt- und Landesbibiiothek (A:Wst). Many of the libretti for works performed at the imperial court are also held in the .tfuiksomrnlungof the Cherreichische .Vationulbibliorhrk- either independentiy or in collections. Libretti were 'ypical Iy printed individually for use at performances- many of thrm (between the end of the seventeenth centus and the early eighteenth centun/) published under the imprînt of Johann van Ghelen. the imperial court publisher From 1678 to 172 1. Many of these libretti, particularly those by Metastasio. have appeared in numerous coilected editions from the eighteenth century to the present. The majority of the Viennese court archives that concem the personnel of the Ho/ittusikkapelle are contained in the .-!ben and Protokolle of the .-frchivdes Obersthclfmeisterumtes. held CO IlectiveIy in the OmeA Haus- Hof- und Staatsurchiv der Stadt Wien. These documents provide a day to day record OmeA-hot. of dealings betweem personnel ernployed by the court (inciuding hseof the Hofmusikkapelle) and the upper administration. Under normal circumstanccis. they provide no information about actual performances (unless extra personnel were required). This extensive documentation enabled Ludwig Ritter von Kôchel to conduct an exhaustive study of the Hafmusikkupelle, Ab breviation Comments particularly with respect to history, administration, and personnel. See Kochel. Die koiserliche HoF Musikkape[le in Wien von 15-13 - 1867 (Vienna, 1867).

HKA Also usehl in respect to information about personnel employed at the imperial court are the financial records entered in the Hofiahiamsrbüche. now located in the HZB Hojkmmerarchiv. Essentially, they are the payroll records. Short. eight-page officiai court newspaper published. by Johann van Ghelen. three times per wtxk bçtween 1703 and 1740. It contained, among other things. a section detailing court events. Sometimes mentioned therein is an oratorio or opera performance, dong with the composer, librettist. special guests. and performers. No other detail is provided. Also a newspaper. published 1678. 1685- 172 1 by Johann van Ghelen, which contained a section listing oratorio and theatrical pertôrrnances. The WD and CO are of criticai importance in establishing the date and place of performance of works performed at the imperial court. particularly when such information is lacking from the textual and musical sources themselves.

A catalogue listing the performance of most musical works during the reign of Charles VI.

In 17 15, the court began to print. regularly (before 1 7 1 5 such calenders were printed quite sporadicaily), calendars (HofiCuiender)that detailed court-related information. lncluded therein was some generaI information about the performances of secular and sacred ciramatic works that accentuateci the court calender.

A neatise written by court Konzertmeister Killian Reinhardt, This source. extant in a copy datrid 1727. identifies the relationship between music, ceremonial, and Iiturgicai hction at the irnperial court. The Rubriche is organized into two parts: the fimt chronicles liturgical feasts (Fesrtage der Heiligen) and the second court Source Abbreviation Comments I feasts (Hof-Fesre). Therein Reinhardt lays out the musical genres appropriate for botfi types of celebrations. As such, it has proven particuiarly usehl for identifjing the liturgicaI and extra- liturgical contexts in which sacred dramatic works were performed at the imperial court. For a cornprehensive account of this source see Rubriche Generali, Riedel, Kirchenrnusik am Hofe Karls VI. 23 1 -3 09. Now held in the Bildarchiv of the Thearersamrnlung of the Osterreichische ,Varionalbiblioihek is a coIlection of 43 drawings (vaying in size from 290 x 205 mm to 550 x 350 mm and sketched in pencil, sepia or red chalk) by L. O. Burnacini.OBThese sketches have becn identified by Schnitzler as designs for back- cloths for Good Friday presentations of sepoleri. For a discussion of these sketches, see Schnitzler. "The Viennese Oratorio." 2 17-237.

( frcquently Holy Tursday. Maundy Thursday. or Good Friday) before a replica of the Hol y Srpulchre. in a serni-theatncal manner. by a cast of six to ten character~.~~Schnitzler contrnds that references to the erection of a mode1 of the Holy Sepulchre at the Viennese çoun date tiom as carly as 1357. and that the practice of erecting such a replica in the shurches of Viema prevalent in the seventeenth and eightrenth centuries. has remained popular to the present day." Contemporary reports indicate that the Holy Sepulchre in Vienna cornrnonly took the form of a coffin containing a plaster representation of the body of Christ." Both Smither and Schnitzler. drawing in part upon separate studies by Neil Brooks.

b%ex sketches are listai in Joseph Gregor and Franz Hadamowsky. Katalog der Hamkeichmngen der Th.eutersummlting der .Va~ionabibitkKataloge der TheurersamrnI~tgder Nationalbibliorhek in Wien ii (Vienna. 1930). 3-1 1. On this topic, see also Flora Biach-Schifiann. Giovanni und Ladovico Bumacini: Thcurer und Ftisre am Wiener Hofe (Viema 193 1 ).

69Schnitzler. "The Viennese Oratorio," 32-233.

70 Schnitzler. '-The Sacred Dramatic Music." 67.

" Ibid.

Karl Young. and Gemot ru ber.'^ demonstrate that: ( 1 ) the practice of performing sacred music before a replica of, or scenery depicting the Holy Sepulchre is not specific to Vienna but has medieval antecedents throughout Europe in the litwgical drama, the Forty Hours Devotion. and the liturgical office of the Depositio.

I *isitatio,and Elevatio .go (2)these liturgical observances developed dramatic fom and strongly influenced the rnystery. passion. and Easter plays of the Renaissance. (3) during the Baroque penod. some Viemese Jesuit dramas (with music. staging. and elaborate singing) were performed. also during Holy Week before a replica of the Holy Sepulchre. (4) the sarliest evidence of a sacred drarnatic work at the Viennese court is an extant libretto (the music is nonextant) from 1643 by Giovanni Valentini entitled Santi risorti ne/ giorno dellu pussiune di Christo. Gmber argues that this work. textually related to the .srpolcro. was a direct predecessor to the sepolcro? (5) the liturgical drama the Forry Hom Devotion. the liturgical office of the Depositio. Z ïsitatio. and Elevutio. together with the passion plays and the Jesuit dramas that followed. "in their visual and serni-dramatic elements. contributed to the estabiishment of the tradition from which the Viemese sepulcro developed.""

Y9 SeKarl Young, The Dram af the Medieval Chch. 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 93 3). 1 1 2- 1 77: and "The Dramatic Associations of the Easter Sepulchre." Universi', of Wisconsin Studies in Longuuge und Litrruturr IO (1920). [unpaginated]: Neil Conwell Brooks, "The Sepulchre of Christ in An and Liturgy w ith Special Reference to the Liturgical Drama" Universis, of lllinois Studies in Languoge and Lirerature 7 ( 192 1 ): 139-248: and The 'Sepulchrum Christi' and Its Ceremonies in Late Medieval and Modern Times," Journal of English and Grrmanic Phifology 27 ( 1928): 147- 16 1: and. finally, Gernot Gruber, Da Wiener St?polcro und Johann Joseph Fm. 1. Teil. Jahresgabe 1968 der Johann-Joseph-Fux-GesellschqF (Graz: Johann Joseph FLLVGeseIlschaft 1972).

'?O For an account of these cerernonies see the sources identifiai in note 89. See aIso Mark Weil. The Devotion of the Forty Hours and Roman Baroque Illusions." Jownaf of the Warburg and CawtafdInstincres 37 ( 1974): 2 18-258.

'JI For a detailed discussion of this work and its relationship to the sepolcro see Grukr. Dus Wiener Sèpokcro. 26-36.

Q 2 Grukr. Das Wiener Sepolcro. 26-36; Smither, The Oratorio in the Baroque Era. 376-378; and Schnitzler. The Sacred ûramatic Music." 67-68. Thus. the solemn liturgical events of Holy Week not only in Vienna but throughout Europe. gave rise to works. bath staged and un-staged, performed. with and without music, bcfore a mode1 of the Holy Sepulchre. This tradition provided the main impetus for the devrlopment of the seventeenth-centuy Viemese sepolcro. Srpolcro performances were integrated into the extensive scope of liturgical and extra-liturgical Holy Week observances at the Habsburg court during the reign of Leopold

I ( 1658- 1705)." The earliest cxtant music ofa sepolcro is. interestingly enough R sagrifitio d 'A hrumo ( 1 660) by Leopold 1. Leopold. claims Smither. continued to compose sacred drmatic works occasionally until approximately 168XW Schnitzler suggeçts. however. that: ... this seventeenth-century tradition cm best be observed in the collaborations of die three leading creative artists during much of the emperor's reign: the Iibrenist Nicolo Minato (1630- 1698). Imperia1 Poet from 1 669. the composer Antonio Draghi ( 1635- 1 700).Maestro di Cappella to the rmpress dowager fiom the sarne year and to Leopold 1 fiom 1682. and Ludovico Ottavio Burnacini ( 1636- 1707). Imperia1 Theatre Designer from 1659.'" The sacred dramatic works that sternmed from this collaboration (with emphasis on the role played therein by Draghi) are the subject of Schnitzler's doctoral dissertation? The following is a surnmary of the manner in which these works were perfonned. as corroboratrd by Schnitzler in two subsequent articles as well as in the research conducted by Hadamowsky. Rirdel. and Gruber?

'4 3 For a sumrnaq of such obsewances see Schnitzler. "The Sacred Dramatic Music," 56-57; and Smither. th^ Orumrio in the Buroque Era. 369-37 1.

94 It is somewhat surprising that an OId Tesment story would be the first representative example of a genre supposedly associateci with the Passion of Christ. Common themes, however. for sepofcriwere biblical or other references to the life of Christ which sumrnarizrtd the significance of His death and prophecies and parallels from the Old Tatament which were compared to the Crucifixion. In the case of this wotk, the impeded sacrifice of Abraham's son is compared with the unimpeded sacrifice of Christ. For a brief discussion of this wokas well as its relationship with the sepolcro. see Smither. The Oratorio in the Baroque Era. 375.

05 Schnitzler. -From Sepofcro to Passion Oratorio." 392

%khnitzler. -*TheSacred Dramatic Music."

97 Schnitzler. *-TheViennese Oratorio." 2 17-237; and "From Seplcro to Passion Oratorio." 3924IO; Gruber. Dus Wiener Sepofcro; Hadamowsky. "Barocktheater am Wiener Kaiserhof," 7- 1 17; and Riedel. firchenmusik am Hofi Karh 1% (1 ) Oratorio and sepolcro performances were confined to the Lenten period, the former pnor to and the latter during Holy ~eek." (2) Other tems were habitually applied to the sepoicro in the seventeenth century. including. arnong othen, cione sacra. aione sepoicraie, and rappresentuzione sacra? In conternporary sources. however. clear preference is given to the term rappresenruzione sacra UZ suntissimo sepol~ro.'~~ (3)The sepolcri of Draghi and his contempomries were perfomed before Sepulchres rrected in the Hofhurgkppellr and in the private chapel of the Dowager Empress. Eleonora. In the latter location. rappresentuzione sucra al santissimo sepolcro were perfomed on Maundy Thursday ( from the 1660s until Eleonora's death in 1686) with a coshuned cast acting around the Holy Sepulchre. normally without additional scenery. Performances in the Hqfbvrgkupelle took place on Good Friday. aiso with a costumed cast. engaged in limited action around the Holy Sepulchre. before a painted back-drop which illustrated the theme of the libretto. These backdrops. present only at the Good Fnday performances. were designed by Buniacini and commonly hung in the choir of the court chapel. Schnitzler concludes that the terni ruppresentcione sacre ai santissimo sepoicro stems from the practice of perfonning these works before such "sacred representati~ns."'~' (4) Many of the libretti and scores for Draghi's sepolcri describe these back-drops and contain directions that indicate that the singen should engage in a limited arnount of action (canying a cross. kneeling, genutlecting. and other similar gestures). Thus. the libretto of Dnghi's 11 sagrijcio non impedito (1692). for example. begins:

'3 8 Schnitzler. The Sacred Dramatic Music." 58 and 103. w Schnitzler. "The Viennese Oratorio." 22 1.

lw~lthoughthe terni sepolcro was used infrequently during the Baroque era. the designation ruppresenrccione sacra al santissimo sepolcro was cornmon. The latter was emptoyed by Draghi to describe rilrnost dlof his sepofcri. Strpolcro. as a distinctive term. however. has now become finnly established in musicological literature. and for that reason, its use is maintained here.

10 1 Schnitzler. 'The Viennese Oratorio," 271. For a thorough discussion of these visual aspects. including a description of Bumacini's sketches, see Schnitzler. "-The Sacred Dramatic Music." 63-100; and -'The Viennese Oratorio.- 229-237. Where possible. Schnitzler has also been able to match Bumacini's sketches with their intended work, After the opening of the most Holy Sepulchre one sees the surnrnit of a rnountain on which the sacrifice of Abraham is depicted. Enter R Rito della Chiesa Cattolica, La Cornmernoratione della Passione di Christo, Due Peccatori Pentiti. They tum to see who has arrived ... Enter La Fede, L 'Inrerpretatione della Sacra Scrittura .... Enter II Desiderio della Vita Eterno. 11 Timor dd' Infrno. La Veriro Evangelica. They begiri to exclaim from a distance. before they are seen.''' Semi-staged sepolcro performances remained a standard feature of the extensive Lenten observances at the Habsburg court from 1660 until the death of Leopold 1 in 1705."' (5) Holy Week observances at rhe Habsburg court reached a peak on Good Friday with services at the .-lugusriner and .Minorirenkirche, followed by the performance of a spolcro at the Hofburgkcplle. and concluded with the recitation of the Litany. Tanrum rrgu. Stubui .Murer. Benediction. andior various appropriate responses.'w Although the Holy Sepulchre remained the focal point of these presentations. the pnctice of staging sepolcri was gradually abandoned der 1705. Hany White. drawing upon studies by Gruber and Riedel.lu5 suggests that. beginning in that year. sepolcri or rupprrsen~ationisacre were replaced by oratorios performed al santissimo sepolcro; that is. by a sepolcro prrformed as an oratorio. before a reproduction of the Holy Sepulchre. without action. costumes. and additional scenery.'" Whilr these works are rasily identified as sepolcri performed in the manner of an oratorio. both by their focus upon the Crucifixion and the Sepulchre. Schnitzler demonstrates that the designations applied to such works are somewhat irregulado7 He suggests. for

'("~chnitzler...The Sacred Dramatic Music of Antonio Draghi." 74. Translation by the author.

103For a performance catalogue of the wokof Antonio Droghi see Schnitzler, The Sacred Dramatic hiusic." 342-397. Set: also Hadamowsky. "Barocktheater am Wiener Kaiserhof," 7 1-98.

IO! Gruber. Dm Wiener Sepolcro. 35: "Die Musik der ausserliturgischen Kirchlichen Feier." G~wlrichreder katulischen krrchenmusik. ed. K- G. Fellerer (Kassel. 1976). 1 90- 1 98: and Riedel, Kirchenmus ik am Hqfe Kurls 1% 252.

IQwhite. .'The Ontorios of Johann Joseph Fur" 265-266.

107The fo llowing passage is entirely based upon Schnitzier. -From Sepolcro ta Passion Oratorio," 395- 296. c.uample. that Apostoio Zeno used the terni azione sacra for dl seventeen of the oratorio libretti that he wrote for Viema between 1719 and 1737. Zeno's sepolcro oratorios. howcver. were distinguished fiom non-sepofcro oratorios by indicating that their performance took place "al san~issimosepolcro.'' In contrast. and Metastaçio rmployed different designations to distinguish their sepolcri. Pariati used the terni componimen~osacro for those oratorios perfomed "'al santissimo sepolcro" and oratorio for those works performed during Lent. but ouüide Holy Week. Similarly. Metastasio labelled three of his four "al san~issimosepolcro" oratorios as componimenro sacro. but used the term uzione sacru for the three oratorios perfomed at other times.'08 .As with the rvolution of any "new" genre. the break with the old sepolcro tradition was not immediate and. as late as 1716. some works were apparently perfomed in the manner of the seventeenth-century sepolcro. '09 Afier 1705. however. these works were the exception rather than the rule and. while they retained their focus upon the Crucifixion and the physical representation of the Sepulchre. sepolcri. after 170% were generaiiy perfomed without costume or action. While the tradition of staging sepolcri was discontinued. White. with reference to both Hadarnowsky and Seifert."' suggests that certain oratorios in the rightrenth century- including some that were applicato al santissimo sepolcro- were eiven stagrd or semi-staged performances. with costumes. staging. and a limited arnount of C action." l An examination of Hadamowsky's Spielplan demonstrates. however. that the performance of unstaged oratorios afier 1703 far oumumbered the performance of those

10 gThe srpolcro oratorios wrinm by Metastasio are: La passione di Cesti Cristo ( 1730): Sant 'Efem cl! Cclhario ( 173 1 ); La .Cforfrd'..lbel( 1 732); and Isaacofigura del redentore ( 1730). Al1 but Isaaco, idmtified as an crione sacre per mwica upplicuro al santksirno scipolcro (A sacred musical action related to the mosr Ho(i. Sepulchre ). are designated as componirnrnio sacro pet- milsica applicato ul santissimo seplcro (.4 sacred musicul camposirion related to the mosr Ho- Sepulchre). See, for exarnpte, the manuscript copy of the scote of Lu pussione. Cajdara. La parsione di Grsù Christo. title page. Schnitzler suggests that the inconsistency in oratorio performances around the end of the 1730s couId account for the lsaaco discrepancy.

Iw~ora discussion of such a work see Schnitzier. The Viennese Oratorio." 226.

110 Hadmowsky. '-Barocktheatre am Wiener Kaiserhof." 98-1 15: and Herbert Seifert. '-Die .4uffùhrungen der Opern und Serenate mit Musik von J. J. Fux." Studien ,ur !Uusikwbsenschqfr 29 ( 1978): 14-29.

' ' ' White. --TheOratorios of Johm Joseph Fu... 10- 15 and 90. given in a semi-staged mariner."' Schnitzler attributes the demise of the seventeenth-century sepolcro to the following three factors. "' 1 ) The death of the three figures who dominated the production of sacred and secular drarnatic music at the imperial corn during the majority of the reign of Leopold 1: Minato

( 1698). Draghi ( 1700). and Burnacini ( 1707). 2) The replacement of these three with a new generation of librettists. composee. and stage designers who brought with them new intluences and artistic inspiration. tncluded mong them are the librettists Silvio Starnpiglia Pietro Pariati, Giovanni Pasquini. Apostolo Zrno. and Pietro Metastasio: the composers Francesca Conti. Marc' Antonio Ziani. Johann Joseph Fm. and Antonio Caldara: and the Galli-Bibiena family of stage designers and architects. 3) Finally. the death of Leopold 1. a patron whose prominent conservative tastes had govemed cultural activities at the Habsburg court for more than forty years. "It was inevitable." suggests Schnitzler. '-ihat this new generation of artists and their patrons would put thçir own starnp on al1 aspects of the cultural Iife at court. including the religious observances of Holy Week and their major musical component. the sepoicro.""" Indeed. the sepofcro. afier 1705. differed in nurnerous ways From its seventeenth-century predrcessor. as summarized below. with necessary brevity. in Table 1 .3.'15 Listed in this table are some of the most significant contextual. texnial. and musical differences and similarities between the two. Lu passione di Gesic Christo is an example of the new unstaged oruiorio al sonrissirno sepolcro. While not staged. this work is clearly the descendent of a semi-staged

' "~admowsky...Barocbheatre am Wiener Kaîserhof? 98- 1 1 S. ' "~chnitzler.The Viennese Oratorio." 326-229.

i 14 Schnitzler. "From Seplcro to Passion Oratorio." 393.

' "The following account is baxd primarily upon Schnitzier, "The Sacred haticMusicw: "From Sepolcro to Passion Oratorio." and The V iennese Oratorio"; White, "The Oratorios of JO hann Joseph Fu,,." i 2- 1 5-257-66: and "TheSrpolcra Oratorios of Fuxy: suid Smither, The ûrntoriu in the Baroque Era, 3 6611 5. TABLE 1.3 The Evolution liom the Sepolcro to the Oraiorio al Santissimo Sepolcro

II Se~oicro I Oratorio al Santissimo Semicro

Principle performance venue- Hofiurgkoprlle and Principle performance venue- exclusively the II the chapei of the empress dowager Eleonora. Hofburgkapelle. Performances restricted to Holy Week. Performances restricted to Holy Wek. Itlaundy Thursday in the chape1 of Eleonora ".4 1 scrnrissimo sepolcro" oratorios perfonned and Good Friday in the Hofburgkopelle- principally on Holy Tuesday.

Performances integrated into the liturgical and Performances integrated into the liturgical and extra-l iturgical Holy Wekobservances at court. extra-liturgical Holy Week observances at court. Sepokcri performances followed by the Tanrurn Italian sermon, delivered by a Jesuit priest hired ergo. Stuhur .lfuter, andjor the benediction. exprcssly for the purpose, imparted behveen the two parts and the entire performance was usually followed by a Marian litan?.

Enacted bctfore a replica of the Holy Sepulchre. Performed before a replica of the i-ioly Srpulchre. WI TH staging (backdrops on Good Friday only), but the practice ofperJorming before addifional uction (genutlecting, kneeling. etc.), and staging, with action und costumes was generully costu mes. &continue&

Such works were given a staged performance. Such works were primarily given a concert or oratorio perforrna nce.

Two-pan oratorio stmcture. Each structural part closes with a coro.

Librrlti instruct singers to engage in a limited The absence of performance directions indicate amount of action before "scenic representations." the omission of action and "scenic representation" (apart from the Sepulchre) in the performance of these works. Depending upon the author. works entitled componimenro sacro and cione sacra. .-i=ione sacro was used by Zeno. componimenro sacro by Metastasio and Pariati. Performance location denoted by the indication of 'al sanrksimo sepolcro' on the libretto and score for the work. Thematic focus is on the Passion and Crucifixion Thematic focus is on the Passion and Crucifixion II of Christ and they combine lamentation with of Christ and they combine lamentation with Oratorio al Santissima Semicro interpretation. Common also are supporting interpretation. Comrnon aIso are supponing thernes, including references to the life of Christ themes, including references to the life of Christ which sumrnarize the significance of His death which summarize the significance of His death and prophecies and parallels from the OId and prophecies and parallels fiorn the Oid Testament which are compared to the Crucifixion. Testament which are compared to the Crucifixion. However, characters are almost exclusively However, characters are almost exclusively allegorical or abstract. witfi a corresponding biblical, with an ernphasis on biblical sources. neglect of biblical characters and sources. Inclusion of marginal references indicate the sources, prirnarily biblical, upon which the text is based. Also references to the church fathers. Erika Kanduth suggests that a meditative and Medirative and didactic text also central to this didactic text concerning the stniggle between genre, with more (proportionately)dramatic good and evil in the context of the sacrifice of narrative. (For a discussion of this point see , Christ is centnl to the sepolcro."' chapter 2.) Speculative and doctrinal poeq entirely in Works written afler 1705 demonstrate the keeping with the precepts of Marinism. Marinism reforming influence of the Arcadian academy. is associated with, arnong other things. excessive 1) Events dmvn exclusively fiom holy al l iteration. metaphor, figuration. etc.. scripture. 2) Avoidance of divine personages. 3) The creation of librettos that might be both spoken and acted. 4) Directness and simplicity of expression IlSis to ten characters. 1 Four to six characters. Irregularity of scene-complexes. Absence of Standard alternation of recitative in versi sciolti regular alternat ion between recitative and aria. and arias written in two stanzas to accommodate the prevailing da capo setting. II Musical "Old fashioned" instrumentation: violas. viole da More .'modernw concemte instrumentation: four gumhu. violt! du bruccio and continuo in Cive- and teal parts with violin 1 and II. viola and continuo, six-part witing. Emphasis upon dark with frequent use of concertante wind instruments, instrumentation with and occasionally Use of viols discontinued in favour of vio lins. trombones and cornerti muti. I Anas in binary form (AB) predominate. Da capo arias predominate. Conservative musically. Schnitzler suggests hat Although comparatively progressive in relation to Dmghi's sacred dramatic music does not Dtaghi. the writing of Fux and Caldara is also demonstrate any sipificant stylistic conservative. The chief indication of this developments. conservatisrn is a strong interest in counterpoint,

I ibErika Kmduth. "The Literary and Dmmfqical Aspects of the Viennese Sepolcro Oratorio, with Particular Reference to Fm" in Johnn Joseph Fux and the Mtuic of the Austm-ltulian Baroque, ed. Hamy White (Aldershot U.K.: Scolar Press. 1992). 153-163. II sepolcro Oratorio ai Sanhsimo Sepolcro 1 Simple rifornrlli. Eiaborate rirornelli. ofien contrapuntal. Fugal II counterpoint prevalent. II Sepolcri conclude with a choral movement in Each section concludes with a choral movement, which hornophonic and contrapuntal sections aIso in which hornophonic and conuapuntal alternate. sections altemate. II Vocal writing blends recitative. arioso, and &a Vocal writing govemed by the strict altemation of II freely . aria and recitative. II Recitativr w ith continuo accompaniment only . Recitative primarily with continuo accompaniment only, but accompanied recitative employed at I cirarnatically signitjcant moments. II Continuo accompaniment the nom in arias as well Accompaniment: violin I and II. viola continuo II as recitative. group (cello/bassoon/violoneand organ/cembalo).

tradition. Performed around a replica of the Holy Sepulchre, such works. with their inherent emphasis upon the Crucifixion. had kenabsorbed into the extensive liturgical and extra- liturgical Holy Week observances at the impenal court for almost a century. CHAPTER TWO

The Librettos Compared

The tint in a series of seven oratorios that Pietro Metastasio wrote for the Viennese imprrid court. Lv passione di Gesi Cristo Signor Xostro. with music by Antonio Caldara, was fist pcirformcd on 4 April. 1730.' The fourdi of eleven drarnas that Metasüisio supplied prr cornando di Curlo VI. L 'Olimpiade, also with music by Caldara, premiered on 28

.4ugust. 1 733 .2 lmmediately different are the manner and context in which these works were performed. As a sacred dramatic work. La parsione was performed in the Hofbzrrgknpelle as part of the liturgical observances for Holy Week. The performance took place before a replica of the "most Holy Sepulchre of Christ." without action. costumes. or additional scenery.' In response to the quasi-liturgical context in which this work was performed, an Italian sermon. delivered by a Jesuit pkst hired expressly for that purpose. was preached between the two parts and the entire production concluded with a Marian litany. In contrast. as a secular ciramatic work. L 'Ofimpiadewas premiered in the garden of the Favorifa.a Habsburg summer palace, with action. costumes. and scenery. as part of the

' Report4 in the Wienerisches Dioriwn. no. 27 (5 April. 1730). p. [6].La pussiom was wrinen in Rome and posted to Vienna prior to Metastasio's arriva1 late in April of 1730. Metastasio officially assumeci his pst in Vienna afier the prerniere ofLa parsione- the first work w-ritten expresdy for Emperor Charles VI. his new patron.

