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“MIXED TASTE,” COSMOPOLITANISM, AND INTERTEXTUALITY IN ’S

Robert A. Rue

A Thesis

Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF

May 2017

Committee:

Arne Spohr, Advisor

Mary Natvig

Gregory Decker © 2017

Robert A. Rue

All Rights Reserved iii

ABSTRACT

Arne Spohr, Advisor

Musicologists have been debating the concept of European national music styles in the

Baroque period for nearly 300 years. But what precisely constitutes these so-called French,

Italian, and German “tastes”? Furthermore, how do contemporary sources confront this issue and how do they delineate these musical constructs? In his Music for a Mixed Taste (2008), Steven

Zohn achieves success in identifying musical tastes in some of Georg Phillip Telemann’s instrumental music. However, instrumental music comprises only a portion of Telemann’s musical output. My thesis follows Zohn’s work by identifying these same national styles in opera: namely, Telemann’s Orpheus (, 1726), in which the sets French,

Italian, and German texts to music. I argue that though identifying the interrelation between elements of musical style and the use of specific languages, we will have a better understanding of what Telemann and his contemporaries thought of as national tastes.

I will begin my examination by identifying some of the issues surrounding a selection of contemporary treatises, in order explicate the problems and benefits of their use. These sources include ’s Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte zu spielen (1752), two of

Telemann’s autobiographies (1718 and 1740), and ’s Critischer Musikus

(1737). I will supplement the information provided by these writings with my own analysis in order to clarify their meanings. Next, I will examine a selection of Telemann’s other with the intention of showing how language can be used for dramatic purposes. Finally, I will conduct iv a thorough analysis of selections from Orpheus, drawing on conclusions made in the two previous chapters. By drawing on genre-based musical elements and aligning them with texted portions of this opera, Orpheus emerges as a key to national tastes in music. v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I must first of all thank the music faculty at BGSU with whom I have worked for giving me the tools to successfully complete this thesis. I owe a great deal to my thesis committee for making this such a challenging and rewarding experience: Thank you to Dr. Gregory Decker for preparing me for this thesis during the most demanding course of my graduate studies to date, without which I could not have approached this thesis topic; and to Dr. Mary Natvig for her unwavering support and an outstanding example as a musicologist. Very special thanks are given to my advisor, Dr. Arne Spohr, for believing in my thesis topic, providing timely advice when necessary, and for being able to hold me to such high standards with kindness and patience.

The foundation of this thesis ultimately began over ten years ago. Thank you to Dr.

Melanie Bookout for instilling in me your love of early music, exposing me to the fabulousness of Baroque opera, and encouraging me to pursue musicology. I truly can not imagine doing anything else.

Most of all, must thank my family and friends for helping me get through the long process of my education. To name a few: Brianna Gamble, Shannon Schoville, Chris Adamisin,

David Fidler, William Kenlon, Emily Riley, Frank Chu, Joana Simão, Nick Kiekenapp, Garrett

Tanner, and Henrique Batista. Simply knowing that you are all there for me has helped me get through this. To my sister Desiree: Words fail to express my gratitude for all you have done and continue to do for me. I would not be here if not for you. vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………… 1

CHAPTER 2. TELEMANN’S COSMOPOLITAN LIFE: TOWARDS AN

UNDERSTANDING OF HIS MIXED TASTE…………………………………………….. 5

Brief Bibliographical Outline………..……………………………………………… 5

Cosmopolitan Hamburg………..…………………………………………………… 7

CHAPTER 3. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TELEMANN’S MIXED TASTE:

AN EXAMINATION OF WRITINGS…………………………………………………….. 10

Problems with Contemporary Writings on Style………………….……………….. 10

Italian Taste………………………………………………………………………… 13

French Taste………………………………………………………………………… 19

Polish Taste…………………………………………………………………………. 26

CHAPTER 4. THE USE OF LANGUAGE IN TELEMANN’S OPERAS………………… 32

Categorization of Telemann’s Operas by Use of Language…………….………..…. 34

Category A: Operas With a Single Language……………………………… 34

Category B: Operas With Two Languages……………....…………………. 3 6

Category C: Operas With Two Languages, Potentially as Alternate Texts… 38

Category D: Opera With Three Languages: Orpheus……...... … 40

CHAPTER 5. DECONSTRUCTING AND RECONSTRUCTING THE MIXED TASTE

IN ORPHEUS.……………………………………………………………………………… 46

French Taste………………………………………………………………………… 47 vii

Italian Taste…….…………………………………………………………………… 59

Italian Galant……………………………………………………………….. 65

German Taste………………………………………………………………………. 69

German Galant…….……………………………………………………….. 69

German Mixed Taste……………………………………………………….. 71

CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………….. 78

BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………. 83

APPENDIX A: TRANSLATION OF SCHEIBE’S CRITISCHER MUSIKUS (1737),

CHAPTER 15……………………………………………………………………………… 91 viii

LIST OF MUSIC EXAMPLES

Example Page

3.1 Vinci, Didone abbandonata, (, 1726), “Trà lo splendor del trono,”

(III, 7)………………………………………………………………………… 14

3.2 Vinci, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 7-9…………………………….…… 15

3.3 Vinci, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 23-27………………………….…… 15

3.4 Vinci, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” m. 28……………………………….…… 15

3.5 Vinci, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 31-33………………………………. 16

3.6 Vinci, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” m. 39……………………………………. 16

3.7 Giacomelli, Merope (, 1734), “Quel l’usignolo,” excerpt………….… 18

3.8a Lully, J-B, Acis et Galitée (, 1686), (I, 1), Prelude, mm. 1-2…………… 20

3.8b Vinci, Didone abbandonata, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 1-3……….… 20

3.9 D’Anglebert, Les pièces de clavecin, Book 1 (Paris, 1689), p. 6………….… 21

3.10a Lully, J-B, Bellérophon (Paris, 1679), “Ah! Prince” (IV, 5), mm. 57-60….… 23

3.10b Lully, J-B, Bellérophon, “Heureuse mort!” (IV, 6), mm. 13-16………….….. 23

3.11 Lully, J-B, Bellérophon, “Heureuse mort!” mm. 1-6………………….…….. 23

3.12 Lully, J-B, Bellérophon, “Espoir qui seduisez,” (I, 1), mm. 129-34………… 24

3.13 Telemann, “ Polonese à 3” for , , and continuo,

42:a8, mm. 1-4………………………………………………………………. 28

4.1 Telemann, (Hamburg, 1725), “Ella mi vuol confondere/Wie sie

mich ganz verwirren kann,” mm. 1-4……………………………………….. 38 ix

4.2a Text Comparison: Lully, J-B, (Paris, 1696) “Esprits de haine & de

rage,” (II, 2), mm. 41-127…………………………………………………… 43

4.2b Telemann, Orpheus (Hamburg, 1726), “Esprits de haine et de rage,” (III, 7).. 43

5.1 Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, Orphée (Paris, 1690), “Heureux mortel!” (II, 7),

mm. 1-7……………………………………………………………………… 48

5.2 Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” (II, 5), mm. 1-4…………………… 49

5.3 Telemann, “Heureux mortel!” a (m. 3) and b (m. 56)……………………….. 50

5.4 Lully, J-B, Bellérophon, “Les forêts,” (IV, 4) a (mm. 7-9) and b (13-15)…… 51

5.5 Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, Orphée, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 1 and 21………… 51

5.6 Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 22-31…………………….. 52

5.7 Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” mm 1-10………………………….. 53

5.8 Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” a (m. 26), b (m. 29), and c (m. 53).. 54

5.9 Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 52-58…………………….….. 55

5.10a Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 1-3.…………………….……. 56

5.10b Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, Orphée, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 22-24…….…….. 56

5.11 Telemann, Orpheus, “Hélas, quels soupirs” (III, 8)…………………..…….. 58

5.12 Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core, a la vendetta” (I, 1), mm. 1-10….……. 61

5.13 Sartorio, L’Adelaide, “Si, si mora Adalberto, mora, mora” (II, 9), excerpt… 62

5.14 Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” mm. 8-11……………………….…… 63

5.15 Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” mm. 20-24……………………….….. 63

5.16 Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” m. 14………………………………… 63

5.17 Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” mm. 16-17……………………….….. 64 x

5.18a Telemann, Orpheus , “Su, mio core”………………………….……. 65

5.18b Sartorio/Dolfino, L’Adelaide libretto, “Sì sì mora Adalberto, mora mora”… 65

5.19 Telemann, Orpheus, “A l’incendo d’un occhio amoroso” (I, 8), mm. 1-9.… 66

5.20 Telemann, Orpheus, “A l’incendo d’un occhio amoroso,” mm. 25-27…….. 68

5.21 Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt” (I, 2)………………………. 69

5.22 Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt,” mm. 15-21……………….. 69

5.23 Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt,” mm. 1-2………………….. 70

5.24 Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt,” mm. 43-45……………….. 70

5.25 Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit is mein Vergnügen” (I, 2), mm. 1-15…… 72

5.26 Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit is mein Vergnügen,” mm. 18-22

and 27-28…………………………………………………………………… 72

5.27 Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit is mein Vergnügen,” mm. 57-81……….. 74

5.28 Telemann, Orpheus, “Lieben und nicht geliebet sein” (I, 1),

mm. 1-3 and 5-6……………………………………………………………. 75

5.29 Telemann, Orpheus, “Ach Tod, ach süßer Tod” (I, 9), mm. 1-13………….. 76

5.30 Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit ist mein Vergnügen,” a (mm. 1-2),

b (35-37), and c (66-70)……………………..……………………………… 77 xi

LIST OF TABLES Table Page

4.1 Categorization of Telemann’s Existing Operas, by Use of Language………………… 35

4.2 Known Sources for Telemann’s Orpheus……………………..……………………… 41 !1

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION

Even though Georg Philipp Telemann (1681-1767) has been hailed as one of the most important German opera of the first half of the eighteenth century, his contribution to opera has not been fully considered.1 Telemann may have composed more than 50 works for the operatic , many of which were composed during his long tenure as musical director

(1721-1767) for the the first public outside Venice, the Oper am Gänsemarkt, in the cosmopolitan city of Hamburg.2 One of the most notable stylistic features of his operas is his exploration of the “mixed taste,” a blending of different national styles, which many German composers actively sought to develop during the early eighteenth century. In his famous attempt to define this “mixed taste,” Johann Joachim Quantz stated, “If one has the necessary discernment to choose the best from the styles of different countries, a mixed taste results that, without overstepping the bounds of modesty, could well be called the German taste, not only because it has already been established at different places in for years, flourishes still, and displeases neither nor , nor [those] in other lands.”3 Throughout his career as a composer, Telemann fused musical elements of Italian, French, Polish, and additional styles into many of his works, and was once hailed by such figures as and Johann Adolph

Scheibe as the “standard-bearer of mixed taste.”4

1 Steven Zohn, "Telemann, Georg Philipp,” Grove Music Online, accessed November 10, 2015, http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/27635. Here, Zohn cites that Telemann, along with Keiser, can be viewed as the most important German opera composers of their time. 2 , ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, vol. 4 (: Macmillan, 1992), 677. Steven Zohn notes that there is only evidence for 29 operas. Ibid. 3 Edward R. Reilly, Johann Joachim Quantz: On Playing the , trans. Edward R. Reilly (New York: The Free Press, 1966), 341. All other translations by the author, with assistance by Dr. Arne Spohr, unless otherwise stated. 4 Steven Zohn, Music for a Mixed Taste: Style, Genre, and Meaning in Telemann’s Instrumental Works (: Oxford University Press, 2008), 4. !2

While Telemann’s key role in the development of a “mixed taste” in Germany, particularly in the field of instrumental music, has drawn the attention of a number of scholars, notably Stephen Zohn, Telemann’s employment of “mixed taste” in the specific context of his operas has been comparatively little explored.5 In my thesis I will examine the idea of an operatic “mixed taste” through stylistic analysis of Telemann’s opera, Die Wunderbare

Beständigkeit der Liebe, oder Orpheus (The Wonderful Persistence of Love, or Orpheus) TVWV

21:18 (1726), which I use as the subject of a case study. The goal of my thesis is to show how

Orpheus helped Telemann earn the title of “standard-bearer” of the “mixed taste,” by examining how the use of multiple languages in an opera helps discern a variety of musical styles.

Several publications are essential to my research. Bernhard Jahn’s Die Sinne und die

Oper: Sinnlichkeit und das Problem ihrer Versprachlichung im nord- und mitteldeutschen

Raumes (1680-1740) (2005),6 Brian Douglas Stewart’s dissertation “Georg Philipp Telemann in

Hamburg: Social and Cultural Background and its Musical Expression” (1986),7 and Dorothea

Schröder’s book Zeitgeschichte auf der Opernbühne: barockes Musiktheater in Hamburg im

Dienst von Politik und Diplomatie (1690-1745) (1998)8 help to supply the cultural foundation of my argument. Robert D. Lynch’s dissertation “Opera in Hamburg, 1718-1738: A Study of the

Libretto and Musical Style” (1979),9 Rashid-Sascha Pegah’s article “Zur Rezeption des Orphée-

5 see Steven Zohn, Music for a Mixed Taste.. 6 Bernhardt Jahn, Die Sinne und die Oper: Sinnlichkeit und das Problem ihrer Versprachlichung im Musiktheater des nord- und mitteldeutschen Raumes (1680-1740) (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2005). 7 Brian Douglas Stewart, “Georg Philipp Telemann in Hamburg: Social and Cultural Background and its Musical Expression (Germany)” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 1985), accessed September 12, 2015. ProQuest Dissertations & Theses. 8 Dorothea Schröder, Zeitgeschichte auf der Opernbühne: barockes Musiktheater in Hamburg im Dienst von Politik und Diplomatie (1690-1745). (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998). 9 Robert Lynch, “Opera in Hamburg 1718–38: A Study of the Libretto and Musical Style” (PhD diss., New York University, 1979), 448. !3

Librettos” (2005),10 and the recent Bärenreiter editions of Telemann’s operas provide important insight into of eighteenth-century Hamburg opera in general, and Telemann’s

Orpheus in particular, specifically in regard to the intertextuality of its libretto.

My methodology involves a study of the cultural background of eighteenth-century

Hamburg, particularly in regard to the city’s role as Germany’s largest trading port, which, as a city state with a republican constitution, provided significant religious and intellectual freedom and stimulated cultural exchange, more than most any other urban center in the Holy Roman

Empire. I will begin with a brief overview of Telemann’s experience as and opera director in his various places of employment, with emphasis on his assimilation of various national styles. I will then proceed with an examination of contemporary ideas of national musical styles as revealed the writings of Johann Mattheson (1681-1764), Johann Adolf Scheibe

(1708-1776), Johann Joachim Quantz (1697-1773), and Telemann himself, in addition to more current thoughts on the topic. Next I will explore a selection of Telemann’s operas with the goal of understanding how and why Telemann mixed languages in his operas. And finally, I will analyze sections of Orpheus in an attempt to deconstruct and reconstruct these ideas about the

“mixed taste” set forth in the first chapters. This analysis will include comparisons to the original, internationally-derived sources that comprise this opera. Questions that will be addressed center on the social context in which his operas were conceived: For whom were these operas were written, and what was the socio-cultural climate in early eighteenth-century

Hamburg? What impact did Hamburg’s cosmopolitanism have on opera? Is there a correlation

10 Rashid-Sascha Pegah, “Zur Rezeption des Orphée- von Michel Du Boulay in Deutschland,” Telemann und Bach—-Telemann-Beiträge, vol. 18, Magdeburger Telemann Studien, ed. Brit Reipsch and Wolf Hobohm (: Olms, 2005). !4 between language and national style in particular numbers (i.e., French language used with stylistic conventions of )? What are the sources for Telemann’s Orpheus, and how did Telemann adapt them for his use? If Telemann does not adhere to French or Italian stylistic conventions, what, then, constitutes the “German mixed taste?” Through a study of the cultural conditions of early eighteenth-century Hamburg, the most cosmopolitan city in Germany, and the impact of this culture on its music, Telemann’s Orpheus will emerge as an icon of musical cosmopolitanism in eighteenth-century German opera. !5

CHAPTER 2. TELEMANN’S COSMOPOLITAN LIFE: TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF HIS MIXED TASTE

Brief Bibliographical Outline

A brief review of Telemann’s musical development will help shed light on his compositional style, which grew to include multi-language operas. As a child, Telemann received only very basic musical training: two weeks of keyboard lessons and some beginning vocal training. Nevertheless, he taught himself to play recorder and violin, and learned to compose , motets, and instrumental works by studying the manuscripts of his teachers and other composers.11 As reported in one of his three autobiographies,12 Telemann claims to have begun his life as an opera composer at the age of 12 when he composed Sigismundus (ca. 1693; libretto by C.H. Postel), which premiered in a street performance with himself as a performer.13 During his student years he frequently traveled to , where French music dominated,14 as well as

Brunswick to hear operas and concerts in contemporary French and Italian styles.15 During these journeys he is believed to have attended Carlo Franceso Pollarolo’s Il Pastore d’Anfriso (Der

Schäfer an dem Fluss Amphriso; 1697 and 1699) and ’s Orpheus (1698; revised

1699); as well as newly-published instrumental music by and Lully, both of whom were very popular in Hanover at the time.16 He likely began studying the works of French composers (most notably Lully) as a student in Hildesheim (1697-1701).17 Telemann’s early

11 Zohn, "Telemann, Georg Philipp,” Grove Music Online. 12 Max Schneider, Two Autobiographies, trans. Gordon J. Kinney. (1907; English ed, Lexington: M.L. King Library, 1978), microfilm, cited in Grove, “Telemann.” 13 Sadie, The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, 677. 14 Zohn, Mixed Taste, 16. 15 Ibid., 14. 16 Ibid., 16. 17 Ibid., 16-17. !6 exposure to French and Italian styles, as well as an increasing personal awareness of idiomatic writing for particular instruments heavily impacted his subsequent compositions.

