Should Nepal Be a Hindu State Or a Secular State?
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HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 35 Number 1 Article 11 July 2015 Should Nepal be a Hindu State or a Secular State? Pawan Kumar Sen Interdisciplinary Analysts, Kathmandu, Nepal, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Sen, Pawan Kumar. 2015. Should Nepal be a Hindu State or a Secular State?. HIMALAYA 35(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol35/iss1/11 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Should Nepal be a Hindu State or a Secular State? Acknowledgements Pawan Kumar Sen is grateful to Dr. Sudhindra Sharma, Executive Director of Interdisciplinary Analysts (IDA) and Adjunct Professor of Nepa School of Social Sciences and Humanities, for giving him permission to utilize raw data of the surveys conducted by IDA for his study. He is obliged to the two anonymous peer reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions which helped him to make the arguments of this paper more effective and consistent. The analysis and interpretation presented in this paper are the part of his ongoing Ph.D. research at Political Science Department of Leiden University, the Netherlands. This research article is available in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol35/iss1/11 Should Nepal be a Hindu State or a Secular State? Pawan Kumar Sen This paper is based on longitudinal public promoted based on monocultural values, which opinion surveys conducted between September favored particular dominant groups. Other 2006 and April 2012. In it I argue that, according groups felt suppressed and excluded from the to this survey data, the majority of Nepali mainstream course of the state. Therefore, people still want Nepal to be a Hindu state. state recognition of multicultural values is a However, a significant number of Nepalis wish must in this time of political transition while to see their country as a secular state. The conceptualizing a new form of Nepali identity. surveys also reveal that the public’s preference I argue that this will bring a sense of ownership toward the Hindu state is not accepted in all of the state to all groups. As the process of sub-national levels; a preference for a secular writing a new constitution is currently underway, state is evident in some of the sub-national Nepal has the opportunity to legally recognize levels, which cannot be undervalued. This paper the voice of the minority. If Nepal’s democracy is also establishes that the public’s opinion on the to be made inclusive, a new Constitution needs issue of secularism significantly corroborates to reflect the voice of the minority in its clauses. the public’s opinion on the issues of federalism This not only guarantees the arrival of an and republicanism. inclusive democracy, but also makes the entire populace, including its minorities, true owners of The partial correlation and multiple regression the land and its Constitution. analyses confirm that the public’s support toward one new feature of the state Keywords: Hinduism, identity, public opinion, secularism, (secularism) agrees with another new feature of multiculturalism. the state (federalism/republicanism), and vice- versa. Nepali identity before April 2006 was HIMALAYA Volume 35, Number 1 | 65 Introduction language speakers, non-hill residents and so-called ‘low- er-caste’ Hindus (i.e. untouchables now known as dalit). This paper presents a historical analysis of religious issue The two fundamental characteristics of the Nepali state, and investigates the dynamic of the Nepali public’s general Hindu monarchy and the state’s official affiliation with view on whether Nepal should be a Hindu state or a secular Hinduism, were taken as inseparable components of the state by using findings of seven longitudinal public opinion state’s structure. polls conducted between September 2006 and April 2012. It divulges what the Nepali general public (i.e. common Nepal’s rulers institutionalized the hill variant of the Hin- Nepali populace above 18 years of age) thinks on the issue du and hierarchical caste systems, as the so-called Hindu during this time, and how their opinions toward this issue high caste hill groups felt superior to others, while the undergo changes over time. Variations in the opinion polls marginalized others felt inferior to the former. This caused by religion, ethnicity, geographical region, educational the hill indigenous groups (who were basically non-Hin- status, age group, and political party preference have been dus), Buddhists, Muslims, Christians, dalit, and madhesi examined too. A primary reason for paying much attention people to feel discriminated against. But since the end of to these six variables is that these are