'~adamowsky."Barocktheatre am Wiener Kaiserhof." 1 12.

The t i t le page of the manuscript copy of the score bars the designation componimenro sacro per mrrsicü upplicato al santissimo scpolcro e cantatu nell' augustlrsima cappelia ... di Carlo VI ("Sacred composition with music related to the most Holy SepuIchre and sung in the sacred chape1 ... of Charles VIT. Crtldara. La passione di Gesù Crisro. ritle page. festivities surrounding the birthday of Empress Elisabeth Christina. Furthemore. a ballo witten by Nicola Matteis was presented at the end of each act4 and the whole celebration çoncluded with a performance of Metastasio's licenza, a solo recitative and aria in which the ennobled Empress was honoured even furthet." By established tradition. the performance of a sacred drarnatic work at the Habsburg coun was inseparably interwoven with other liturgical and extra-liturgical Lenten observances. In conuast. L 'Olirnpiade was one of many secular drarnatic works that were w-iaen expressly to celebrate significant events in the secular court calendar. Resulting, at least in part. fiom these contexnial and circumstantial differences. Metastasio's librettos for Lei Pussione and L 'Olimpiade demonstrate a number of textual differences. Yet. these ciifferences aside. these works also illustrate several textual similarities. Metastasio's sacred and secular libretti have been praised for the mellifluous quality of their poetry and their suitability for musical setting. For example. in equating Metastasio with the tragedims of antiquity and the masten of French neoclassicism. Ranieri de' Calzabigi wote: ... le poesie del Signor Metastasio adomate di rnusica sono poesie musicdi; ma senza I'unione di questo ornamento sono vere. perfette e preziose Tragedie. da compmi alle più celebri di tutte le altre Nazioni: Tragedie corredate di unità. di costume. d'interesse. di sublime Iinguaggio poetica

4 Kenneth Wilson "L 'Olimpiude:Selected Eighteenth-Century Settings of Metastasio's Libretto." 2 vols. (Ph. D. dis. Harvard University. 1982). 39. for a discussion of the ballets that Matteis wrote for the Viennese imperial court see Andrew D. McCredie, "Nicola Matteis, the younger: Caldara's collaborator and ballet composer in the service of the Emperor. Charles VI'' in ..lnronio Caldara: fisays on His Life and Times, cd. Brian Pritchard (Aldenhot. U.K.: Scolar Pms, 1987). 153-182; and Michael Tilrnouth "Nicola Matteis" .M~sicalQuarte+ X L VI ( 1 960): 2240.

'~erifiedby the title page of the libretîo printed for the performance which reads L 'Olimpiode.Dramu pu nr usical da rappresmtarsi ne1 giardino cldl 'imperial Favoritui Jisteggiundosi il felicissimol giorno nutalkioi ... di ElrSabertu Crktina (Drama for music/ perfonned h the garden of the Imperia1 Favorital written to celebrate~the birthday! of Ernpress Elisabeth Christine).- Reproduced in Wilson, "L 'Olimpiade." 352-393.

&Theiibrenos of Signor Metasrasio adomed with music are musicul p~.but without the assistmce of this ornament. they are true, perfect, and valuable tragedies, to be cornpared with the most celebrated of a11 other nations: tragedies equipped with unity, manners. interest sublime poetic language ...." Ranieri de'calsabigi [sic]. "Dissertazione su le poesie drammatiche dei Signor Abate Pietro Metastasio," Poesie del Signor .-l bat2 Pietro Metasrusio. 9 vols. (Turin: Stampena Reale, 1757), 1 : uii-xxiii. ["Dissertanone" frm published, Paris: Presso la Vedova Quitîau. 17551. Thmughout the eighteenth centq, many of Metastasio's Those poetic quaiities which constitute Metastasio's "sublime linguaggio poetica" remain constant throughout the chape1 and the theatncal pieces. resulting in passages within the sacred libreaos that are smicturaily and stylistically similar to those in the secular librenos. In Lu passione and L 'Ohpiclde.for example, Metastasio placed vowels and words appropriately in order to exploit their cumulative sononty and to provide for passages of coloratura extension.' The aria "Se cerca se dice." fiorn L 'Olimpiade. is but one of many

Mçgacle: In seeking him. if she shouId ask, "My dearest ftiend. where can he be?" Reply to her mat 1 am dead.

Ah, no, let me not Cause her such grief. Simply reply: "He parted weeping."

Chu abisso di penr What deep pain it is Lu.sciurc il suo bene, To leave one's beloved, Lusciurlo per semprr. To leave her forever. Lmciurla c-os i.'" To leave her thus. Although Megacaclr. distressed by the loss of Aristea contemplates suicide in this tragic aria. the mellifluous qualities of the text are retained. Indeed. they are highlighted by die abundance of open vowels (ie.. u and O). including those which are appropnately placed at the end of each stanza to allow for the customary passages of coloratura embellishment.'

cornmentators proclaimed him the author of .perfect tragedies"; the equal of Sophocies and Euripides. whose works rivalled the French nmlassical tragdies of Corneifle and Racine, These cornmentaries (as well as their validitv ) are discussed in Neville. "Mozart's La Clemenzu di Tito," 85- 123.

7 With hlctastasio's musical ducation (he srudied singing and composition with [1686-17681 in Naples), he was presumably skiIled enough to hear how suitable his verses were for musical serting. For that reason. he was gified in setecting sonorous words that still provided the appropriate nuance of meaning. See further. Neville, nMetastasio." in Opera Grove.

"etastas io. L 'Olimpiaàe. act 2. scene 1 0, Drommi in Tutte le opere. 1 : 6 1 0.

9 The .Vm Grove Dicrionary of Music and Musiciam, 1980. S.V."Ana* by Jack Westrup. Daniel Heartz and Dennis Libby. Heartz has also wriaen further about the poetic qualities of -Se cerca, se dice" in --Hasse. Gaiuppi. and Metastasio." in Z.'enezia e il melodramma net settecento. ed. M. T. Muraro (Florence: The sonority of recitative and aria passages in these works is also enhanced by a rniscellany of other poetic devices. Fundamental to Metastasio's petic style, for example, are rhetorical rlements such as consonance. assonance, alliteration. repetition. and rhymed couplets. coupled with figures of speech which are carefùlly fitted to the moment. Lines particularly rich in assonance and rhymed couplets occur in Peter's opening recitative and in Licida's climactic recitative from the end of act two:'' Pietro: Dow son? Dow cûrro? Where am I?Where shall 1 flee? C'hi reggr i pusi miri:' Dopo il mio fil10 Who will guide me? Since my transgression .Von ritroi'o pi ic puce; 1 have known no peace: Fuggo gli sguardi dtrui: i'orrei crlarmi 1 shun the gaze of others: would even hide Fino a nri stesso. In mille ajfjctti ondeggia From myself. A thousand emotions Lu confim alma mia. Senro i rirnorsi Toss my bewildered soul. 1 feel remorse, .-!scolrolu pietade; a' rniei desiri But also self-pity; to my desires Sprune 2 fu speme. 2 Iu dubbiezza inciampo Hope is the spur, self-doubt the obstacle; Di temu ugghiuccio. 6 di wgogna mumpo. I am chilled by fear, but bum with sharne. Ogni utcgrllo chr ascolto. Every bird 1 hear .-Iccw'utordeil 'incosranzarniu Swms to charge me with inconstancy, I,'uugd nuxio del di parmi che sia. As did the herald of the day, the cockerel. lngrurissirno Piero! Ungrateful Peter! c'hi su st! vive if tua Sigriord .i cm Who knows if your Lord is alive or dead? It is Gli ordni su01 non socwrti nururu. Without good cause that nature upturns its laws. PerchG longue e si oscura Why does the sun fade and home /=ruId renebre il sole:' .i chei lu terra, Obscured in darkness? Why does the unstable Infida ui pursi alinri. trma e vien nreno. Earth tremble and give way beneath your feet, E kt! rupi insensate apronu il seno? And the insensate cliffs bare their breast? .Ih che gelw mi senfo! Ah, 1 grow cold with fear! .Vullu so. hramo assai. rutto pmento. l1 1 know nothing, desire much, and fear everything.

~'hedito:' Che so? What am I saying? What am 1 doing? C'on chi mi scirgno 3 Il reo son io: At whom am 1 angry? 1 am the guilty one: 10 son Io scelleraro. In queire vne 1 am the wretch. 1 should more properIy C'on piu rugion 1 'immergero. Si, mori, Pierce my own veins. Y es. die, Licidu svtinrurato!-.. .-î h! Percht; rremi. Unforninate Licidas! ... Ah! Why do you tremble, Tinztiia man? Chi ri ririene? Ah! Qutisla Timid man? What is holding you back? This È ben miseria estterna! Odio lu vita. 1s. indeed. the height of misery . 1 hate life.

Olschki. 1978). 309-339.

1 O The former excerpt was cited by Smither to exemplify precisely this issue. See Smither. The Oratorio in the Ciassical Era. 56-58.

I I Metastasio. Lo parsione di Gesir CrLSro. part 1, Opere varie in Tuftele opere, 2: 55 t . .Iï'urrerrisce la morte; e senro intanro Death terrifies me; and meantirne S~rucciurnlia brano a brano I feel my heart ln mille parri il cor. Rabbia, Tom to a thousand pieces. Rage, C 'rnd'rrra. Tdnerca. amickia. Vengeance, tendemess, fiiendship, Penrimenro. pietu. vergogna, omore Repentance, piry, sharne, and love .\fi rrujiggono a gara. -4h! Chi mai vide Vie in torturing me. Who has ever sen .-ininru lacerara A sou1 so tom Du rami uffetri c si contrari! la sresso By so many conflicting emotions! i myself .C'on so corne si possa Do not understand how it is possible to tremble .Lfinucciundorrdrnure, urder gelando. While threatening, to burn while freezing, Pimgere in mezo ull 'ire, To weep while wrathful, Bruntur IL1 murte e non saper morire." To desire death and be afraid to die. The bewilderment of both characters is emphasized. in Peter's recitative. by the repetition of '-Dow." and in Licida's recitative. by the repetition of "Che." Also note. in the final rsarnplr. assonance between the words intanto/brano: and in the tïrst example. rhymed cou pl ets ai inciumpo/uwampo. miwsia. narzcra/bscuro. mcnd~eno.and sento/pavento as well as assonance between the words corro/folfo. Pierokoso. and terrcunaturuoscura. Such poetic features correspond to those mems of obtaining beauty identified by Giovanni Mario Crescimbeni as "extemal" and by Lodovico Muratori as "corporeal."" Mctastasio acknowledged the desirability of such techniques when he wro te: Né solo armonico e numeroso convien che sia (a creder mio) il discorso che impiega il poeta ... ma puro insieme. nobile. chiaro. elegante e sublime ... cd il savio poeta equalmente ... elegge ed adopera sempre ne' suoi lavon cotesta colta elevata. incantatrice favella. capace di cagionar diletto con le sole sue proprir bellene." Elrments such as word choice. figure of speech. and versification were undentandably important to a pet who held that: "I piaceri che non giungono a far irnpressione su la mente

''~etutasio. L 'Olinipiode. act 2. scene 1 5. Drommi in Turie k ope. 1 : 6 15-6 16.

"~eeGiovanni Mario Crescembeni. -*Dialogue i:' in Lu beIlc~della volgor poesia ( 1700). 2" ed.. rev. (Rome: De'Rossi, 1 7 12)- 4-5; and Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Della perferta poesia italiana ( 1 706). ed. Ada Ruschioni. Scritti italiani sezione letteraria, 3 bks. in 2 vols. (Milan: Marzorati, 1971). bk. 1. chap. 6.96- 97.

'48b~hediscourse that the ... pet employs should (in rny opinion) be not oniy hmonious and rhrthrnic. but also noble. clear. elegant and sublime ... and the wise poet. Iikewise ... should always select and use in his works this cultivateci. elevatd enchanting speech. capable of producing pleasure with its beauty alone." Metastasio. Esrrarto dell'arte poetica d :îristotle in Tuite le opere, 2: 970. e su1 cuorie sono di corta durata."" Beyond the treatment of individual words. the basic poetic structure of La passione and L 'Olimpiade is essentially the same. Recitative in these works. for example. is written prirnuily in versi scioiri (blank verse), consisting of sporadically rhymed mi.niies of seven- and eleven-syllable Lines with irreguiar rhythm. ending typically with a rhymed couplet (i.e. the cadence rhyme). Furthemore. with one exception. the arias in the oratorio and opera are set out as two rhymcd stanzas. written to accommodate the da capo musical setting which Metastasio was undoubtrdly e'rpecting Caldara to provide.'' The stanzas in both works frequently consist of four linrs of text (quatrains). with the same number of syllables per line- lines of seven [settenari]or cight [otfonari]syllables are the mon comrnon. In tum. in each line of text an accent usually occurs on the penultimate syllable. Lines that end in this rnanner are called verso piano. When the accentual stress falls on the final syllable. the line of text is termed a verso tronco. Throughou~the opera and oratorio. a quatrain of text in piano is typically concluded with a line of verso rronco. .4lthouph these structural generalities occur with some consistency. part of Metastasio's genius as a dnmatic poct lay in his ability to engender considerable poetic vuiety. For that reason. in addition to the standard text of two quatrains. two stanzas of line numbers 4 + 3.3 + 3.4 + 6.6 + 4. and 6 + 6" also occur. Moreover. the aria versi in both works are set according to a variety of syllabic schemes. While those of seven (settenario) and eight syllables (orrunario)are unquestionably the most cornmon. four (quateniario).five (qiiinario).six (senario).and ten (drcassiiabo)syllable lines also occur.'"

".Tleasures lhat do not succeed in making impressions on the mind and on the hem are of shon duration." Metastasio to FmçoisJean de Chastellm 17 July 1765, Letrere in Tutte le Opere, no. 1433.3: 599. These concepts wili be discussed in more detail at the end of this chapter.

''with three si..Se cemse di&' is the only aria in either work rhat does not have two stamas.

17 Two stanzas with 6 - 6 lines are always wrinen in Iines of settenari. IS Johnson suggests that Iines of seven and eight syllabIes are the most comrnon because of the '-flexibiiity of their accent patterns.- Johnson, Roman Oratorio, 5 1. Although divenity is also evident in the rhyrne schemes employed throughout these aria texts. the oratorio and the opera are, for the most part. dominated by the same rhyme schemes. hdeed. in both genres. rhyme is one ofthe p~ciplemethods by which lyrical "set- pieces" (arias and duets) are distinguished from passages of recitative. The most common of thrx rhyme-schemes. which include abbc, deec; abac. deec; and aabc. ddbc, are set out in Table 2.1. In al1 cases. the Iast lines of each of the two stanzas rhyme. in spite of such similarities, important differences between the two genres also exist and it is to these differencrs that the discussion now turns. beginning with those that are most obvious. Set near Golgotha immediately following Christ's suffering and death. the oratorio utilizes a sacred plot drawn principally Eorn the New Testament as well as the writings of the church fathen.'' In contrast. the opera. which is set againn the backdrop of the Olympic Gamrs. employs a secular plot. derived primarily from the philosophical and historical accounts of the Garnes otTered by the early Greek historians." The oratorio. while incorporating biblical characters (Peter. Mary Magdalenr. John, and Joseph of Arimathea). focusses upon the inevitable conflicts that aise between human otfense and divine forgiveness. But. unlike other settings of the Passion story which ofien mrrely narrate the events of the Crucifixion. La passione concentrates upon the individual feelings of Christ's disciples in the hours immediately following His death. L 'Olimpiade explores the subtle nuances of the emotional responses that arise from conflicts between amorous love and tnendship. and clemency and duty. Whether responding to sacred or secular conflicts, however. Metastasio's librettos have ken praised. by Burney. for "having unfolded and displayed ... al1 the affections of the

l q The plot of La passione is derived primarily from the four accounts of the Passion story which appear in the New Testament gospels. The following biblical passages are devoted to these accounts: St. Matthew. Chapters 26-27; St. Mark Chapters 14 15; St Luke, Chapters 22-33; St. John, Chapters 1 8- 19. The witings of the Church Fahrrs (St. Augustine, St. Bernard, St. John Chrysostom, etc.) and saints. evident in the footnotes found throughout the printed libretto, are also sources for Metastasio's account of La parsione. For a plot summrvy of Lapassione see Appendix I.

20 The sources for L 'Olimpiade are Herodotus, Pausanius, and Natale Conti. Al1 three are Iisted at the end of the .-frgornentowhich precedes the printed libretto. See Metastasio, Argomenm to L 'Olirnpicz&: Drammi in Turrc le opm. 1 : 579. For a plot summary of L 'Olimpiadesee Appendix II. Table 2.1 Prevalent Rhyme-Scheme Examples: La parsione and L 'Olimpiade

11 Aria Text Rhme Scheme La passione: Joseph of Arirnathea

All'idea de' tuoi perigli, All'orror de' mali imrnensi Io m'agghiaccio, e tu non pensi Le tue colpe a detestar.

Ma te stessa alla mina Forsennata incalzi e premi E quel fulmine non terni Che vedesti lampeggiar." II L 'Olimpiade:Clistene Del destin non vi lagnate Se vi rese a noi soggette: Side serve ma regnate Nella vostra servitii

Foni noi. voi belle siete, E vincete in ogni impresa Quando vengono a contesa La bellezza e la virtkc II L 'Olimpiade:Aristea Grandi. k ver. son le tue pene: Perdi. t ver, I'arnato bene: Ma sei tua ma piangi intanto. Ma domandi almen pietà.

Io da1 fato, io sono oppressa: Perdo almi. perdo me stessa, Né conservo almen del pianto L'infelice liberti3

'' Metastasio. Lu passione di Gesù Crisro. part 2. Opere varie in Tutte k opere. 2: 5 59.

7 7 --Metastas io. L 'Olirnpiade.act 1. scene 5. Drummi in Turte le opere. 1 :590.

7- -'Metastasio. L 'Olimpiade,act 2, scene 3, Drammi in Tutte le ope. 1: 600. human heart."'" Both works are defined by the juxtaposition of action and reaction. by an exploration of the subtle nuances of emotional responses inspired by difficult decisions and their inevitable consequences. The extent to which the oratorio and the opem focus upon suc h affective reactions is part icularly well-demonstrated in the two passages of recitative citrd earlier." Gripped with grief and confused to the point of king lost. both Peter and Licida respond to acts of betrayal already committed. With the crowing of the cock. Peter is awakened to the painhl reality of his denial of Christ. Similady. Licida- fearing that Mrgacle. his devoted Fnend. is dead because of his duplicity- realizes too late the consequences of his infatuation for Aristea. "The affections of the human heart." then. are not limitcd to Metastasio's opera librettos. but rather. they are integral to his oratorio texts

Neville argues that .part of Metastasio's genius as a dramatic poet for the chape1 lies in his ability to hurnanize his biblical characten and to expand the nuances of their responses within the limits imposed by a certain textual authenticity."" *"Textualauthenticity" refers to the practice through which librettists identified the sources upon which their accounts were based. In La parsione. such references abound in the form of footnotes which acknowledge the biblical and other writings- primarily those of the Church Fathers. such as St. Augustine. St. Bernard. and St. John Chrysostom- upon which specifc lines of text are based." In opera texts. however. the authon who have provided source matenal are not

'"charles Burney. .Uzmoirs of the Life and Writings of the .4bate Merosmsio. in which are Incorpora~edTranslu~ions o/H3 Principal Letfers.3 vois. (London: 1796, reprint; New York: Da Capo Press, 1972). 3: 67.

-'< '-See page 45-46.

'%eville. '*Opera or Oratorio?," 603.

1 - "The concept of offering verifications or nproofs" (footnotes), drawn from eighteenth-century witinçs on pulpit oratory. was adopted by Metastasio and many of his contemporaries. "Such references," suçgests Neville. "seem to be a response to a requirement made of preachers." This "~quirernent"was also retlmed in the sermons of Fram Brean. published in the middle of the decade in which Metastasio wrote al1 of his oratorios. For a more substantial discussion of this matter see Neville. "Metastasio and the [mage of Majesty." 153.Other fundamental sirnilarities between the telits of Metastasio and the wntings of pulpit orators from around the begiming of the eighteenth century have been addresseci in Neville, "Metastasio: Poet and Pmcher." in press. Similarities between the two which are relevant to the discussion of the "Metastasian moral referred to in footnotes. but rather. are identified ody once. at the end of the czrgornento- the background summary that precedes each libretto. Thus, in contrast to the specific references found throughout the oratorio, the opera contains only one general reference, at the beginning of the libretto? Although the fwtnotes in the printed libretto for Lo parsione are intended to convey "textual authenticity." Metastasio freely expanded the account of the Passion story by "humanizing" his characten and introducing episodes not found in the biblical sources.") Despite exercising such dramatic Iicense. the principal events of Metastasio's La passione- as one might expect with the transmission of a story so fundamental to Christian doctrine- are pre-drtrrmined by the accounts offered in the bible. Of course. he was aiso influenced by the witings of the church fathee. the centrai events of the Christian linirgy. and the conventions obse~edby other Italian oratorio librettists. particularly Zeno. Neville undoubtsdly had these concepts in mind when he alluded to Metastasio's rxtraordinary ability to "humanize his biblical characters ... within the limits imposed by a certain textual authenticity." With his opera texts. however. Metastasio was not so constrained. Apart fiom

cirama" are discussed towards the end of this chapter.

''~etastasio's account of the Olppic Garnes is based upon the narrative of "The Trial of the Suiton" found in the Hemdotus Hktoriae (Book 6) and other references scattered throughout the Pausanias Graeciae. X philosophical and historîcai account of the Olyrnpic Gama is aiso found in the Cornes. .b[vthoiogiae (Book 5). The ,VwGrove Dictionaq of Opera. 1992, S.V. "L'Olimpiade," by Don Neville. The work is also based upon the i O volume :tîvthologiaesive explicationesfabuIarum of Natale Conti. identified by Bruno BrunelIi as an "urnanista milanese (1520- 1582). Brunelli. Tutte le opere. 1: 1497. Wilson suggests that various commentators on L 'Oiimpiaùe argue that the following sources also influenced Metastasio in his writing of this work: Tasso's Turrismondo and L '..irninta.Guarini's Parorfido. and Anosto's OrfundoFurioso. See Wilson. "L 'Olirnpiade." 12.

I', In Metastasio's account of the Passion story, Peter. not Chnst emerges as the principal character of the librerto. Initially. Peter is pomayed as the aagic victirn of his own actions. eloquent with grief. Eventually he is brought to redemption through the example of Christ. Similady, many of the other character respnses included in Metastasio's Lu pussione are not found in the biblical account. For example, the meeting of the principal dramatic personages on the road From Golgotha is not documented in the biblical accounb. In a similar vein, Smither demonstrates that. in Isaacofigura del R&ntore, Metastasio went so far as to invent personages not included in the biblical account. For example. the responses of Sarah to the impending sacrifice of her son. absent hmthe biblid account, are included in Memstasio's isaaco- Such elernents were included to accentuate the dramatic impact of the work itself. Metastasio's expianation for this addition is appended to the beçinning of the libretto. See Smither. ne Ora~orioin the Clussicol Era, 54. maintaining a certain "historical plausibilil." by referrhg to hi~t~n~alplaces. names, and basic events. Metastasio unquestionably exercised freedorn in constructing the opera te~t.~' Unlike the oratorio. the sources employed in the opera, although generaily known. were not necessarily known in the detail of those of the Crucifixion. Furthenore, some of the characters and events depicted in thatncal interpretations were non-histonc3'and Metastasio himself commented, in an attempt to assert his originality, "that he treated his sources with a good deal of Freed~rn."~~principally by adding incidents and additional characters in an ottempt ~o permit stronger charactenzations and a wider range of human responses."" There are. nevertheless. other differences between the sacred and secular pieces. For raample. Lu pussione employs four characters: L 'Olimpiadr seven. La passione is in two pans.'" while L 'Olimpiadr is in three acts." In L 'Olimpiade. acts consist of a series of scrnes (on average. 12 per act). often articulated by the entry or exit of a character.

'%evi lle suggests that the idea of adding plausibility (that is: historical credibility or validity) to a secular dmatic text is one that Metastasio adopted hmthe ancients, particularly Aristotle. Neville, "Mozart's Lu C'lmwnzcr di TTiloo1 16; and "Metastasio: Poet and Preacher." in press.

;i References to Olympia as well as the Olympic Games are obviously based in historical truth, but some of the other events and characters poraayed in L 'Olimpiacr'e are aIso historical ly based. For example, the chamter of Clistene was based upon Cleisthenes of Sicyon, who lived from approxirnately 595 to 565 BC. Clsisthenes made himself tyrant of Sicyon by killing his two brothers. Megacles and Aristea were also based upon actual historicd figures. Megacle the Alcmaeonid was an Athenian Statesman who lived in the sixth century BC.. (The Alcmaeonids were one of the leading Athenian aristocratie families.) Megack manied Agariste of Sicyon who was the daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon. As the princess of Sicyon. Agariste was 3 desirable bride. For that won, CIeisthenes stageci an epic-style cornpetition in which her hand was the p&. The contes;, however. was purportedIy reduced to a 'hear-farce" by the drunken antics of Hippocleides. Thus, three of the chancters and some of the events of the opera are based in historical tmth. Nonetheles, the other tour characters are non-historic and many of the events surrounding the cornpetition for Aristea's hand are adaptations of original events. Information above taken from Diana Bowder. ed.. Who War Who in ~heGreek Ifiwld: "6 - 30 BC. (London: Phaidon Press, 1982).

;- --Comment~similar to these are found in the ..lrgomemo appended to Siror, Eio. and Cmne in CIim Pietro Metastasio. %ee Melociramus. translatecl with an introduction by Joseph Ci. Fucilla (Lexington. Kent.: Universi? of Kentucky Press. 198 l), vi. .. "Neville. "Opera or Oratorio?," 603.

"~mither suggests that "hom the mid-century [the middle of the sixteenth century] to the late Baroque, oratorios in two structural parts were characteritic." Smither, The Oratorio in the Baroque fia, 293.