A turning point in Telemann’s career in opera came in 1702 while he was a law student at the University of . There, he was appointed as the musical director of the Opernhaus auf dem Brühl.18 In one of his autobiographies, Telemann claims to have composed over twenty operas for the Leipzig stage, as well as commissions for opera houses and courts in Sorau,

Eisenach, ,19 and Weissenfels,20 a clear indication of the composer’s broadening fame.

These Leipzig operas are believed to have been composed on libretti either written by Telemann himself or adapted from other sources.21 Before he left Leipzig, Telemann made contact with

Handel in 1701, and began an important relationship that would affect his future as an opera composer and director.22 Telemann’s time in Leipzig allowed him to gain experience in opera composition and production. Through the attendance of musical performances outside of Leipzig and his later position as Kapellmeister in Sorau (now in Żary, ), the influences of French,

Italian, and Polish national styles further infiltrated Telemann’s compositional style and would come to full fruition in his Hamburg operas.23

Though Telemann claimed to have composed many operas for the Leipzig stage,24 little evidence of these works survives.25 The majority of his operatic output occurred in Hamburg.

18 Zohn, “Telemann,” Grove. 19 Ibid. 20 Sadie, Grove Opera, 677. 21 Ibid. 22 Zohn, “Telemann,” Grove. Telemann premiered several of Handel’s operas in Hamburg. 23 Ibid. Telemann was immersed in Polish music during his time at Sorau, from 1705-1708. Additionally, Count Erdmann of Sorau had a special love of French music, so Telemann gained much experience in this style. 24 Schneider, Two Autobiographies; cited in Grove, “Telemann.” 25 Werner Menke, Thematisches Verzeichnis der Vokalwerke von Georg Philipp Telemann, vol. 2 (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1983), 74-75. Telemann claims to have written over twenty operas while in Leipzig (most are lost, some survive in fragments) in his autobiographies. See Menke, TVWV II, 75-76. !7

Unlike some other European cities, where the opera season extended through only part of the

year (such as the Venetian Carnival season26 and London’s Fall-Spring season27) the Hamburg

opera was active throughout the year, with most opera premieres occurring in January and

subsequent repeat performances in later months.28

Cosmopolitan Hamburg

Hamburg was one of the most cosmopolitan cities in Europe in the eighteenth century and its diverse population notably added to the richness of the arts in the city.29 Hamburg city

councilman Reinhard Schott observed in a contemporary account, “The opera house, little visited

by Hamburg residents, was mostly attended by strangers. The city is further improved and

nourished by visitors.”30 Furthermore, with Hamburg serving as their residence, the city’s many

foreign diplomats were often the cause for Telemann to compose new works.31 Special

performances for celebrations kept the Hamburg opera house active: birthdays of foreign kings,

royal marriages, peace treaties, and coronations. These performances are a sign of the

significance of the city’s effort in maintaining positive relationships with foreign monarchs, as

Hamburg’s success as a free city-state relied on trade for its survival.32

Hamburg’s history as a cosmopolitan center of trade and urban culture undoubtedly bore

an important role in Telemann’s impetus to write mixed-language operas. Between the mid-

26 Donald Jay Grout and Hermine Weigel Williams, A Short History of Opera, 4th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 83-84. The typical Venetian opera season lasted twelve to thirty weeks of the year. 27 , "Handel, George Frideric,” Grove Music Online, accessed December 15, 2015, http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/40060. As an example, during London’s , the typical season began in October or November and ran through April or May, though on several occasions the season began quite late. 28 Stewart, “Telemann in Hamburg,” 17. 29 Ibid., 67. 30 Leo Balet, “Die Verbürgerlichung der deutschen Kunst, Literatur und Musik im 18. Jahrhundert,” Sammlung musikwissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen 18 (1936): 33, quoted in Lynch, “Opera in Hamburg,” 6. 31 Stewart, “Telemann in Hamburg,” 69-70. 32 Ibid., 17-18. !8 sixteenth and late eighteenth centuries, the population of Hamburg grew from about 20,000 to

100,000 inhabitants—most of them German Lutherans and Calvinist Dutch immigrants.33

However, Italian Catholics, Sephardic Jews, and French Huguenots were among the most important minorities for the economic development of the city. These groups, among others, brought with them the skills and perhaps more importantly, the international business contracts, on which Hamburg built its success. Since this “economic vitality”34 was indeed propagated by a cosmopolitan population, the urban culture was also inherently rich and diverse. Supported by domestic and international diplomats, noblemen, and the wealthy bourgeoisie,35 the foundation of the Gänsemarkt Oper in 1678 was a product of the city’s success as a cultural and economic center.36 It was in this cultural climate that Telemann found himself when he set out to compose such works in the mixed taste as Orpheus. It is without a doubt that Telemann, as a businessman and composer, sought to please his cosmopolitan audience with works with as much musical variety as possible.

Telemann’s education and subsequent years as a developing composer offered a bounty of opportunity to expose himself to and assimilate many different musical styles. As a student he eagerly sought out scores to study and traveled to see musical performances of many musical tastes. Having later found himself in Hamburg, it is no wonder that he was inspired to use every expressive tool at his disposal to compose. It is therefore fitting that Orpheus, with a title character who is accepted as a universal symbol of music within the Western art music tradition,

33 Joachim Whaley, Religious Toleration and Social Change in Hamburg (1529-1819) (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1985), 10. 34 Ibid., 9-10. 35 Schröder, Zeitgeschichte, 37-43. The common belief was that the Gänsemarkt Oper was a place where the bourgeoisie and middle class emancipated themselves from the aristocracy. Dorothea Schröder makes the point that the Hamburg opera, though actually founded by noblemen, was a place enjoyed by a individuals with diverse economic backgrounds. 36 Whaley, 10. !9 receives as universal a musical treatment as only Telemann could conceive. !10

CHAPTER 3. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TELEMANN’S MIXED TASTE: AN EXAMINATION OF WRITINGS

Problems with Contemporary Writings on Style

The two following excerpts make explicit the importance and pervasiveness of so-called

“mixed taste” compositions in the beginning of the eighteenth century. Though Telemann was not the first composer to propagate this stylistic development, he was one of the most lauded in his many successful fusions of French, Italian, Polish, and other styles into what became known as the German mixed taste, or put simply, the German style.37

The flattery of Italy’s pieces, the unrestrained liveliness That flows from French songs; Britain’s leaping, obliging nature; Yes, Sarmatia’s exquisite pleasure, To which the notes’ jesting is devoted: German diligence combines all this To the honor of its country, All the more to please the listener here Through pen, mouth, and hand.”

- from Telemann’s Wie? Ruhet ihr, versteckte Saiten? TVWV 20:3138

How necessary and useful it is to be able to distinguish these two styles in their essential details I still experience on to the present day, and declare that no one, without knowing this, can be nimble and lucky in invention.”39

37 Christina Applegate and Pamela Potter, “Germans as ‘The People of Music’: Genealogy of an Identity,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Christina Applegate and Pamela Potter (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 3-4. Early 18th-c thoughts called for a push toward German nationalism; and a call for a preservation of the German opera tradition since and traveling opera troupes were increasing in popularity there (Applegate, 4; cited Mattheson). This notion of German nationalism developed from the proliferation of publications on the topic by journalists, philosophers, music historians and scholars, poets, and authors of fiction. Though music was only a portion of this debate, the attempt to categorize “Germanness” resulted also in a categorization of what was not German, including in music. 38 Zohn, Mixed Taste, 4. This music for this cantata is lost. Only the libretto, which was written by Telemann, remains. 39 Schneider, Two Autobiographies, 6. Here Telemann is referring to the French and Italian styles, in the context of his early exposure through attending concerts of these in Hanover and Wittenbach as a student. Telemann’s, autobiography of 1718 was first printed in Johann Mattheson’s General- Schule (1731). !11

The style attributes within these two examples may on the surface seem to provide straightforward—-albeit imprecise—-descriptions, each carrying its own unique musical association. However, neither eighteenth-century nor recent scholars and musicians always agree on what constitutes each given national style. These sources are also notoriously lacking in precise examples of these style elements. With the help of recent studies (Zohn, in particular) and the analysis of genres often tied to national styles, it is possible to reconstruct what earlier sources, Mattheson, Scheibe, Quantz, and Telemann meant in their writings.40

This chapter will proceed in two parts. The first involves the problems surrounding the generalization of “mixed taste,” briefly identifying the issues associated with the discussion of this complex topic. Next, I will examine contemporary sources by Scheibe, Quantz, Mattheson, and Telemann himself. I will illustrate the ways these various elements were understood by contemporaries and are useful for an analysis of Telemann’s works. The goal of this chapter is to examine the various elements that constituted the so-called “mixed taste” during Telemann’s lifetime. What exactly did Telemann and his contemporaries consider to be French, Italian,

Polish, and German musical elements? What are the problems that lie in contemporary writings on the topic of national styles? By establishing the historical precedence and musical parameters

40 Eighteenth-century musicians recognized a more complex array of styles that permeated constructs of nationally- based styles. Style level, or what we may call today style register, may grant musical works additional socially- charged meaning. These styles were often based on performance venue or function. Though style register is not the main focus of this thesis, it is important to note that contemporary musicians lent great credence to style level. A successful comprehensive analysis of style level has not been realized, but aspects of it have been included in important works related to the subject. Therefore further discussion would be outside the scope of my thesis. This is for me a potential source of further research. See Robert Hatten, Musical Meaning in Beethoven (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 294; Gregory Decker, “Reconsidering Style Register in the Late Baroque” (paper presented at MTMW Annual Conference, 9 May 2015); Robert Pascall, “Style," Grove Music Online, accessed October 21, 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/27041; Ernest Charles Harriss, “Johann Mattheson’s Der vollkommene Capellmeister: A Translation and Commentary” (PhD diss., George Peabody College for Teachers, 1969), 289-90, accessed September 7, 2015, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. !12 of the “mixed taste,” the necessary steps for a closer study of the style-language interrelation in

Orpheus will be set.

Before this examination can occur, however, it must first be determined what constitutes the so-called national “tastes.” Many sources, especially Quantz, are not always forthcoming with clear explanations of what constitutes these national styles, thus making their determination difficult. Quantz, on the Italian style: “In composition the Italians are unrestrained, sublime, lively, expressive, profound, and majestic in their manner of thinking; they are rather bizarre, free, daring, bold, extravagant, and sometimes negligent in metrics; they are also singing, flattering, tender, moving, and rich in invention. They write more for the connoisseur than the amateur.”41 Quantz’s summary of the French seems at first to be similarly superficial: “In composition the French are indeed lively, expressive, natural, pleasing and comprehensible to the public, and more correct in metrics than the Italians; but they are neither profound nor venturesome. They are very limited and slavish, always imitating themselves, stingy in their manner of thinking, and dry in invention. They always warm up the ideas of their predecessors; and they write more for the amateur than for the connoisseur.”42 Admittedly, these two concise evaluations of the Italian and French styles were preceded by lengthier discussions of their particular strengths and weaknesses, though they tend to be lacking in detail. Perhaps the problem of so many discussions of style in contemporary treatises is that they seem to be more akin to appraisals of aesthetic ideals than objective analyses and are too infrequently accompanied by specific examples. Rather, it seems that these theorists relied on the reader to draw from their knowledge of national musical constructs and the popular repertory for a full

41 Reilly, Quantz, 334. Emphasis by Quantz. 42 Ibid. !13 comprehension. At the conclusion of his analysis of French, Italian, German, and Polish styles,

Scheibe admits: “A close study of different genres of musical pieces and experience have to help a beginner in composition to understand these musical styles. No one will, without one’s own reflection, get a true and essential understanding of these styles. And nowadays there are many opportunities to study all of these musical styles.”43 Just as now, it was vital for their development that composers of the early eighteenth century experience as many styles and genres as possible through score study and performance.

Because music from France and Italy was perhaps the most widely known throughout

Western Europe, the discussion of musical style in eighteenth-century writings as it relates to these regions and their composers often centered on genre. An examination of the style traits of the primary genres associated with France and Italy may reveal more specific musical elements that German composers fused to form a “mixed taste,” as well as bring more meaning to

Quantz’s above assessment.

Italian Taste

Two of the most important genres with roots in Italy are and the .

Opere serie are a late seventeenth- to early eighteenth-century culmination of over a century of development of Italian musical drama. Opere serie were primarily comprised of the alternation of recitativi and arias. By the early eighteenth century, emphasis was placed much more on the virtuosic primae donnae and primi uomini than the drama itself (or the composer), with the tripartite serving as the vehicle through which the singer could display her or his capacity for improvised embellishments during the repetition of the first section.

43 Johann Adolf Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, chapter 15 trans. Robert A. Rue and Arne Spohr (Leipzig: Bernhard Christoph Breitkopf, 1745), 150. !14

From precisely the same year as Telemann’s Orpheus is the aria “Trà lo splendor del trono,” from ’s Didone abbandonata (1726).44 This aria encapsulates many

conventions of the from an Italian opera seria, with typical four-part scoring for two

, viola, and . The da capo form is defined by its contrasting, but related

tonal structure: in the A section and its relative b minor in the B section (example 3.1).

Example 3.1: Vinci, Didone abbandonata, (Rome, 1726), “Trà lo splendor del trono,” (III, 7).

A B D major: (mm. 1-6) |—| ritornello (mm. 14-17) |—| ritornello (mm. 28-31) | b minor: (m. 31) da capo

In opere serie, the drama is depicted through a repetitious series of and arias, where

recitatives act as the means though which the action usually proceeds, and arias typically serve to

develop characters. These arias help to portray the internal dialogue of the characters, and were

meant to convey a single affect.45 They also served as the primary means for performers and

composers to convey their musical prowess. Therefore this larger-scale structure of the da capo

aria provides a means for dramatic expression: In the major-mode A section, Iarba, the king,

contemplates the splendors and tribulations of the throne. Text painting and musical devices are

used extensively to highlight both the text and virtuosity of the performer. The phrasing of this

opening section is punctuated by pauses that depict Iarba in thought as he considers his situation

as a ruler (mm. 7-9; example 3.2). Specific words are given treatment to enhance their meaning.