arguably the explan- the nineties, when multi-party democracy was reinstat- atory variables which significantly influence the public’s ed in the country resulting from the success of the April view on the state restructuring issues and are identified 1990 people’s movement (i.e. Jan Andolan I, which literally to be the statistically significant explanatory variables means ‘the first wave of the people’s movement’), increas- through multiple regression analyses1 (tables of analyses ing numbers of people had begun to question the rationale are given in Annex-1). behind the state’s affiliation with Hinduism. Particularly, it was articulated by janajati (indigenous) activists and The opinion polls reveal that the majority of the Nepali leaders (elaborated upon in the next section). The Maoist public still prefer a Hindu state at the national level (i.e. movement has also amplified the identity issue and defied on the whole). They consist of predominantly Hindus, the religious, cultural, and linguistic monopoly of the hill caste groups, madhesi caste groups, Tarai indigenous Hindu high caste hill groups since 1996, when it started an groups, and supporters of Nepali Congress, rightist parties, insurgency against the Nepali state. The dominance of the and Tarai based regional parties. But, the proportion of Hindu high caste hill groups across ethnic, religious, lin- those who support secularism is also very significant, and guistic and regionalist lines was regarded as a salient cause even forms the majority at some of the sub-national levels: of the Maoist struggle (Mishra 2007: 109). among Buddhists, Muslims, Kirati, Christians, hill indig- enous groups, and supporters of most of the Communist In the 40-point list of demands put forward by the United parties. So, the Nepali state’s official association with Hin- Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (UCPN [Maoist])4 to the duism is not universally accepted. The polls also confirm government just before they formally began the armed that supporters of republicanism and federalism are more conflict in February 1996, one demand was directly related likely to support secularism, while supporters of monar- to the secular state. In Point no. 18 of that list, the UCPN chy and a unitary state are more likely to support a Hindu (Maoist) clearly demanded for the secular state by writing state. At this time of transition, while the drafting of the down, “Nepal should be declared a secular nation” (Thapa new Constitution is still underway and obligated to follow and Sijapati 2003: 214). However, the major political parties a framework of republicanism and federalism2, the state’s of Nepal - including the Nepali Congress and Communist identity with secularism is justified. Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) (CPN [UML]) - had not questioned the state’s affiliation with Hinduism The Historical Context before King Gyanendra’s move in February 2005, the time when the king declared a state of emergency and took Nepal has been constituted as a Hindu kingdom since its all executive powers. During the writing of Nepal’s 1990 foundation in 1768. The Nepali monarchy had a historical Constitution, the Nepali Congress was guided by their affiliation with Hinduism; particularly with the hill variant great leader Bisheswor Prasad Koirala’s policy of ‘national of Hinduism3, which varied greatly from the orthodox reconciliation’ with the monarchy.5 In contrast, the United Hinduism found in the plains of the river Ganges. The Left Front (ULF), a coalition of seven leftist parties, did not Hindu high caste hill groups (that consist of chhetri, bahun, have strong support from the public to challenge and let and thakuri) had the highest social status, by which they alone abolish the monarchy (Malagodi 2013: 136). After were able to control the state’s resources, and enjoyed all the king’s declaration of emergency in February 2005, the types of powers and privileges while disproportionately major mainstream political parties and the UCPN (Maoist) excluding non-hill Hindus (i.e. madhesi Hindus), non-Nepali 66 | HIMALAYA Spring 2015 moved closer to each other, and an alliance between them of the Constituent Assembly. The official connection of was formed. The UCPN (Maoist), who had begun the armed the state with the Hindu religion formally ended, together insurgency against the state from 1996 onwards, was op- with the abolition of the monarchy. posed to the 1990 Constitution. This party was insistently in opposition to the Hindu-favored provisions in the Con- Nepali Identity and Hindu Religion stitution. It called for ending the special privileges given to the so-called ‘high caste’ Hindus in terms of religion, Prithvi Narayan Shah (reigned 1768–1775), the king of a culture, language, etc.