:C '-AI1 of Metastasio's opra serie are in three acts. This organization was standard throughout much of the eighteenth century. See Neville, "Metastasio," in Opera Grove. Continuity between scenes is maintained by keeping at lean one character on stage fiom one scene to the next. Some scenes are cast solely in recitative, while others end with an aria. Whcn included in a scene. the aria almoa always occurs at the end, immediately preceding the exit of the performing character.' Major characters do not depart the stage before having sung an aria with the single exception of Licida (the secondo uomo) in 11: 8. Further, there is at least one change in location per act." In contrast. La passione is assigned a single location; scenes and "exit-arias" are nonexistent: and the indication parte is absent from the pnnted libretto." Each character in the oratorio remains "on-stage" after singing an aria at times even taking part in the recitative that directly follows. For instance. at the bepinning of La possione. Peter. directly after his aria "Giacché mi tremi in seno." introduces the Coro de seguoci di Geszi (Chorus of the followers of Jesus) as follows: But what is this sad group Approaching me? Following this question. Peter responds to news conveyed by the chorus. In addition to these structural differences. the oratorio and the opera are also different in lengh. In only two parts. Lapassione is approximately two and a half times shorter than L 'Olimpiude. Since the oratorio is so much shorter than the opera. it naturally presents fewer arias and ensembles. La passione includes twelve arias and one ensemble: L 'Olimpiade ninetern arias and two ensembles. The distribution of &as among drarnatic penonages is also quite different between these two works. This distribution is set out in Table 2.2.

"ln L 'Olirnpiodr.arias always occur at the end of a scene. with one exception. The final aria of the opera, sung by Clistene, is not followed by his exit (III: 6). This obviously occurs in tesponse to the "mass" scene at the conclusion of the opera.

57 Continuity is also maintaineci by the liaison de scène technique in which a series of scenes are linked by the presence of a comrnon character.

38 Smither suggests that some librettists- assurning a "hypothetical exitt' if the character does not participate in the recitative following their aria- actually indicated "exits" in the libretti of their oratorios where an exit couid be assurned, principally to "heIp the reader-listener imagine the irnplied action," even though this action did not take place. Such indications. however, do not occur in ta passione. Smither. The Orutorio in the C'lasical Era. 59.

3 M etastasio. La parsione di Gesù Cristo, part 1. Opere varie in Tutte le opere, 2: 5 52. TABLE 2.2 Aria and Ensemble Distribution

- I La pasione L 'Olimpiade Peter 4 arias, i duet Prima donna 4 arias, 1 duet Mary Magdalene 3 arias. (duet W. Peter) Seconda donna 4 arias, I sololchow John 3 arias Primo uomo 3 arias, (duet W. prima donna) Joseph of Arimathea 2 arias Secondo uomo 3 arias King Mentor 2 arias King's attendant no3vlv~ arias

TOTAL: 12arias. 1 ensemble TOTAL: 19 arias, 2 ensembles

.. h

Although such differences in length, aria number. and distribution may seern trivial. they are symptomatic of more substantial differences. How much plot exposition. development. and clima?dresolution could Metastasio integrate into a two-part work with thinern numbee as opposed to a three-act work with twenty-one? What effect does this, in turn. have on the development of the characters as well as the relationships arnong hem?

Since the O~O~Orecounts a familiar story. it was simply not as dependent upon a srrirs of dramatic dialogues which. in the opera. were necessary to convey dramatic action and provide foundation IO the plot. Hrnce. both the exposition (introduction) and recitative

( the principal vehicle for conveying dramatic action) of La passione are substantially reduced. In the opera. rach of the three acts corresponds. roughly. with the exposition. development and climadresolution of the plot. During act one. the characters (including the standard dual pairs of lovers) are introduced and the principal dramatic conflicts are rstablished (exposition). In act two. these conflicts are developed and in aci ùuee. afier an impassioned climax. they are eventually resolved, mistaken identities are revealed. and the two pairs of loves are united in the customary lietofine (climau/res~lution).~It is not surprising. then. that 70% of La Parsione is given over to recitative. leaving 30% for arias,

hile climatic solo scenas for a principal character also conclude the fint two acts. the pivotai clirna~of the opera occurs during Act III. choruses. and ensembles. while in L 'Olimpiode more than 90% is reserved for recitative, leaving only 10% for arias. choruses, and ensembles." Distinctions in the proportion of aria to recitative, however, point to an even more substantial difference: namely. that weight, in the oratorio. is placed upon narration. description. and retlection. Emphasis. in L 'Olimpiade, however. is placed upon a senes of dramatic actions and dialogues. dong with the individual reactions that these events inspire: dramatic thrust ultimately dominates over narration and reflection. Narration in both sacred and secular works describes *'off-stage" events. in the past tcnse. rather than through dramatic dialogue in the present. In L 'Olimpiade. however. only thosr events that take place outside the central locale or time period (together with those that were deemed "unsuitable" for the eyes of eighteenth-crntury audiences) are described in the past ~ense.~'Consequently. more dramatic action occun "on-stage." during progressive passages of dramatic dialogue. In contrast the principal dramatic content of Lu parsione transpires "off-stage." prior to the kginnine of the oratorio. Thus. Peter. having betrayed Christ. and having left the scene of Christ's suffering. prompts a narrative account of the Passion story through questions that he asks of Mary Magdalene. John. and Joseph of Arimathea. These three characters describe the events of the Crucifixion in a clear. poignant. but rather objective manner. The result of such descriptive narration is a libretto characterized by considerable dramatic restnint. Weight in Lu passione is placed upon delineating. through descriptive narrations. the rvents of Christ's Crucifixion. These narrations. however. inevitably conclude with intensely persona1 meditations and responses to these events. These spiritual reflections form the nucleus of Metastasio's libretto. It would be a mistake, however. to assume that because La

4 I This percemage shih substantiaIly in their subsequent musical settings where 30°6 of the score for L 'Olirnpiatie is recitative. Ieaving 60% for overture, aria. and ensemble. while only 15?6 of the score in La pmsiorre is recitative. leaving a substantial85% for the overture, arias, and ensembles.

''~eville attributes the occurrence of major events -off-stage" to the fact that Metastasio had been criticized for the endings to (because the heroine leaped to her death) and Catone (because the title role committed suicide on-stage). The pet was forced to write an altemate ending for the latter. Neville, "Opera or Oratorio?.* 60 1. passione is comparatively reflective. that it is less dramatic. Unquestionably. many of the character monologues that occur in the oratorio are intensely dramatic in and of themselves. What. then. makes the oratorio more reflective/meditative than the opera? In the opera. reflective moments unfold. as one would expect., in an aria. In the oratorio. however, arias as weli as passages of recitative are reflective. Such passages, appropriately called "reflective recitative" by Smither. are significant because recitative was traditionally resenred. by definition. for the portrayal of dramatic action. Smither contends that 'whether solo or dialogue. [a reflective recitative] ofien treats a theological point or reveals a personage's religious experience or emotional tat te.'*^ A striking examplr of a reflective recitative is included below.

.C'un sr guidu. o .\laddalenu. ti soli Not without guidance. Mary Magdalene. .V 'clhbandonu Ges u. .Vellu mu vita Nor alone shall Jesus leave us. ln his life .\/ilk 2 mille! ci lusciu He left us a thousand examples Esmpi ud imitur: nelh su0 morte Worthy of imitation. In his death he left us C'i luscia mille t! mille Thousands upon thousands of S~mbolidi rvrù. Le sacre rempie Symbols of his virtue. The sacred head Coronare di spine i rei pensieri Crowned by thorns teaches us lnsegnuno a fugur. Dalle sue mani To avoid evil thoughts. From his hands C*ntLirilmtrnrcrrufirtr So cruelly pierced we lm Lu mure wglie ad uhorrir s 'impura. To detest al1 seifîsh desires; È lu bcvandu crmuru The bitter drink is a reproach Rimprorero ul piacer: norrna 2 lu Croce For earthly pleasure. The cross is the de Di tolleru~uin$w i disurri umuni. Of tolerant conduct. ~'hedu fui non s 'apprende? in ogni uccento. What can one not lm frorn him? in =ch deed. In ogni artcl ammaestru. In lui diviene In each utterance, he instructs us. L 'incredulofd&, By his example the irnpious become believers L 'invido genrroso. urdim il vile. The envious become generous. cowards brave. chro ['audace ed il superbo umile- The rash cautious. and the arrogant humble. (Ir di su0 scuota ilfrurtu He now wants to see his teachings lu01 rrmirure in nui. Da noi s 'asconde Bear hit in us. He conceals hirnseff frorn us Puwdtrrnt. lu prova. E se vacilla Thât he might see proof of it. And shoutd our La nosrra speme tr la virtic smarritu. Hope waiver and virtue, once lost, diminish, Tornerci. non rernere. a darne ~ita.~ He shall corne again- fear not!- to offer help. Having found forgiveness for his betrayal of Christ Peter otrers these as words of consolation to Mary Magdaiene. Here. in a work where action is aiready minimal. passages of reflective recitative like this one do nothing to restore the traditionally dramatic nature of

43 Smither, The Oratorio in the Clussical Era. 56.

UMetastasio. La passione di Gesir Cristo. part 2. Opere varie in Tune le opere, 2: 56 1-562. recitarive by placing even more emphasis upon meditation. Neville suggestç that '*e sacred re tlec tions containeci in the oratorios were. after dl, part of their raison d ëhe as expressions of religious devotion during the most solemn week of the church's year.'45 In the oratorio. this narrative/reflective disposition has. in tum. an effect upon the relationshi p between each character. La passione lacks many of the interpersonal struggles that characterize L 'Olimpiade. The true antagonists of the Passion story- the population of Jenisalem responsible for Christ's Crucifixion- do not appear. Never in conflict with each other. the oratorio characters struggle with their momentary inability to comprehend the will of God. This brief struggle is best exemplified in the following aria assigned to John: ïonie u vis ru die pene si f iere In the face of such fierce torture. O spheres. .Von rl'urrnartedi fulrnini. O -re. Why have you not medyourselves with lightning In (lil;lsu del vosrt-OFurfor! That you might protect your creator?

.4h v 'inrendo: la .\lente infinita Ah, I see: the infinite spirit did not wish for chat great work Lu grund 'opra non volle impedira To be impeded which would C'hr del1 'riorno compensa 1 krror.* Compensate for the erron of mankind. Gnppling. at first. with his attempts to undentand the justification for Chnst's sacrifice. Jolm rventually finds his answer in the essential tenets of salvation. and concludes with affirmations of praise:" Downq ur il cguardo giro, Whenever I cast my eyes, lmmenso Dio. ri LVJO: Immeasurable God, 1 see you: .\'dl 'opre tue t 'ummiro. 1 admire you in your works Ti riconosco in me. And recognize you in myself.

Lu rerru. il mar, le sfere The earth, the saand the heavens Purim del ruo potere: Speak of your great mi@: Tu sci prr tutro: c? no; You are in al1 things: and we Turti viviamo in te.'' Al1 Iive in you. So too. the other biblical personue in La passione move beyond their initial remone and

"Neville. .*Operaor Oratorio?." 605.

16 Metastasio. La passione di Gesù Cristo, part 1, Cpere varie in Tutte le opere, 2: 554.

4 7 Note that when John is stniggling with his initial attempt to understand the reason for Christ's sacrifice. he does not refer to God directly. instead, he implores the -'spheres" and the -'infinite spirit" to offer m explmation. When he then begins to praise the magnanimie and magnificence of God. however. he refers to Him directly. ii is possible that Metastasio was atternpting to distance his conflict hmGod.

48~etastasio.Lo passione di Gesù Cristo. part 2, Opere vurie in Turte le opere. 2: 56 1 . grief. reflect momentarily on the omnipotence and ornnipresence of God and ultimately fkd C consolation in this message of Christian redemption, delivered by full chorus: Sunru Speme. ru sei Sacred hope, you are .\finis rra al1 alme nosrre The ministrant of divine favour Del ciivino fmr: 1 'amore accendi. To our souls. You kindle Iove La fede uccresci, ogni rimor disciogli. And make our faith increase. You dispel al1 fear. Tir procvida germogli Let new hope take root Fru le lagrime nosrre: e ru c 'inregni. Beneath our tears; and teach us to trust .Vr ' dubbii passi del1 'urnnna vira. In the aid of haven .-1 confidar nrlla celesre ira.^" While following the course of human life. In essence. then. Lu passione lacks the interpersonal antagonisms that characterize the opera. In addition to such inner conflicts. L'Olimpiade is also concemed with the interrclationships among individuals, by the '-interplay of emotionally charged action and reaction nt the individuai level that is the focus of any Metastasian drama which, set to music. creates the Metastasian opera se ri^."'^ The plot of the opera is elucidated by the smggle between father and child. In the argornento. Metastasio explains that King Clistene wouid not allow his daughter. Anstea. to marry Megacle. and that the King of Crete would also not allow his daughter. Princess Argene of Crete. to marry Licida a mere "commoner." Esacerbatrd by the infidelity of Licida, the erroneous intentions of Clistene and the King of Crete cause mismatched couples. conflicts of loyalty. and immense suffering for each opera character. It is the elucidation of Licida's betrayal (and the resultant confiicts). however. that forms the nucleus of Metastasio's text for L 'Olimpiade.5'Resolutions to these conflicts are rendered through "agnitions- ciramatic moments revealing the true identity of charactefi- which disclose correct farnily relationships. confimi the partner choices of the children. and prevent incestuous maniage~."~' Mile the oratorio lacks the antagonisms of the opera. these works are similar in that

49 Metastasio. La passione di Gesu Crisro. part 2, Opere varie in Tutte le opere, 2: 563.

'%eviile. bOpemor Oratorio?." 599.

2 1 lt is interesting to note that at no point does Metastasio trace these conflicts to their tme source. While Clistene and the King of Crete end up preventing incesmous marriages, they are. nonetheles, indirectly responsible for the principle conflicts.

"~einhardS&ohm. *~DrarnnticDualitia: Metanasi0 and the tradition of the opera pair.- br(v ,Wusic (Nov., 1998): 558. they both. in the words of Charles Burney. "breathe the most noble sentiments and the purest rn~rality."~~As works that rendered moral ideals or basic Christian principles in dramatic form. La pussione and L 'Oiimpiade have ken showto ska common moral and didactic function." The fundamental goal behind both was to engage the mind with moral issues in a pleasurable way. while sirnultaneously moving the emotions in favour of upholding those issues." Metastasio himself commented that he had "perdé tutta la sua vita per istruir dilettando il grnere ~mano'l'~and subsequently stated that: L'obbligo principale di questo (come buon poeta) si è assolutamente ed unicarnente quello di dilettare: l'obbligo pidel poeta (come buon cittadino) t il valersi de' suoi talenti a vantaggio della societ& della quale ei fa parte. insinuando. per la via del dileno. l'more della virh tant0 alla pubblica kiicita necessario." This concept of moral instruction. drawn fiom antiquity, is emphasized in the treatises of threi: leading pulpit oraton written around the tum of the eighteenth centdgas well as in

CjBurney. 5lemoirs. I : VI. Such were the profundity of the human nuances portrayed in Metastasio's oratorios chat Ranien de' Calzabigi analysed three of them as "perfect mgedies." (Many of Metastasio's operas were also so labeiled.) The oratorios narned were Giom re di Giuda ( 1732). Giuiieppe riconosciuto ( 1733). and isuaco,Jguru del Redentore ( 1 740). Caizabigi, "Dissertazione su le poesir drarnmatiche del Metastasio," 1 : csxsvi.

54Neville, "Metastasio: Poet and hacher." in press.

5 5 The notion of pleasurable instruction. the so-called 'utile et dulce' principle. was drawn from ruitiquity. It is stated conciseiy here by Horace: uur prodesse volunr mi cr'rlectm-epoetue Poets aim at giving either profit or delight clut simul et iucunda et idoneu dicere vitae Or at combining the çiving of pleasure With some usefiil precepts for life. Horace. .4rs Potitica. Iines 3 33 -3 34. cited from Clarsical titercv-y Criticisrn: .-lristorle. Horace. Longinus (1 965). tram. Theodor Dorsch. reprint ed.. (New York. 1977). 23.

"-~asredhis entire life in order to inmua mankind in a pleasing way." M~astasio10 Carlo Broschi (calleci Farinelli). 28 January 1750. Lettere in Tutte le Opere. no. 340, 3: 167: cited and translated in Neville, "Mozart's Lu Clemenza di Tito." 9 1 .

".The first obligation of [a pet] (as a good poet) is solely and absolutely that of delight; the next obligation of a poet (as a good citizen) is to make use of his talents for the benefit of society of which he is a part. inducing by way of pleasure. the love of virtue. so necessary for general happiness." Metastasio. Escr~fio defl Ùrte poeticu ci '.4ristotle in Tutte le Opere. 2: 1089.

'?he three authors were Biaise Gisben [1657-173 1 1, Jean Gaichiès [ 1647- 173 11, and François Fénelon [ 165 1- 1 7 1 51. Their respective works were: Gisbert Le bon goüt de 1 'éloquence chrdienne (Lyon: Antoine Boudet. 1702): Gaichiés. L ùrt de la predicutiori. ou Mmimes sur /e ministère de la chaire (Paris: the treatises of three leading Arcadians written around the same These writings suggest a cornmon moral code, as exemplified by the following passages; the fmt fiorn Lodovico Muratori. who speaks for the Arcadians, and the second from Blaise Gisben, who speaks for the pulpit ontors. Muratori: Adunque intenzione. e fine della Poesia tù infin ne' primi tempi, ed e tuttavia di cantar le lodi della Virtu. e de' Virtuosi, O il biasimo de' Vizi, e de' Viziosi. acciocché la gente apprenda l'more della prima e I'odio de' secondi. E per conseguenza conosciamo. altro non essere la Poesia che figliola O Ministra della Moral Filosofia."

1 undertake [in a sermon] to inspire Men with the love of some particular virtue: to this end. 1 represent it in the most kautifhl and agreeable fom: 1 forget nothing that may incline al1 who hear me to the esteem and practice of it."' Hence. as a figure employed to wite works for theatre and chapei, Metastasio functioned as

ü "dramatist. poet. orator. and preacher." intent upon "instmcting, persuading (moving the passions). and pleasing." roles that. because of the "obligatory concentration on pleasurable and moving instruction." became om." These connections and the functions between them.

Breton. 1712) [first published in 1710j; and Fénelon, Dialogues Concerning Efoquence in General; und Purti~-ularlvThar Kind CVhich is Fitjbr the Pulpit. tram. William Stevenson (London: T. Weed for J. Walthoe, 1722) [first published as Diufoques d'doquence in 171 71.

"~hesefigures were Giovanni Mario Crescembeni [1663-17181. Lodovico Muratori [1672-17501. and Gianvincenzo Gravina [1664-17183. The three most significant treatises by these individuals are respectively : Lu bellca delfa volgar poesia, 1 700; Della pet$e~~apoesia itaIiunu. 1706; and Della ragion pnerica libri due. 1 708.

then. the purpose and end of poetry has ben, From the earliest tünes (and still is) to sing the praises of virtue and the virtuous. and to censure vice and the compt, so that people wi1l lm to love the former and hate the latter. And as a consequence. we have corne to understand that poetry is notfiing other than the daughter and the servant of moral philosophy." Lodovico Muratori, Della perfeerto poesiu ifaliana,ed. Ada Ruschioni. 4 bks. in 2 vols. (Milan: Marzorati, 1971). I : 8 l: cited and translated in Neville. "Metastasio: Poet and Preacher." in press.

b 1 Blaise Gisbert, Chrisriun Efoquence in Theory and Practice, English trans. by Samuel D'Oyley ( London: Clements. 17 1 8). 7 1.

b'~eville. -Metastasio: Poet and Preacher," in press. however. have aiready been e~tablished.~' Princ iples codi fied in Descartes' treatise Les passions de l '&ne* fom the foundation of the moral code embodied in La passione and L 'Olimpiude, both of which include cxarnples par excellence of those who are morally resolute and those who are not. The characters in L 'Olimpiade exhibit varying degrees of moral strength, with only Megacle and Clistenr acting in a consistently virtuous fashion. The other theahcal characters act either as foils (Licida. and to some extent. Aristea. and Argene) or as parallels (Aminta and Alcandro) to the main characters. in the chape1 piece. the mord protagonist is the figure of Chnst. With the exception of Peter. none of the oratorio characters visibly struggle with any moral shoncomings. in the opera. the function of the Metastasian moral hero is assurned by Megacle and Clistene. Motivated by devotion and generosity. Megacle personifles the morally tenable character who is wholly dedicated to the "practice of virtue" and the "opposition of vice.'"* In true Metastasian îàshion. however. this cornmitment initially causes him substantial sutTering. In a cruel twist of fate. Megacle unwittingly agrees to win the hand of his beloved Aristsa for Licida not for himself (1: 2). Learning that Aristea is the reward. however. Mrgacle justifiably expresses his shock before wavenng between love and friendship (1: 8-

C'hr intensi. eterni d2i? Quale improwiso Eternal Gods! What have 1 just heard? What Fulminer mi colpi! L 'mima mia Thunderbolt has stnick me! Must the one I Dunque jiu Li 'altri!E ho da condurfa io stesso Love belong to another! Am 1 to place her in ln braccio uf mio rival! .tic quel riituIe My rival's arms? But that rival È il sure arnico... Is a dmfiend ... Il dornandarm i To ask me to ïh'io gli ceda .h-isrea non P diverso Y ield Aristea to him is no different than asking Dai chiedermi la vita. E questa vira Me to yield my life. But does my life not

6''leville. ..Metastasio: Pwt and Preacher." in press: "Moral Philosophy in the Metastasian hamas,'' 2 8-16: "Cartes ian Princip les in Mozart's La cfemerradi Tito." 97- 1 23 :and "Mozart's La Clemenza di Tho,- 85-1 23.

M~enkDescartes. The Passions of the Sod translated and mouted by Stephen Voss (Indianapolis. Indiana: Hackert Publishing Company. 1989). Les passions was first published in 1649.

b5~ilsondemonstrates rhat such was the notability of Megacle's virtuous nature bat, in 1786, J. A. Hiller referred to him as the 'most hevolent, most virtuous, kindest character ever brought upon the stage." Johann A. Hiller. Cher Metasrasio and seine Werke (Leipzig, 1 786). 10: cited in Wilson, -'L 'Olimpiade,"2. Di Licida non 23 Non fu suo dono:' Belong to Licida? Has he not restored it to me? .Von respiro per lui? Am 1 not alive because of hirn? .\fegacle ingrato! Ungrateful Megacles! E dubiiar potresri? .-l h! Se ri vede Could you have any doubt of it? Oh. if she sees Con questa in volru infame macchia e rea, You with this infamous and cruel taint on your Hu ragion d 'rlborrirti anche .-îrisrea. Face, Aristea, too. will have reason to hate you! .Ph! Tal non mi vedr8. k'bi soli arcolro, No, she will not see me go so far. 1 shall listen Obblighi d'am istà, pegni di fede, Only to you, obligations of Friendship, pledges of Grutitudine. onore." Loyalty. gratitude, and honor. Throughout L 'Olhpiade, Megacle is portrayed as a tortured figure. tom. as here. between love and "pegnidi fede." In repeatedly choosing "obligations of tnendship" over love. howevrr. Megacle embodies the very essence of Descartes' self-sacrificial de~otion.~' Re ferences to Megacle's "humanità. fede. amore. e pietà.'"8 are made throughout L 'Olimpiade. but a particularly stnking example occurs in Act III. Driven to the point of suicide (II: 9). Megacle. having failed in that atternpt emerges. once again. to demonstrate the rpitome of self-sacrificial devotion (III: 3). Having been banished from Sicyon because of his treachery (II: 14). Licida in a moment of weakness. attempts to kill King Clistene. a disgraceful act for which he is sentenced to death (III: 2). Unheeding of any persona1 danger." Megacle refuses yet again to abandon Licida. his moral inferior. Megacle's meri torious resolve and clarity of purpose are exemplified as follows:

Lo seguitui fclice?. I followed him in happiness Quanciseruil ciel sereno; In former tirnes when skies were clear .-lilrrempeste in seno And now that tempests round him rage. C i~glicjseguirlo uncor. He'll find me with him once again.

Comc Al1 Oro il jm-0 Just as the glowing flame reveals Scopre le masse impure. impurities contained in gold Scoprono le sventure Our mishaps bare

06 Metastasio. L 'Olimpid.act 1. scene 9. Drammi in Tutre le opere. 1 : 595,

37 Descartes. Passions, II: 83: 64.

68.. Hurnaneness. loyalty, love. and compassion/piety." Metastasio. L 'Olimpiade. act 3, scene 1 1, Dramm i in Tutte le opere. 1 : 6 1 1 .

64King Clistene. having discovered that MegacIe participateci in the Olympic Garnes under false pretenses. intends to punish Megacle for his deceit. Megacle is thus placing his own life in danger by returning to help Licida (III: 2). 63

De 'fulsi umici if cor. Those false to us. In addition to devotion. MegacIe dso personifies the notion of Cartesian "generosity" which Descartes sees as '.the key to al1 other virtues. and a general remedy for al1 the disorders of the passions."" He descnbes generosity as the "fimi and constant resolution to undertake and carry out what we judge to be best."" the result of which "is to pursue virtue in a perfect rnanner."73 Convinced of Licida's inherent goodness, Megacle demonstrates generosity in the form of compassion. prirnarily in his ability to forgive Licida (III: 7). despitr his disloyalty. Clearly. Metastasio's character reflects the Cartesian man of -nenerosity who "bas goodwill for everyone." for 'Oeven though [such men] hate vices. they do not on that accounr hate those they see subject to them: for these they have only pit~."'~ Similar qualities of generosity and devotion typiQ King Clistene. In the first two acts. he is characterized as the strong, lofty. magnanimous monarch. resolved in his authoritarian cornmitment to crown and country. In the third act, however. his resolve is testrd. Clistrne must decide upon Licida's fate who. out of moral weakness. made an attempt upon his Iife (III: 6). In momentarily vacillating between clemency and duty, Clistene demonstrates a conflict between naturai human reaction and moral resp~nsibility.'~ While expressing great compassion (an essential feaeature of generosity). Clistene recognizes. in the follouing excerpt. that he mut maintain his obligation to the throne as well as justice: Giowntr swnturato. ecco vic ino Unforninate youth. the last moment of your Dc ' twi M iseri di 1 'ultirno isranre. Unhappy end is drawing near. funru pietude. ranw pietà mi /ai. You arouse so much compassion in me that 1 do

''bletastasio. L 'Olimpiade. act 3. scene 3. Drammi in Tutte le opere. 1 : 610-62 1.