44 Leonardo Vinci, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” from Didone abbandonata, ed. Pierre Goudin (Montreal: Les Éditions Outremontaises, 2016), 1-6. 45 Andrea Garavaglia and Mark Weir, “'La brevità non può mover l’affetto.’ The time scale of the Baroque aria,” Recercare, 24, no. 1/2 (2012), 37. Musicians and musicologists have taken for granted the subcategorization of baroque da capo arias, making such affect-based delineations as “grief” aria, “revenge” aria, and “triumph” aria. The da capo aria “can be seen as a moment when the characters analyze and identify the affect or thought which is conditioning them and codify it according to parameters for which there is both social and cultural consensus, making it recognisable to spectators.” !15

Example 3.2: Vinci, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 7-9. .

In measure 9, the word “l’orror” (horror) is marked with a sudden descending minor 7th interval.

The same text is repeated in measures 18 to 28, this time with “l’inganno” (deception) receiving extended melismatic treatment (mm. 23-27; example 3.3). The ends with a resolution of text and harmony: “tutto si fà virtù” (everything becomes virtue) closes neatly in on the D major tonic (m. 28; example 3.4).

Example 3.3: Vinci,“Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 23-27.

Example 3.4: Vinci,“Trà lo splendor del trono,” m. 28. !16

Like other da capo arias, the B-section of the aria allows the audience insight into the deeper emotional state of the character as she or he reflects on the text of the A-section. Now in

B minor, the regular phrasing of the first section is abandoned for new material. Phrasing becomes inconsistent with some lines beginning on the anacrusis, as in measures 31 and 33; and some more akin to the dotted rhythm in the A-section (mm. 31-33; example 3.5).

Example 3.5: Vinci,“Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 31-33.

At the conclusion of the B-section, Vinci performs a play on the final word—and concluding idea—of the A-section, “virtu” by morphing this word into “servitù” (servitude) in the phrase

“che nacque in servitù” (who was born in servitude). As seen in example 3.6, Vinci underscores this idea of virtue-to-obligation with a deceptive (“l’inganno”?) (F#-g, or V-vi) on

Example 3.6: Vinci,“Trà lo splendor del trono,” m. 39.

b: V - iv - V - i !17

“nacque” (born), likely as a means of enhancing the idea of the moral obligation of patrilineal

leaders to be virtuous.46

As indicated in the score, the aria rounds out with a da capo—a return to the beginning of

the A section. This includes a repetition of the opening instrumental ritornello, as is commonly the case in opera seria. This repetition of the material serves two rather uneven purposes, both with the understanding that the performer include improvised embellishments to the vocal line.

First, this improvised ornamentation may serve to enhance the meaning of the text, adding dramatic gravity to the character’s psychological state. Second, and more importantly to the audience and singer, it was an opportunity for the performer to dazzle their spectators with virtuosic displays. Ornaments in the da capo can range from arpeggiation of disjunct intervals, the addition of neighboring tones, trills, and trillo to the existing melody, and altered rhythms, to a nearly original vocal line set to the original accompaniment. In a discussion of improvised ornamentation of da capo arias, Robert Donington includes a first-hand look at the practice. He includes a reproduction of how the famed (Carlo Broschi) was said to have sung “Quell’ usignolo,” from Geminiano Giacomelli’s Merope (Venice, 1734) (example 3.7).47

Opera seria profoundly impacted music composition during the turn of the eighteenth

century, as it quickly spread throughout Europe, and many compositional techniques are shared

between vocal and instrumental genres. Similar to the formulaic structures and sub-structures in

opere serie and da capo arias, much Italian instrumental music was also based on forms and

genres that utilize repetition for the sake of highlighting the virtuosity of the performer. A

46 Moral lessons were a main element of Metastasian reform. 47 Robert Donington, A Performer’s Guide to (New York: Scribner, 1973), 165. Originally printed in Franz Haböck, Die Gesangskunst der Kastraten (: Universal Edition, 1923), 140. !18

Example 3.7: Giacomelli, Merope (Venice, 1734), “Quel l’usignolo,” excerpt.

principle Italian instrumental genre to come from this is the concerto. are large-scale works for and either a , a duo or trio, or a small select group within the orchestra who are featured during specified sections of a work. Similar to opera seria and its da capo aria, a defining formal feature if the concerto is repetition for the sake of virtuosity. First movements of solo concertos are usually comprised of clearly defined sections of full orchestra (ritornello) in alternation with a virtuosic soloist or featured group of soloists. The soloist(s) engage in a musical dialogue by alternating between the performance forces, with the ritornello often utilizing the same basic musical material, often with variations (varied repetition), in each iteration, and the writing in the solo sections usually of a highly virtuosic nature.48 Within this context, Quantz’s assessment of Italian music as “unrestrained” (virtuosic), “free, daring, bold,

48 Arthur Hutchings, et al., “Concerto," Grove Music Online, accessed October 21, 2016, http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/40737. !19 extravagant,” and “rich in invention”49 gains meaning. That Italians “[wrote] more for the connoisseur than the amateur,”50 is likely because of the high demands that these composers placed on the performer. The Italian-language arias “Su mio core a la vendetta!” and “A l’incendio d’un occhio moroso,” analyzed in chapter 4 of this thesis, exemplify this manner of writing in the Italian way in Telemann’s Orpheus.

French Taste

Telemann identified himself as a “grand partisan de la musique française”51 in his autobiography, and any brief review of his musical development would explicate his thorough study of and affinity for French music.52 The chief musical genres propagated by the French during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are well-known: French , dance suites, and tragédie lyrique. The , or simply ouverture as it is often called in contemporary writings, began as a piece in two sections for orchestra which often served as the introduction to de cours and other French music for the stage. The instrumentation of many , and much other French instrumental music, is based on five-part scoring

(example 3.8a),53 as opposed to the common Italian four-part scoring (example 3.8b).54

Essential to French music for the stage and chamber, dance suites are stylized versions of dances arranged for solo or ensembles of instruments arranged into ordered groups for performance. These suites often included an ouverture and emphasize heightened dance forms,55

49 Reilly, Quantz, 334. Emphasis by Quantz. 50 Ibid. 51 Zohn, Mixed Taste, 4. 52 See Max Schneider, Two Autobiographies and Zohn, “Telemann,” Grove Music Online. 53 Harriss, “Mattheson,” 1111. 54 John Spitzer and Neal Zaslaw, The Birth of the Orchestra: History of an Institution, 1650-1815 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 314. 55 Zohn, Mixed Taste, 21. See also: Fuller, “Suite," Grove Music Online, accessed October 21, 2016, http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/27091. !20

Example 3.8: Left: (a) Lully, J-B, Acis et Galitée (Paris, 1686), (I, 1), Prelude, mm. 1-2; (b) Vinci, Didone abbandonata, “Trà lo splendor del trono,” mm. 1-3. a: French b: Italian

such as the and —dances defined by meter, tempo, and stressed and unstressed beats. With the popularity of these suites and the rise of solo instrumental music in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries came attempts at the codification of ornaments.

In stark opposition to Italian ornamentation practices, which relied heavily on improvisation, French musicians and theorists sought a high degree of control over the manner that their music was adorned. Composers such as Jean-Henri D’Anglebert (1629-91) and Jacques

Champion de Chambonnière (c. 1601/2-1672) began to include charts of ornamentations in their printed music to enable performers to perform their music with consistency and accuracy, as seen in D’Anglebert’s Les pièces de clavecin (example 3.9).56 The same practice of ornamental

56 Jean-Henri D’Anglebert, Les pièces de clavecin, Livre 1 (Paris: Chez L’Auteur, 1689), 6. !21

Example 3.9: D’Anglebert, Les pièces de clavecin, Book 1 (Paris, 1689), p. 6.

precision within the score also became essential to vocal music and became a defining feature of

French staged drama.

Finally, tragédies en musique57 (later tragédies lyrique), the French response to Italian opera, were developed in the late seventeenth century primarily by Italian-born Jean-Baptiste

Lully (1632-87) and Frenchman Philippe Quinault (1635-88). Importantly, tragédies en musique included dance numbers as integral parts of the work and often began with French overtures. The style of singing in tragédies en musique drastically differed from the virtuoso and recitativo-aria-

57 Graham Sadler, "Tragédie en musique,” Grove Music Online, accessed October 21, 2016, http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/44040. !22

recitativo pattern of Italian opera seria, in exchange for a more natural text declamation. In order

to accomplish this, French airs encompassed a very wide variety of musical structures, and their

accompanying récits required flexible use of meter to accommodate the requisite French verse

style and declamation.58

Scheibe in particular looked to Lully as a touchstone of the French taste: “Lully, the

famous French composer of the previous century has actually given this outlined musical style to

the French. He also brought the French musical to a great flowering; and has finally

become so common in the whole of France that from this time on we have the opportunity to

characterize their music.”59 Three examples from Lully’s Bellérophon (Paris, 1679)60 will serve

to illustrate what Scheibe and other German composers thought constituted the French style. Act

IV, scenes five “Ah! Prince, où vous emporte”61 and six “Heureuse mort,”62 from Bellérophon

comprise a récit and accompanying air not unlike the recitiativo-aria complex of Italian opera

seria. In the récit, Bellerophon and the king discuss the impending war and Bellerophon’s love

for the king’s daughter. Bellerophon reflects on his plight in the following air. Both récit and air contain a flexible use of meter in order to accommodate natural French text declamation

(example 3.10a and b). As is seen in example 3.10b, the text declamation of the air is exclusively syllabic, and is consistent throughout the remainder of the scene.

The form of “Heureuse mort” is essentially a rounded binary. A ritournelle that begins the air appears in abbreviated fashion at the end to act as the A sections, with the B section

58 French audiences, in general, found sung text to lack believability. A major obstacle that Jean Baptiste Lully and Philippe Quinault had to overcome was the requirement that French audiences had for natural text declamation. See J. Peter Burkholder, A History of Western Music, 9th ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2014), 356. 59 Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, 147. 60 Jean-Baptiste Lully, Bellérophon (Paris: Christophe Ballarde, 1679). 61 Ibid., 111v-113v. 62 Ibid., 113v-114v. !23

Example 3.10: Lully, J-B, Bellérophon (Paris, 1679). a: “Ah! Prince” (IV, 5), mm. 57-60.

b: “Heureuse mort!” (IV, 6), mm. 13-16.

comprising the sung air itself. There is little that connects the vocal line musically. Rather, the and melodic structure are heavily reliant on the meaning of the text. Therefore the B section could be viewed as a self-contained, through-composed form. Instrumentation for this solo air and others within Bellérophon is paired-down, with only two violins plus basse continue

(example 3.11) as opposed to choruses and , which utilize a full five-part scoring

(see example 3.8a, above). The texture of this air is mostly homophonic, with some use of notated flourishes amidst the dotted rhythms. This stately style recalls the opening section of a

French overture, and the A minor modality adds a sense of gravity to Bellérophon’s situation. Example 3.11: Lully, J-B, Bellérophon,“Heureuse mort!” mm. 1-6. !24

One further example from Bellérophon shows the flexibility in the use of form and scene construction in French staged drama. Argie’s air “Éspoir qui sé duisez,” in Act I, scene 1 is contained within a larger scene complex that begins with an extended récit between the characters Sténobée and Argie. Though the function of action-commentary is the same as with the previous discussion in Bellérphon, in this case the récit flows seamlessly into the air

(example 3.12). Example 3.12: Lully, J-B, Bellérophon, “Espoir qui seduisez,” (I, 1), mm. 129-34.

Récit: Air:

“Hope that seduces unhappy lovers. Why, why suspend my vengeance?” Lully uses text painting in this first line of “Espoir” to depict Sténobée’s frustration at her apparent unobtainable love. Sténobée portrays her pain with an added ornament that connects “Amans” with its characterizing “malheureux” (unhappy), and the predicament of “les Amans” (the lovers) is !25 underscored by wavering harmonic progression between major and minor tonalities. Sténobée then exclaims, “Pourquoy, puorquoy,” set to rising, disjunct intervals, indicating a change of psychological state as she questions why she must wait to seek vengeance—a word again enhanced with an indicated ornament.

As with “Heureuse mortel,” a flexible use of meter is also utilized and declamation is exclusively syllabic. The form of “Espoir” is likewise rounded binary, with an exact repetition of the opening melodic material at the end. Yet Lully varies the means by which he accomplishes this: namely, whereas “Heureuse mortel” relies on an opening and closing ritornello to frame the form, “Espoir” conveys the form through the sung text. This latter example places even more weight to the character’s repeated words. However, following “Espoir” is a brief instrumental interlude that connects this scene with the following scene. This musical material recalls a dance in triple meter. Therefore the interlude may be seen to serve the same function as the ritournelle

“Heureuse mortel”: dance serves as the framework that binds the sections of French staged drama.

It may then become clear why Quantz summarized French composers as “limited and slavish, always imitating themselves, stingy in their manner of thinking, and dry in invention” since the basic elements of these main genres - dance suites, tragédies en musique, and French overtures - often borrowed heavily from each other through the eighteenth century, namely through the French penchant for dance.63 The rejection by the French of Italian virtuosity and creation of new forms can be seen to connect to his assessment, “… natural, pleasing and

63 Though it is observable that Rameau’s tragédies lyrique and Gluck’s reform operas depart in many ways from Lully’s tragédies en musique, nevertheless, Lully’s innovations paved the way for these later composers in their develppments of a distinctly French opera idiom. !26 comprehensible to the public, and more correct in metrics than the Italians,” and “they write more for the amateur than for the connoisseur.”64 But are Quantz’s comments to be taken as positive attributes or weaknesses? On the other hand, Scheibe dealt high praise for Telemann’s mastery of the French taste: “The wise fire of a Telemann has made these foreign genres of music well-known in Germany; and also the French have to thank him for the great improvement of their music.”65 It may then be gleaned, after taking into consideration Quantz’s and Scheibe’s high opinion of Telemann, that while French music may possess certain positive and negative attributes, it was under “the wise fire of a Telemann” that the French taste came to full fruition— likely in the form of the German mixed taste.66

Polish Taste

Today, musically educated readers are far less likely to require detailed style information of French and Italian music than Polish music.67 Mattheson provides a description of this style construct via his description of a Polonaise:

“The beginning of the polonaise, taken in the strict sense, has something peculiar in that it begins neither with the half note in the upbeat like the , nor even with the last quarter of the meter as a bourée, but straightaway without any digression and, as the French say, sans façon [“unceremonious”], commences confidently on the downbeat in both types.

If I had to compose something to words in which a special FRANKNESS and a FREE manner prevails, I would chose [sic] no other melodic type for it than the polonaise, since in my opinion, herein lies its true nature, character, and affect. Seldom can the

64 Reilly, Quantz, 34. 65 Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, 147. 66 Thus, these men were scrutinizing French music through the lens of German nationalism. See Potter and Applegate, “Germans as ‘The People of Music’: Genealogy of an Identity.” 67 Although I have not been able to identify the Polish style in Orpheus, I am including a discussion on it for the sake of completeness. See Zohn, “Telemann’s Polish Style and the ‘True Barbaric Beauty’ of the Musical Other,” in Music for a Mixed Taste,” 469-502. !27

nature and character of a people be concealed in merry-making and dances, though it might happen on another occasion.”68

In this excerpt, Mattheson goes farther than Quantz in providing some musical elements associated with the Polish style, yet he falls short of citing specific examples. Again, the readers must draw from their experience. What is clear is that the Polonaise begins on the downbeat and proceeds in a straightforward, yet somehow “free” manner. Perhaps the most important element of this is the attempt at connecting the Polonaise to the “nature and character” of the Polish people. The implications for connecting style register with a “Polish taste” could likely reveal deeper socio-cultural meaning.

Steven Zohn’s clear, thorough assessment of Polish music may help shed light on this meaning. In his chapter titled “Telemann’s Polish Style and the Musical Other,” Zohn analyzes several of Telemann’s instrumental works in an attempt to identify an “Oriental” style, style alla turca, style hongrois, and the Polish style. He summarizes Polish elements as being heavily reliant on the : allusions to bagpipes (drones), dances, simple melodies. What makes these features essentially Polish is the way they are treated. Rather than a simple, long-tone drone, it is “rhythmically animated” (several smaller rhythmic patterns are repeated on the same pitch for an extended time). The dance-style melodies are comprised of a “persistent repetition of short rhythmic cells,” emphasis on unisons and octaves, reiterated pitches, ornamental slides.69

Telemann’s “Sonata Polonese à 3” for violin, viola, and continuo, 42:a8 (example 3.13) exhibits many these elements. Zohn also observes certain “comic” elements, which he describes as free- feeling, lively, melodically- and extremely harmonically-contrasting sections which, “on a

68 Harriss, “Mattheson,” 732-33. Emphasis by Mattheson. 69 Zohn, Mixed Taste, 495. Zohn cites Telemann’s “Sonata Polonese à 3” for violin, viola, and continuo, 42:a8, movements 1 and 2. !28

Example 3.13: Telemann, “Sonata Polonese à 3” for violin, viola, and continuo, 42:a8, mm. 1-4.

deeper level, […] embody the perceived incoherence and irrationality of Eastern European traditional music.”70 Zohn’s depiction of the Polish style, like Mattheson’s, is at its core a depiction of the stereotype of a people and their music. Telemann recalled his exposure to Polish folk music in his autobiography of 1739:

When the court betook itself [to spend] a half a year at Plesse, a Promnitz domain in Upper , I there became quite familiar, as in Cracow, with Polish and Hanseatic music[-groups] in their true barbaric beauty… One can scarcely believe what bagpipers or fiddlers of this kind possess in the way of marvelous inspirations whenever, as often as the dancers rest, they improvise. An attentive person could, in 8 days, pick up from them [sufficient] ideas for a whole life-time. Enough: there is a great deal of virtue [gutes] when one gets thoroughly familiar with it [wenn behörig damit umgegangen wird]. I subsequently wrote divers concertos and trios in the style, which I dressed up in an Italian cloak, with alternating adagios and allegros.71

70 Ibid., 497. 71 Harriss, “Mattheson,” 24-25. !29

The use of exaggerated pastoral elements such as “animated drones” and “harmonic barbarisms,”72 to represent the music of the Polish people is yet another construct which is rife with implications of style register (e.g. pastoral, dances, and strange harmonies to depict an

“otherness”). It is also very important to note that Telemann did not claim to usurp the Polish taste literally, but on his own terms: cloaked in Italian garb, and therefore in the German mixed taste. Any applications of these elements within Telemann’s operas could prove to be quite telling.73

It must be stressed that Telemann was hailed by his contemporaries as one of the most important proponents of the mixed taste. Telemann himself, as we just witnessed, describes the melding of Italian and Polish tastes, into something new. Even if their appraisals of the French and Italian tastes do not precisely match, Scheibe, Quantz, and Mattheson, all agree that the

German taste by nature draws from the elements of what they perceive as the best parts of their neighbors - and in some cases brings them “improvement.”74 Telemann’s Concert-Ouverturen serve as prime examples in the instrumental music to successfully accomplish this.75 The

Overture-Suite for Recorder, Strings, and Basso Continuo in A minor, TWV 55:a2, for instance, effectively fuses French overture form, Italian concertante principles, and Polish style into a lively, diverse, and highly unique work: one in the “German mixed taste.” It remains to be seen how Telemann manipulates these various “tastes” within his operas. However, a quick glance at the score of his Orpheus TVWV 21:18 (1726) reveals that the two pieces that “bookend” the

72 Zohn, Mixed Taste, 497. Though Zohn’s word choice may here seem bizarre, it must be noted that Telemann himself described in his autobiography a “true barbaric beauty” of Polish musicians. Harriss, “Mattheson,” 24. 73 Though in my analysis I do not identify any particular Polish elements, it is interesting to note that René Jacobs’s recording of Orpheus includes a Polonaise (Act 1, scene 5) not found in the Critical Edition. Jacobs apparently meant to heighten Telemann’s already flamboyant “mixed taste.” 74 Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, 148. 75 Zohn, Mixed Taste, 43. Zohn cites Johann Philipp Eisel, Musicus autodidaktos: oder der sich selbt informirende (Ehrfurt: Finkus, 1738), 37. !30 opera may be rich with this mixture. The first piece, “Wie hart ist mir”76 is an aria in German language set to a chaconne - a heightened, stylized French dance, which precedes an Italian ; and the final number, “Ach liebe, Königin,”77 is an accompanied, German-language set to a loure - another heightened, stylized French dance.

It can not be overstated that the German taste was thought of inherently as being mixed.

Not one to disguise his modesty, Scheibe states:

It becomes apparent from this outline that the German is born for imitation and for tireless diligence. It is particularly these two characteristics which we have to thank for the improvement of the French and Italian styles, and that we gave the first such an impressive form as no Italian has been able to. And who does not know that the so-called Italian music as we can find it in the works of our greatest German composers is of German descent. And that it could never have reached the status which it currently has without the Germans. Yes, we have finally in the music found the good taste that Italy never showed us in its complete beauty. Hasse and Graun, who were also admired by Italians, prove through their natural and inventive works how beautiful it is to possess and practice the good taste. The production of the good taste in good music has been the work of German intellect, and no other nation can praise itself for its true merit, however I have to remind us that the Germans have been for a long time the masters of instrumental music and the skill they have maintained to this very day.78

The examination of contemporary sources has revealed that for German composers, the recognition and knowledge of various musical styles was essential to music comprehension and composition. This cosmopolitan approach to music composition and comprehension may be seen within itself as a turning point in music history, with Telemann seen in his time as a pioneer of change. While it is clear that the identification of the elements that comprise these styles is not easily accomplished by modern scholars and musicians, it is a necessary step to achieving a deeper understanding of eighteenth-century music.

76 Georg Philipp Telemann, Die wunderbare Beständigkeit der Liebe, oder Orpheus, ed. Wolfgang Hirschmann (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2011), 3-4. 77 Ibid., 171. 78 Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, 148-49. My emphasis. !31

The preceding discussion is a preliminary study of selected contemporary writings on national styles in Orpheus. Indeed the concept of national styles lies at the heart of my thesis and the mixed taste itself. But we know that musical nationalism is only part of what musicians thought of style in the eighteenth century. Let us not forget about style level and other style constructs, such as the style galant, which may defy any one national taste that I have discussed.

By identifying the disparate elements which may constitute each of these constructs, I will be better able to reconstruct what contemporaries thought of as the mixed taste. Still, music often resists categorization and definition. In the next chapter, I will examine how Telemann used language in a selection of his extant operas. Additionally, I will place Orpheus in its performance context as an experiment of the mixed taste in cosmopolitan Hamburg. It will be seen that language-mixing sometimes went beyond the need for audience comprehension. Rather, it was

Telemann’s attempt at creating a rich musical experience of various styles, with language as a primary symbol of meaning. Through the application of language to musical elements, vocal music holds the key to identifying national style. Telemann’s Orpheus may be something of a

Rosetta stone for this task. !32

CHAPTER 4. THE USE OF LANGUAGE IN TELEMANN’S OPERAS

Bernhard Jahn exchanges the German Geschmack for the French goût—a term laden with culinary implications—in his description of Telemann’s Orpheus as a musical banquet.79 Jahn

cites that Telemann’s experiment in the mixed taste was not without precedent in the Hamburg

stage, with Keiser having already successfully produced several works in this vein. Yet

Telemann’s Orpheus achieved no such success, since no repeat performances are found until

1736—a decade after its March 9, 1726 premiere.80 This apparent lack of success may be

attributed to the the beginning of a German “national language purity” in the early eighteenth

century. Still, Jahn recognizes that Orpheus was “necessary as a linguistic reference to the

musical experiment of different musical tastes.”81 By writing in a variety of operatic sub-genres,

Telemann was able to experiment also with different ways of using language.

Telemann’s operas encompass every contemporary style of staged drama. His comic

operas are numerous and include many sub-genres: Singspiele, such as Calypso, oder Sieg der

Weisheit über die Liebe (Calypso, or Victory of Wisdom over Love) (Hamburg, 1727 & 1728-29;

libretto by J. Praetorius); intermezzi, such as Pimpinone (Hamburg, 1725; libretto by J.

Praetorius, after Pariati); one-act serenata, such as Buffonet und Alga, oder Die Mans-Tolle alter

Jungfer (Buffonet and Alga, or The Man-Crazy Old Maid) (Hamburg, 1727; Libretto by Wend),

and —-a work which can mix songs from opere serie, comic operas, and other vocal

numbers by the same or other composers/librettists. A notable aspect of some of these works is

79 Bernhard Jahn, Die Sinne und die Oper, 253-54. Translation by the author. 80 Telemann, Orpheus, VIII-IX. Commissioned by “Madame Kayserinn”—who is purported to have sung the female leading role of “Orasia”—Orpheus was presented as an unstaged . 81 Jahn, Die Sinne, 254. !33 the inclusion of multiple languages in the libretti, the creation of which Telemann involved himself to various degrees. For instance, , König der Longobarden (Flavius

Bertaridus, King of the Lombards), a German dramatic opera (Hamburg, 1729; libretto by Wend) employs Italian-language arias and German .82 Pastorelle en musique, oder musikalische Hirtenspiel (Pastoral Musical, or Musical Shepherd’s Play) (Leipzig, ca. 1713-16), a pastoral drama which incorporates text by Molière in addition to poetry possibly written by

Telemann, contains two sets of texts: French and German, both of which may be set idiomatically to music.83 Additionally, Orpheus contains Italian, German, and French texts from the operas of Jean-Baptiste Lully, , , and several other sources. By categorizing some of his surviving complete operas, I will begin to examine the use of language in these works, taking into consideration the many sources for the libretti, contemporary accounts of performance practice, and modern scholarship and recordings. This will provide a framework for an analysis of the connection between language and style in

Orpheus. In this chapter I will take a deeper look at how Telemann used language in a selection of his operas. What were contemporary audience expectations in Hamburg? Can language always be used as a key to musical style? How have modern performers worked with Telemann’s multi-language operas? By exploring these questions, I will be better able to illustrate how language may be used to indicate national musical “tastes,” in Orpheus.

82 Lynch, “Opera in Hamburg,” 448. The libretto for Telemann’s Flavius Bertaridus is based on Pollarolo and Ghigi’s opera seria, Bertarido, rè de’Longobardi (Venice, 1706). Telemann and Wend retained its serious plot in the North German idiom preferred by the Hamburg audience. 83 Georg Philipp Telemann, Pastorelle en Musique, oder musikalisches Hirtenspiel, ed. Christin Wollmann (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2014). As we will see, some of Telemann’s operas contain two sets of text. It is unclear which were used in performance, and modern performers have been able to utilize both texts. !34

Telemann’s mixed-language operas were not without precedent in Germany, and the

French and Italian influence is also palpable in the operas of Telemann’s Hamburg contemporary

Reinhard Keiser.84 Opera first appeared in Austro-German courts and cities in the early seventeenth century,85 and most of these early operas were based on Italian or French models.86

By the last third of the seventeenth century, however, a call for an independent German opera began, which often fused French and Italian elements.87 The libretti were either translated

completely into German, or retained Italian arias with German translations of the recitative,88

such as Telemann’s adaptation of ’s libretto for Pimpinone, also set by Tomaso

Albinoni in Venice in 1708;89 and Telemann’s setting of the same libretto as Handel’s Riccardo

I., Re d’Inghliterra HWV 23. The former option was likely an attempt to make the opera more

accessible to a wider audience. Telemann retained the convention of using German recitatives in

all of his known operas, so my study will focus on the non-recitative portions: choruses and

various kinds of arias.

Categorization of Telemann’s Operas by Use of Language

Category A: Operas With a Single Language

Telemann’s surviving operas may be divided into four categories, as outlined in table

4.1.90 Category A involves works that employ a single language, in this case German. Each of

84 Grout, A Short History of Opera, 177. 85 George Buelow, The Late Baroque Era: From the to 1740, ed. George Buelow (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1994), 13-14. See also Grout, A Short History of Opera, 107. 86 John Kmetz, et al., “Germany," Grove Music Online, accessed December 13, 2015, http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/40055. 87 Ibid. See also Grout, A Short History of Opera, 126. 88 Ibid. 89 Michael Talbot, "Pimpinone (i),” The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, accessed October 12, 2016. http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/O903906. 90 Telemann’s operas listed in this table, and to which I refer throughout this paper, are the works that are available in modern editions and which I have been able to obtain for study. !35

Table 4.1: Categorization of Telemann’s Existing Operas, by Use of Language. Category A: Category B: Category C: Category D: Single-language Two languages Two languages, Three languages works each appearing as alternate texts

Germanicus Pastorelle en musique Orpheus (Leipzig, 1704/1710) (Hamburg, 1728) (Frankfurt, ca. 1713-16) (Hamburg, 1726)

Sieg der Schönheit Flavius Bertaridus Der geduldige (Hamburg, 1722) (Hamburg, 1729) (Hamburg, 1721)

Emma und Eginhard Richardus I., König von Pimpinone (Hamburg, 1722) (Hamburg, 1725) (Hamburg, 1729)

Der neumodische Liebhaber Damon (Hamburg, 1724)

Don Quichotte (Hamburg, 1761)

these operas can be classified as a , based on descriptions given in their initial

publication, musical elements, and subsequent classifications in reference works.91 Singspiele are

German-language works for music theater that often substitute spoken dialogue for recitative.

This native German operatic sub-genre often incorporates folk tunes and include more comedic

elements than French or Italian musical works for stage.92 Since single-language German operas

are the least applicable for the current analysis, the focus of the remainder of this study will be

on the remaining three categories.

91 Don Quichotte auf der Hochzeit des Camacho (Don Quixote at the Wedding of the Comacho) TVWV 21:32 may also be classified as a one-act serenata, according to the TVWV. See Menke, TVWV, 79. 92 Peter Branscombe and Thomas Bauman, “Singspiel," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, accessed December 9, 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/ 25877. !36

Category B: Operas With Two Languages

Category B includes operas with libretti that contain two different languages: German and Italian. The libretti, which are reprinted in the critical editions of each of these works, include German translations of some or all Italian texts. Translations of non-recitative sections

were provided for the audience to follow along, not for performance, and in each case all of the

recitative sections are in German (in the libretti as well as in the critical editions). It is clear from the available manuscripts, on which the critical editions are based, that German translations of

Italian portions (arias, choruses, etc.) were meant to be performed in Italian, since no alternative language is given in the edition.93

Miriways TVWV 21:24 (1728), a three-act Singspiel, only narrowly fits into this category, since only one of its 37 non-recitative vocal numbers is not in German, but Italian.94

The earlier source for this aria, “Dolce pensier” (Act II, scene 6)95 is unknown,96 and the libretto

was newly created by Johann Samuel Müller. It is possible, then, that Müller and Telemann

created this Italian-language aria anew. A notable aspect of this aria is that the character who

sings it is a secondary character and the plot is set in Persia.97 Therefore the use of an Italian- language aria by a less-important character in an opera in Persia seems peculiar. It is possible

that Telemann and Müller were attempting to highlight the “otherness” of this character, with

Italian language serving as a secondary means of marking the character. Alternately, this could

be a case of a “suitcase aria” which has made its way into the Urtext of the work. If the former

93 Recall that my study focuses on vocal sections that are not recitatives, since Telemann retained the practice of using German recitatives. 94 Menke, TVWV II, 4. 95 Georg Philipp Telemann, Miriways, ed. Brit Reipsch (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1999), 110-116. 96 Ibid., XI. 97 Ibid., XII. !37

situation were the case, is Italian language meant to heighten or reduce the social stature of the

character or specific point in the plot? A thorough analysis of style register in the context of the

plot of Miriways may provide a better understanding of the use of Italian in this instance, but

such an analysis would be outside the scope of my thesis.98

Also in category B is Flavius Bertaridus TVWV 21:27 (Hamburg, 1729), designated in the Telemann Werkverzeichnis (sub-category vocal works) simply as an opera in three acts.99

This opera fits firmly into this category, with 12 of its 41 non-recitative numbers specified to be

sung in Italian. The libretto was written partially by Telemann and partially by Wend, though the

matter of “who wrote which half?” remains to be solved.100 The main source for this libretto is

Stefano Ghisi’s opera seria libretto, Flavio Bertarido, Ré de Longobardi (Venice, 1706; music by Carlo Francesco Pollarolo). Though it shares the main elements of its plot with Haym/

Handel’s , regina de' Longobardi HWV 19 (London, 1725), Haym’s libretto was mostly adapted from Salvi’s libretto of the same name (, 1710; after Corneille:

Pertharite, roi des Lombards).101 The single exception to the Telemann/Wend libretto is the

inclusion of the text from an aria from the libretto for Handel’s HWV 12a and b

(London, 1720),102 “Quando mai, spietata sorte,” though the music in Telemann’s version is

vastly different.103 The use of both Italian and German arias in Flavius Bartaridus may then be

98 Decker, “Reconsidering Style Register in the Late Baroque,” 1. “Style register” refers to the hermeneutic associations of topics, structures, and other aspects that may determine the multiple levels of meanings within a work. Gregory Decker has proposed that “late-Baroque vocal works may have two “levels” of register: one grounded in the expectations for musical structure at the level of genre and another based on piece-specific uses of topic and style.” 99 Menke, TVWV II, 78. 100 Georg Philipp Telemann, Flavius Bertaridus, König der Longobarden. ed. Brit Reipsch (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2005), X. 101 Ibid., IX. 102 George Friderich Handel, Radamisto, Georg Friedrich Händels Werke. Vol. 63 (Leipzig: Deutsche Händelgesellschaft, 1875). 103 Telemann Flavius Bertaridus, X; For a comparison, see Handel’s Radamisto, Act II, scene 1: Zenobia’s aria (pp. 39-40), and Telemann’s Flavius Bertaridus, Act III, scene 9: Bertaridus’s aria (pp. 292-296). !38 seen as the attempt by Telemann to elicit certain style associations with Italian opera seria.