'' Descartes, Passions. III: 16 1 ;

II Descartes. Passions. III: 153;

"lbid.

7-1 Descartes. Passions, III: 187:

"such characters were popular in the librettos that Metastasio wote for the Habsburg court. particulariy where the triumph of moral virtue and statesmanship. as portrayeci '-on-stage," could be equated with the person of the emperor. These connections. usually consolidated in the licenza. attempted to present, at Iwt during the remainder of the reign of Charles VI, monarchial absolutism in its best possible guise. See. for esample. Neville. "Cartesian Principles in Mozart's La clemeca di Tito," 97- 123. Che non oso mirarti 11 Ciel volesse Not dare to look at you. Would to heaven that Che potess 'io dissimular 1 'errore: 1 could condone your guilt! .\/a non io posso, ojîglio. lo son cusrocie But i cannot. son. I am die custodian Della rugion del trono. .-Il braccio mio of the regaI code. mers have entnisted Illesa oltri la diede; It to me unsullied, E renderiu degg 'io And 1 mutdeliver it lilesa O vendicara u chi succede. Unsullied to my successors. Obbligo di chi regnu This unavoidable obligation of a niler .t'twssario S cosi, corne penoso, Makes it painhl /l dover con misuru esser pie~oso.~~ Not to be mercihl. In c hoosing duty over clemency. Clistene exempli fies the character who is firmly resolved to act in agreement with '~hathe judges to be best."" Even upon leamhg that Licida is his long-lost son (III: 10). Clistene does not forget that his "figlio k reo di morte."" Moreover. he does not artempt to influence the people when the' are asked to decide upon Licida's (Filinto's) fate: E ben! S 'urcolri Very well. let the verdict of the public Diinque il pubblico roto. d pro del reo Be heeded. 1 do not pretend to plead, cornmand, .Von prqo. non cornondo e non consiglio." Or advise in the favour of the guilty youth. In setting aside his own desires for the "larger good." even under the most tenuous circumstances. Clistene rmbodies the mode1 of devotion. Ultimately embracing a path of vinue over vice. Clistene hctions as a model of rnorality who confirms the '*efficacyof virtur in producing stupendous effect~."~ La pussione incorporates a similar model of devotion and generosity. While Megacle and Clistene naturally pale in cornparison. those qualities are ennobled. in La passione. by the very image of the divine- Chria Himsel f. Although not an actual character in this work. Christ is upheld. in La passione. as the model of Chridan virtue. as the moral character who

76 Metastasio. L 'Olimpiade, act 3. scene 6. Drammi in Tuele opere. 1 : 624-625.

7 In an aside. it is interesting th3t to note that Tito, posed with a similar decision in La Clenrem di Tito (Metastasio. Vienna, 1734). chooses clemency over duty. In L 'Olimpiade, however. Metastasi0 favours the latter.

''-son is sentenced to deah..* Metastasio. L ïliirnpiaûè. act 3. final scene. Drammi in Tutte le opere, 1 : 632.

74 Metastasio. L 'Olimpiade. act 3. final scene. Drammi in Tutte le opere. 1 :632.

w~etastasioto J. A. Hasse. ?O October 1749. translaed in Burney. Mernoirs of the Li/e und Writings of the .-î bate ,~fetastasio.1 : 3 15-30. ultimatrly encourages the immoral character to shun vice and embrace virtue.*' Christ's de. maintained throughout the oratorio. is solidified in the passage of recitative cited above." Responding to Mary Magdalene's fear that. with Christ's death, humanity has been lefi without guidance. Peter. having already found forgiveness, replies: "In His life. He left us

(i thousand exarnples worthy of emulation. In His death. He left us thousands upon thousands of symbols of vimie." Peter continues by outlining the following "symbols" as sxarnples: "His sacred temples crowned by thorns teach us to despise thoughts of guilt. His cmrlly pierced hands teach one to abhor greedy desires; The bitter drink reproaches pleasure. The cross is the rule of tolerant conduct in the presence of human misfortme." As a figure willing to die for humanity. Christ represents devotion (in the fom of divine love and sacrifice). In his willingness to forgive Peter as well as the population responsible for His Crucifixion. Christ also represents generosity (in the fom of absolute compassion. magnanirnity. and benevolence). In tme Metastasian fashion. both are upheld as qualities ~vorthyof emulation. Dnwing upon this model. Peter. representative of one who has temporarily given way to a mon1 weakness. traces the Christianfmoral path fiom offense to remone to forgiveness through the example of Christ. This joumey forms the nucleus of Metastasio's text for La passione." At the beginning of the oratorio. Peter. having realized tw late the pvity of his disloyalty to Christ. is alone and in a state of complete despair. in failing to control his own --k-will" and the actions (or non-actions) of his passions. he has neglected to do what he knows to be right. Subsequently. he falls victim to what Descartes identified as "vicious"

"0nc of the O~O~Orefoms favoured by Zeno in his Pwsîe Sacre Dromrnotiche (Venice. 1735). was the elimination of divine personages (presumably those of the Trinity). See Smither. The Oraiorio in the Baroque &ru. 3 88.

Y2 See page 56. n; Enka Kanduth argues that a sirnilar emphasis (that is, the struggle between good and evil or, more specifically, the inherenîly Christian path hmsin to remorse to redemption possible through salvation) chancterizes many of the seplcri texts written for the Habsburg irnperiaI court. See Enka Kanduth, "The Litenry and Dramaturgical Aspects of the Viennese Sepolcro Oratorio, Witti Particular Reference to Fu.,n in Johann Joseph Fm and the :Music ofthe ..f~~~tro-ltuiimBaroque, ed. Hamy White (AIdershoi, U.K.: Scolar Press. 1992). 153- 163. or *-unvirtuoushumility" which: ... consists pnncipally in the fact that men are feeble or have a lack of resolution. and that. as though they had not the entire use of their fiee-will. they cannot prevent themselves fiom doing things of which they know that they will aftenuards repent? Descartes. however. reassures that even 'beble souls can acquire a very absolute dominion over al1 their passions if sufficient industry is applied in training and guiding thern."8J "Guided" by the generosity and devotion of the one that he denied. Peter reaiizes (with the crow-ing of the cocklMtoo late the consequence of his actions. Consequently. hr is gripped by remorse: GiucchP mi rrerni in seno, Since you tremble within my breast, Esci dagli occhi ulmeno Issue fotth fiom my eyes Turro disciolto in lagrime, Entireiy dissolved in tears, Dehole, ingruro cor: Weak. thankless hem!

Piangi, mi piongi ranro Weep. but weep C'litv/ucciufide if piunto So as to bear wimess Dd vero rua dolor.'' To your tnie sorrow. The regret depicted here grows deeper as Peter is infomed of the events of the Crucifixion by MF Magddene. Joseph of Arirnathea and John. This regret is eloquently expressed in the following aria:

Tu ne1 duol felice sei. You in your gief are blest, Che di figlio il nome mrai For you will be called son Su le lubbru di culcri By the lips of that same women. Che nel seno un Dio porto. Who camed God in her womb.

.C'on invidio il fuo contento. [ do not envy your contentment. Piungo sol che il fallo mio. I only weep that my transgression-

8.4 In the annotateci translation of The Pmsions of the Sou1 used in this study, the elernent of ksartes' moral phiiosophy üaditionally calleci 'lricious hurnility" (See Descartes, The Passiom of the Soul. 111: 159 in The Pltilasophical Worh of Descmes, ms.by Elizabeth S. Haldane and G. R. T. Ross, 2 vols. ( 193 I ;reprint ed.. Cambridge: University Press, 1979). 1 : 404 [first published 19 1 1 1) is referred to as 'iinvirtuous hurnility." See Descartes, Passions. III: 159: 106.

85 Descartes. fassion~.1: 50: 49.

86 See the Gospel of St, Luke. chapter 22, verse 6 i : "And the Lord turned and looked at Peter: and Pt-ter rcmembered what the Lord had said to hh, "Before cock-crow, thou wilt thrice disown me." And Peter went out and wept bitterly."

87 Metastasio. Lu pasione di Gesù Crisro, part 1. Opere verie in Turre le opere. 2: 552. Lo conosco, Io rammento, 1 see it, 1 repent- Tanro ben non rneriti."' Does not ment such goodness. For Peter. these are tears of sonow. and through hem ("1 only weep that my transgression- I ser it, I repeni"). he is evennially forgiven, a forgiveness that is made possible by the renerosity and devotion of Christ. Such qualities form the comerstone of the Crucifixion. C an event upheld in the chorus that concludes the fiat part of the oratorio. as the foundation of Christian salvation:

Di quul sanqur. o morrule. oggi Fa d'uopo Of that blood, O mortal, bat derives Quellu mucchia u lawr, che dall 'impuro From an impure source within you, ~'on~omina~ofontin rr deriva! Today the stain mut be expunged. .\tu gruro ei non superbo But may the grace conferred bring gratitude. not pride. Ti rendu il benrfiio. Equale a y ursto Equal to this is your indebteâness. The greater the giR L 'obbligo 2 in le. Qwnr '2 più grande il dono The greater the guilt of one who abuses it. C'hi n 'ubusa 2 più reo. Pensaci e trema. Think on this and tremble. Del Reclrnror 10 scempio The slaughter of the Redeemer Porru sulute (11 cqisto. c morte! ull'mpio.'" Brings salvation to the just and death to the sinner. Although unfolding within a çecular context the opera character Licida rmbarks upon a similar moral jomey. But. while Peter and Licida buth fall prey to a moral shortcoming. the former makes only one (albeit significant) error in judgement. Licida however. cornmits several moral ooffenses and possesses few of the admirable character traits of Peter. This is hardly surprising. given that. within the confines of Ln passione. Metastasio only had the space to resolve one moral dilrmma. Within L 'Ohpiade. however. thrre is room for several moral obstacles. In L 'Olirnpinde. Licida's role as a moral "offender" is immediately identifiable. In .Act 1. it is clear that he intends to act without regard for his actions (1: 1 ); he is described by ..\min ta as tempesrnous and rash (1: 3); and then. in his first aria he compares his eager spirit to a horse racing toward its shelter:

Quel destrier. che all'albergo 2 vicino. As to its stable it draws near Più rclocr s 'dretta ne1 corso: The horse accelerates its gait .Von 1 'drresta 1 'arrgrrstia del morso. UnmindhiI of the pain ful bit .Von 10 voce che legge gli du- And heedless of his master's voice.

Tu1 y ues~'aIma.che pi- 2 di speme Just so my mind is hl1 of hop.

88~etastasio.La passione di Gesù Crirto. part 1, Opere verie in Turte le opzre. 2: 556.

99 Metastasio. Ln passione di Gesir Crislo, part 1 .Opere rierie in Tutte le opere. 2: 557. .L'rrllu rem. conriglio non sente; Fears naught and yields to no advice, E siforma una gioia presente And in its fancy it conjures Del pensiero che liera sar~.~ An image of approaching joy. Unrestrained. Licida is dnven by desire. Although desire in itself is not a flaw. Licida's inability to control it drives him to commit reprehensible acts. Indeed. Metastasio allows him to act in a rnanner contrary to Cartesian caution: "as for things which in no way depend on us. no matter how good they be. one should never desire them with Passion.'*' Clearly. Licida has not yet found his moral strength and accordingly fails to exercise control in guiding the actions that his passions incite. Realizing too late that his desire for .i\ristea has caused the death of his mon loyal fiend, Licida falls prey to remorse and despair:

Gemo in un punfo tr fremo; I weep and rage in the same breath Fosco mi smbra il giorno: The nifit of day has turned to night. Ho cmto lunfeinîorno A hundred specters circle me Hu ni ilk f Lrie in sen."' A hundred furies jam by breast. That Licida is subsrquently drawn to the emulation of virtue partly by the resoive. clarity of purpose. and magnanimity of Clistene and partly by the selfless devotion and generosity of Megacle is entirely in keeping with the tum fiom moral weakness towards moral strength through the example of the virtuous model. Lu passione and L 'Olimpiade, as Metastasian oratorios and opera serie. reflect the smr didactic function (and. by association. the same moral code): pleasurable instruction through the rsample of the morally strong who invariably encourage the adulation of virtue and the detestation of vice in the mordly weak (and. ultimately. the audience). Notwithstandinp. what inevitably leads to the individuai responses to the human passions in a sacred-devotional libretto such as La parsione also lads to the individual responses of the human passions in a secular libretto such as L 'Olimpiade. ui both works. the characters face arduous moral conflicts. Neville. however. takes this notion a step Merin his daim that: Moral issues. cornrnon to both genres will lead in the oratorios. to reflection

w~etastasio.L 'Olimpiade.act 1. scene 3. Drammi in Tutte le opere. 1 : 585.

"~escanes.Passions. II: 145; 98.

97 Metastasio, L 'Olimpiade. act 2. scene 15, Drammi in Tutte le opere, 1: 6 16. upon such sacred and devotionai subject matter as the life. death, and resurrection of Christ. and upon other biblical events and religious abstractions, along with their significance to the individual from the srandpoint of Christian The ideals of moral and spiritual strength personified in La parsione and L 'Olimpiade,by sstabiished tradition. would have ken subsequently projected as characteristics pesonifjing the Habsburg monarchy itself. From the previous discussion, however, it has become evident that Lu passione and L 'Olimpiade reflect more than a fundamental moral code. They also exhibit the same fçatures of eighteenth-centuy Iyricai poetry -tic metre. rhetorical emphasis. versification. basic poetic structure of aria and recitative) of which Metastasio was a master. The chape1 and theatrical pieces also exhibit a number of differences. To what extent however. do La pussione and L 'Olimpiade. in their musical settings. reveal further points of cornparison?

9- "Neville. "Opera or Oratorio?," 603- CEiAPTER THREE

The Caldara Settings Compared

50thoroughly Italianate was music at the Viemese court in the second half of the seventeenth century that rhe stylistic feanires distinguishing Viennese oratorios from those of Italy are few."' So w-rites Smither. before aiso discussing the "Itaiianate" nature of Viennese music during the first half of the eighteenth century.' Despite these southem intlurncrs. however. Viennese musical genres were not mere reproductions of their Italian musical modeis. Indeed. sacred and secular musical genres cmbe distinguished from their Italian counterparts by a certain b*musicalconservatism." exernplified particularly by a strong interest in contrapuntal textures.' Supponing this claim. Smither suggests that "in general, both secular and sacred drarnatic music in Viema was conservative. and the chief differences between Italian and Viemese oratorios resulted fiom this conservatism.'"

'~rnither.The Oramrio in the Baroque Ga. 395-396. , 'As described in chapter one. such an interest in Italian musical models was merely a small part of ri m uch larger CTrnna irafiana.

'What is implied by the tm. "contrapuntal texmes'' has been identified by White in refetence to the works of J. f. Fux, references that apply equally to Caldara's Viennese works. White suggests that: *..counterpoint' is a term which embraces several modes and techniques of instrumental and vocal writing. In Fus's [and Caldara's] oratorios (and operas) it can designate fugal textures. paired imitation of instrumental motives taken over into vocal parts, obbligato combinations in two or three contrapuntally combined instrumental and vocal parts. concertante textures in which motives are systematically introduced, combined, and ~arrangeâ.and. fmally, a dynarnic and rhythrnically conceived relationship between a continu0 bas line and the vocal melody which it anticipates or supports." Harry White, "Preface" in Johann Joseph Fux, 11 trionfi ddfujede. in Johann Joseph Fux Sdmrliche Werke, Series [V. Band 3. ed. Harry White (Kassel-Graz: Btirenreiter. 199 1 ). vii. For other references to conservatisrn in Viemese music see Wellesz "Die Opem und Oratorien in W ien von 1 660- 1 708." 1 1.36.93, 1 15. 1 28. 138; Riedel. Kirchenmusik am Ho$e Kmls Vl; and White, The Oratorios of 1.1. Fux and the Imperia1 Court," 7.

'~mither. The Oratorio in rhe Baroque Era. 396. ilpart tiom FUY. the preeminent representative of this conservarive trend was Caldara Ursula Kirkendale contends, however. that Caldara had not always ken a stylisticaily conservative composer. but. rather. that musical conservatism characterizes ody those works rhar Caldm wrote after 17 16. the year that he assumed his post at the imperial court. Comparing a revision of Caldara's oratorio. Santa Ferma. performed in Viema in 1717, with the original. perf'rmed in Rome in 1713. Kirkendale suggests that the originai version demo nstrates more aspects of what she describes as the "geglatteter frühgalanter Stil

( polished early galant style)."' These stylistic attributes. argues Kirkendale. were common in Caldara's pre-Viennese oratorios. particularly îhose w-rittrn in the period from 17 13 to 1 7 15. The Viennese revision. however. accommodates a larger orchestra. fewer aspects of the "frühgalanter Stil.'' and increased contrapuntal writing.' Kirkendale thus concludes that Caldara's compositional style changed significantly when he reached Viema presumably to satisfy the tastes of the impenal court.' Specifically. it would appear thar this decisive change in Caldan's style answered to the musical predilections of Charles VI. a patron who purponedly favoured Caldara's skilfully-wrought contrapuntal style. Luca Antonio Predieri. who succeeded Calciara as Vix- Kuprflmeisrer in 1 739. provided a similar rxplanation when he wote that %e emperor did not like the ntw gai un^ style. and wanted "solid works." with a strong contrapuntal basis."' Given the imperid demand for "solid works." it seems appropriate to embrace Riedel's concept of a "Viennese Reichsril (Imperia1 style)." because Cddaràs Viemese

or this cornparison. as well as a detailed discussion of Caldara's pre-Viennese oratorios. see Kirkendale, .lnronio cuIdara. 277-3 17. 3 17-3 18. Kirkendale's conc1usions are ratified by Smither, The Or~trorioin rhtz Baroque Era. 397: and Freeman, "Opera Without hae224.

'imitation and fugal counterpoint common in the ritornelli of the revised version are. for enample. absent from the originai version.

7 Seifert argues that such an increase in polyphonie textures also characterizes the works that Fux wote rifler 17 16. providing further support for the arpent that Charles VI favoured and even required such musical tendencies. See Seifert, "The Secular Dramatic Compositions of FLLY.~138.

'~ucaAntonio Predieri. lerter to Padre Martini. quoted in Carlo Vitali. liner notes for .hfonio Culdura La pussione di Gesù Cristo Signor Nosrro, Fabio Biondi: Director. : , Francesca Pedaci. Laura Polverelli. Sergio Foresti. Athestis Chorus. VirginNentas 7343 5 45325 2 8, 1999. works- as well as those of his contemporaries- '-ce the cultivation ofltalian music in a context which inherently belongs to viema.'' The essence of this Reichstil is a particularly Viemese brand of musical conservatism, evident especially in those works written *%th a strong contrapuntal basis." Commenting on the conservatism of the Viennese oratorio, but speaking cqually of the opera seria, Smither contends that: ... musical conservatism continues in the Viemese oratorios of the early righteenth century. and as late as the 1730s the oratorio in Viema shows few of the pre-Classical elements that had been rapidly gaining ground in Italy since the second decade of the century." The Caldara works under investigation in this study fit precisely into this tirne period and stylistic environment. rZlthoufh Caldara's pre-Viemese works were virtuaily forgotten during his lifetime, his Viennese works secured him the reputation as a "maestro di contrapunto."" Even Mctastasio. in what was othenvise a criticisrn. once wrote of the "celebre Caldara. insigne maestro di conrrapunto ma rccessivarnente trascurato nell'espressione e nella cura del dilettevole."" Yet. apart from his acknowledgment that Caldara was an eminent

'white. The Oratorios of 1. J. Fux and the Imperia1 Coun." 1 1. Riedel's concept of a Viemese Rt.ichsril is elaborated upon in his Arrchenmusik am Hofi Karls U.

'O~mither.The Urmrio in the Baroque Ela. 397.

' '50 far pmnounced was Caldam's influence and reputarion during the eighteenth cennvy that he was, for example. one of four cornposers that ( 168 1 - 1767) mentioned as an influence upon his own compositional style. Se Johann Mattheson. Crundfage eimr Ehrenpforte. ed. M. Schneider ( Hamburg. 1 740. Reprint. Berlin, 19 10). 357. Johann Adolph Scheibe. in his Cririrche Misikur (1 740), observed that: "Caldara, although he wrote rather more for the theatre, was ... emordhary in his church music and his counterpoint": cited and uanslated in White, "The Oratorios of Fux," 27. Furthemore, J. S. Bach also ripparently held Caldara in hi& regard. His son, C. P. E. Bach, writing to J. N. Forkel in 1775, pointed out th: .'In his 1st years. [J. S.] Bach esteemed highly the former imperial Oberkapellmeisrer Fux, Handel. Caldaru, Reinhard Keiser. Hasse. bah Grauns. Telemann.... The fust four he did not known personalIy, but the others, he did ..a J. N. Forkel. cher JohSebusrian Bachs Leben kt.wrd Kmnuerke (Leipzig: Ho ffmeister und Kühnel. 1802). 47; cited and translated in Frederick L. Miflner, The Operas of Johann ..ldoifHasse (Ann .kbor, MI.: UMI Raearch Press. 1979). 7.

'L~elebratedCaldam. renowned master of counterpoint, but extremely limited in expression and in the art of pleasing." Metastasi0 to Antonio Eximeno. 23 August 1776. Lertere in Opere. no. 3254.5: 402. in another letter to Saveno Manei. Metastasio referred again to Caldara. but this time alluded onIy to "a worthy contrapuntist and Emperor Chartes VI's favourite maestro di capelfa." Metastasio to Saveno Mattei, 7 May 1770. Lcirtere in Opere. 5:9. contrapuntist Metastasio appears to have been cool about Caldarawsabilities as a composer. Before accepting Metastasio's criticism, however, it is important to remember that Mctastasio probably preferred the opera senings of Leonardo Vinci (1690-1 730), Domenico Sarro ( 1679- 1 744). and Nicola Porpora ( 1686- 1 768). composen who wrote in a style rather ditTerent and more modem than that of Cddara. It is also essential to keep in rnind that the contrapuntal style exemplified in Caldara's Viemese works answered specifically to the musical predilections of his patron. not Metastasio. In fact. Charles VI was so taken with Caldara's compositional abilities rhat, when the emperor praised some of Predien's madrigals in 1739. Predieri remarked that "everyone was astounded, since it was generally believed that. afier Caldm no composer could ever satisQ him."" In setting La passionr and L 'Olirnpiade. Caldara adhrred precisely to the original venions of Metastasio's fibrefri.a fidelity to text that was usually not observed in subsequent srtt ings of Metastasio's texts by other composers." As Freeman observes: A linr-by-Iine cornparison of the libretti set by Caldara in Viema with Caldara's composing scores shows not only that Caldara set dl recitative without cuts but that his scores were checked. probably fier completion. to guard against the inadvertent omission of a line or two of recitative. Evidence in the cornposing scores of this procedure is to be found in occasional x's comected with pasted inserts supplying music for the omitted bits of texts, even to fr-agments whose omission would have affected neither syntay nor sense." Reputedly. Charles VI held the lengthy and serious librettos of Zeno and Metastasio in high regard. and for that reason. concludes Freeman. '~herewas little tampenng during Charles' reign with the texts submitted by these The musical organization of La parsione and L 'OIimpiode is pre-determined by the

"~redieri.letter to Padre Martini. cited in Vitali Antonio Caldmo. Calciara was handsomely rewarded for hiwork at the irnperial court. In t 7 1 6, he was engaged at 1600 florins. on a par with the theoretically higher-ranking Kupeifmeister. and by 1729. so generous were the additional gifts hmthe Emperor's private purse that he çarned more than twice that amount. See Freeman, "Caldara," in .Mm Grove.

IJMillner. "The Operas of Johann AdoIf Hasse." 289.

IS Freernan, "Opera W ithout Drama" 1 93.

'?bid.. 29: cited in White. .-The Oratorios of Johann Joseph FK- 63. 1item-y-poetic stnicntre of Metastasio's texts. particularly by the nurnber of items written in "closed" verse. La passione has twelve arias, one duet and three choruses. Ln contrast. L 'Olimpiade comprises nineteen aias (plus the licenzu aria), a duet. an ensemble, and five choruses (one with solo voice). As already shown in the cornparison of the librettos. the oratorio contains less rrcitative than the opera a situation that remains constant in their musical settings. But. sincr musical settings wiil introduce extended musical foms for the lyrical nurnben. the proponions of recitative to overture. arias, and ensembles will be reversed. As a result, recitative occupies only 15% of the score of La passione (as opposed to 70% of the libretto) and 40% of the score of L 'O(impiade (as opposed to 90% of the libretto). In musical setting, therefore. there is even less recitative in the oratorio than in the opera, a feature that consistent with the oratorios lack of dramatic action." Both works feature a basic ensemble of four instrumental parts. comprised of strings (violin 1 and II. viola) and continuo-goup (violoncelli. ~ne.'~and organ or cernbal~).'~ Whilr the swing orchestra clearly provided the bulk of the accompaniments in both genres. it is conceivable (rven likely) that. when these works were performed. the string parts were doubled by woodwinds (i.e. violin 1 = oboe 1. violin 2 = oboe 2. cello/violone = bassoon).'* Clearly. as a composer employed at the Viennese imperial court. Cddara had more than strings and continuo at his disposal. Indeed. in 1730. the roster of the Hofmusikkupelle boasted a total of thirty-one violins (violas are subsumed in the violin category), seven iioloncelli. three violine. one viola da gamba one baryton. two corneiti. fourteen tmpets.

17 If the ballet music after each act is included. these proportions change to 35941 recitative and 65% overture. arias. ensembles. and ballet music.

1 Y In both works. the continuo includes violone (possibiy more than one), the predecessor to the modem double bass. 'The continuo part includes detailed indications for when the cellos, violone. organ and/or ke? board are to be included or omitted.

14 In contrast to the opera itself. each of Marteis' three Balletti are scored for violin I and 11, rioioncdli. and ridone. without violas. a truly unusual ballet instrumentation. It is conceivable that the orchestra was reduced in size for the intermissions.