Byincluding German arias in a similar style, he is creating an experimental goût mélangé on which his cosmopolitan audience feasted.

Category C: Operas With Two Lang uages, Potentially as Alternate Texts

The issues within category C are easily problematized because of the differing views on which of the parallel texts—-in these operas, German and Italian—should be used in performance, since many or all non-recitative vocal numbers contain two sets of text in the score

(depending on the opera). “Ella mi vuol confondere/Wie sie mich ganz verwirren kann,”104 from

Telemann’s Pimpinone, oder Die ungleiche Heirat, oder Die herrschsüchtige Cammer-Mädgen

[Pimpinone, or The Unequal Marriage, or The Bossy Chambermaid] (1725 & 1728-29) illustrates this, shown in example 4.1. One near-contemporary account by German scholar

Christoph Daniel Ebeling (1741-1817) cites that “the arias in Pimpinone are in Italian and the

Example 4.1: Aria with two languages in Telemann’s Pimpinone: “Ella mi vuol confondere/Wie sie mich ganz verwirren kann,” mm. 1-4 (excerpt).

104 Telemann, Pimpinone, 18-23. !39 recitatives in German.”105 Yet in the 2014 critical edition of Telemann’s Pastorelle en musique,106 editor Christin Wollman states that “[it] is unknown whether the numbers were sung with the

German or the French words or alternated between the two languages. Clumsy prosody occurs at most in the German translation, yet very rarely, and can, if necessary, be counterbalanced by a skilful [sic] delivery.”107 It is possible, though unlikely, that Ebeling had seen a performance of

Pimpinone, since it was the only operatic work of Telemann’s that remained known.108 Ebeling most likely encountered a copy of Pimpinone in the library about which he was writing, and on which he based his observation. Though Wollman makes a case for the use of French over

German, she does conclude that the actual practice is not known, at least in the case of Pastorelle en musique.

A brief examination of available recordings of Pimpinone may show the opinions of producers, directors, and performers in regard to the matter of operas where there is a choice of language. Modern performances of Pimpinone do not concur with one another regarding which text to use, in this case, German or Italian. Of the three recordings considered, two use a mix of

Italian and German arias, duets, and choruses with the customary German recitative (Newport

Classics recording, conducted by Rudolph Palmer, 1990;109 and Deutsche Harmonia Mundi recording, conducted by Michael Schneider, 2015),110 and one opts for a German-only

105 Georg Philipp Telemann, Don Quichotte auf der Hochzeit des Comacho, ed. (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1991): vii. Quoted in Christoph Daniel Ebeling, “Versuch einer auserlesenen musikalischen Bibliothek,” in Unterhaltungen, vol. 10 (Hamburg: 1770), 524. 106 Telemann, Pastorelle en Musique. TVWV not yet designated. 107 Ibid., XVII. 108 Hellmuth Christian Wolff, “Georg Philipp Telemann—300 Jahre (zum 13. März 1981) Eleganz und Grazie— Symmetrie und Witz,” Die Musikforschung 34, vol. 1 (January-March, 1981): 48, accessed December 12, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23231623. 109 Georg Philipp Telemann, Pimpinone, conducted by Rudolph Palmer. recorded with the of St. Luke’s, et al., (no recording date available; released October 10, 1990), Newport Classic NCD60117, 1990. CD 110 Georg Philipp Telemann, Pimpinone, conducted by Michael Schneider, recorded with La , et al., (no recording date available; released May 5, 2015), Deutsche Harmonia Mundi 88875063202, 2015. !40 performance ( Classics recording, conducted by , 1998).111 With little discussion among scholars regarding this issue, it is not at all surprising to find performances in different languages.

One aria in (The Patient Socrates) TVWV 21:9 (Hamburg,

1721), a comic opera in three acts, could be said to place this work between categories C and D, if the purpose of this third language were not so apparent. In “Corpus meus exaltabo,” Act I, scene 4, no. 9,112 Pitho, a student of Socrates, mixes study with pleasure by enjoying a glass of wine while practicing his Latin:

Corpus meus exaltabo, Exalt my body, Hab’ ich erst ein gut Glas Wein. I’ll first have a good glass of wine.

Vinus bonus mihi dabo, Give me a good wine, als dann sprech’ ich gut Latein. as I speak good Latin.

In this case, the use of a language not often found on the stage is quite clear. The librettist,

Johann Ulrich von König, takes the opportunity to fuse the subject-matter with the text for comedic purposes. The functional clarity with which König uses Latin—as a high-level foil to an apparently drunken student—suggests that Telemann used mix languages for dramatic purposes, by invoking the European tradition of comedic macaronic verse.113

Category D: Opera With Three Languages: Orpheus

Category D, which includes only Orpheus, is the most complex, since it includes

German, Italian, and French texts. Each of the vocal numbers has only one specified text

111 Georg Philipp Telemann, Pimpinone, conducted by Helmut Koch, recorded with Berlin Staatskapelle Orchestra, et al., (no recording date available; released September 15, 1998), Berlin Classics 2071, 2015. 112 Georg Philipp Telemann, Die geduldige Socrates, ed. Bernd Baselt (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1967), 38-40. 113 Add to this the fact that Latin is being used by Greek characters. !41

Table 4.2: Known Sources for Telemann’s Orpheus.

Act, Scene, Text Incipit Source Number, Roll Source Source in Telemann’s Librettist/ in Telemann’s Libretto Act, Scene, Role Orpheus Composer Orpheus

I, 1, No. 5, Orasia Su mio core, a la L’Adelaide Pietro Dolfino/ II, 9, Gissilla vendetta! (Venice, 1672) Antonio Sartorio

I, 3, No. 13, Chi sta in corte L’Adelaide Pietro Dolfino/ I, 6, Lindo Orpheus (Venice, 1672) Antonio Sartorio

I, 4, No. 15, Non ho maggior Messalina Francesco Maria I, 1, Messalina Orpheus contento (Venice, 1680) Piccioli/Carlo Pallavicino

I, 8, No. 25, A l’incendio d’un Caligula delirante Domenico II, 7, Caligula Eurimides occhio moroso (Venice, 1672) Gisberti/Giovanni Maria Pagliardi

I, 9, No. 31, Tiranna, spietata L’Adelaide Pietro Dolfino/ I, 18, Adelaide Orpheus fortuna (Venice, 1672) Antonio Sartorio

I, 10, No. 35, C’est ma plus Amadis Pierre Quinault/ I, 2, Florestan & Orasia chère envie (Paris, 1684) Jean-Baptiste Lully Corisande

I, 10, No. 37, L’amour plaît Thésée Pierre Quinault/ IV, 7, Entrée de Orasia malgré ses peines (Paris, 1675) Jean-Baptiste Lully Bergers et Bergères

II, 5, No. 51, Heureux mortel! Orphée Michel Du Boulay/ II, 6 Chorus quelle est ta gloire (Paris, 1690) Louis and Jean- Louis Lully

II, 8, No. 61, Vezzosi lumi La costanza vince unknown/Johann I, 10, Alindo Orpheus l’inganno Christoph (Darmstadt, 1719) Graupner (?)

III, 3, No. 70, Augeletti, che and I, 6, Almirena Eurimedes cantate (London, 1711) / George Frideric Handel

III, 7, No. 79/80, Esprits de haine et Armide Pierre Quinault/ II, 2, Hidraot & Orasia, Chorus de rage (Paris, 1686) Jean-Baptiste Lully Armide

III, 8, No. 87 Hélas! quels Amadis Pierre Quinault/ II, 5, Amadis & Orasia soupirs me (Paris, 1684) Jean-Baptiste Lully Corisande répondent? !42 language, so the issues that arise in category C do not apply here. Rather, most of the issues in

Orpheus involve the many sources from which the librettist derived the texts. The identification of the librettist is also problematic. Rashid-Sascha Pegah has observed that the general plot and portrayal of characters follows an earlier French libretto (Orpheus, 1689/90)114 by Friedrich

Christian Bressand (1670-1699),115 on which an often-used German/Italian libretto was based.116

Telemann (or the unknown librettist), however, replaced many of the arias with text of his or her own, though Pegah states that the substitutions retain the character of Bressand’s libretto.117

Wolfgang Hirschmann, in the 2011 Bärenreiter critical edition of Telemann’s Orpheus, makes the extent of text borrowing very clear.118 The librettist borrows the texts from eight earlier sources of French, Italian, and German libretti for twelve arias and choruses in Orpheus.

As is shown above in table 4.2, these include texts in Italian and French in operas by Jean-

Baptiste Lully, Johann Christoph Graupner, and George Frideric Handel, among others.119

In no case does Telemann seem to include the entirety of an original text. Rather, he reset an excerpt of the text, often in a style that mimics the original source in some way. A surface- level comparison of Telemann’s setting of the text “Esprits de haine et de rage” (Act III, scene 7,

Nos. 79 & 80)120 with the original setting in Quinault and Lully’s Armide (Paris, 1684),

“Arretons-nous icy” (Act II, scene 1)121 makes this practice clear, as depicted in example 4.2.

114 Pegah, “Orphée-Librettos,” 163. 115 Ibid., 171. Bressand’s libretto was, in turn, influenced by a French libretto by Michel Du Boulay (1689/90). 116 Ibid., 167-68. Bressand’s libretto both predates and was used after Telemann’s Orpheus, between 1698 and 1753. They were set to music by Reinhard Keiser, Georg Kaspar Schürmann, and (often in collaboration with each other) in several productions that date between 1698 and 1753. 117 Ibid., 172. 118 Telemann, Orpheus, XIX. 119 I have not yet discovered how Telemann obtained these libretti. 120 Telemann, Orpheus, 159-62. 121 Jean-Baptiste Lully, Armide (Paris: Christoph Ballard, 1686), 69-78. !43

Example 4.2: Text Comparison. a: Lully, J-B, Armide (Paris, 1696) b: Telemann, Orpheus (Hamburg, 1726) “Esprits de haine & de rage,” (II, 2), “Esprits de haine et de rage,” (III, 7). mm. 41-127.

Armide & Hidraot No. 79, Aria: (repeats not shown) Orasia (repeats not shown) m. 41: m. 12: Esprits de haine & de rage, Esprits de haine et de rage, Demons, obeïssez nous. démons, obéissez nous! m. 70: m. 19: Livrez à nostre couroux Livrez à notre courroux L’Ennemy qui nous outrage. l’ennemi, qui nous outrage. m. 86: No. 80, Chorus: Demons affreux, cachez-vouz m. 1: Sous une agreable image: Esprits de haine et de rage, Enchantez ce fier courage démons, obéissez nous! Par les charmes les plus doux. m. 8: (Reprise) Livrez à notre courroux l’ennemi, qui nous outrage.

Telemann extracts texts from a larger scene complex from Armide into his own scene

complex. Whereas Lully’s scene involves only the characters Hidraot and Armide, Telemann first

sets the excerpted text as a solo aria for Orasia and chorus. It is notable that Lully sets the text in

imitative between the soloists, an aspect that Telemann emulates in the last section of

his chorus. Telemann also utilizes highly homophonic accompaniment, reminiscent of French

practices, though melismatic sections recall the Italian style. René Jacobs’s 1996 recording of

Telemann’s Orpheus122 further exploits the blend of styles between Telemann’s Italian-German

tendencies and Lully’s tragédie en musique by including the chorus in a repeat of Orasia’s aria,

and adding additional ornamentation to the single trill that Telemann marked in m. 21 of his

chorus. Additionally, Telemann’s Orpheus contains two newly composed French-language

122 Georg Philipp Telemann, Orpheus, oder Die wunderbare Beständigkeit der Liebe, conducted by René Jacobs, with the Akademie für Alte Musik, Berlin, et. al., October 1996, Harmonia Mundi 901618/19. Jacobs further exploits the fusion of styles in his production by adding and dances in French, Polish, and Italian styles. !44 choruses: “Les plaisirs sont de tous les âges”123 and “Rions, chantons”124 (Act I, scenes 19 and

21), neither of which have been found to derive from a previous libretto. Both of these choruses are in a similar style as Telemann’s “Esprits de haine et de rage,” which fuses French and Italian styles, yet contain text that does not seem to derive from an older French libretto.

Unlike the operas in category C, where the use of either Italian or German language is ambiguous, the function of mixed-language sections in Orpheus is apparent. This has been brought to light through the conspicuous replacement of other foreign-language texts over the

Bressand libretto, on which the opera is said to have been based. The addition of newly- composed French-language numbers that are included suggest a deliberate and well-thought out plan to fuse many languages into a single opera.

It has become clear that Telemann used language as a tool to enrich the dramatic content of his staged works. Through his experiments with language, he took advantage of certain constructs of national and other styles: using French in Pastorelle en musique to invoke the pastoral, Italian in Flavius Berteridus to allude to style implications within opera seria, and Latin in Der geduldige Socrates as macaronic comedic relief. It was not language alone, however, that created the dramatic allusion. Rather, it was the interrelation between language and musical elements which were combined to depict an idea or image, such as fury, the pastoral, or comedy.

In the previous chapters I have examined contemporary ideas on musical style and

Telemann’s use of language. In the fourth and final chapter, I will combine the ideas of style and language to deconstruct and reconstruct the style/language interrelation in Orpheus. Telemann’s

123 Telemann, Orpheus, 41-43. 124 Ibid., 44-45. !45

Orpheus goes beyond occasional style and language mixing. This musical banquet of the goût mélangé creates the fabric from which Orpheus was created. !46

CHAPTER 5. DECONSTRUCTING AND RECONSTRUCTING THE MIXED TASTE IN ORPHEUS

It was necessary for musicians to be familiar with the various elements of many different musical tastes and styles of music so that they could perform a variety of works in their respective manners, or tastes. With the Hamburg audience members comprised of individuals from a variety of social and national backgrounds, it is likely that they were also familiar with the connotations that these style elements carried, and indeed, could connect to them. The goal of the composers of the Hamburg stage was to achieve a variety of musical styles in their works125

and Telemann, either through necessity or personal prowess (likely both), provided his spectators

with a musical banquet of tastes.126

I argue that Orpheus represents a microcosm of the mixed taste. The means by which

Telemann presents this amalgamation is not homogenous, however. We know that the German

taste—for which Telemann was hailed as a master—inherently embodies many different styles.

But Telemann did not simply set the borrowed libretto to music in the German taste throughout.

Rather, he sought to make clear the allusions to national tastes and levels of style, to infuse

Orpheus with an ultimate mélange of tastes for dramatic purposes. This resulted in characters

with additional depth in a work with more variety than perhaps any other opera to date.

In this final chapter, I deconstruct and reconstruct selections from Orpheus. I will

accomplish this by analyzing selections from the opera and by drawing on the evidence of mixed

styles gleaned from the previous chapters. Through deconstruction, various French, Italian,

German, and other musical elements will be singled out as they relate to constructs of national

125 Harriss, “Mattheson,” 289-90. Emphasis by Mattheson. 126 Jahn, Die Sinne, 253-54. !47 styles. In the final section, I reconstruct these respective tastes through the analysis of a mixed taste number, demonstrating how individual musical elements were borrowed by Telemann to develop a German idiom. By doing so, I demonstrate how the element of language helps to concretize what Telemann and his contemporaries thought constituted the various musical tastes outlined in treatises and works of their time.

French Taste

The influence of French musical style in Telemann’s vocal works has been briefly investigated in some detail by such scholars as Rashid-Sascha Pegah,127 Herbert Schneider,128 and Peter Huth.129 While Pegah’s study centered on Michel Du Boulay’s libretto, which Keiser,

Telemann, and other German composers used as a basis for their own Orpheus-themed works,

Huth strove to begin to understand which so-called French elements Telemann incorporated into his Orpheus of 1726. Although Huth inaccurately claimed that Orpheus is Telemann’s only surviving French-language work (Pastorelle en musique [Frankfurt, ca. 1713-16], a pastoral play, mixes German recitative and German and French airs and choruses),130 he makes some astute observations about common French, Italian, and German musical tastes found in Telemann’s work. Huth attributes the use of simple imitation, hemoilas, choruses in the French operatic convention, and arias that follow the form of airs de cours. I assert, however, that musical elements such as contrasting tempos, particular scoring, and some striking correlations between a

127 Pegah, “Orphée-Librettos.” 128 Herbert Schneider, “Telemanns französischer Stil unter interkultureller Perspektive. Zum Stiltransfer und zur Stiltransformation im ‘Hochzeit=’ und im ‘Orpheus,’” in Telemann und Frankreich. Frankreich und Telemann, ed. Carsten Lange, Brit Reipsch, and Wolf Hobohm (Hildesheim: Olms, 2009). 129 Peter Huth, “Telemanns Hamburger Opern nach französischen Vorbild.” Französischer Einflüsse auf Deutsche Musiker im 18. Jahrhundert, 10. Arloser Barock-Festspiele 1995, Tagungsbericht, ed. Friedhelm Brusniak and Annemarie Clostermann. (Cologne: Studio, 1995). 130 Huth, “Telemanns Hamburger Opern,” 133. See also Schneider, “Telemanns französischer Stil,” 113. !48 source and Telemann’s setting will also serve to illustrate that Telemann sought to evoke and create, through a German lens, the French taste in Orpheus.

The text for the chorus “Heureux mortel!”131 derives from the libretto Orphée132 by

Michel Du Boulay (Paris, 1690), set to music by Louis and Jean-Louis Lully, which was used as the framework that Telemann used to plan his own Orpheus.133 A comparison of the scores of these two settings reveals that not only did Telemann borrow the text, he also made an effort to infuse his mixed-taste opera with French musical elements.

Although, as we will see, Telemann borrowed many elements from the original setting of

“Heureux mortel!” he set his version in an original manner. Many differences exist between the two settings: the Lully/Lully/Du Boulay setting (example 5.1) utilizes the French five-part string orchestra (dessus, haute-contre, taille, quinte, and basse de violon),134 whereas Telemann is Example 5.1: Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, Orphée (Paris, 1690), “Heureux mortel!” (II, 7), mm. 1-7.

131 Telemann, Orpheus, 89-95. Louis Lully, Jean-Louis Lully, and Michel DuBoulay, Orphée, (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1690), 154-62. 132 Lully, Orphée. 133 Pegah, “Orphée-Librettos,” 163. 134 Spitzer, Birth of the Orchestra, 76. This instrumentation follow’s Lully’s Les Vingt-quatre Violons du Roy. !49

Example 5.2: Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” (II, 5), mm. 1-4.

generally consistent throughout his work with an Italian-style four-part , plus continuo (two violins, viola, violoncello) (example 5.2). The 1690 setting begins with an extended introduction (mm. 1-21), titled “Marche des Ombres criminelles,” which was undoubtedly meant to serve as a dance section, but Telemann’s setting dispenses with this opening section and proceeds immediately with the texted section.135 As I will show in this analysis, Telemann drew many of the same stylistic elements from the earlier version, yet still manage a highly individual setting of the text. The relationship between the use meter, tempo, rhythm, and text can be seen as clear indications in the Lully/Lully and Telemann’s setting indicates that Telemann was aiming to conjure the French taste. Still, Telemann achieved this with individuality and in the mixed taste.

135 Jahn, Die Sinne, 254. Jahn observed that Telemann frequently avoids the opening ritornello in the arias of Orpheus. !50

Immediately upon viewing Telemann’s setting of his “Heureux mortel!” (see example

5.1, above) one is struck with the use of French performance markings, sure a sign that this number should be performed in a French style.136 Here the opening Gravement is followed at m.

4 with a sudden Vivement, along with a shift from common time to 3/8 meter. This use of mixed meters and shifting, flexible tempos also provides a correlation between the original source and

Telemann’s later setting.137

As was examined in Chapter 2, precise ornamentations were a common style element in seventeenth and eighteenth-century French music. French composers and music publishers added these to scores as a way of enhancing vocal music in a controlled manner—unlike most contemporary Italian ornamentation, which was almost exclusively improvised.138 Written-out ornamentation in mm. 3 (example 5.3a) and 28 (example 5.3b) also visibly indicate the French taste in the Telemann score.139

Example 5.3: Telemann, “Heureux mortel!” a (m. 3) and b (m. 56).

a:

b:

136 Undoubtedly akin to les Ombres Criminelles, les Danaïdes, and Suivants de Pluton which appear in the parallel number in the Lully, Lully/Du Boulay version. 137 Schneider, “französischer Styl,” 97. 138 It must be recognized that a certain amount of improvised ornamentation was expected in French practices. See Jacobs’s recording of Telemann’s Orpheus. 139 Kenneth Kreitner, et al. "Ornaments." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed November 28, 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/ music/49928pg7. !51

Modern editions of Lully’s Bellérophon include similar ornaments, based on known practice.140

In m. 8 (example 5.4a) a neighboring tone of E is inserted between descending F and D on the word “plaine” (plain - as in the topographic phenomenon), giving both grace to the melody and something of a “sigh” motive, enhancing that those plains are in fact “brulante” (burning).

Similarly, in mm. 14-15 (example 5.4b), “fertiles” is enhanced with an indicated passing tone.

Example 5.4: Lully, J-B, Bellérophon, “Les forêts,” (IV, 4) a (mm. 7-9) and b (13-15). a:

b:

This instance of text painting may be viewed ironically, since the plains are no longer fertile:

“Ces eaux qui sortaient dans nos plaines fertiles ne coulent plus!” (These waters that flowed out into our fertile plains no longer flow!). Precise, controlled, notated ornamentation for dramatic affect is a defining element of French music. Telemann undoubtedly sought to invoke the French taste when utilizing such markings.

Example 5.5: Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, Orphée, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 1 and 21. a:

b:

140 Jean-Baptiste Lully, Bellérophon, vol. 19, Chefs-d’Oeuvre Classiques de l’Opéra Français, ed. Théodor Michaelis, (New York: Broude Brothers, 1971), 218-219. !52

Example 5.6: Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 22-31.

27 !53

Example 5.7: Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” mm 1-10. !54

In “Heureux mortel!” Telemann does not replicate these French style markers exactly

from the source. Instead, he seems to reverse the duple-triple shift in the Louis and Jean-Louis

Lully version. The 1690 setting begins with the Marche in 3/2 time (example 5.5a), then shifts to

a presumably quick duple meter (indicated by 2) at m. 21 (example 5.5b) with the entrance of the

chorus on “Heureux mortels” in imitative polyphony (example 5.6). From mm. 27-30, Lully’s

chorus gradually shifts into a homophonic texture on the text “Celebrons la par nos concerts”141

(example 5.6) and remains in duple meter at the same tempo for the remainder of the number.

Telemann’s version, as stated, forgoes the introduction and enters immediately with the chorus on the same text, initially in a homophonic texture and slow tempo (as indicated by

Gravement, which indicates both tempo and performance style/affect), then suddenly shifts in tempo, meter, and texture to a Vivement 3/8 meter on the text “Célébrons la par nos concerts” (example 5.7) in increasingly melismatic imitative polyphony. The Telemann setting continues to exploit metric and tempo shifts between the same Gravement-Vivement and common time-3/8 polarities (example 5.8).

Example 5.8: Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” a (m. 26), b (m. 29), and c (m. 53).

a:

b:

c:

141 The 1690 score does not include the accents aigus on the word “Célébrons” (let’s celebrate) as the Telemann setting does, and as is accepted in modern French. !55

Telemann heightens the evocation of a French taste with one last change of character - still French - at m. 53, with a shift to 3/4 meter and change of instrumentation from three-part

(albeit Italianate) strings, plus continuo, to two-part strings and continuo “sans le

Clavessin” (example 5.9).

Example 5.9: Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 52-58. !56

To conclude the chorus, the character takes on a courtly feeling, perhaps like that of a

recapitulation of a French overture, from mm. 53-74, with a slower tempo (indicated by the meter marking in m. 53) and precisely notated ornamentation.142 Telemann’s setting concludes

with a da capo, again emulating Lully’s abbreviated reprise of “Heureux mortel” text and

.

There is a very clear parallel between the two settings: the rhythmic similarity between

the initial presentation of “Heureux mortel.” Though the two settings are very different regarding

their exact use of homophonic/polyphonic textures, they share the same off-beat dotted rhythm

(example 5.10).

Example 5.10a: Telemann, Orpheus, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 1-3.

Example 5.10b: Lully/Lully/Du Boulay, Orphée, “Heureux mortel!” mm. 22-24.

Additionally, Telemann uses the entirety of the French source text, rather than just a portion as

he does in most of the rest of the opera. In conjunction with such clear musical correlations

between the earlier tragédie lyrique and his later setting, he clearly sought to evoke the French

142 Jahn, Die Sinne, 255. Considering the extensive allusion to the French style used by Telemann in “Heureux mortels!” it should be understood that these single-dotted rhythms should be overdotted, and that straight eight-notes should be inégal. The Jacobs recording opts for overdotting the dotted rhythms. Jahn attempts to align Telemann’s setting of “Heureux mortel!” with a French overture form. I dispute this claim on the basis that this setting, though displaying similar character and contrast throughout, does so in a less structured form than a typical French overture: ||:A:||:B:||. !57 taste in this part of the “Heureux mortels!” Indeed, it seems likely that he may have had a copy of the Lully/Lully/Du Boulay score when setting the Du Boulay libretto to music.

Jahn and Schneider observed additional French musical correlations in other French- language sections of Orpheus. Jahn cites changing tempos and meter in the French manner in

“Les plaisirs sont de tous les âges” (Act I, scene 5, no. 19) and structural similarities with French airs de cours in “Hélas, quels soupirs me répendent” (Act III, scene 8, no. 87).143 Similarly,

Schneider aligned the metric text structure of “Les plaisirs” with a in the French style and interpreted Telemann’s omission of an opening ritornello in many of his arias as a French element—decidedly against Italian models.144

“Hélas, quels soupirs,” (Act III, scene 8, no. 87; example 5.11)145 from Telemann’s

Orpheus exhibits many of the traits of an air de cour and other French elements, outlined above.

The form of this short air is binary, with phrases that begin on the anacrusis and emphasis on the downbeat. The A section closes on a half cadence (G major in the key of c minor)—a favorite practice of Lully in his airs.146 As the text proceeds, the length of the phrases extends as Orasia’s sadness increases. The text setting is almost exclusively syllabic, with text painting created with specified ornamentation and melodic contours. “Répondent” (answer; mm. 2-3, 12-13, 16-17),

“regrets,” (mm. 11-12 & 15-16) and especially “confendent” (confused/merged; mm. 8-9) receive such enhancement. In mm. 8-9, “confendent” is set with a short melisma and trill, indicating Orasia’s shock at the death of her beloved Orpheus. Orasia’s exclamation

“Hélas” (alas) receives transformative meaning between its initial presentation in the A section as

143 Ibid., 255. 144 Schneider, “französischer Styl,” 107-112. 145 Telemann, Orpheus, 170. 146 John H. Baron. "Air de cour." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, accessed December 2, 2016, http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/00362. !58

an ascending minor 6th interval (m. 1) and later in the B section (m. 9) as an ascending major

6th. This text painting could indicate both Orasia’s acceptance of the situation and a growing

profundity of the situation. Later iterations of “regrets” and “répendent” (mm. 15-17) on

descending diminished fourths further enhance the affect of the air.

Example 5.11: Telemann, Orpheus,“Hélas, quels soupirs” (III, 8). !59

“Hélas, quels soupirs” follows examples of an air as set forth by Jean-Baptiste Lully, the

archetype of the French taste. It is in brief binary form and contains rhymed text that is set

mostly syllabically, and therefore devoid of and ornamentation—unless these musical

devices serve the text—all attributes of a French air. The simple accompaniment (realized by and viola da gamba in the Jacobs recording) is also typical of airs de cour. Thus, the most basic elements within Telemann’s “Hélas, quels soupirs” easily align this with the French taste.

Still, Schneider admits that many of Telemann’s French airs and choruses do not escape the composer’s propensity for the mixed taste.147 Despite this, or perhaps because of it, it is the

application of the language to these musical elements that concretizes Telemann’s attempt to

invoke a particular construct, national or otherwise.

Italian Taste

Perhaps no operatic sub-genre may be seen to be as consistently formulaic as Italian opera seria from the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Recalling its nearly uninterrupted recitative-aria-rectitative-etc. conventional structure, it is clear that Telemann too based Orpheus on this large-scale Italian repetition scheme, with almost no instrumental interludes148 and only 15 of its 91 total vocal numbers being choruses. In fact, the influence of

opera seria is felt throughout this opera: Italian instrumentation of two violins (sometimes

doubled by ), viola, and basso continuo is the standard for most of the numbers in Orpheus.

The scoring is similarly Italian, with dominant outer voices.149 As with Telemann’s use of French

musical elements in Orpheus, his use of the Italian taste is simultaneously conspicuous and

147 Telemann, Orpheus, 107. 148 The Jacobs recording contains additional dances and sinfonias, as well as a French overture at the beginning of the work, which are not found in the critical edition. 149 Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, 145. !60 mixed. We must therefore turn to the language used in each vocal number to interpolate

Telemann’s main allusion.

Certain conventions of Italian opera seria are supported in part by the source of the

Italian-language da capo aria in Telemann’s “Su, mio core a la vendetta” (Act I, scene 1, no. 5; example 5.12),150 “Si, si mora Adalberto, mora, mora” (Act II, scene 9, excerpt; example 5.13)151 from L’Adelaide (Venice, 1672) by Antonio Sartorio, on a libretto by Pietro Dolfino. It is necessary to note that Telemann likely used Sartorio’s setting only as a textual source and that he was not familiar with the original musical setting. Despite this, certain stylistic parallels can be made between the two settings. As Peter Huth observed, Telemann used Italian taste to portray such emotions as rage and revenge, and Telemann’s setting reflects this type of opera seria aria.152 Both Sartorio and Telemann settings are in D major - a common key for a revenge aria, and both are fast, virtuosic da capo arias - indeed what Quantz would describe as “free, daring, bold, extravagant.”153 The da capo form of Telemann’s “Su, mio core” is created through a clear use of tonality: this A section is in D major, with a B section in b minor, a key relationship common in this form of aria (see example 3.6). Harmonies throughout the aria are highly directional, as in mm. 8-11: a descending bass line guides a modulation from D major to A major

(example 5.14).

Telemann’s aria has a characteristic vocal line comprised of a wide tessatura (B4-A6), sudden, wide leaps - as on the text “Su mio” at mm. 1, 6, and 16. Bravura, motivically sequential, sixteenth-note melismas are used in text painting on such words as “vendetta” in mm. 20-24

150 Telemann, Orpheus, 9-14. 151 Antonio Sartorio, L’Adelaide (I-Vnm: Mss. It. IV. 380., n.d.[1672-99]), 73r-75r. 152 Huth, “Telemanns Hamburger Opern nach französischen Vorbild,” 135. See also Jahn, Die Sinne. 153 Reilly, Quantz, 334. !61

Example 5.12: Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core, a la vendetta” (I, 1), mm. 1-10.