"~iventhat Maneis' fim bolleto includes a bnef excerpt for oboe (the only such passage found in either work), such doubhgs seem even more probable. four trombones. one hom. five O boes, four bassoons, one theorbo. and percussion (i.e., timpani)." Although it is possible that some of these instruments were employed when these works were performed, it is difficult (if not impossible) to determine Caldara's exact instrumentation for La passione and L 'Ofimpiade. particularly given that the score and the existing eighteenth-century performance materials include only string and continuo parts." The only definite exception to this ensemble of strings and continuo is Giovanni's "Dovunque il guardo giro*' (part 11) from La passione. scored for unison strings. continuo, and trombone obbiigaro. The text of this aria is as follows: Do runqitér il guardo giro, Wherever I cast my eyes, lmrneinso Dio. ri LW'O: Infinite God, 1 seyou; .Veil 'oprr tue t 'ummiro. 1 revere you in your works Ti ric-onosco in me. And recognize you in myself.

Lcl terra. il mar. Ir SM The eh,the sea, and the heavens Purlm dd tuo porerr: Speak of your great might; Tu sei prr tutto; e noi You are in atl things. Turri riviurno in te. And we al1 live in you. The trombone obbligato. used ofien during the eighteenth century to symbolize the rcclesiastical or supematural." is. in this setting. a suitable response to a text which is devoted to pnising the omnipotence and omnipresence of God. In both the oratorio and the opera, passages of recitative. typically accompanied by continuo only. alternate with arias, ensembles. or choruses accompanied by orchestra In the laner. full orchestra accompanies most of the ritornelli. but. in both works. the orchestra is often reduced to smaller combinations when accornpanying the solo vocal sections. Typical

"~elm'd~e-~ield.The Viennese court orchestra in the tirne of Calda*' 125. For fùrther discussion of the orchestral resources available at the Habsburg imperial court during Caldara's tenure see K6chel. Die Kuiseriicht, Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 15-13 bis 1867. 72-8 1. Instrumentation in Caldara's works is also addresseci briefly in Hisako Serizawa "The ove- to Caldara's secular dramatic compositions. 1 7 !6- 1736: 3 survey and thematic index.- in ..lnronio Cafdara: Essays on His Lije und Times, ed. Brian Pritchard (Aldenhot. U.K.: Scolar Press. 1987). 93.

-1 --Serizawa "The ovemrres to Caldara's secular drarnatic compositions," 93. Serizawa suggests that although performance materials are available (in the iLlirriks~mmlwg of the asterreichische .Vczrionalbibliorhek)for atmost al1 of Caldara's drarnatic works. only one copy of =ch string part is extant.

-4 - -'Met astasio. La passione di GesU Crista part 2, Opere in Tutte le opere. 2: 56 1 .

'4~heAku Harvard Dictionan: of Mutic. 1986. S. v. -Trombone;* by Robert E. Eliason. of such orchestral accompaniments are one the following: (a) continuo only (b) continuo with violin 1 & II. viola (c) continu0 with violin 1 & II, without viola (d) continuo with viola and unisoni violins (e)continuo with unisoni violins without viola For varie@. Caldara naturally also utilized other instrumental cornbinations. In Mary Magdalene's "Vorrei dirti il mio dolore" (part I), for example. the vocal part is accompanied by violins (violin t and II) and viola without continuo. The moments of tonal instabiiity that result from this texture parailel Mary Magdalene's fragile emotional state. In addition to these textures. both works also include detailed indications for when the instruments should play "ttitti' or "soli." "fonr" or "piano." and "con le partTor "unisoni." The overtures that precede the oratorio and the opera are both scored for four-pari strings. The latter is accompanied by continuo. the former is played "senz. org (without organ)." Although both overtures are given the same title. "tntroduzione." they are not in the same form. The Lu passione "Introduzione." for example. is in the style of the French oirïrrairr: the L 'Olimpiade "lntroduzione" is in the style of the Italian ~infonia.'~The oratorio "Introdwione" (A minor. gravelandante) is in two structural parts. The first. in duplr meter. is predominantly homophonic: the second. which changes in tempo from adagio to andanie. coatrasts the chordal textures of the first section with a double fugue. The 9ntroduzione9.that precedes L 'Olimpiade is in three movements- fast-slow-fast. The first movernent (Bb major. allegro spiritoso) altemates between passages of imitation and homophonic declmation: the second movement. an aria in G minor. consists of a lyical theme. played unisoni by the fint and second violins. with accornpaniment: and the final movement. in B b major. is a minuet in 38. Almost al1 of the recitative in La passione and L 'Olimpiade is recitativo semplice. This compositional tendency is by no means exclusive to the oratorios or operas of Caldara since. as Smither contends. '-most recitative ... Erom the 1770s to the 1760s is in simple style.

-9 C --The ItaIian sinfonia became the standard overture for Italian opera around the beginning of the eighteenth century. The .Yew Harvard Diciionary of Music, 1986. S. v. '-Overture," by Eugene K. Wolf. accompanied by continu0 ai~ne."'~The only exceptions in either work are these the passages of recitafivo accompagnaio. al1 in the opera. scored for four instrumental parts: 1 ) Licida: (II: 14) "Rendetemi l'amico" 2) Licida: (II: 15) "Ah! Perché tremi" 3) Clistene: (III: 7) "0degli uomini padre e degli dèiVz7 Caldarn limited the reciiaiivo accornpagnuro in this sening to simple, sustained chordal harmonies with a slow harmonic rhythm- usuaily of one chord change per mesure. Possibly accornmodating the advice of Metastasio himself, Caldara reserved passages of accompanied recitative for dramaticaily significant moments. such as prayen or oaths to the Gods ("O drgli uomini") and principal periods of reaction (in solo scenas) to deep srnotional torrnent ("Rendetemi" and "Ah! Perche)." Throughout both works. passages of recitative altemate with arias set. with but one exception. in the ubiquitous da cupo f~rm.'~Cornmenting upon the prevalence of this aria type. Edward Downes suggests that '-during the period 1720- 1750 [the du cupo aria] accounts for some 24 out of 35 [oratorio and opera] arias" and Reinhard Strohm estimates that "over ninety-five percent" of the arias in Iralian opera between 1720 and 1730 are in this form.jO The da cupo form is outlined in Table 3.1.

16S mither. The Oratorio in the Clussical &ru. 75.

"se respective1y. Metastas io. L 'Olimpiade. aa2. scene I 4. Drammi in Tutte le opere, 1 : 6 1 4-6 15; Metastas io. L 'Olimpiade.act 2. scene 1 5. Drammi in Tute le opere. 1 : 6 1 5-6 16; and Metastasio. L 'Olimpiade, act 3. scene 7. Drammi in Tutte le opere, 1: 627.

"~t1-t one of these examples corroborates the wishes of Metastasi0 who indicated. in the libretto. that "O degli uomini" should be *'accompagnaci da grave sinfonia" In addition, Caldm aIso chose crcc-ompagnuro settings for two of Licida's soliloquies. In dtxiding to set these passages to accompanied rrcitative. Caldara hily adhered to recommendations later made to Hasse concerning accompanied recitative. See Metastasio to Johann Adolph Hasse, Lettere in Opere. no. 328.3: 43 1-35,

"~venthis exception. the setting of the opera aria **Secerca. se dice:' was govemed by the organization of Metastasio's text. The text ofthis aria is the only exarnple in either work of an aria written with an~hingother than the two strophes necessary for da capo settings. One other aria "Tu ne1 duo1 felice se?' from La passione, was set in the form of the da capo al segno which is merely a variation upon the da capo fo rm .

'O~dwardDownes. TheOperas of Johann Christian Bach as a Refiection of Dominant Trends in Oprra Seria: 1750-1 780" (Ph, D. dis, Harvard University. 1958), 396.; and Reinhard Strohm. Italienische Opernarien des @ben Sertecento (1,720-30),2 vo 1s. (Cologne: Arno Vo lk 1W6), 1 : 1 8 1. Table 3.1 The Structure of the Da capo ria"

Sections: Da Capo: Subsections:

Ritornello & Solo: -D. C."

Maior Key: 1 I-v v v-1 44-b Modulatory: 1 or 2" M inor Key: i i-II1 III IlLi -++* related keys established 1 1 Trxr stanzq:

With the same aria form dominating both works. it is only naturai that many of the formal and stylistic features associated with Caldara's reaiization of it are also cornmon to both." For rxample. the introductory ritorneIli of most of these arias present a theme or motive which accounts for the principal thematic content both vocal and instrumental. of the ensuing solo sections. Peter's "Giacché mi tremo in seno." (part I)from La Passione, and Licida's "Quel destrier. che all'albergo e vicino." (1: 3) from L 'Olimpiade provide examples. Two instrumentai figures introduced in the opening ritomello to "GiacchC mi tremo in srno" permeate the ensuing vocal solo sections. both in the vocal content and the instrumental accompanirnent. The introductory ritomello (RI) begins with imitative entries of the principal theme. but beginning in measure 6. it exploits a hornophonic sixteenth-note motive which also figures prominently in the aria (see ex. 1. mm. 1-8). The entry of the voice in measure 8 is directly derived fiom the fim theme. Throughout the remainder of the

"The abbreviations in Table 3.1 are translated as follows: RI. RZ. and R3 represent orchemal ritorndli. S 1 .S2. and S3 solo vocal passages, and "D.C." an abbreviation for da capo which indicates a repeat of the entire A section.

3 2 Unlike many of his contempotaries, the B section in many of Caldara's da cap &as is subdivided. Freeman suggests that this was a conservative ira% apparent1 observed by Fux as well. See Freeman. "Opera W ithout Drama" 2 1 3; and Van der Meer. Johann Joseph Fux als Opernkomponisr. 2: 1 15.

or purposes of' cornparison. the general stn~cturalformat of both worlcr has been summwized in tabular form in the tables which comprise Appendix III, Example 1: Caldara, La passiune. .'Giacché mi tremo in seno," part 1, mm. 1-12. 80 aria motivic material ûum the ritomello is contrapuntally manipulated in the accompaniment against vocal elaborations which are themselves largely derived fiom the same ritorneIIo. Such techniques are typical of Caldara's wnting throughout both works as a whole. Example 2: Caldara L 'Olimpiude."Quel destrier. che all'albergo," 1: 3. mm. 1-7.

-- - -1- - - 7 - - 7 - - - - rn -.-- - i A-. urcci.

Example 3: Caldara. L 'OIimpiade. "Quel destrier. che all'albergo." 1: 3. mm. 70-32. Similady. the vocal material of -'Quel destrier, che all'albergo è vicino" is derived from two motives fint presented in the introductory ritomello (see ex. 2). Subsequent thematic content. both vocal and instrumental. is directly related to or derived from these two motives (see. for example. ex. 3. m. 20). Further examples of such thematic consistency. in which motives are systematically introduced combined and rearranged. abound throughout both works. While most of the arias in the oratorio and opera unfold in the above manner. some ririas lack introductol rirornelli. Of these. various examples merely omit the instrumental introduction. but thereafter adhere to the standard form of the du capo aria. with central and final ritornelli. Others. however. employ a ocal al motto." These so-called "motto arias" are tqpically introduced by a vocal motive, usually consisting of an anticipation of the fint solo entry. This motive is. in tum. followed by the introductory ntomello (RI ). Thereafter. the ~lricupo form continues as expected. The fom of the "da capo aria with vocal motto" is illustrated in Table 3.2. Table 3.2 The Structure of the Du cupo Aria with Vocal Mono

Sections: Sutisections:

RitornelIo & Solo: "D. C."

Maior Key: Modulatory 1 or 2 related Minor Key: keys estab!ished

Such techniques appear to have ken employed in both works to highlight the significance of a given text (the first clause of the fust stanza), particularly where the drmands of the preceding recitative necessitate a prompt emotional response in the succeeding aria. Such is the case in Maq Magdalene's aria "Vorrei dirti il mio dolore." in

W At times, the vocal mono is eliminated in the da capo by the indication D. C. al segno. The segno usually occurs at R 1. demarcating the & capo form as it would usually occur. the preceding recitative, Peter asks if Christ is yet dead. and Mary Magdalene, anxious to provide a response. replies. in a vocal motto. "Vomi dirti il mio dolore (1 would tell you my sorrow)." Nonetheless. before she cm fumish her response, she is overcome with grief, and words. quite literally. fail her. a feature that is echoed in the musical setting when the remaining text in which she fdly responds to Peter's question is intempted by the introductory ritomeilo. It is conceivable that Caldara employed a vocal mono in diis aria in rcaction to Mary's inability to transcend her sorrow. even if momentarily. to provide the information sought by Peter. Commenting upon the use of the vocal mono. Stephen Crist suggests that: ... the omission of the opening ntornello is especially common in opera. whrre the demands of dramatic continuity sometimes require that the= be no interruption between the end of a recitative (in which an action takes place) and the beginning of the succeeding aria (in which a character reflects upon the action that has just taken place)." Crist intimates that vocal mottos are found more ofien in opera but such a distinction does not obtain in these works. for vocai mottos occur as ofien in the oratorio as they do in the opera. On more than one occasion. similarities in the musico-drarnatic strategies used to highlight signifiant textual moments in oratorio and opera appear to have been motivated by the textual unifomities. For example. "Torbido mar. che freme." (part 1) from the oratorio. and *'Siam navi all'onde algenti." (II: 5) from the opem are indicative of the metaphor/comparison aria. In both. the human experience is equated with a vesse1 tossed on the waves of a turbulent sea and. in each setting, the text is accompanied by rhythmically agitated instrumentai figures. figures ostensibly chosen to parallel the central textual conceit. These figures. which are hrther divided into violin/viola 1 and Ii and notated in the soprano clef in the opera aria are played in unison by the violin and viola in both arias."

'5~tephenA. Crist. **J. S. Bach and the Conventions of the Da Cupo Aria or How Onginal Was Bach'?,"selected proceedings of the lrlsh hfqvnoorhlnfertt~ffional Musicological Conference. Dub 1in, Ireland, i 995. published as irhh Musical Studies. ed. Patn'ck F. Devine and Harry White (Dublin: Four Courts Press. 1996). 7 1-35.

36 The violas. for some unknown reason, are called violerri in these arias only. Example 4: Caldara. La parsione, "Torbido mar, che fieme," part 1. mm. 1-1 0. 84

In the oratorio aria 'Torbido mar, che fieme," this figure is particularly evident in the unison violin/viola part where it is heard in counterpoint against the cello which aiso incorporates its own permutations (see ex. 4). This motive parallels the sense of emotional turrnoil portrayed w, vividly in Metastasio's text. While the vocal line does not imitate this instrumentai figure, the rapid Pace and subsequent wide-leaping intervals of it also parallel the tumuIt of the "turbid sea." Example 5: Caldara, L 'Olimpiade,"Siam navi all'onde algenti," II: 5. mm. 1-10. With comparable gestures. the introductory ntomello of the opera aria "Siam navi all'onde algenti." also features a rhythmically active motive (see ex. 5). This motive. played in close imitation between the unison fkst and second violin/viola also parallels the tumoi1 of the stonny sea and the smiggle that it represents. The jettisoned passions conveyed in the text are later echoed in a qmcopated. unduiating vocal melisma on scogiio (reef or rock) as well as coloratura derived fiom this figure on mar (sea) and venti (winds). Just as Caldara responds with similar musico-dramatic geshues to these textual affinities. oratorio and opera aria texts that exemplie the same stylized affects (Le. grief, rage. revenge. etc.) also demonstrate similar musico-dramatic responses. Unfortunately. discussions of affect in music almost inevitably provoke considerable debate, despite the recognition that the so-called Affektenlehre had a profound impact upon compositional thought throughout the Baroque period. Still. scholars disagree. for nurnerous reasons. about the degree to which the musical aesthetic of many Baroque composers was circumscribed b~ the adherence to sorne scheme of affective representation. It is just as difficult to ascenain. with any certainty. the extent to which such techniques cm be said to have influenced Caldara's compositional process. For that reason. no attempt will be made to argue- as some have done with Caldara's close contemporaries- that certain texnial affects somrtimes resulted in pre-defined keys. tempos. metres. etc..'7 Furthemore. no effort will br made to argue that Caldara's oratorios or operas should be analysed as conscious extensions of the procedures of musical rhetoric. Such an undertaking would be recopizably tenuous at best. Notwithstanding. aria texts which are dominated by the same standard textual affects do. at times. exemplify similarities in musico-dramatic gesture. A .+revenge" aria fiom each of the works in question will serve as an example. In his aria "Ritomerà fra vol (part 11), John predicts that Christ will return to avenge

--, "For example. Van der Meer. in his comprehensive study of the secular ciramatic works of J. J. Fu, argues that the '-Docirine of the Affections,- codified by figures like Matheson, Marpurg Quantz is an essential element of Fuu's compositional style. Identified in this mdy are nwnerous rhetorical devices, described bp means of the musico-rhetorical terminology developed by Burmeister. Kircher. etc.. From this evidence. Van der Meer draws the conclusion that, in his choice of tempo, key. vocal style, harmonic pattern, etc.. Fux adhered to the essential feahires of this doctrine, and that. therefore, his works should be rewded 3s doctrinaire apptications of musical rhetonc. Van der Meer, Johann Joseph FUT, 3: 252. Example 6: Caldara, Lu pussione, "Ritomerà fia voi," part 1, mm. 1-8.

the outrage of his death. Vimiosic instmmentai writing and elaborate passages of vocal coloratura parallel the violence predicted in the aria text. According to Smither, SUC~ techniques were employed oflen during the late Baroque period to regiaer the affectsof rage and vengeance." In the example under discussion, the violence and agitation depicted in the text is foreshadowed, in the introductory ritomello. by a sequential and rhythmcally disjunct (qmcopated) figure feaninng sixteenth-note rnovement (see ex. 6). This sense of agitation is rmphasized when this motive is treated in imitation, particularly in mm. 6-8, where one part acts as a foi1 to the other, and thus parallels the sense of ùistability/agitation described

- -

38 Smither, The Oratorio in the Ba~oqueEra, 334. Example 7: Calda L 'Olirnpiude. '?JO, la speranza" 0:12. mm. 1-12.

in the text. Such techniques. followed by elaborate vocal decorations on I'oltraggio (offence). and yendicar (avenge). clearly accenniate the prevailing textual affect. Similar techniques prevail in the opera aria "No. la speranza," (II: 12) in which Argene speaks of her desire to retaliate against the disloyai Licida In this aria however, the textual affect is first reginered in the elaborate coloratura of Argene's vocal mono (see ex. 7). not in the introductory ritomello. This mono is undoubtedly employed becaw Argene has just exclaimed to Licida, "non ti voglio ascoltar (Ido not want to listen to you)," leading her to respond with the text "No. la speranza più m'alletta (No. I am not enticed by hope).'' Like the oratorio aria, the instrumentai ntornello that follows features a disjunct, wide- leaping. and chromatically embellished figure that Merparallels the principal texnial affect. established previously. in this case, in the coloratura of the vocal motto. The vocal part that folloas is accompanied by full strings (dominated by the fim violins) which, when not playing con la parle. accentuate the vocal solo with merpermutations of this figure. The most obvious connections between music and text are later demonstrated in the extensive vocal coloratura which coincides with the text vendetta (revenge). Caldara effectively engaged such techniques to e~chthe characterization already rvident in the oratorio and opera texts. Although examples unquestionably exist in which similar tests are conceived with different rnusico-drarnatic resources. it is significant that. at least part of the time. Caldara ernployed similar gesnires in his sacred and secular dramatic works when affective or other textual similarîties are apparent. A further area of afinity between the chape1 and theatrical pieces lies in their use of *-wittcnout" vocal embellishment. Indeed. an important component of almost every aria in Lu pussione and L 'Olimpiude is the elaborate and rather dense coloratura which is usually an ornamentation of one syllable fiom the last line of the text. Such passages of vocal colontura were employed rather conventionaily in both works. to allow for the vocal display favourrd bp contemporary audiences. to contnbute to the sense of a musical climav at the end of sipitïcant structural divisions. and to accentuate the dramatic impact of an "afTective" word at the end of a nanza. Colorahua passages are cornrnon in the oratorio as well as in the opera arias. In addition. not only do vocal elaborations abound in both works, but the technical ability demanded in many of these arias suggests that Caldara conceived his music for accomplished vocalists. It is sigificant. for example. that the music given to minor characten (Le. Joseph of Arimathea and Aminta) is not any less challenging than that given to Peter or the operatic prima donna. Lu pursione and L 'Olimpiude were both premiered by court-employed soloists. most of whom were Italian. They are listed in the chart below. Of those who premiered L 'Olirnpiude.onlp two (Arsini and Praun) appeared in La pnssione. From the court payroll records assembled by Kochel. however. it is clear that the soloists who premiered these works were among the most valued mernbers of the ~ofnitrrikkapelle.'~

;q See Koc hel, kiriserliche Hof-Musikkupeffe, 73-76. Salimbeni (Megack). a well-known and respetted soprano castroto. was ernployed at the Imperia1 court fiom 1733-1739; Arsini, an Italian contralto castnto also of some reputation. was employed at court between 1699 and 1750; Reutter (Aristea), the second highm paid vocalist at the Viennese impen'al court. hm 1728- 1 740; Pisani (Argene) hm173 1- 1 738; Cassati Table 3.3 Vocal Soloists Who Premiered La passione and L 'Olimpiade in Vienna

Peter Gaetano Arsini Megacle Felice Salimbeni John Domenico Genovesi Aristea Theres ia Holzhauser-Reutter MW Magdalene Maria Regina Schoonians Argene Barbara Pisani Joseph Christoph Praun Licida Pietro Cassati C listene Gaetano ArsUii Aminta Christoph Praun A lcandro Giovanni Borghi

Given that only the most gified vocalists were asked to perfom major sacred and secular draniatic works. it is not surpnsing that- although moderate by contemporary standards- the vocal ranges required in these works are essentiaily the same. These ranges are summarized in Table 3.4.

Table 3.4 Vocal Ranges of Lu passione and L 'OZimpiade

Peter Alto: b - d Megac le Soprano: d' - g" John Soprano: ri' - bb" Anstea Soprano: f - a" Man Soprano: d' - b b" Argene Soprano: ri' - a" Joseph Bass: D - e' Licida Alto: f - d" Cl istene Alto: ab - d" Aminta Bass: E - e' Alcandro Tenor: no arias

The choral numbea in both La pussione and L 'Olimpiade are generally cast in a clear bipartite (binary) or tripartite (temary) form. These structures allow sections of

( Licida) from 1 7 1 7- 1 740; and Borghi (Alcandro) from 1720- i 740. Salimbeni and Arsini were among the bigest names mpIoyed at the Habsburg court. The former was praiSc3d for his peneûating but not large voice, --nouble for wide range. expressiveness. pure intonation, beauty of timbre, and technical mastery." Memtasio and Caldara purportedly tailoreci the role of Megacle. as weIl as others, to "Salimbeni's gifb." The rVew Grove Diciionmy of 'Wusic and ,tfusicianr. 1980, S.V. "Salimbeni. Felice," by John Rosseili. Arsini was praised, by Johann Joachim Quantt as: 'Sie famous Gaetano Anini ... one of the greatest singen who ever lived, [who] had a beautiful. equal, and rnoving alto voice of great range. pure intonation beautifhl triiI. and e.utraordinady fascinating [powers of] performance." Cited in Seifert. -The secularatamatic compositions of Fux." 140. predominantly homophonie declamation to be placed alongside sections of lightly-scored and often soloistic imitation. Moreover. in both works. any ensemble and choral writing is relatively simplistic. For example, the instrumental accompaniment in such nurnbea is usually limited to basso continuo with colla parle strings. The straight-forwardness and austerity of Caldara's ensemble writing. evident in mattee of range. hamionic movement, and texture. stands in significant contrast to his aria writing. While dense contrapuntal textures are prevalent in La passione and L 'Olimpiade. only one aria in each work is fÙgakW "All'idea de' tuoi perigli" (part 11) from La passione and --Sonqua1 per mare ignoto" (III: 5) from L 'Olimpiade. In both arias. the structure and stylistic Feanires of the fugue are literally superimposed upon the da capo focm. The introductory ritomellos (RI) provide the exposition of the double fugue and feature the su bj ect. answer. and counter-subject. Al1 three are subsequently j uxtaposed and transformed in the vocal and instrumental sections that foIlow. Using the opera aria as example. the introductory ntomello (RI).in F major. is a fugal exposition in four parts (ex. 8). SI is a second tùgd exposition incorporating two entries of the principal subject. The centrai ritomello (EU) consists of one full and two stretto entrances of the subject in the submediant and incorporates a modulation to the dominant. In this section. the subject occurs twice. first in the dominant and then, afier a modulatory episode. in the tonic. The concluding ntomello of section A (R3)contains two further entries of the subject. both in the tonic. The B section acts as a developing episode between theme statements. Throughout the aria. the arrangement of the strophes. the modulatory scheme. the vocal embellishment. and the orchestral punctuations are strictly novemed by the tùgal ordenng of subject, answer. or counter-subject. White suggests that C these methods are wholly characteristic of the type of fugd aria wrîting encountered at the Viennese court.'' Certainly. they prevail in the hgal aria of the oratorio, "All'idea de' tuoi perigli."

------

JO For a list of the places where couterpoint is evident in both works. sechap. 3. note 3.

4 I White. "The Oratorios of Johann Joseph FUX', 406. 91

Example 8: Caldara, L 'OZNnpiade, "Son qua1 per mare ignoto" m: 5. mm. 148.

While the oratorio and the opera pmvide ample examples of Caldara's contrapuntal tendencies. they du, suggen that. by no means. did he completely abandon the 'YEihgalanter Stil" of his pre-Viennese works." in the soîalled "galant" arias: The orchestra tends ... to emphasize the upper register.... The continua, conceived less as a linear part ... often employs tnadic lines and rarely uses an ostinato. The vocal parts emphasize the upper ranges .... The arias are in da capo form. but their styles, however, differ considerably ... periodic phmse stnicture and the repetition of the rhythmic patterns of measures of phnws are more pro min en^ tonal plateaus are more extended; aria accompaniments are simpler. with violins and voice oflen in unison or in parailel motion; and

42 For a discussion of the oratorios associated w ith this style, see Kirkendale. Antonio CuIdra, 277- 317. arias in which the vocal line is accompanied by violins alone (without the continuo), rare in the earliest period, are now cornmon?' Such elements are prevalent in Peter and Mary Magdalene's duet "Vi sento, oh Dio" @art 1). This duet (Largo. E b major), which lacks an introductory ritomello. is in the da capo Form. Section A. which emphasizes the upper string textures. is accompanied by violins and viola without continuo: the B section in contrast. is accompanied by continuo only. When not directly doubling the vocal line. the predominantly chordal accompaniment of section A features staccato half notes and a descending ûiadic motive. also played staccato (see ex. 9. mm. 27-29). Similady. the principal vocal theme. which is stated first by Peter and then by Mary Magdalene. is also hornophonic and chordal. Following this initial statement. the voices are heard together. first in close imitation. and then finally in a syncopated rhythmic pattern which accents the text "offeso mio Signor (my injured Lord)" by creating a lack of

rhyhic stability (seex. 9. mm. 21-25). A similar rhythmic pattern occurs in section B at the test '-debole rnio dolor (my feeble grief)." but. perhaps in response to the central conceit

of the teut. the harmonic texture has become decidedly more chromatic. In the absence of vocal embellishment. other important textual moments are registered by wide-leûping intervals of an octave or seventh. such as those on "passato error (past error)" and "soffii

( sufier)" for example. ln La passione. the other numbea that are clearly in the style to which Smither refers above are:

1 ) Mary Magdaiene: "Vorrei dirti il mio dolore" 2) Mary Magdalene: "Ai passi erranti" [t would thus seem that Caldara has set Mary Magdalene apart fiom the other participants in the action by assigning her the only musical numbers in the oratorio with '%ühgalantei' elements. Although such an exclusive assignent does not occur. in the opera the m~frühgaIanterStil" also has ample representation: 1 ) Licida: (1: 3) "Quel destrier. che all'albergo è vicino" 2) Clistene: (1: 5)--Del destin non vi lagnate" 3) Licida: (1: 8) "Mentre dormi"

43 Smither. The Ormorio in the Baroque Era, 358-3 59. Example 9: Caldara, La passiune, 'Vi sento, oh Dio," part 1, mm. 17-3 1.

-1 -- 4) Clistene: (II: 7) "So ch'e fanciullo Amore" 5) kstea: (III: 2) "Caro. son tua cosi" 6) Clistene: (III: 6) "Non so done viene" Like most points of cornparison between the musical settings of La passione and L 'OIimpiade. that of using both contrapuntal and "fnihgalanter Stil" elements leads. yet rigain. to similarities rather than differences. indeed. the differences that have emerged thus far. such as nurnber of set pieces, and the amount and type of recitative. do liale to suggest that Caldara made any deliberate attempt to differentiate between the two genres musicaily. The only significant difference has occurred in the type of ovemire writtrn for the sacred as opposed to the secular works. Beyond these clearly minor differences. only two additional. but rqually rninor differences emerge.

Table 3.5 Distri bution of Mode between La passionr and L 'Olimpiude

La pussione L 'Olimpiade L I Major: 5 Major: 2 1 Minor: I 1 Minor: 5

.' L ;

Most of the vocal nunibers in the oratorio are written in the minor mode. while their counterparts in the opera are in the major mode. Mode distribution between the two works is summarized in Table 3.5. Perhaps related to this distribution. 12 of the 16 nurnben in the

Table 3.6 Distribution of Tempo between Lu passione and L 'Olimpiade

L 'Olimpiade - - - - .Illrgro: 2 .4lfegro: 18 Moderato: 1 .4lIegro .4ssai: 1 Aria: : .+![legro Moderato: I .-indante: 9 Risulutu: 2 Grme: I .4riu: 1 Largo: 2 Andante: 3 Not indiated: 1 oratorio are marked andante. grave. or largo. while 20 of '16 vocal numbers in the opera are marked allegro. allegro moderato. or allegro ussoi. The tempo distribution is summarized in Table 3.6. This distinction. however. as with the other differences identified. appears to have bem more a response to texmai differences than a conscious attempt to differentiate, musically. between the sacred and secular genres. If anything, the musical settings of La passione and L 'Olimpiade nmow the texnial distinctions clearly evident in Metastasio's librettos. CONCLUSIONS

Throughout the preceding discourse. an attempt has ken made to identifi the similarities and differences that exist between La pussione di Grsir Cristo and L 'Olimpiade from the standpoints of both text and music. The points of cornparison which formed the buis of chaptrrs 2 and 3 have ken surnrnarized in the table which comprises Appendix IV. Taken as a whole. the texts of the oratorio and the opera seria exempli6 more ditTerences than their respective musical settings. This is not to suggest. however. that the texts of these works are rntirely dissimilar. Indeed. the libretti are andogous in several. indisputably significant ways. but when comparing the number of differences evident in the libretto with the number evident in the score. there are more textual than musical points of departure. And moreover. those few inconguities that do exist between the musical senings result pt-imdy fiom the textual differences that are rnanifested in the chape1 and theatncal piecrs. With rhat said. is it sak to conclude. as othen have done. that both texruaily and musicallg. the Metastasian oratorio and opera are stylisticaily analogous? Musically. yes. but to answer completely in the afti~mative.it would be necessary to ignore (or at least gioss ovrr) the contextual and teaual differences that define these genres as an eighteenth-century Metastasian oratorio and opera seria. To suggest that the oratorio is essentidly a sacred operu seria would render their inherent genre designations redundant. While it is tempting to attx-ibute the textual and. more particularly. the musical sirnilarities to the tàct that sacred and secular dramatic works were ofien written. in Viema by the same individuais, for the sarne audience. such an interpretation. although partially valid. does not present the complete picnire. How does one. for example. explain the fact that these same similarities obtain in Metastasian sacred and secular clramatic works adapted and set for decidedly diverse locations. by different cornposen? 97

Although outside the scope of this snidy, quick cornparisons of settings of Metastasian oratorios and operas done by different composers for distinct centres reveal many of the same similarities and differences identified in this study.' In addition, while allowing for changing musical styles. including the compositional tendencies that almost inevitably varied fiom region to region, many of these similarities and differences do appear to have bern maintained throughout much of the eighteenth century.' Cornmenting upon musical adaptations of Metastasio's oratorio and opera seria texts, Neville asserts that "musical settings, of course. cannot only broaden or narrow the distinction between the sacred and secular genres. but can also alter characterizations drarnaticdly from one setting of a work to another. and thus completely reinterpret it."' And in "reinterpreting*"a work. the composer adapting it could drastically alter the original text or anempt '~toreproduce the fundamentai intentions of the text in its own terrn~.'~ While it is reasonable to suggest that mosr librettists and composen endeavoured to "reproduce (at least partially] the fundamental intentions of [Metastasio's] text." many of thern altered his librettos nonetheless. Such changes were oflen motivated by the desire for more musical variety (i.r. choruses and ensembles) or a quicker dramatic pace. a Pace nifled by too much narration or reflection in the original libretto. With Metastasio's opera seria texts. such revisions could be (and were ofien) substantial. but as Smither so convincingly asserts. "until at least the 1780s Metastasio's oratorios were often set to music virtuaily

'~heMetastasian librettos exarnined were: Niccolo Jomrnelli. La pacsione di Cesir Crisfo(Rome. I 749) and La clemem di Tito (Stuttgart. 1753); Johann Naumann. Lo passione di Gesù Cristo (, 1767) and Lcr cfemeza di Tho (Dresden. 1 769); and Giovanni Paisiello. Lapassione di Gesù Cristo (St. Petersburg, 1 783 ') and ,Vitteri (St. Petersburg, 1777).

* *"Changing musical stylesw refers. in a necessarily eeneral manner. to the evolution that occurred between the music of the "Baroquewand "Classical" periods. Apart from the distinctions evident berneen %wque" ruid "Classical" music. one of the most obvious differences between the works exarnined hmthese two periods is that of musiaI form. During the Baroque period. the da capo aria reigned supreme. but during the C lassical period. the da capo aria was pdually replaced by, among others, permutations of the da capo- Corn aria and the sonata-form aria

'Such conclusions are supported by Neville in "Opera or Oratorio?," 603. intact.. .. When modifications were made in Metastasio's oratorio .. . they usually did not signi ficantly change the general character of the librett~."~ After 1780, however,

Metastasio' s oratorios were O ften subjected to more substantive modifications. Yet, unlike the other oratorios. La parsione. when set by other composea. appears to have been spared any significant textual modifications. In this respect, therefore, La parsione is an anomaly. But while La parsione was spared such revisions, some Metastasian oratorios were substantially altered: many so that they subsequently became appropriate for a staged An example of the latter is an adaptation. by Joachim Pennet. of Metastasio's Isacco. figrru del Redentore ( l740), set by Jhos Fusz in 18 1 Described as "an historical musical drama in one act with arias and chonises, derMetastasio's oratorio." this work was staged. in German translation. in the Viemese Leopoldrtadr 77teu~e.~Although the staging of an oratorio is not without precedent. this version exhibits numerous textual alterations- cilterations that were presumably required when transforrning this work hman unstaged (or sr mi-staged) chape1 piece to a staged theatrical work. 'O

5 Smither. The Oratorio in the Classical Era, 62.

or examples of Metastasio's oratorios that wen drastically aitered see Gioac ... The poetv by .\feturasio, much ulteredcmdc'ncreused by G.G. BottareIli. (after Gioas re di Guida. (Vienna, 17351) set by Johann Christian Bach for London in 1770 (lib. in GB-Cu:5721 .d.70.4/4): Gious, set by Antonio Cartellieri for Vienna in 1795 (lib. in CS-Pu:9J3549); and Betulia. set by Joseph Schuster (after Berulia Liberara, [Vienna, 17341) for Dresden, 1796 (lib. in D-B:Mus. T 923). See also the version of Isacco discussed briefly on pages 98- 100.

7 SeHadamowshy. "Barocktfieatre am Wiener Kaiserhof," I 10-1 15. Four of Metastasio's oratorios were premiered in semi-staged performances (presumably with some combination of sceneq. costumes, and action). These include La morte d '..lbel and Gioas re di Giuda (both set by Georg Reutter in 1732 and 1735 respect ive1y ). Giuseppe riconosciuro (set by Giuseppe Porsile in 173 3). and Isacco. figura del redentore. Not included. and, therehre. presumably not staged are La pcrrsione. Sant 'Elem al Culwio (set by Caldara in 173 I ). and La Betulia liberara (set by Reutter in 1733).

8The last oratorio that Metastasio wrote for the impenal court. Isacco. was first set by Predieri and premiered in 1740 in the Hofiwgkapelle. A copy of Perinet's printed libretto of this work is located in the (jsrtirreichische iVarionalbibliorhek.2522-A.M.. Unfortunately. Fusz's musical setting is no longer extant.

'b-~istorichesMelodram mit Arien und Chbren in einern Aufzuge, nach Metastasios Oratoriurn." Pietro Metastasio, Isaak, adapted by Joachim Perinet (Viema: Joseph Trendler. 1 8 I2), title-page.

10 Hadamowshy l ists Isacco as one of the four Metastasian oratorios tht was orighally given a siaged performance. If this work was indeed staged in the original performance. this staging woutd have been very simple. presumably with some combination of costumes. scenery andlor a limited amount of action. Clearly, Immediately different in the staged Isucco is the introduction of scene nurnbers, absent in the original, the change hmtwo parts to a single act, as well as the inevitable alterations wrought by translating this work hmItaiian into German. In the first half of the new work. much of the translation reflects Mecastasio's original text, but several choruses have been added. at times in place of arias. and some of Metastasio's recitatives and arias have been deleted altogether." One such addition is the chorus with dance which opens the work. an adaptation which brings Abraham and bis family into closer contact with their community. In contrast to this section. however, the second half of the Fusz/Pennet venion of lsacco has been largely rewtlnen for theauical purposes. In Metastasio's libretto. the action- characteristicaily reflected upon aAer pst-tense descriptions/narrations- takes place entirely at the home (tent) of Abraham and Sara. in the Fusz/Prrinrt version, however. this locale is only one of four. which also include a grono (scene 13). a path that leads to the surnmit of Mount Moriah (scene 15). as well as the summit of the mountain itself. with a visible altarpiece where Isaac is to be sacrificed (scene 16). In bringing rnany of the events that were drscribed in the previous venion '-on-stage." this new adaptation uses scene changes. absent in the original. and thus provides ample opponunity for visual theauical effect. Brought "on-stage." for example. is the irnpeded sacrifice of Isaac. in the original version. part one and the tint half of part two are dominated by Sara and Abraham's sutTering- suffering that first appears when Abraham is called upon by God to sacrifice his son. Isaac. in the second halfof Metastasio's part two. Abraham retums with Isaac. who has bern spared. and the oratorio concludes with reflections upon God's benevolence and mapanimity. Ln the FusdPennet version. however. Isaac's impeded sacrifice is portrayed "on-stage." as a climax much closer to the end of the work than it had ken in the Metastasian original. For this reason. Abraham's description of this event is eliminated.

however. this pedormance would not have placed as much emphasis on staging as the Fusz/PerÎ.net adaptation. See Hadarnowsky. "Barocktheatre am Wiener Kaiserhof." 1 10- 1 15.

' ' In the original version. the= are twelve arias and two choruses. In the later version. there are only four arias. one aria with chorus, one duet with chorus, and five choruses. With such adaptations and elirninations. dramatic thrust and theatrical display ultimately take precedence over narration and reflection and the on@ balance between action and spirinial reflecrion is dramatically altered. It is exactly because of its inherent emphasis upon narration and reflection that La pussione appears to have been spared the alterations evident in this version of Isacco. Quite simply. La passione. followed closely by Smt'Elena al Calvario, is the most wholly narrativeiretlective oratorio libretto that Metastasio wrote." Hence. to function effectively in a staged performance where dramatic action was paramount, La passione would have required subsrantial dterations. lending itself the least to a staged adaptation. This hyporhesis is supponed by Giorgio Mangini. who. in comparing La passione with Betulia

.4ll'rstremo opposto. ûa le azioni sacre metastasiane. c'è la Pussione di Gesir crisro. della quale è possibile trovare libretti identici all' originale fino ad Ottocento inoltrato. La differenza essenzide tra le due azione sacre sta nella diversa incidenza del contesto narrativo nello sviluppo dell'azione. da1 quale SC~~U~~SCO~Oi mutamenti degli affetti dei personaggi. Nella Passione tale incidenza k pressoché nulla poiché il racconto consiste in una rievocazione di fatti (la passione e la morte di Cristo). la quale agisce sugli affetti dei personaggi. determinandone i conflitti interiori. Ma tra un personaggio e I'altro non vi sono contmti. percio manca uno sviluppo dell'azione drarnrnatica: la Pussione e un dramma statico. privo di qualunque accenno di i ntrecc io. Al contrario I'azione di Betulio liberata subisce ampiamente I'incidenza del10 sviluppo narrativo. benchi indirettamente. Corne nella Passiune, ne1 corso del dramma avviene un mutamento delle condizione emotive dei persona@. ma qui esse sono in conflitto e cio genera azioni. che sono cause ed rffetti degli eventi drammatizzati. Pur priva di un intreccio vero e proprio. e benché bloccata nella staticità della forma oratoride. l'azione di Berulia liberutcr è pervasa da un dinamisrno intenso. 'j

''~ucha view is supported by Smither. who argues that the most b*drarnaticallyactive librettos are the tive brised on the Old Testament." Smither. The Oratorio in rk Classical Era, 54. See Mer. the discussion in Smit fier. The Oraforioin the Baroque Era. 393-395: and The Orarorio in the Classical Era, 53-56.

""~tthe exireme opposite, is the Metastasian cione sacre La passione di Gesù Cr&. of which it is possible to find iibrrtfi identical to the original well into the eigtiteenth century. The essential difference txtween the cione sacre stands in the incidences of narrative or dramatic action through which the changes of each pesonage's affections are pomyed. in Lapassione. dramatic action is limite4 since the story consiçts in the cornmernoration of facts (the passion and the death of Ciuist) which define the affections of the personages and determines their inner conflicts. Ln La parsione. there are no conflicts between personages: This argument would explain why La possione was the only Metastasian oratorio that was not knowingly adapted for staged performances in theatres across ~urope.''That this work did not lend itself well to a theaûical production may also explain why it is that. with the exception of Sant 'Elena. La possione received fewer settings throughout the eighteenth and nincteenth centuries than any other Metastasian orat~rio.'~Clearly, a work that was pnmarily retlective would not have ken popular with librettists. composers. and audiences desiring less narrationfmeditation and ever more drarnatic action. Mile the Metastasian oratorio is more descriptive and retlective than the Metastasian opera seria. the rexts of both were altered throughout the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries to increase the dramatic pace. Although neither escaped completely. the operas were apparently subjected to greater adaptation than the oratorios. It is somewhat ironic that. although the theavicai works were unquestionably the most drarnatic. the "reflective" ethos of both genres eventuaily became one of severai factors that sentenced both the Metastasian secular and sacred 1ibrettos to obsolescence. Before concluding entirely. it seems pertinent to offer a final answer to a question already suggestedt6 ... contextually. textuaily. and musically. is the Metastasian oratorio

Lcr pussione is dramatically static. lacking in any significant amount of plot development through dramatic action. On the contrary. in Beruliu liberara, there is more emphasis placed upon dramatic action, although indirectly. As in La pussiune. changes in the emotional conditions of the characters occur. but. in Betulia. the prrsonages are in conflict with each other. and that generates actions, as well as their resultant causes and effects." Giorgio Maneni. ": Momenti di Drammaturgia musicale nella tradizione dei 'Trionfo di Giuditta.," in Mozarr. Padova. e la Btirulia liberara: Commitfenza. intrrpretcione e fortunu delle rciom sacre Metastasinne ne1 '700, ed. Lm S. Olschki (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki. 1989). 153-1 54.

14 See Hadamowslq, "Bamktheatre am Wiener Kaiserhof." 1 10-1 15; and Franco Pipemo, "Sinossi Cronologica Drammi Sacri in Teatro ( 1750-1 820)," appendix to "Drammi Sacri in Tratro (1 750-1 820)," in .\îozurt. Padova. ti la Behriia liberata: Cornrnittenza interpre~a=ionee fortwin &/le aione sacre Metustariane ne1 "00.4. Lm S. Olschki (Firenze: Olschki, 1989), 299-3 16. Both are lis&of oratorios perfomed as sacred dmris. with staging. action. and costumes. Notably absent fiom both is Lapassiont..

"~ccordin~to the lists of xttings compiIed by Brunelli. the oratorio librettos were set by the following numbers of composen in the eighteenth and nineteenth centunes: Betdùi, 333; Isacco, 27; Giuseppe, 25; Gioas. 24; .4 bel. 22: Passione, 19: and Sunr 'Eleno. 14. Brunelli. d.Tme le opere di Pietro Metastasio. 2: 1 >22-25.

'%ee page 96. rssentially a sacred opera seria? Musically. yes; but contextually and textually, no. When posed with this question. Neville answered. '*vie11 ... yes ... but not really, because as soon as one of those two genres approaches the other too closely, that is what it becomes, and so loses itself."" The Fusfletinet adaptation of Isacco descnbed previously is an example of a work that. when altered. essentially became a sacred opera seria. When this piece was, arnong other things. deprived of its narrative/reflective emphasis and stage4 with action. costumes. and scenery. that is essentially what it became. Performed in their intended contexts (before the emperor and a select assembly, as monuments to Habsburg representation). in their original foms (by Metastasio and Caldam). however. the Me tastasian oratorio is definitely not a sacred opera seria. If La passione were. however, drprived of the contextual and textuai differences that distinguish it fiorn L 'Olimpiade. that is basically what it would also become. Fundamentaily. therefore. the contexnial and textual ditTerences discussed in this study are more than mere differences. for. in distinguishing the oratorio from the opera seria. they also define the genres that they represent.

"~eville.**Opera or Oratorio?." 606. APPENDlX 1

Plot Synopsis: La passione (1 730)

PART 1

Peter, tormented with guilt over his denial of Christ, demonstrates his grief. In failing to find any relief hmthe torments of his conscience, he is forced to hide, not only hmothers, but fkom himself as well. Naniri: seems to tremble at his crime, every bird accuses him of his inconstancy, the sun is hidden in sharne, the earth trembles. he is lost and confused. (Peter: Giocché mi nemi in seno) Peter sees a crowd approaching and wonders what news they might have of his Lord. He reflects that, instmd of comforting words, he may be met with the reality of Jesus' death. The chorus addresse humanity, blaming it for the Crucifixion. (Coro de' Squaci di Gesù: Quanto cosra il tuo defitio) Enter Mary Magdalene, John, Joseph. Peter inquires about Jesus, does he live or die? He sees in their tears the full masure of his betrayal, and rc-cognizes without their words that Jesus is dead. (Mary Magdalene: I hrrer dirli il mio clofore) John dates the events of the crucifixion and ernphasizes that Jaus was forced to suffer great injury, tvounded by a crown of thoms and clothed in mocking purpic. Joseph of Arirnathea comrnunicates bis tonnent in watching Jesus struggte under the weight of his own cross, which he was forced to carry to Golgotha (Joseph: Torbido mar, chefieme) John continues that Peter should have witnessed lesus' suffenng. One. he describes. stripped him of the clothing which clung to his wounds. another fastened him to the cross, frequently reptacing bent nails, One provided the tools and yet another covered him in 'repulsive sweat.' (John: Corne u visru di pene sifiere) Peter inquires about the well-king of Mary. Mary Magdalene reports that afier she was able to force herseif through the crowd, she could not bear the sight of her son on the cross, and ran to support him. She ernbraced the btof the cross. wept. and kissed him. (Mary Magdaiene: Porea quel pianto) Peter asks how the crowds could have been crueter. Joseph of Arimathea replies by describing türther her mguish, suffering at the feet of her dying son. He descni how Mary was forcibly tom kom her embrace of the cross. HkngJesus' languishing voice, she turned to meet his gaze. Peter asks what they said to =ch ùther upon that bme. John responds that Jesus looked upon him, and in the midst of his torture he made it clear that he was bestowing upon John a mother and upon Mary a son. (Peter: Tu ne1 duolfilice sel? John describes how Jesus cried out after having been offered a bitter dnnk for his thirst and then ultimately dieâ. His head sank down in the face of the depraved multitudes, he describes. and he breathed his spirit into his father's hands. (Peter and Mary Magdalene: C'i sento. oh Dio, i*isenro) The chorus concludes with the message that the Crucifixion brings satvation to the just and death to the wicked. (Coro: Di pal sangr~e)

PART II

Peter asks if Jesus has ben buried. and Joseph explains that he has been entombed in a sepufchre. John suggests that they go to him. Mary rerninds them that the sun is seaing and that tomomw is a day of rest. John rememkrs that their effotts wouId be in vain, suice Jesus' tomb is guarded by the Jews because they are afiaid that the promise of his Resurrection will be fulfilled. O godless ones. he extorts. his word shall come 3t your espense. (John: Ritornerafia vol? Joseph predicts that a terrible wrath will fdl upon the population of JenisaIem. The walls of the city will be destroyed, the temple laid to waste by fire, the priests scattered, the virgins and brides placed in bondage. and fire will. in one day, consume the sweat of centuries. (Joseph: ,411 'ideu de ' tuoi perigll] Peter rernarks that stupidity prevents the population of Jerusalem from recognizing Jesus as the son of God. They watched him tum water to wine and satisfj crowds with little food, yet they sti11 fail to see. He gave speech to the speechless. sight to the sightless, yet still they fail to see. If this succession of portent fails to convince you. then it is you who is lost in darkness he exhorts. You have done linle less than make yourselves godless. (Peter: Se la pupilla infirma) May Magdalene comments chat on such a day every doubtfui hart must becorne faithful. The mysteries of the centuries, continues John wiIl be revealed. Jesus is the light that illuminates the night for the bewildered. he is the rock of salvation. He is the mediator between life and death, the ark, the trurnpet which destroyed Jericho, the mefather and guide. He is the vehicle through which hurnanity is Ied out of their suffering to the Promised Land. (John: Dovunque il guardo giro) Mary, continuing with the mord cornmenrary of the previous aria and recitative, comrnents that God is omnipresent. She continues by descniing the Iips which irnparted wisdom, the hands which delivered only generosity. Humanity, lefl without his guidance and council, lefi abandoned in the midst of the unfaithfiif, is the me loser. (Mary Magdalene: .di passi errant11 Peter reminds Mary that humanity has not been lefl without guidance, that Jesus. indeed. has not forsaken them. In his Iife and death, he comments, Jesus lefl us with thousands of symbols of virme. We should. he admonishes. learn hmhis death. The cross should be observed as the mie of tolerant conduct in the presence of human misfortune. In every deed Jesus instnicts us. The unrighteous becorne virnious through him. It is now the task of humanity to bar the hitof his teachings. and should the hope of humanity once again waiver. exhorts Peter, he will appar to offer guidance. (feter: Sr a librursi in mcoal1 'onde) Mary, John. and Joseph contemplate the resurrection of Christ and its potential impact on humanity. John comments that man will understand that he ne& to take certain steps in order to attain the rewards of hravrn. After they express their certaine that Christ will rise again, the Coro confirms their hope. (Coro: Smru Sprme. ru ser] APPENDK II

Plot Synopsis: L 'Olimpiude (1733)