Leaps

Leaps !62

Example 5.13: Sartorio, L’Adelaide, “Si, si mora Adalberto, mora, mora” (II, 9), excerpt. !63

Example 5.14: Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” mm. 8-11.

6 4 6 6 5 4 6 6 A: I IV I V3 I I vi V /V V3 V2 I V

I

Example 5.15: Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” mm. 20-24.

Example 5.16: Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” m. 14. !64

(example 5.15), covering an ambitus of a 12th. This melismatic passage is echoed by the orchestra throughout the aria, as seen in mm. 1-5 (see example 5.12, above) and 14 (example

5.16). The remainder of the melodic material for the voice is largely disjunct, allowing for the singer to highlight her virtuosity (see example 5.12). Additionally, a strong sense of expressive urgency is portrayed through unison writing in the voice and orchestra (example 5.17).

Example 5.17: Telemann, Orpheus, “Su, mio core,” mm. 16-17.

The main differences between the Sartorio and Telemann settings lie in the source’s use of

3/2 meter, siciliano rhythms, (see example 5.13) and the fact that Telemann only set part of the original text, necessarily replacing characters from the plot of L’Adelaide with those from

Orpheus.154 An examination of the librettos from these two operas illustrate Telemann’s text extraction (examples 5.18a and b). Still, this aria fits Scheibe’s description of the Italian taste with its aggressive and highly melismatic vocal line, simplistic harmonies, and “prominent ornamentation,” and is indeed akin to revenge arias by Handel, Vinci, and the like. By drawing

154 Antonio Sartorio and Pietro Dolfino, L’Adelaide (Venice: Francesco Nicolini, 1672), 44. !65

from conventions of Italian opera seria and orchestral scoring to compose an Italian-language

aria in Orpheus, Telemann illustrates what the Italian taste meant to him.155

Example 5.18: Text Comparison. a: Telemann, Orpheus libretto, “Su, mio core.” b: Sartorio/Dolfino, L’Adelaide libretto, “Sì sì mora Adalberto, mora mora.”

Italian Galant

Italian opera seria style was not the only iteration of the Italian taste that Telemann sought to infuse into Orpheus, however. Though the Italian style was the most pervasive throughout Western Europe in the early eighteenth century, Italian opera seria was beginning to wane at this time.156 This was due in part to the beginnings of opera reform and new

diversification of musical styles.157 At the same time as this decline, the galant style, which has

been suggested to begin around the —the very same time that Telemann was composing

Orpheus—was beginning to reach a peak in popularity.158 Though many scholars have struggled

to define in precise terms what exactly the galant style is, it may be said to possess a singing

quality, with regular periodic phrasing, simple harmonies and rhythms, and may be infused with

155 Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, 145. 156 Ibid. 157 Grout, A Short History of Opera, 126. 158 James Webster, “The Eighteenth Century as a Music-Historical Period?” Eighteenth-Century Music 1, no. 1 (2004): 47, accessed October 16, 2016, https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/ S147857060400003X. Galant style was indeed present in music before the 1720s, indeed in Italian opera. Throughout the middle of the eighteenth-century, with the decline of opera seria, the galant style grew in popularity. !66 pastoral and dance elements; and has been associated with theatrical music.159 While serving as a singer in the Hamburg opera under Keiser, Mattheson claims to have been required to be accustomed to it the galant style.160 He equates the galant style with the theatrical style, as opposed to the church or chamber style.161 In short, the relative simplicity of galant style may safely be described as an antithesis to the extravagance of much of what opera seria embodies, therefore offering Telemann an even greater musical palate with which to work.

“A l’incendo d’un occhio amoroso” represents a special blending of a galant style vocal piece, an Italian concerto for solo violin (labeled violino ) (Example 5.19) and a typical da capo aria from an opera seria - music for the stage and music for the chamber.162 This

Example 5.19: Telemann, Orpheus, “A l’incendo d’un occhio amoroso” (I, 8), mm. 1-9.

159 According to Mattheson. See Daniel Heartz and Bruce Alan Brown, ”Galant." Grove Music Online, accessed October 16, 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.bgsu.edu:8080/subscriber/article/grove/music/10512. 160 Mark Radice, “The Nature of the "Style Galant": Evidence from the Repertoire,” in The Musical Quarterly 83, No. 4 (Winter, 1999): 607-647, accessed October 16, 2016, http://www.jstor.org/stable/742618, 621-47. 161 Ibid. 162 Telemann, Orpheus, 49-52. !67

Example 5.19, continued.

Sparse inner voices comprised of short patterns and open fourths and fifths.

Parallel thirds between voice and basso continuo line. !68 aria is one of the few with a ritornello introduction in Orpheus. The slow harmonic motion and treble-dominant melody of Italian scoring of the A section indicate the style galant. A pastoral feeling is evoked by the use of simple repetitive musical units, especially in unison and open 4ths and 5ths in the inner voices (example 5.19, violins and viola, mm. 4-6). Especially stereotypical of the pastoral and galant are duets built on parallel thirds, as in the voice and basso continuo line in mm. 7-ff (ex. 5.19). Contrasting melodic material in the voice and concertato violin, thinned out textures (by eliminating the ensemble violins and ), and the use of G minor mode—the relative minor to B-flat major of the A section (example 5.20)—set the B section in contrast with the opening material, which frames this da capo aria.

Example 5.20: Telemann, Orpheus, “A l’incendo d’un occhio amoroso,” mm. 25-27.

Telemann achieves a masterful balance between the delicate, mostly syllabic, and conjunct vocal melody with the virtuosic, yet equally delicate obbligato violin line. Only one extended melisma for voice is present, in the B section, mm. 26-27 (see example 5.20). Its relative simplicity contrasts greatly with the previous da capo arias studied above. The highly contrasting B section in the relative minor contains increasingly distant harmonies, elements that are typical of this section of da capo arias. The voice and solo violin act as soloists in a virtuosic Baroque duo !69

concerto, yet the harmonic and melodic simplicity of the A section acts as a foil to the

extravagance of typical Italianate concertos and opera seria arias.

German Taste

German Galant

Another aria also fits into the style galant: the German-language duet “Angenehmer

Aufenthalt.”163 Like “A l’incendo” and most of the remainder of Orpheus, Telemann utilizes

Italian instrumentation and scoring with sparse inner voices. The repetition scheme is rather

complex, as is seen in example 5.21, perhaps recalling a dance form that is based on a larger

binary structure.

Example 5.21: Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt” (I, 2).

A B AI ritornello ||: a :|| b ||: c :|| d ritornello a b

Also similar to “A l’incendo,” the first violin part acts as ornamentation against the simple vocal

duet throughout the A section (example 5.22).

Example 5.22: Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt,” mm. 15-21.

163 Telemann, Orpheus, 16-18. !70

Pastoral elements abound in this number: highly conjunct vocal melodies that are written in parallel thirds (in the A section and at the end of the B section), accompanied by a rhythmically- active drone in the lower strings and continuo line. Lombardic rhythms, which are characterized by placing shorter notes on strong beats, are also indicative of the galant style (example 5.23).

Example 5.23: Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt,” mm. 1-2.

At the beginning of the instrumentally pared-down B section, the two vocal lines alternate in imitative polyphonic texture, creating hocket on the word “Alles” in mm. 43-44 (example 5.24), as the two voices pass the descending fifth between each other, then continue in similar imitative texture. After the conclusion of the da capo, the A section is reprised by the Chor der Nymphen, this time accompanied only by viola and continuo in unison, therefore heightening this simple, idealized, galant character of this pastoral scene.

Example 5.24: Telemann, Orpheus, “Angenehmer aufenthalt,” mm. 43-45. !71

German Mixed Taste

As has been made clear in the previous two examples, Telemann rarely completely adheres to any one particular “taste” in the individual numbers of Orpheus. Many, though not all, of the non-recitative numbers in the opera follow Italian da capo aria form and use Italian scoring. Yet Telemann successfully infuses a variety of “tastes” to this formula to achieve variety and dramatic effects: obbligato instruments, varieties of textures, mixing meters and tempos, and pared-down scoring, all of which can be traced to particular “tastes” and style markers. Still, since these elements on their own may not convincingly indicate a particular “taste” or marker, I have suggested that the interrelation between languages that Telemann uses in conjunction with their correlating musical elements serves to clarify what he and other musicians and music scholars thought about the “mixed taste” and its components.

One further example serves to illustrate Telemann’s mastery of identifying and mixing musical tastes; in other words, what makes Telemann a master of the German mixed taste. The scoring of the German-language aria “Einsamkeit ist mein Vergnügen”164 is simple: unison violins and continuo with obbligato flauto dolce (example 5.25)—which itself alludes to the pastoral and galant. On their own, these elements may suggest a piece in the Italian taste. The primary key area of the number, G minor, is perfectly suited for the affect of grief portrayed by the text, “Einsamkeit ist mein Vergnügen; nichts erfreut mich mehr als sie” (“Loneliness is my pleasure; nothing joys me as much as she.” This loneliness is indeed enhanced by the lean textures and extensive use of unison voice and orchestra. Text painting is also present in this number: without fail, the word “erfreut” (to joy) is either set to a B-flat major chord (example

164 Telemann, Orpheus, 20-22. !72

Example 5.25: Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit is mein Vergnügen” (I, 2), mm. 1-15.

Example 5.26: Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit is mein Vergnügen.” a: “Erfreut” (mm. 18-22). b: “Vergnügen” (mm. 27-28). !73

5.26), the relative major to the key of the number, or is accompanied by unison orchestra with the preceding material hinting at a major modality (as in example 5.25, mm. 13-14). This musical/textual association illuminates that Orpheus is able to find joy (B-flat major) in the midst of sadness (g minor, the key of the number). Similar treatment is given to “Vergnügen” (pleasure) in mm. 27-28, set to D major, the tonal dominant of the A section. (example 5.27). In the B section (beginning at m. 50), “Senza cembalo” and the omission of the orchestral strings heighten the contrast of the da capo form and intensifies the feeling of Einsamkeit that pervades this number. Here, Orpheus is accompanied only by a non-chordal basso continuo line, representing his descent into sadness (and perhaps the underworld) and solo violin, which surely symbolizes his lyre with its flowing, lyrical melody. However, at mm. 57-58, the “lyre” abruptly halts and a rhythmically agitated “bird call” emerges (played on the flauto dolce), piercing through the stark texture. Yet this singular entity soon abandons Orpheus as he descends deeper into his sadness.

Winding harmonic motion accompanies Orpheus toward the end of his journey: Though the B section seems to begin in B-flat major, this is soon lost, and the tonal center becomes increasingly ambiguous until ending in the distant key of d minor. This loss of center and calm is reflected in the melody. The word “Macht” (power) is set to the only extended melisma in the aria. Its rising contour twists and turns atop the unstable harmonies until it reaches its aptly-set peak: a high F on the word “größten” (greatest). Orpheus then returns to the A section, resuming his journey, which is imbued by “Einsamkeit.”

The idea of basing the overall affect of an entire piece on a single word can be found also in “Lieben und nicht geliebet sein,”165 symbolized not only in the vocal line but in instrumental

165 Telemann, Orpheus, 6-8. !74

Example 5.27: Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit is mein Vergnügen,” mm. 57-81.

Lyre:

o6 6 6 F: I6 vii I d: i v iv Bird call:

V i6 (V4) i6 i6 (V4) i6 i 3 3 6 o6 6 5 6 c: ii V i vii i V - 3 -

6 5 o6 6 6 5 6 6 6 5 i Bb: I IV vii I - 3 vii V I F: V 5 I (IV - 3) I IV V 4 - 3 I

I IV6 V6 I vi ii6 d: iv6 V - 4 i6 iØ6 V i V4 i6 iv6-5 V i 2 5 3 3 !75 figures. Jahn identifies this text-driven instrumental writing as an older German Protestant church style, which often based its musikalische Inventio on a single word.166 Telemann bases his accompaniment on the word “übersteiget” (to rise, to transcend), first seen in m. 5. Rising chains of suspensions created by a dialogue between violins 1 & 2 (example 5.28a) and later between the vocal line and violin I/ (example 5.28b) illustrate text painting—musikalische

Inventio on this key word.167 The sense of transcendence may also be symbolized in the gradually rising, repeated dotted figure on “lieben” in mm. 8-9.

Example 5.28: Telemann, Orpheus, “Lieben und nicht geliebet sein” (I, 1), a (mm. 1-3) and b (5-6).

a:

b:

Telemann is similarly successful in conveying the affect of grief in a later aria, “Ach Tod, ach süßer Tod,” which embodies a sense of prolonging decline—the inevitability of death—through slow, dense accompaniment and text painting with the persistent use of a descending melodic vocal figure (example 5.29).

166 Jahn, Die Sinne und die Oper, 256. 167 It is interesting to note that Telemann utilizes these suspensions in a contrary fashion, since chains of suspensions usually descend. !76

Example 5.29: Telemann, Orpheus, “Ach Tod, ach süßer Tod” (I, 9), mm. 1-13.

Whereas “Ach Tod” contains additional implications of German church music, with pedals and subject matter not unlike that which is found in contemporary sacred Protestant music, “Einsamkeit” alludes to a heightened French dance.168 The 3/8 meter and eighth-quarter- quarter-eighth rhythm (example 5.30a), as well as shifts to 3/4 meter (example 5.30b), indicate that this is based on a passepied, sans an anacrusis. Italianate displays of virtuosity that occur in

168 Schneider, “französischer Stil,” 101-3. Schneider provides a thorough discussion on the way that Telemann set French dance forms to text. !77 the violins and flauto dolce in the B section (mm. 51-61) (see example 5.27, above), are mixed with notated ornamentation in the French style (example 5.30c).

Example 5.30: Telemann, Orpheus, “Einsamkeit ist mein Vergnügen,” a (mm. 1-2), b (35-37), and c (66-70). a: b:

c:

When these French and Italian musical elements are combined with German Protestant musikalische Inventio and harmonic novelty, result is something that Scheibe, Quantz,

Mattheson, and Telemann would describe to be in der deutsche Geschmack. Yet this amalgamation of disparate musical devices would not be so easily recognized without the presence of the text. Telemann used language and musical style work hand-in-hand to create a work with unprecedented variety: a banquet of the finest goût on which his cosmopolitan audience feasted. !78

CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION

Despite Telemann’s attempt to offer his audience such musical and linguistic variety, my brief discussion about the reception of Orpheus (in Chapter 4) shows that this work was not so successful that it merited repeat performances. To present an opera that was so brazenly in opposition to concurrent ideas about German language purity was risky, even in cosmopolitan

Hamburg. Yet besides Telemann’s affinity for the mixed taste, there may be another reason for such a bold combination of musical tastes in Orpheus. The work was commissioned by

Margaretha Kayser, “Madame Kayserinn” on the cover of the libretto. A well-known singer of concert and theatrical productions, Kayser is likewise recognized for her work as a concert organizer (Konzertveranstalterin) for the Hamburg stage.169 Kayser also assumed the role of Orasia—the high priestess. It becomes clear that her role was written specifically for her when observing that twelve of the twenty-nine arias in Orpheus are for Orasia. Orasia has arias in all three major languages in the work, and she receives all of the arias that are in French.

Kayser clearly used Orpheus as an ostentatious display of her mastery of various styles— something Mattheson et. al. would surely approve. Further research into the reception history of

Orpheus is needed before more concrete conclusions can be made about the success and circumstances around the performance of this work. Needed avenues of investigation include: consideration of performer and institution at the Oper am Gänsemarkt and their possible impact of the “multi-language” concept of the opera; the issue of Sprachreinheit, growing nationalism, and drama theory (through the lens of Gottsched and the Enlightenment) as possible reasons for

169 Telemann, Orpheus, VIII. !79 a relatively cold reception of Orpheus. Exploring these questions could reveal the reasons why

Orpheus did not fare well in a climate so hostile to foreign-language works. For now, it remains curious to me why this ultimate “experiment” apparently failed in a cosmopolitan city like

Hamburg.