ACT 1

1: .i wooded section of a dark and nan-ow valley. shadedfiom above by large rrees whose branches sprrud owr rhc! MO hills berwern which it lies. The Otympic Gama are about to begin. Clistene, king of Sicione. has offered the hand of his daughter, the princes Aristea, to the winner. Having forgotten his love for Argene, Licida has fallen for the princess. He impatiently awaits the arriva1 of Megacle. As the winner of previous games, Licida has sumrnoned Megacle to Crete in the hope that he will compete in the games on his behalf. II: Megacle arrives. and Licida asks Megacle to register in the games under his name. Pressured by the lack of time. Megacle agrees, without asking the purpose of this hud. Unaware of the imptications, Megacle is delighted to assume the narne of his 'mted" friend. (Megacle: Superbo di me stesso) III: Licida praises Megacle and orders Aminta to arrange for his departure, afier the garnes. with his bride. Aristea. Aminta warns Licida about the consequences of this deceit. but Licida. who is undeterred, scotds Aminta for his doubts. (Licida: Quel destrier. ull'albergo S vicino) IV: .i wide spmr on rhe lowr dope of a hi11 with o scmering of shepherd huts. .4 mtic bridge owr the River .ilpheus. composed of tree rrunks çlumsily joined together. .A vim of the ci& of 01-vmpia in the clistance, hroken by a fm rrees thur embellish fhe plain but do not clutter if. ..lrgene. disguised as a shepherdess un& the name Licori. weaving garlands. Chorus ofrymphs anàshepherdrs enguged in pastoral ~.itores,rhen .driste'cl wilh her retinue. The scene opens with an ariakhorus in which Argene and the chorus retlect upon the pleasures of pastoral life. (Argene: Coro: Oh tare selve.') Enter Anstea and her retinue. Addming Argene (Licori),Anstea laments that Megacle is not arnong those fighting for her hand. Continuing with st0i-k~tKgun at an =lier meeting, both women reflect upon lost loves. Argene describes how the King of Crete would not allow her to marry Licida. Instead, the king had insisted that she marry a foreigner and, refusing. Argene had retreated to this place. Argene names Megacle as the foreigner whom she was to many. Shocked, Aristea relates that she and MegacIe were to be mamied. but that their union had also forbidden. not by the King of Crete. but by King Clistene. As a result Megacle had fid. to where she did not know. Argene relates that in his despair. Megacle had fled to Crete. While in Crete, he was attacked by thieves and Licida, who had ben passing by, saved his life. For this act MegacIe had sworn an oath of allegiance. Reatising that if Megacle were to win, that he and Aristea could be united the women decide to ask that the pries be delayed so that they may send for Megacle. V: On his way to the games. Clistene enters with his attendants. He reads the names of the combatants from a list. To the surprise of Argene. the list includes Licida's name. Aristea begs Clistene to delay the kginning of the garnes. bemoaning the servitude of women. Clistene refuses, arguing that women are not subject to men, but rather that men are habitually subjected to the guiles of wornen. (Clistene: Del ckcsrin non vi lagnate) VI: Befo~obeying her father's cornrnand to follow him to Elis. Aristea asks Argene. in confidence. to detemine the whereabouts of Megacle. (Aristea: Tu di saper procura) VII: Shocked by the news that Licida is competing for Aristea's hand, Argene reflects momentarily upon the inconstancy of men. (.4rgene: Piu non si trovano) V111: Having qistered, Megacle would now like to know the purpose of this fraud. Upon learning that Annea is the reward Megacle expresses his shock hiding it hmLicida nonetheless. Stncken with grief. Mesacle asks Licida to leave so chat he may rest before the games. Completely unaware of his tonnent. Licida ironically wishes Megacle a pltxsant rest. (Licida: Mentre dormi') IX: Megacle questions how he cm win the hand of his betoved Aristea for Licida, not for himself. How cm he lead her into another man's arms? Yet in reflecting upon the laws of duty and Friendship, Mepcle concludes that he mut keep his promise. Afkail, the winner is a friend a friend to whom he owes his Ii fe. Furthemore, if he was to fail, Arista may well despise him for this loss of honour. X: Aristea enters and rejoices upon seeing Megacle. Stricken by the sight of his beloved, Megacle can barely speak. thereby confisirtg Aristea. Alcandro enters, summons Megacle to the games, and leaves. MegacIe professes his love for Aristea, yet bids her farewell forever. Unaware of the plot, Aristea is confuseci. ( MegacldAnstea: Ne giorni moi fefici2

ACT II

1: Excluded from the garnes by law, Anstea and Argene express their anxiety about the results of the contest. Aristea gnphically describes the competition as it unfolds in her mind. 11: Alcandro enters with news of the winner: it is "Licida." Alcandro is to lead Aristea to the temple, where everyone is gathered to witness the presentation of the bride. ArÎstea dismisses him, soying that she will follow soon. t 11: Before following Alcandro to the temple, the women argue over who suffers a greater fate. Aristea suggests rhat it is her. After all, she is losing her fieedom, her beloved, and she is king forced to mary sommne that she does not love. Argene is merely losing her beloved. (Arktea: Grandi, 2 ver, son le rue pene) IV: Enter Aminta. Aminta. who had ben present when Argene was exiled from the court in Crete, is surpnsed to seher in Elis. fnfuriated. Argene accuses Aminta of assisting Licida in this betrayal. Aminta calls her anger unworthy. Argene contemplates the me1rewards of love. (Argenc: Che nan mi disse un di) V: Aminta pnises the wisdom of his years. but recognizes that no one, regardlas of their age, is exempt from the passions that guide us. Reason, he suggests, is like a ship tossed upon the sa. it is subject to the sway of surging pride. (Aminta: Sium nmi dl 'onde algenrl') VI:Megacle enten. wearing the victory mwn. A chorus of athletes. guards, and people sing a chorus of praise to the "noble" athlete "Licida." (Coro: Delforte Licida) Clistene embraces Megacle ("Licida"), reflecting bnetly upon his own Iost son, Filinto. Megacle introduces Licida under the name Egisto, asking that Clistene allow him to escort his bride, Anstea, to Crete. Aristea enters, and Megacle is gripped with emotion. V1I: in an aside, Aristea proclaims that she cornes to this marriage, not as a willing participant, but as a "victim of the altar." When presented to Megacle ("Licida'y, Aristea is overcome, but she does not reveal his [rue identity. Megacie and Anstea become silent. Clistene takes this as a sign to leave the lovers alone. but before leaving, he reflects upon the virtues of youthhl love. (Clistene: So ch e fanciuilo amore) VIII: Believing that she and Megacle are to be marrie4 Anstea cm not understand why Megacle is not speaking to her. Not aware of heir love for each other, Licida is anxious to present himself as her crue husband. Megacle asks Licida to leave so that he may explain the situation to her. Before leaving. Licida adrnonishes Megacle to prove his devotion. IX: Megacle confesses the pact that he has made with Licida Exemplifying the conflict between love and friendship, Megacie begs Aristea to give herself to Licida and bids her farewell forever. Aristea faints. In a soliloquy, Megacle wavers between fiiendship and honour. Abandoning al1 hope, Megacle decides to commit suicide. He calls for Licida. X: Megacle explains to Licida that Aristea knows everything. Megacle starts to leave, but before parting, advises him. should Aristea ask where he has gone, to tell her that he is dead. (Megacle: Se cerca. se cilce) XI: Aristea awakens. Seeing Licida, she is overcome with rage whcn he reveals himself as her husband. (Aristea: Tu me da me dividi] XII: Chasing after Aristea Licida encounters Argene, who attacks him for his betrayal. She threrithens to tell Clistene the mith. When he consoles her. she becornes even angrier. (Argene: No. fa speram) XIII: Licida does not know whether to console Aristea or Argene. He meets Aminta. who informs hirn that Megacle has killed himseif because he could not live without Aristea. Before throwing himself off a cliff into a river. he describes, Megacle had cried that Licida was killing him. but did not know it X1V: Bemoaning the wrath of heaven, Licida vows to wrest his dead Criend hmthe go&. Alcandro enters with a message from Clistene. For his treachery, Licida has 'ken banished. If he does not lave by sundom. he will be killed. XV: Driven inta a rage. Licida thrwtens Alcandro with a sword. before turning it upon hirnself. He stops. He hates Iife but fears death. He is tom between rage. revenge, tendemess, Friendship, repentance. compassion. shame. and love. He wants to die but cannot kill himself. (Licida: Gemo in unpunro efiemo)

ACT III

1: .-î parrizion formed by the ruins of un old hippodrome. once covered almost completelv by ivy, rhorns, cmdnrher wildplants. Aminta is restraining Megacle. who has been saved by a fisherman, hmtaking his life a second tirne. Simultaneously, Argene is attempting to stop Ansta from taking her life on the same spot where Megacle atiempted to take his the fim tirne. Megacle and Aristea meet. Aristea calls hirn an ingnrc for lraving her. for coming back to life when she was going to take her life to be with hirn in death. Megacle deciares that al1 roads to death have been closed to him. II: Alcandro enters, announcing hat Clistene's life has been spared. On his way to the temple, Licida in a moment of rage. had attempted to kill him, but Licida could not finish the act. He is now held in chains. Al~mdrocontinues: Licida will speak to no one, he only calls out for Megacle. Msgacle decides to go to him. Aristea discourages him. for Clistene would probably condemn Megacle to death as well. Instead. Aristea resolves to ask Clistene to pardon Licida. (Aristea: Caro, son rua cosi) Ill: Megicle prays that Aristea's pleas will soflen Clistene's hm. He declares that he can not stay behind and decides to follow Aristea to the temple, regardless of the danger. Argene argues that Megacle should abandon Licida to his fate, but Megacle insists that he is not so base. (Megacle: Lo sequitui felicr) IV: Arsene begins to feel pity for Licida, but her anger is quickiy renewed. Aminta enten, with news that Aristea's pleas have been ignored. Licida has been sentenced to death. Megacle, now in chains, demands to die in Licida's place. The bonds of fiiendship are stronger than the bonds of love. Argene weeps. and resolves to offrr herself in place of them both. (Argene: Fiamma ignora nd'afmami scende) V:Arninta contemplates fleeing the death around hirn, but questions where he would go without Licida. who brings purpose to his life. He resolves to retum to the temple and die beside his custodian. (Am inta: Son yual ptir mure ignoro) VI:..ln arerior view of the grrat temple of the Olympic Jow. from which one can descend a long and rnugtrifimt sraircase divided inio diferent pfanes. .4 cleuring in fiont of ihe sume with a burning altar in the ~wwe..-î wuocir uj'sucred wild oiives ul! around fiom which ;he wreaths of the victoriour athletes hme been gurht.rt.d Clisiene. who descends /rom the temple. preceded 6y a large crowd, by his guardr, by Alcanbo. und ly rhe chorus of priests. some of whom curry on golden frays the instruments of sacrflce. (Coro: 1 tuoi strali. trrror de 'moriul~]Clistene expresses the compassion that he feels for Licida but recognizes that he must maintain his oath to the dignity of the throne and justice. IronicaIly, Licida accepts these as the words of a hther rather than a king or a judge. Licida asks to embrace Megacle one final tirne. only then can he die contented. As Clistene sends for Megacle. Alcandro observes that the king is weeping. Clistene confesses that the voice and sight of Licida have aroused strange feelings in him. (Clistene: ,Vonso donde) VI]: Megacle and Licida peteach other. Megacle vows to follow Licida in death. but Licida asks him to iive so that he cm cany the news of his death to his father. the Cretan king. Clistene is even more rnoved by Licida's appearance. The fnends bid each other farewell and part. (Coro: I iuoi srrali, terror de 'moriali) Licida knels at the alter and Clistene. preparing to hand the axe to the executing pries& prays to Jove. VIII: Argene enters. and offers to die in place of Licida. Clistene refuses. saying that women can not die for men. Argene reveals her me identity to Clistene. who knows her only as the shepherdess Licori. To srive her. Licida denies her claim that she is of noble birth. Argene argues that wives can die for their husbands and displays a golden chain that Licida gave her as a token of his previous mariage promise. Still, Clistene rehses and orders her removd. IX: Aristea enters. and speaks on behalf of Argene. Clistene permits her to hand him the golden chain. and he instantly recognizes it as the chain that he gave his infant son before he ordered him drowned. Licida admits that he gave the chain to Argene. and that he had received it From Arninta. X: Aminta enters, and identifies the necklace as one that was given to him by a stranger twenty-five !cars earlier. Aminta identifies the smger as Alcandro. Alcandro confesses that he did not set the infant atloat but rather that he had given him to a sûanger whom he now recognizes as Aminta. Aminta had taken the chiId to the King of Crete. who adopted him as his heir. Clistene embraces Licida, recognizing that he is his son and Aristea's twin brother. The Delphic Oracle had instructed him to expose his infant son to the sea, warning him that he would try to murder hirn. CIistene joyfiilly proposes the maniages of Megacte and Aristea and Licida and Argene. but then remembers that Licida is still condemned to die. Megacle points out that Clistene's authority in Olympia has already ended, and thaf therefore, the people must decide Licida's fate. Clistene agrees. and the people decide to pardon Licida. refùsing to punish the father for the sins of the son. ( Coro: Z 'ira ilfiglio delinquente) 'Table 4.1 Lu I'~i.ssio»e:Structural Organizüiion

N un1 ber Character Pri iic i pal Acconip. K~Y 414. A: (Grcrvc.);honiophanic, chordal texture. U: (..Jridiu~tc~);double fugue, highly chromritic.

1) Recit. Peler 1 - 2)Aria Peter Lurgo. 44. Instrwriientally-derived vocal content. Treblc-dominated texture. Accompaniment: A strings with continuo, B continuo with string interjections. "A ffectively-conceived" instrunierital and vocal motives parallel central textual conceit.

3) Recit. Peier 1 -- Siriiple Closed Ardurtie. 4/4. A: homoplionic and declaniatory. 13: Temary soloisis, quasi-imiiative wiihout acconipaniment. Short ritomello punctuates each section. Writing devoid of embellishnient and limited in range.

-- - 6) Aria Aticlurifc. 314. Vocal niotto. Highly chromatic, itistninientally-derived vocal content, C'ortcertutir~. texture. Acconipuniment: strings anly. (Motto omitted on reprise.)

N uni ber C'l~arüctcr 1:0rn1 Pri~icipül Accoriip. Key

Lwgo. 32. Ctiordül, honioplionic string texture. Ititoniello: reiterated cliorül (iirpeggiated) textures. Acconipaninierit: A; cdlu pot-rc., B; continu0 only. Voices Iioriiophonic or iii consecutive iniicülion. No vocal cnibellishriient.

rlrrdl~trtlr.44. SATB, colltr purfe ricconipaniinent with basso coiitiiiuo. Iniitative (ligtit ty scored) entries of priiicipal thenie, thereafler declarnniory, predominantly hoinoplioriic textures. No vocal embellishmeni.

Peler, Joseph May Magdalcne John

Cûnonic counterpoint between upper strings. Excessive vocal decorrttion. Instninicntally-derived vocal content.

Joseph H. S. B. C.

Aritr. 212. RI; exposition of double fugue. Fugal siructiire supcrirnposed upon du ct~poform. t nstruriientul and vocal motives derived fioni fugue subject. Fugnl niodulations dictated by d. c. structure. Fugülly-derived cnibcllishrnerii. C'tiaractcr Principal Accoitip. Key

23) Ariu I't'tt'r .InJ~~t~rc.314. Ilnison violin obbligato with continuo. Vocal content clrarly derivttd froni obbligato. Moderate vocnl eriibellishiiieiits. Contiiiuoiis quaver niovenient in obbliguto.

24) Recir. John, Mary Magdalenc

25) Aria Joliri Obbligilo aria rlridurirc.. 41'4. 'l'ruriibone obbligaio with continuo. Virtuosic obbligato replicated in vocal part. Vocal part alternates with, imitates, and is punctuated by obbligato Obbligato rarely doubles vocal line.

26) Kecit. Magdalene - Bb: Afudtrruro. 214. Hoinophonic dcvelopnient of ,r syncopated figure, also given imitative treabirnt. Insirumentnlly-derived vocal content. Accompaniment: strings orily, rio continua, during voca sections. Vocul part doubles upper strings.

29) Aria ,4rrtlurire. 41.1. I'erriunl metaphor reflected by elahorate, honiophoriic figure in acçomprinimeni. Instwmentally- dcriveci vocal content. Excessive vocal caloratiirri. Accompanimeni: continiio with strings, ai finies coiitinuo and viola absent. l 1 pstL x2c LI.

Table 4.3: Surnmary of Similatities and Differences: La Passione di Gesù Crisro and L 'Olimpiade

- - II CONTEXT

Performed on 28 August, 1 733, in the garden of Performed on 4 April, 1 730, in the the Favorita palace, as part of the kstivities Hofiwgkupelle, as part of the liturgical surrounding the birthday of Empress Elisabeth observances surrounding Holy Week. Christina.

Staged, with action, costumes. scenery; with a Unstaged, without action, costumes. and scenery bullo. written by Nicola Matteis, performed at the (apart from a replia of the Holy Sepulchre); with end of each act, and concluding with a an Italian sermon delivered between the two am.

2 parts. Relative brevity. Secular text. Historical subject matter, set against Sacred text. Sacred-devotional subject matter- the backdrop of the Olympic Games. the New Testament: the Passion of Christ; particularly, the emotional reactions inspired by the events that took place at Golgotha during the last hours of Christ's suffering and death.

7 characters. 4 characters. Presence af scene numbers. scene changes. and Absence of scene nurnbers, scene changes, and relative consistency of scene structure. Obviously variety of scene stntcture. Clearly the features of a the features of a work intended for a staged work intended for a in concert." not a stageci performance. performance.

Each scene ends with an exit aria, indicated in Given that this work was not staged and that, both the score and libretto by the indication parte. herefore, a character would not Ieave the stage afier their aria, the indication parte is noticeably absent fiom both the libretto and score of the oratorio.

Recitatives in versi sciolri (a fiee mkture of seven Recitaiives in versi sciolti. II and eleven-syllable lines. with irregular rtiythm). 11 L 'Olimpiade Recitative accenruated by numerous rhetorical Ildevices: rhetorical repetition. alliteration. devices: rhetorical repetition, alliteration, I assonance. consonance, and rhymed couplets. assonance, consonance, and rhyrned couplets. II Recitative reserved primarily to convey dramatic The role of dramatic emissary is also reserved for action. recitative in the oratorio. Given the predominance of reflection over narration in the oratorio, however, the recitatives in La Passione tend to demonstrate more reflection than those in L 'Ohp iade. 11 90?%of the libreno is recitative. 70% of the libretto is recitarive. Few choruses (3). -- -.. - .- . . Chorus interspersed throughout. Chow concludes Each part ends with a chorus. Il xorii. Even fewer ensembles (2; 1 duet and 1 solo with Even fewer ensembles ( I duet). I(ChOrus). I 19 arias. 11 IOh of the libretto is aria and chorus. 30% of the libretto is aria and chom. II Aria Disrriburion: Aria Distribution: Prima donnu: 4 arias. I duet Peter: 4 arias. 1 duet Sdconda donna: 4 arias. I solo-choral Mary Magdalene: 3 arias, 1 duet primo iromo: 3 arias. I duet John: 3 arias Secundu uomo: 3 arias Joseph: 2 arias King: 3 arias Mentor: 2 arias King's attendant: no arias

- - -- - Arias. apart fiom "Se cerca. se dice", in two Arias in two hymed stanzas written to rh);med stanzas written to accommodate ria capo accomrnodate the prevailing da capo setting. The settings. The stanzas usuaIly consist of four lines stanzas usuaIly consist of four lines of text, with of text, with the sarne nurnber of syllables per the same number of sy llables per lin- lines of lin* lines of seven and eight sytlables are the seven and eight syllables are the most common. most comrnon . ll~rxadorninated by sirnilar rhyme schernes. Texts dominated by sirnilar rhyme schemes.

Emphasis upon dramatic dialogue (unfolding of Narration and meditation/reflection of events events) and. consequently. the individual reactions recounted in the past tense, as weil as the that these events inspire. Opera plots, Iess well- individual reactions that these events inspire. know in many cases than their sacred Given that the stones of the oratorio were well counterparts. were dependent upon a series of known, they required only intermittent references dramatic dialogues responsible for furthering the to the dramatic events of the biblical story itself. plot. The emphasis upon refi ection and rneditation iend themselves well to a work given as part of the expressions of religious devotion surrounding HoIy Week: a process that, in and of itself, is reflective and meditative in nature.

L ieto fine.

Emphasis upon hwnan response to îhe nuances of Emphasis upon human response to the nuances of the human passions. within a secular context. the human passions, within a sacreddevotional particularly when confronting dificult moral context, particularly when confronting diff?cult (secular) decisions. moral (religious) decisions. Act I- Exposition; Act II- Developrnent; Act III- Work essentially lacks an exposition- a11 of the II Clima and Resolution. dramatic events have occurred prior to the time- Frame of the oratorio.

II~hmciersin conflict with each other. Characters never in conflict with each other. dilemma: duty vs. love. Moral dilemma: betnyal vs. forgiveness. magnanimity vs. duty. remorse vs. redemption. infatuation vs. duty . passion vs. reason.

Primary moral themr: Cartesian generosity and Primary moral theme: Cartesian generosity and devotion- demonstrated by Megacle and devotion- although absent from the libretto as an Clistene. actual character, demonstrated by Christ Himself. Primary moral goal: practice of virtue and Primary moral goal: practice of virtue and opposition of vice. delivered within a secular opposition of vice. delivered within a religious contest. .-Moral instruction under the guise of context. "Moral instruction under the guise of giving pleasure." giving pleasure." Some. but definitely not al1 of the principal The principal drarnatic action is narrated entirely dramatic action is nanated in the past tense rather in the past tense rather than through dramatic than through dialogue in the present. diaIogue in the present, 1.e.: The audience learns of the apparent suicide of 1. e.: The audience lems of the events at Megacle through Aminta, and Argene and Aristea Golgotha through narrations delivered by Mary discover that Megacle has won the Olympic games Magdalene. John. and Joseph which corne in via Alcandro. response to questions asked by Peter.

Absence of footnotes. Footnotes document the biblical passages and other writings (predominantly those of the church fathers) upon which the oratorio libretto is based.

------pp Apart from acknowledging ancient sources in the Apart t?om such 'proofs.' Metastasio exercises orgomenti. Metastasi0 clearly exercises considerable restraint when presenting the events considenble freedom in the manipulation of both of the biblical Passion story. License is taken. character and incident in his operas. however. by introducing passages which clearly augment the original biblical inspiration. This is l particuIarly true of the various human responses - - (via reflection. meditation upon events of the crucifixion), largely absent in the biblical account, which augment his account of the passion story.

- Textual alterations and eliminations entirely Textual alterations and elhinations entirely absent in the musical setting. The Metastasian absent in the musical setting. The Metastasian Ioriginal is set in its entirety. original is set in its entirety. Overture: French ouverture. Basic 'a 4 instrumentation of Violin 1 and II, Viola, and continuo group (cello. violone, and organ or cembalo). organ or cembalo). IINO extra bras or wind instmments. Trombone obbliguto ana. Du capo aria setting predominates. Only one ("Se Al1 da capo aria senings. cerca. se dice") of the 19 arias, in temary fom, is set in a form other than the da capo. This predorninance is by no means specific to Caldara, Mode distribution: Mode distribution:

Major: 18 Major: 5 Minor: 4 Minor: 12 II Tempo distribution: Tempo distribution: .-!llegro: 18 ..lllegro: I .ilkgro .issai: I Moderato: 1 .illegro ,tfoderuto: 1 Aria: 1 .iriu: 1 Andante: 10 Ri~oluto:3 Grave: 2 .-lndmte: Z Largo: 2 20 of 26 numbers in ihe open are marked some 14 of 17 numbers in the oratorio are marked gradation of allegro. andante, grave, or largo. Various insmental accompaniments. typical to Various instrumental accompaniments, typical to I Caldara's style in general. common to both. Caldara's style in general, comrnon to both. Vocal mottos for signiticant dramatic moments. Vocal mottos for signifiant dramatic moments. 1 , Introductory ritomello almost invariably presents Introductory ritornello aImost Uivariably presents a theme(s) or motive(s) which accounts for the a theme(s) or motive(s) which accounts for the rnajority of the thematic content, both vocal and majority of the thematic content. both vocal and instrumental. of the subsequent aria. instrumentai, of the subsequent aria Dernonstrates various stylistic attributes of the late Demonstrates various stylistic attributes of the late Baroque favoured at the rather conservative court Baroque favowed at the rather conservative court in Vienna. At least in part. some of these features in Vienna At least in part, some of these feam cmbe tmced to the musical preferences of can be traceci to the musical preferences of Charles VI. Charles VI. The opera. although firmly grounded in Baroque The oratorio, although fmly grounded in counterpoint, also demonstrates some of the Baroque counterpoint, also demonsrrates sorne of homophonic. early galant textures favoured by the homophonic, early galani textures favoured by Caldara in his Iater Roman oratorios. Contrapuntal Caldara in his later Roman oratorios. Contmpuntal textures still predominate over homophonic textures still predominate over homophonic textures. textures. Despite the prevalence of counterpoint in Despite the prevalence of counterpoint in La L 'Olimpiade. only one aria is entirely fugal. Passione. only one aria is entirefy fugal. 1.e.: "Son qua1 per mare ignoto" Le.: "All'idea de' tuoi perigli" - -- Examples of similar texmal afeh are often set Examples of sirnilar textual affekr are oftcn set II with similar musical gestures. with similar musical gestures. Written out vocal coloratura employed rather Witten out vocal coloranua employed rather conventionally. to accentuate the dmatic conventionally. to accentuate the dramatic affective impact of a word at the end of the affective impact of a word at the end of the quatrain. to allow for the vocal display favoured quatrain, to allow for the vocal display favoured by contemporary audiences. and to contribute to by contemporary audiences. and to conaibute to the sense of a musical climax. the sense of a musical ciimau.

Il~oioratunis pmvalent to similar degrees. Coloratum is present to similar degees.

C'homes: alternation of massive. homophonic Choruses: altemation of massive. homophonic declamation and more lightly scored soloistic declamation and more lightly scored soloistic imitation. as well as the tendency to opera within a imitation. as well as the tendency to opera within a tripartite scheme. tripartite scheme. Ensemble and choral writing is, relatively Ensemble and choral writing is, relatively speaking, simplistic. The simplicity of Caldara's speaking, simplistic. The simplicity of Caldara's writing for ensemble is a notable contrast to the writing for ensemble is a notable contrast to the frequent compiexity of his contrapuntal writing. ti-equent complexity of his contrapuntal writing. This simplicity extends beyond the lack of This simplicity extends beyond the lack of counterpoint to matters of range and harmonic counterpoint to rnatters of range and harmonic movement, to an obvious Iack of vocal movernent, to an obvious lack of vocal embellishment. embellishment. 11 ~ecitativeprimarily set as recirorivo sempIice. Al1 recitative set as recitativo sernplice. Three recitativo accompagnato. Employed to II highlight sipnificant dramatic moments. 40% of the score is recitative, and the other 60% 15% of the score is recitative, and the other 85% Il is overture. aria and ensemble. is oveme, aria, and ensemble. Vocal ranges comparatively the sarne. Vocal ranges comparatively the same. I ,. l Ranges: Ranges:

Megacle Soprano: d' - go' Peter Alto: b - d" Aristea Soprano: f - a'' John Soprano: e' - b bv Argene Soprano: e' - a" Mav Soprano: d' - b b " Licida Alto: f - d" Joseph Bass: D - e' Chtene Alto: ab - d" Arninta Bass: E - e' A lcandro Tenor: no arias SELECTED BIBLIOGWHY

Prima y Sources

Caldara Antonio. La passione di Gesù Cristo. (Vie~â1730). Contemporary MS copy. Viema: ~sterreichischeNationalbibliothek. Mus. Hs. 17.13 1.