In the previous chapters, I examined various conceptions that Telemann and some of his contemporaries had about musical taste. As I have shown, many eighteenth-century writings on the subject do little to specify exactly what constitutes each of these styles: in particular, nationally-based constructs of French, Italian, and German musical idioms. Admittedly, the contemporary sources that were examined are all German, and it is easily detectable that an underlying motive behind their constructions of taste was to promote the German mixed taste as the peak of musical development. Recalling Scheibe (my emphasis):

It becomes apparent from this outline that the German is born for imitation and for tireless diligence. It is particularly these two characteristics which we have to thank for the improvement of the French and Italian styles, and that we gave the first such an impressive form as no Italian has been able to. And who does not know that the so-called Italian music as we can find it in the works of our greatest German composers is of German descent. And that it could never have reached the status which it currently has without the Germans. Yes, we have finally in the music found the good taste that Italy never showed us in its complete beauty. Hasse and Graun were also admired by Italians prove through their natural and inventive works how beautiful it is to possess and practice the good taste. The production of the good taste in good music has been the work of German intellect, and no other nation can praise itself for its true merit, however I have to remind us that the Germans have been for a long time the masters of instrumental music and the skill they have maintained to this very day.170

Whatever their motives, however, none of these eighteenth-century musician-theorists sufficiently described exactly—from a twenty first-century perspective—what constituted these tastes. Rather, they relied on the musical knowledge of the reader to interpret musical works

170 Scheibe, Critischer Musikus, 149. !80

from their personal experience. This would have left their treatises out of the grasp of the

contemporary musical novice and into the realm of the Kenner and a few Liebhaber.

Most of today’s readers of these same writings are no better off than Telemann’s contemporaries when attempting to decipher them. In his article, “The Genesis of Mattheson’s

Style Classification,” published in New Mattheson Studies (1983), Claude Palisca examines the sources and circumstances surrounding the development of Mattheson’s famous attempt at classifying style.171 Mattheson’s initial tripartite division into church, chamber, and theatrical

styles, presented first in his article “Von der Composition unterschiedenen Arten und

Sorten” (1713) grew with time, research, and polemical writings. By the time of his Der

vollkommene Capellmeister (1739), Mattheson’s divisions and subdivisions of style became so

complex that Palisca can only recognize the chapter on style as comprising an illogical

discussion in the midst of a highly logical work. Palisca noted, “The multilevel style distinctions

in the Vollkommener [sic] Capellmeister defy graphic schematization, as was possible with

Kircher’s system,” which Palisca included in his article and Mattheson had adopted as an early

model.172

Despite this, many scholars have dedicated immense amounts of time to the discernment

of musical style and meaning. Leonard Ratner, Charles Rosen, and Robert Hatten have written

extensively on musical style in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, affording musicians,

scholars, and interested listeners more insight into the music of these periods. Steven Zohn has

been shown to successfully analyze and identify Telemann’s mixed taste in his instrumental

171 Claude V. Palisca, “The Genesis of Mattheson’s Style Classification,” in New Mattheson Studies, ed. George Bueloqw and Hans Joachim Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). 172 Palisca, “Genesis,” 414. !81 works, mainly by focusing on genre as a key to identifying nationally-based constructs of musical taste. As we have seen, however, much of Telemann’s music is inherently mixed, so simple genre allusions may not always prove sufficient in the identification of these style constructs.

There are indeed musical commonalities between the formal and ornamental practices of

Italian instrumental music and Italian opera seria, just as there are between practices in French instrumental music and opera. Scheibe, Quantz, Mattheson, and Telemann all recognized this, yet were rarely able to precisely describe these musical elements in their constructions of national tastes. Furthermore, my discussion of style has been limited to constructions of national tastes and has taken for granted style implications based on social constructs: church, chamber, and theater, as well as high, middle, and low styles. The inclusion of this depth of analysis of

Orpheus would certainly be outside the scope of my thesis. Yet it could be helpful in bringing additional meaning to the plot of the opera: Are there connections between language/style and the character who is utilizing it for communication? Is there significance in the use of a particular language/style and setting or plot (eg. French is commonly used in underworld scenes; Italian is used almost exclusively for scenes of idyllic love, or conversely, rage)? This future analysis will further elucidate how Telemann and his contemporaries constructed their musical tastes.

The application of language to music in opera has assisted me in my analysis as the key signifier of taste. I accomplished this by building on Zohn’s seminal work on Telemann’s mixing of national tastes, with roots in genres with strong national ties. Likewise, I have connected genre to musical elements, and musical elements to language in opera in order to more precisely define contemporary ideas of the mixed taste. With its profusion of styles and languages, Telemann’s !82

Orpheus can be viewed as both a tool for analysis and a microcosm of early eighteenth-century style. !83

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APPENDIX A: SCHEIBE’S CRITISCHER MUSIKUS (1737), CHAPTER 15 Translated by Robert A. Rue and Arne Spohr

The 15th Chapter (Stück)

Thursday, the 17th of September 1737

I do myself harm when I see so much foolishness that I modestly pass by in .

Having explained the good and bad of writing: so must I now also investigate those classifications which arise partly from the nations, partly also from time and place when and where a musical piece has been exported.

With respect to the nations, one has mainly the Italian, the French, the German, and the

Polish style. Other nations follow these pre-set classes, either wholly, or only a little and with few musical pieces which therefore do not require special treatment.

With respect to places and time, one has the church style, the theatrical style, and the chamber style. To the examination of these divisions belongs also composition of the distinguished pieces, taken partly individually, partly together.

Besides [these] divisions of the styles, one still has [a style] that by itself relates to the composer and whereby each composer is distinguished from another. One calls this a personal

[or: particular] style. This kind of style cannot be specifically described, nor can general rules be given for it: rather, it is naturally owned by all skillful composers. Who does not know that, when !92 one looks at the different pieces of a composer, one can soon differentiate these works from those by other composers. It is also certain that the composer who has not yet developed his own personal style [and] is able to reproduce [it] at any instance, can not be too sure of his own skill.

It is the lack of the same characteristic, that he is not sure and certain of his writing, that his nature does not have the upper hand and that he is not protected from all disorderly excesses in his works.

Henceforth I will talk more clearly than the earlier divisions.

We find that the earliest peoples from the beginning of times have introduced a marked difference in their songs. The way that nations differentiate their songs is not at all new. The ancient Greeks have understood since the beginning that the nations, by virtue of their different natures or after their natural affections, must also enjoy special features in music. And they were also not of the same opinion in regard to their songs, to their instrumental playing, and even to the kinds of stringed and wind instruments.

The incorrect interpretation that some people have made about the kinds of music of the ancient Greeks, and then the somewhat vague and in some parts, obscure sources, that this celebrated nation has left behind in regard to their musical pieces can be blamed for the fact that one views wrongly the way of composing and of singing and playing their songs, and that one takes that for keys, according to our own terminology, what are rather different musical styles or genres. Accordingly, we find dorian, phrygian, ionian, aeolian, and lydian musical styles. These styles derive their [particular] names from the nations which either developed them or which most loved them. And it is not entirely unlikely that any of these nations had become accustomed !93 to a certain key through which they expressed themselves either most comfortably, or which was perhaps closest to their nature, or which they mostly followed out of sheer habit.

How would it also possibly have happened that they would have ascribed so many different effects to their styles of music if they had just viewed them as scales or as particular sequences of intervals? Certainly there must indeed have been something important that above all had conveyed the given important effects. They must have considered the inner quality, indeed the particular organization of composing, particular melodies in each particular key; whereby they also may have reached their intentions. And we notice so not now in our common music styles certain properties that lead to actions or affections by nature.173

It has so often seemed ridiculous to me, when I find the opinion among most of the scholars of the ancients, that this or that key is best to express sad, violent, or amusing emotions, and that this fact has been confirmed by the experience and daily use among the ancients. But do we not learn the contrary from our use of current keys? Do we not see and hear today in a single key almost every emotion aroused and expressed? But when I particularly consider the structures of the keys of the ancient Greeks and compare their respective qualities: so I find that they are not only different from our present keys, but also that they have special qualities within themselves. However, these qualities were, by the means of a particular style, able to cause such effects. One employed this [combination of key and style], to compose in this particular way and not otherwise. This is how a wholly natural explanation of all the wondrous effects of the keys of the ancient Greeks can be given. However, we also find that some scholars differ from each other

173 That I understand everything here under the words of musical types, not our tonalities/modes (Tonarten), enlighten yourself with the context (Zusammenhang). I understand much more about the types of music of various nations. !94 in regard to the narrative of these effects. We read that a specific effect is attributed to a musical style, which, in turn, is refuted by another scholar as he attributes this characteristic to another musical style. And one finds these various narratives in most of the musical styles of the ancients. However, this circumstance can be decided in favor of venerable Antiquity and in defense of the peculiar effects of musical styles. We find that these disagreeing scholars have taken the most from narratives of others. Moreover, some possessed no knowledge of music. And so it is not surprising that they left us conflicting narratives.

It is evident from this that I regard the so-called modes of the ancient Greeks more as musical styles of those peoples who were accustomed to use them most, or who also invented them. And in this way each mode determined the nature and the style of that song which was to be made. In this way, the Greek musicians knew so well in which way each type of passion or emotion could be expressed or articulated in the best way. And this certainly must have made their work easier. It had already become natural for them to write in one mode and not another.

And so the modes determined their style of music, or rather they were identical with them. But our present method of composing is quite different. We distinguish the modes from the styles of of the nations and these are also completely different from the musical styles of the ancients.

Thus we have special notions of the styles of writing and even the use of our musical pieces also sets special limits on their composition.

After having discussed the kinds of music of the ancients, so I will now also talk about contemporary styles of music. The Italian style, or Italian way of writing music shall be presented first, since it has taken precedence among most European nations during our times.

Who does not know that even if one does not follow this style entirely, one mostly adopts its !95 ornamentations? The most prominent characteristic of Italian music is its tenderness and its pleasing, touching, and yet animated nature. It loves a far-reaching yet fluent song, which, however, does not like a harmonically strong accompaniment; this should be rather simple or moderate. Italian music is rich, strange, and daring its inventions, and these it gives very frequently a passionate and also rather rough ornamentation that nevertheless pleases. One sees that it requires more song than harmony. The song resides most frequently in the main voice and one does not easily find that a secondary voice is allowed to also sing, rather [the secondary voice] is supposed to be there for a light accompaniment. Most theatrical pieces and , and also concertos and symphonies, are written in this musical style; or one follows at least its most prominent ornamentations and also its way of singing and way of playing.

However, my readers should not fall into the illusion that the music in Italy itself is of this character that I have just outlined. Just the opposite is true. One follows these characteristics of the so-called Italian music now mostly outside of Italy even though it has changed very much in Italy itself. Only very few Italian composers could serve as examples of the aforementioned quality, most of them deviated from it and instead chose manifold, tasteless deviances which they follow unhindered. So it was rather the Germans who we have to thank for this high quality of

Italian music. And who even only in passing knows the circumstances of contemporary music will know very well how the Germans have contributed to the improvement of Italian music.

The French style, or rather the French way of writing music, is thoroughly lively and animated. It is short and very natural. These pieces, in which many voices are employed at the same time, have a strong, lively, and clear harmony. Also, the inner parts often have a clear melodic line and everything is limited by a clearly defined number and phrasing of measures, in !96 a very wisely manner, so that the rhythm and the meter can be heard clearly. In other words, the

French pieces have to be very natural, particularly since they avoid any far-fetched and bombastic distractions. The greatest strength mainly consists in the so-called overtures, in strong vocal choruses, and these are particularly of excellent vigor. The strength can also be seen in trio pieces as well as in pieces written for gamba and traverso. In addition to this, there are many small and lively songs, ariettas, and dances. The wise fire of a Telemann has made these foreign genres of music well-known in Germany; and the French also have to thank him for the great improvement of their music. This very skilled man has used the French style in his church pieces with a great effect and through him we have experienced the beauty and grace of French music with not a small pleasure. In short, the fire that this style of music carries with itself can give all musical pieces an extraordinary vigor, if it is used with wise consideration.

Lully, the famous French composer of the previous century has actually given this musical style outlined above to the French. He also brought the French musical theater to a great flowering; and his way of composing has finally become so common in the whole of France that only from this time on do we have the opportunity to characterize their music. Admittedly, today many have begun to deviate from this common style because they mix it very much with the

Italian style. However, by doing so, it generally loses its pleasing character. It is also particularly strange that a Frenchman is the least skilled in writing Italian music with such a spirit and such a naturalness as, for instance, a German is able to do it. Only very few have more or less understood the nature of this style. Nevertheless, the musical theater pieces of Lully are still the most popular in Paris, only a little time ago Atys was produced for three months consecutively on the stage. !97

German music has borrowed most things from foreigners and it differs only from its thorough work, and its consistent execution of movements, and through its depth that the

Germans apply in their harmony. It therefore seems to be very thorough, however, it is in danger of falling into the bombastic. The most characteristic music can be found among the church pieces that are used in the services of the Protestants. It is true that the invention and ornamentation of German music has been taken both from the Italians and the French; however it differs from them in its thoughts and its execution, and its diligence that they use. They are of an exceptional emphasis. They move and edify, and fulfill the goals for which they are used. In some kinds of keyboard music, German music differs from the others very clearly. One finds among the foreigners neither such a complete organization, nor ornamentation, nor elaboration of these pieces as there are among the Germans; since they execute this instrument ahead of all other nations with the greatest, with an insight into its truest nature. The two great men of the

Germans, Mr. Bach and Mr. Handel, testify this most emphatically.

It becomes apparent from this outline that the German is, so to speak, born for imitation and for tireless diligence. It is particularly these two characteristics that we have to thank for the improvement of the French and Italian styles, and that we gave the first of these such an impressive form as no Italian has been able to. And who does not know that the so-called Italian music as we can find it in the works of our greatest German composers is of German descent?

And that it could never have reached the status which it currently has without the Germans? Yes, in this music we have finally found the good taste that Italy never showed us in its complete beauty. Hasse and Graun, who are also admired by Italians, prove through their natural and inventive works how beautiful it is to possess and practice the good taste. The production of the !98 good taste in music has been the work of German intellect, and no other nation can praise itself for its true merit. However, I have to remind us that the Germans have been for a long time great masters of instrumental music and this skill they have maintained to this very day.

We will now address the way the Polish write music, or the so-called Polish style. It happened only in this century that we have heard of this kind of music. Before, we do not find any evidence that they had any kind of reputation. The famous Telemann was the first to make them known and demonstrated through the most beautiful examples how beautiful this kind of music is, if it is practiced in its appropriate perfection. Its main characteristic consists particularly of a very acute observation of rhythms and then in a very clear observation of the phrases of the measures. In other words, the melody has to proceed towards its end in a specific number of measures. In case of duple meter, the section in the middle of the measure has to be clearly marked and one should give a very special emphasis to this. In case of triple meter, the last two parts of a measure have to differ very clearly from the downbeat. They have to be heightened in such an emphatic way that even the most insensible listener will be brought into commotion.

Even though, in general, this style is humorous but also serious. One can use this style very well for satirical pieces. This style seems to almost automatically make fun of anything and therefore it is very useful for a very serious and bitter satire. In its ornamentations, this style is quite varied, but its inner being cannot be changed by any outward addition. This style bears only a moderate, and if it is necessary, a strong harmony, especially in its slow movements because the serious character is emphasized this way. Even though the Polish style was in the past only popular in dances, we see now out of our experience that this style is not only very useful for many occasions, but also rather indispensable. !99

These are now the main characteristics of the Italian, French, German, and Polish styles of writing, as one commonly says. One sees generally that the Italian style is tender, flowing, and expansive, that on the contrary the French style is lively, natural, and short; that moreover the

German is serious, industrious, and artful, the Polish humorous, satirical, and bouncy. One could also say that the Italian would be in his music lustful, the French careless, the Germans deep, and

Polish derisive. A close study of different genres of musical pieces and experience have to help a beginner in composition to understand these musical styles. No one will, without one’s own reflection, get a true and essential understanding of these styles. And nowadays there are many opportunities to study all of these musical styles.

Space does not permit me to make my readers acquainted with the characteristics of the divisions of style that are still left. Since these divisions of style demand a detailed discussion I will outline in the following each genre separately.