. L 'Olimpiade. (Vienna 1733). Contemporary MS copy. Viema: ~sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Mus. Hs. 17. 164.

Calzabigi. Ranieri de'.. "Dissertazione su le poesie drarnrnatiche del Signor Abate Pietro Metastasio." In Pietro Metasmio. Poesie del Signor Abate Pieno Metastasio. 9 vols. Turin: Stamperia Reale. 1757. ["Dissertazione" fint published. t 755.1

Crescimbeni. Giovanni Mario. La belle- della volgar poesia. 2& ed.. rev. Rome: Antonio de' Rossi. 1 71 2. [First published 1700.)

Descartes. René. The Passions of the Soul. Translated and annotated by Stephen Voss. Indianapolis. Indiana: Hackett Publishing Company. 1989.

Finclon. François. Dialogues Concerning EIoquence Nt General: and Particularly That Which is Fit for the Pulpit. Translated by William Stevenson. London: T. Weed for J. Walthoe. 1722. [First published 1717.1

Fu. Johann Joseph. Gradus ad Parnasum. Vienna 1725. in Johann Joseph FmSümdiche fi'erke. Series VIL Band 1, ed. Alfred Mann. Kassel-Graz: Biüenreiter. 1967.

Gaichies. Jean. L 'ut de la predication, ou Mmrimes sur le minisrire de la chaire. Paris. Breton, 1712.

Gisbert. Blake. L 2loquence chrétienne dans I 'idée et dans le pratique (Lyon: Antoine Boudet. 1 7 15). Translated b y Samuel D' Oy ley as Christian EIoquence in Theary and Practice. London: H. Clements, 1718. [L 'éloquence fint published as Le bon goût de I 'r'loqitence chrétienne (Lyon: 1702).]

Jornmelli. Nicolo. La passione di Gesù Cristo. (Met.) Rome. 1 749.

. Lu clernemn di Tito. (Met.) Stuttgart, 1753.

Metastasio. Pietro. Isaak. Adapted by Joachim Perinet. Viema: Joseph Trendler. 1 8 1 2.

. Tutte le opere di Pietro Metasimio. ed. Bruno BruneIli. 1 classici Mondadori. fondazione Borleni. 5 vols. Verona: Mondadori. 195 1 - 1965. Muratori. Lodovico. Della perfettu poesia italiana. Edited by Ada Ruschioni. 4 bks. in 2 vols. Milan: blarzorati, 1971. [First published 1706.1

Naumann. Johann. La pussione di Gesù Cristo. (Met.) Padua, 1767.

. La clemema di Tiro. (Met.) Dresden, 1769.

Secondary Sources

Adler. Guido. "Der Kaiser Ferdinand III. Leopold 1, Joseph 1. und Karl VI ds Tonsetzer und Forderer der Musik." Viertel Jahrschrift fur ,Musikwissenscharji 8 (1892): 252-274.

.Austin. William W.. ed.. .Vew Look ar Italian Opera: Essays in Honour of DonaldJ Grout. AM Arbor. Mich.: U.M.I. Research Press. 1984.

Bkrenger. Jean. d Hisrory of the Habsburg Empire i273- i 290. Translated by C. A. Simpson. London: Longman. 1994.

Binni. Walter. L '.-hadia e il Metastasio. Florence. t 968.

B ire le y. Ro bat. Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counrerreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II. William Luntormaini. S. J.. and the Formation of lmperial Policy. Chape1 Hill. N.C.: University of North Carolina Press. 1 98 1.

B lom. John J.. Descartes: His iMoraf Philosophy and Psychology. New York: Harvester Press. 1978.

Brooks. Neil C. "The Sepulchre of Christ in Art and Liturgy: With Special Reference to the Liturgic Drama." Universiîy of Illinois Studies in Lunguage and Literatirre 712 (1921):7-1 IO.

. "The 'Sepulchnim Christi' and Its Crremonies in Late Medieval and Modem Times." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 27 (1928): 147-1 6 1.

Brown. A. Peter. "Caldara's mimpet music for the hperial celebrations of Charles VI and Elisabeth Christine." In Antonio Caldara: Essays on his Life und Times. ed. Brian Pritchard. 3-48. Aidershot. U.K.: Scolar Press. 1987.

Burney. Charles. Mernoirs of the Life and Writings of the Abate Metartusio; in which are Incorporared Translations of His Principal Letters. London. 1796. Reprint. 3 vols. New York: Da Capo Press. 1972. Burt. Nathaniel. "Opera in Arcadia." Musical QuarterZy 16 ( 1955): 145- 170.

Caldam Antonio. La passione di Gesù Cristo. Fabio Biondi: Director. Europa Galante; Patricia Petibon. Francesca Pedaci, laura Polverelli. Sergio Foresti. Athestis Chorus. VirginNeritas 7243 5 45325 2 8. 1999.

C oret h. Anna. Pietas ..lustriaca. Urspung und Entw icRIung barocker Frommigkeit in Osrerreich. Wien. 195 9.

Crist. Stephen A.. "J. S. Bach and the Conventions of the Da Capo Ana or How Original Was Bach?" Selected Proceedings of the Irish Muynoorh Muricological Confrence. Dublin. Ireland, 1 995. Published as Irish Musical Studies. ed. Patrick F. Devine and Hamy White. 7 1-85. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 1996.

Crowher. Victor. The Orarorio in Modena. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1993.

Downrs. Edward. "The Operas of Johann Christian Bach as a reflection of the dominant trends in Opera Seria: 1 750- 1800." Ph. D. diss.. Harvard University. 1958.

. "Secco Recitative in Early Classical Opera Seria." Journal of the American .Cfusiculogical Society 14 (1961): 50-69.

Dmmmond. John D. Opera in P erspcctive. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 1980.

Evans. Robert J. W.. The Making of the Habsburg :Monarchy, 1550-1 700. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1 979.

Federhof'r. Hellmut. "Unbekannte Kirchenmusik von Johann Joseph Fux." Kirkenmusikalisches Juhrbuch 43 (1959): 133- 154.

Forkel. J. N.. Cbcr Johann Sebasfiun Bach Leben Kumt. und Kunstwerke. Leipzig: Hoffineister und Kühnel. 1802.

Freeman. Robert S. "Opera Without Drama: Currents of Change in Italian Opera. 1675 to 1725. and the Role Played Therein by Zeno, Caldara, and Othen." 2 Vols. Ph. D. diss.. Princeton University. 1967.

. "'s Reform of the Libretto." Journal of rhe American .Clirsicologiccd Society 11 ( 1968): 32 1-34 1.

Giorgietti. Anna Maria Gli arcudi del 1690 al 1800: Onornasticon. Rome: Arcadia; Accademia letteraria itaIiana 1977. Gruber. Gemot. Dos Wiener Sepolcro und JohnJoseph Fur. 1. Teil. Juhresgobe 1968 der Johann-Joseph- Fux-Gesellschaft. Graz, 1972.

. **Die Musik der ausserliturgischen Kirchlichen Feier." Ln Geschichte der karolischen Kirchenmusik. ed. K. G. Fellerer, 190- 198. Kassel, 1976.

Haas. Ro ben. A ufihrungsprmis der :Musik. DI, Handbuch der MusikwLÎsenrchaji, ed . Ernst Bücken. New York: Mesurgia Publishen. 193 1.

Hadamowsky. Franz. "Barocktheater am Wiener Kaiserhof. Mir einem Spielplan (1625- 1 740)." Jahrbuch der Gesellschafr für Wiener Theaterforschung, 195 l/Z, 7-1 17. Wirn: Verlag A. Sexl. 1955.

Heartz. Daniel. "Hasse. Galuppi. and Metastasio." In Venezia e il melodrmma ne1 serrecenro. ed. M. T. Murato. 309-339. Florence: Leo S. Olschki. 1978.

Hill. John Walter. "Oratory Music in Florence. 1: Reciiar Canrando. 1583- 1655." Acfa iLlusicoiogica 3 1 ( 1979): 1 08- 136.

. "Oratory Music in Florence. U: At San Firence in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." .kta ~l.lusicoIogicu5 1 ( 1979): 246-267.

Inpo. Charles. neHabsburg Monarchy, 2 6 215- 18 15. Cambridge: University Press. 1994.

. "Foreign Policy: An Introduction." in Staie and Sociefy in Eurly Modern ..lusrria. rd. Charles Ingao. West Lafayette. Indiana: Purdue University Press. 1994.

JOhnson. Joyce L.. Roman Oratorio. 1770- 1800: ne Repertory at Saniu Maria in Val1icelka. hmArbor. Mich.: U.M.I. Research Press. 1987.

Jones. Martin. The Counrer-Reformafion: Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: University Press. 1995.

Kanduth. Enca. "Metastasio 'viennese': i componimenti sacri." ItaIianistica: Rivisfa di ie~eratttrairaliana xi31 -2 ( 1984): 125- 143.

. "The Literaiy and Dramaiurgical Aspects of the Viemese Sepolcro Oratorio, With Particular Reference to Fux." In Johann Joseph Fuand the iMusic of the '4 iisrro-Italian Baroque. ed. Harry White. 1 53- 163. Aldershot. U.K.: Scolar Press. I9W.

Kann. Robert. A Sfu& of '4ustrian Iktellectual Nisfory: fiom Lure Baroque tu Romanticism. London: Thames and Hudson. 1960. . '4 History of the Habsburg Empire. 1326- 1 918. Berkeley, California: University Press. 1974.

Kantner. Leopold. "L'Oratorio tra Venezia e Vienna: Un Confionto." Ln L 'Opera ifoliana a fienna prima di iMetastasio. ed. M. T. Muraro. 207-21 6. Firenze: Leo. S. Olschki, 1990.

Kerr. Paul J. "Style and Technique in the Oratorios of Carlo Agostino Badia at the Imperia1 Court in Vienna: A Pre1imirm-y Report." Selected Proceedings of the IrLÎh iMrrynooth Inrernutional .Musicological Conference. Dublin. Ireland. 1995. Published as Irish .Lfzcsical Srzrdies. ed. Patrick F. Devine and Harry White. 383-391. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1996.

Kirkendale. Unula "The War of the Spanish Succession Refiected in the Works of Antonio Caldara." ..leta hïusicologica 36 ( 1964): 22 1-233.

. .-hronio Caldara: Sein Leben Und Seine Venezianisch-Romischen Oratorien. Graz-Koln: Hermann Bohlaus Nachf: 1966.

Kochel. Ludwig Riaer von. Die kuiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867. Wien: Beck'sche Universitatsbuchhandlunp. 1869.

. Johunn Josef Fur. Hofumpositor und Hof kapellmeis fer der Kaiser Leopold L . Josef 1.. und Kurf VI. von 1698 bis 1 740. Wien: Alfred Holder. 1 872. Reprint. New York: Hildesheim. 1972.

Kovacs. Elizabeth. "Kirchliches Zeremoniell am Wiener Hof des 18. Jahrhunderts im Wandel von Mentaiitat und Gesellschaft." .Wirreilungen des &terreichischen Sraatsarchivs 32 ( 1979): 109- 142.

Lrnneberg. Hans. "Johann Mattheson on Affect and Rhetoric in Music." Journal ofMusic Theow 2 ( 19%): 47-84. 193-236.

Lorenz. Hellmut. "The Imperia1 Hofburg: The Theory and Practice of Architectural Representation in Baroque Viema" In State and Sociey in Early Modern Ausfria. ed. Charles Inpo. West Lafayette. Indiana: Purdue University Press. 1994.

Malinowski. Stanley Anthony. "The Baroque Passion Oratorio." Ph. D. diss.. Corne11 Lhivenity. 1978.

Mangini. Giorgio. *'

Marco. Guy A.. Opera: Research and Informafion Guide. New York: Garland hblishing, 1983.

Matsche, Franz. Die Kunsr in Diensr der Sraarsidee Kaiser Karis H. 2 vols. Berlin: de Gruyter. 198 1.

Mattheson. JOhan. Grundlage einer Ehrenpforte. ed. M. Schneider. Berlin. 19 10.

May ltnder. Michele. Storia delle accademie d 'ItaIia. 5 vols. : Licinio Cappelli, 1962.

McClymonds. Marita Petzoldt. Mccoib Jommelli. 2 vols. Ph. D. diss.. University of California. 1978.

McCredir. Mdrew. "Nicola Matteis. the younger: Caldara's collaborator and ballet composer in the service of Emperor. Charles VI." in Antonio Caidara: Essays on hi. Lijè und Times. ed. Brian Pritchard. 153-1 82. Aldenhot. U.K.: Scolar Press. 1987.

Metastasio. Pietro. Threr .Clelodramas. Translated and with an introduction by Joseph G. Fucilla. Lexington. Kent.: University of Kentucky Press. 198 1.

Millner. Frederick L. The Operas of Johnnn Adoff Hasse. Ann Arbor. Mich.: U.M.I. Research Press. 1 979.

Mout. Nicelette. "introduction." In Stare and Society in Early Modern ilusnia. ed. Charles Ingrao. West Ldàyeae. Indiana: Purdue University Press. 1994.

Neville. Don. "Moral Philosophy in the Metastasian Dramas." Proceedings of the sjmposiurn g~Crosscurrentsand the MainStream of Italian Serious Opera 1 730-1 790." Published as Studies in Muricfiom the University of FVestern Ontario 711 (1982):28- 46.

. -'Mozart's La clemema di Tito and the Metastasian Opera Seria." Ph. D. diss.. University of Cambridge, 1986.

. Tartesian Principles in Mozart's La clemema di Tito." In Studies in the History lu lu sic. vol. 2.2816. New York: Broude Brothers. 1988.

. '-Metastasio' s Reinterpretation of Aristotle." !Clusica A ntiqua 9/ 1 Acta .Cfusicologica Bydgoszcz ( 199 1): 2 1-33. . "Metastasio: Beyond the Stage in Vienna." Proceedings of the International Symposium "Metastasio. at Home and Abroad." London, Ontario. 1996. Published as Studies in Musicfrorn the Universiîy of Western Ontario 16 ( 1997): 87- 109.

. "Metastasio and the hage of Majesty in the Austro-Ltalian Baroque." Chapter 7 in Itdian Culture in ~VorthernEurope in the Eighreenth Centus., ed. Shearer West (Cambridge: University Press. 1998): 140- 158.

. '-Opera or oratorio?: Metastasio's sacred opere serie." Early Music (Nov. 1998): 596-607.

. -'Metastasio: poet and preacher in Viema." In Pietro Metastasio (1698-1 782). 'rromo universule '. ed. Elizabeth Th. Hilscher and Andrea Sommer-Mathis. Viema: Verlag der ~sterreichischenAkademie der Wissenschaften. 1999- in press.

Pasqueni. Guido. L 'oratorio musiccile in Italia. Firenze: Successon le Monnier. 19 14.

Pipemo. Franco. "Sinossi Cronologica Drarnmi Sacn in Teatro ( 1 750- 1 820." Appendix to '*Drammi Sacriin Teatro ( 1 750-1 820." In Mozart, Padova, e la : Committrza. interpretmione e fortuna delle azione sacre Metastariane ne! '700. ed. Leo S. Olschki. 299-3 16. Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 1989.

Pirrotta Nino. "Metastasi0 and the Demands of His Literary Environment." Proceedings of the symposium "Crosscwents and the Mainstream of Italian Serious Opera 1730- 1 790." Published as Studies in Music Rom the University of Western Ontario 7/1 ( 1982): 10-27.

Poultnep. David. "Alessandro Scarlatti and the Tmsformation of Oratorio." ~Clusical Qtrarterly 59 ( 1973): 584-60 1.

Pritchard. Brian. ed.. Antonio Caldara: Essuys on his Life and Times. Aldershot: Scholar Press. 1987

Riedr 1. F. W. Kirchenrnusik am Hofe Karls FI 11 711-1 740). Munich und Salzburg: Katzbic hler. 1977.

Robinson. Michael F.. iVaples and Neapolitan Opera. Oxford: Clarendon Press. L 972.

Ricaldone. Liusa. Vienna italiana. Gorizia: Editrice Goriziana, 1987.

Saunders. Steven. Cross. Sword and Lye: Sacred Music al the Imperia/ Court of Ferdinand Il of'Hahsbicrg (1619-1637). Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1995. Schering, Arnold. Geschichte des Oratorium. 19 1 1. Reprint. Hildesheim: George Olms, 1966.

Schnitzler. Rudolph. "The Sacred Dramatic Music of Antonio Draghi." Ph. D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chape1 Hill, 1971.

."The Viemese Oratorio and the Work of Ludovico Ottavio Bunacini." In L ' Opera italiana ri Vienna prima di Metastusio, ed. M. T. Muraro. 2 17-23 7. Firenze: Leo S. Olschki. 1990.

. '-From Sepolcro to Passion Oratorio: Tradition and Imovation in the Early E ighteenth-Century V iennese Oratorio." Selected Proceedings of the Irish lbfaynooth International Musicological Conference. Dublin. Ireland. 1995. Published as Irish .Clusical Studies. ed. Patrick F. Devine and Hany White. 3974 10. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1996.

Seifert. Herbert. Die Oper am Wiener Kaiserhof im 17. Jahrhundert. vol. 15. Wiener Céro,ffendichungen ztrr ,bfusikgeschichte. ed. Othrnar Wessely. Tutzing: Hans Schneider. 1985.

. Der Sig-prangende Hockeit-Gort : Hockeilfeste am Wiener Kaiserhof 1622- 1699. Dramma per musica. Vol. 2. Vienna: Musikwissenschafllicher Verlag, 1988.

. "La politica culturale degli Asburgo r le relazioni musicaii tra Venezia e Vienna." In L 'Opera italiana a Vienm prima di Metustasio. ed. M. T. Muraro. 1 - 15. Florence: Leo S. Olschki. 1990,

. "The Secular-Dramatic Compositions of Fux: A General Survey." In Johann Joseph Fia and the Music of rhe A WO-[tafian Baroque. ed. Hany White. 1 3 8- 152. Aldershot. U.K.: Scola. Press. 1992.

Selfridge-Field. Eleanor. "The Viemese Court Orchestra in the Time of Caldam" in Antonio Caldara: Essays on His Life and Times. ed. Brian Pritchard. 1 17- 15 1. Aldershot U.K.: Scolar Press. 1987.

Serizacva Hisako. "The Overtures to Calciara's Secuiar Dramatic Compositions. 17 16- 1736: a Survey and Thematic Index." In Antonio Catdara: Essays on His Lije and Times. ed. Bnan Pritchard. 77- 1 13. Aldershot. U.K.: ScoIar Press. 198%

Smith. Patrick J.. The Tenth Muse: A Hisiorical Study of the Opera Libretto. New York: Schirmer Books, 1970.

Smither. Howard E. "What is an Oratorio in Mid-Seventeenth-Cenw Itaiy?" In Report of rhe Eleventh Congress of the Inrernnrional Musicologicul Society Held in Copenhagen 1972. ed. He~kGlahn, Soren Sorensen. and Peter Ryom. 657-663. London: J. W. Chester Ltd.. 1972.

. "The Baroque Oratorio: A Report on Research Since 1945." Acta Musicologica 48 (1976): 50-76.

. The Oratorio in the Baroque Era: Italy, Vienna, Paris. 1, .4 Hisrory of the Oratorio. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of Nonh Carolina Press, 1977.

. "Oratorio and Sacred Opera 1700- 1825: Terminology and Genre Distinction." Royal :Cll~si~*ological.4ssociationProceedings 1 06 ( 1979180): 8 8- 1 04.

. The Orurorio in the Classical Era. III. ri Hisrory oj'the Oratorio. Chapel Hill. N.C.: University of North Carolina Press. 1987.

Sommet. H. V. F. The Habsburg Ernperors as Musicians." ibfusic and Leriers (July 1949): 204-2 1 5.

Sommer-Mathis. Andrea. Tu feiix Ausiria nubc: Hochzeilfste der habsburger im 18. Juhrhundert. Dramma per musica Vol 1. Vienna: Musikwissenschaftlicher Verlag. 1994.

. "Il lamento di hfetastario: Metastasio and the Viemese Theatre in a Changing Society." Proceedings of the International Symposium "Metastasio. at Horne and Abroad." London. Ontario. 1996. Pubiished as Siudies in :Musicfiom rhe Universi~ of' Western Ontario 16 ( 1 997): 5 1-85.

Spielman. John P.. The Ciîy und rhe Crown: Vienna and the Imperia1 Court, 1600-1 740. West Lafayette. Indiana: Purdue University Press. 1993.

. "Status as Commodity: The Habsburg Economy of Pnvilege." In Stare and Sociep in Eurly Modern A ustria. ed. Charles ingrao, 1 12- 135. West Lafeyette, Indiana: Purdue University Press. 1994.

Sprague. Cheryl Ruth. "A Cornparison of Five Musical Settings of Metastasio's ." Ph. D. diss.. University of California Los Angeles, 1979.

Suohm. Reinhard. Italian Opera Seria of the Eighteenrh Century. London. 1997.

. "Dramatic Dualities: Meiastasio and the tradition of the opera pair." Emly iMusic (Nov. 1998): 55 1-561. Szabo. Franz. "The Cultural Transformation of the Habsburg Monarchy in the Age of Metastasio. 1730- 1 780." Proceedings of the International Symposium "Metastasio, at Home and Abroad," London, Ontario, 1996. Published as Studies in A4usicfiom the L'niversiîy of Western Ontario 16 ( 1997): 27-50.

The .Vert. Grove Dictionary of h1u.sic and mu si ci ans. 1980. S.V. "Draghi. Antonio." by Rudolf Schnitzler; S.V."Aria" by Jack Westnip, Daniel Heartz, and Dennis Libby; S.V."Pariati, Pietro." by Giovanna Gronda; S.V. -'Operawby , Donald J. Grout. Thomas Walker. Daniel Heartz, Michael F. Robinson. etc,; S.V."Caldara, Antonio." by Robert Freeman; S.V."Metastasio. Pietro," by Michael F. Robinson; S.V."Naples." by Renato di Benedetto.

The .Vrw Grove Dicrionan. of Opera. 1992. S.V. "Vienna ( 1 )." by Herbert Seifert: S.V. "Metastasio. Pietro." by Don Neville: S.V. "L 'Olimpiade." by Don Neville: S.V. "Caldara Antonio." by Brian Pritchard.

The .Vrw Harvard Dictionary of Music. 1986. S.V.-Trombone." by Robert E. Eliason: S.V. "Ovenure." by Eugene K. Wolf; S.V."Recitative." by Charlotte Greenspan.

Tilmouth. Michael. "Nicola Matteis." Musical Quarterly XLVI (1960): 22-40.

Tintori. Giampiero. L 'Opera napoletano. Milan: Ricordi. 1958.

Tolkoff. Audrey Lyn. The Stuttgart Operas of iVicco10 Jommelli. Ph.D. diss.. Yale University. 1974.

Van der Meer. John He-. Johann Joseph Fu* als Opernkomponist. 3 Vols. Bilthoven: Creighton. 196 1.

Vitali. Carlo. Liner notes for Antonio Caldura, Lo pessione di Gesh Cristo Signor Nosno. Fabio Biondi: Director. Europa Galante: Patricia Petibon. Francesca Pedaci. Laura Polverelli. Sergio Foresti. Athestis Chorus. VirginNeritas 7243 5 45235 2 8. 1999.

Vocel ka Karl. Habsburgische Hockeiten. 1550- 1600. Vienna: Bohlhaus. 1976.

. "Public Opinion and the Phenornenon of Sociuldisziplinienrng in the Habsburg Monarc hy." In Slate and Socieîy in Earfy Modern Aumia. ed. Charles hgrao. West Lafayette. Indiana: Purdue University Press, 1994.

Wangermann. Ernst. The Aurnian ilchievernent 1700-1800. London: Thames and Hudson. 1973.

Wrichlein. William J.. "A Comparative Study of Five Musical Settings of La clernemo di Tito." 2 vols. Ph. D. diss., University of Michigan, 1956.

Weil. Mark. "The Devotion of the Forty Hours and Roman Baroque Illusions." Journal of rhe Uûrburg and Courrald Institutes 37 ( 1974): 2 18-258.

Weilen Alexander von. Zur Wiener 77teatergeschichre: Die vom Jahre 1629 bis amJahre 2 '40 am Wiener Hofe zur Aufihmg gelangten Werke theatrulischen Characters und Oratorien. Schri Aen des ~sterreichischeVereins fiïr Bibliothekswesen. Vienna: AI fied Holder, 190 1.

Wtirner. Eric. Opera Seria and the Evolution of Classicd SNe. 17jj-l7:7. Ann Arbor. Mich.: UMI Research Press. 1983.

Weiss. Piero. "Metastasio. Aristotle. and the Opera Seria." Journal of Musicology 1 (1982): 385-394.

. "Baroque Opera and the Two Vensimilitudes." In Music and Civilizution: Essays in Honolu ofPau1 Henry Lang. ed. Edmond Strainchamp and Maria Rika Maniates, 1 17-126. New York: W. W. Norton, 1984.

. "Opera and Neoclassicai Dramatic Cnticism in the Seventeenth Century." in Stirdics in rhe Hisrory of Music. vol. 2. 1-30. New York: Broude Brothers. 1988.

Wsllrsz. Egon. "Die Opem und Oratorien in Wien. 1660-1708." Studien Zr .Llusikrrissenscha/i 6 ( 19 19): 5- 139.

White. Harry. "The Oratorios of Johann Joseph Fw."Ph.D. diss.. Trinity College. University of Dublin. 1986.

. "Preface" to Johann Joseph Fux. II nionfo dellafide. In Johann Joseph Fux Surnifiche Werke. Series IV. Band 3. ed. Harry White. Kassel-Graz: Baenreiter. 1991.

.*TheSepolcro Oratorios of Fux: An Assessment." in Johann Joseph Fux and the Music of the ..lusno-Italian Baroque. ed. Harry White. 164-230. Aldershot. U.K.: Scolar Press. 1992.

. '-The Oratorios of Johm Joseph Fux and the imperid Court in Vienna." Siudies in .Music fiom the Universi~of Western Onturio 1 5 ( 1995): 1- 17.

Wilson. Kenneth 3. "L 'Olimpiade: Selected Eighteenth-Cenw Senings of Metastasio's Libretto." 2 vols. Ph. D. diss.. Harvard University. 1982. Young. Kar 1. "The Drarnatic Associations of the Easter Sepulc hre." Universiîy of Wisconsin Sîirdies in Language and Literature 10 (1920).

. The Drama ofthe Medieval Church. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1933.