T H E F A L L

T H E C O N G O A R A B S

S ID NEY LANG F ORD H I ND E

’ CHEV ALIER DE L O R DR E ROYAL D U LION M B HONO AI A SOCIETE B EO A HI EM RE R RE DE L ELGE DE G GR P E M ICA O IC O TH INT IO B ITISH AST A ICA ED L FF ER F E ER R, R E FR AT CA TAIN CONGO STAT O C S L E P . FREE E F R E

M E T H U E N c o .

6 E X S T R E E T c . 3 E S S , w. L O N D O N 1 8 9 7

C O N T E N T S

I NTRODUCTI O N

CHAPTER I

I ntroductory

CHAPTE R I I fl — Arrival at Banana Description of a Caravan Journey from — the Coast I nland Ski rmish with Natives of Interior

CHAPTER III — Bangala Cannibals Voyage up the Kasai and San uru — — k Rivers Arrival at Lu sambo Defeat by Commandant ’ hanis of Ti u i s S ave- raidin ent on o D pp T b l g Ag , G g — Lutete Basongo Cannibals

CHAPTE R IV

Proposals of Peace and Alliance With the State Forces from

C on o Lutete - i sit to on o Lutete at his a ita g V G g c p l , ’ — N Gandu The Little People of the Forest vi CONTENTS

CHAPTER V PAGE Ara s and a ies hi se Gongo Lutete finally leaves the b ll m lf — i a at a inda a ita of with the State Forces Arr v l b , c p l K — u un u reat Chie of the Ba u a Move ents of L p g , G f l b m ’ — ded Ti u i s son Se u re ara the Enemy hea by pp T b , f P p tions for an Encounter

CHAPTER VI — First E ncounter with the Arabs Capture of two of their

Forts

CHAPTER V II — Skirmishes with the Enemy Return of Sefu to the Attack 1 26

CHAPTER V III — More Arab Defeats The Commandant d ecides to take the ’ initiative and to lead an Attack upon Sefu s Forces

CHAPTER IX

The tate For es a o osite the town of an we on S c c mp pp Ny g , — the other side of the River Lualaba Description of the

- — Water people Surprise Encounter with two columns of advancing Arabs

CHAPTER X Account of the Fall of Nyangwe

CHAPTER XI

rri f — A val o Ambassadors from Sefu with offers of Peace The Co andant — mm postpones his March on Kasongo Rein or e en of he — f c m t t State Forces March on Kasongo : its CONTENTS vii

— PAGE Fall Des cription of the Luxuries found in the Town — Reli cs of E min Pasha Insubordination in the conquered town of Nyangwe

CHAPTER XII — The State Forces settle down at Kasongo Superstitions of the Natives their Habits and Mod e of Livi ng

CHAPTER XII I

Our a Gon o Lutete a used of Trea her and ex e uted lly, g , cc c y c ’ — at N Gandu Arrival at Kasongo of five Offi cers from — — Eu rope Continued E ncounters With the Enemy The

A ra s de a ro the town of tanle Fa s eavin b c m f m S y ll , l p — g it at the mercy of the State Troops The State Forces

are oined Ca tain Lothaire ro Ban a a and o ow j by p f m g l , f ll

the ra s u the River—A ter severe Fi htin the River A b p f g g , cleared of Arabs and th eir Hordes as far as Nyangwe — Reverses of the State Forces Attack by Commandant ’ ’ hani s on Rumaliza s Fort ei ht hours ar h ro D , g m c f m K asongo

CHAPTER XIV

Transferen ce of the State For ces from K asongo to Bena — Musua The Commandant divides hi s Forces in order — to cut off th e Arab Communi cation E xtra Forces

stationed at Bena uia on the ain road to a a G , m K b m ari at Bena a un a and at Bena Musua—Rein or e b , K l g , f c — ment of the Enemy The State Troops form a semicircle round the Arab Forts and cut off th eir Food Supply Ar rival of Captain Lothaire with contingent of Soldiers — — from Bangala E xplosion in the Arab Camp Capitula — — tion of th e Enemy The Taki ng of Kabambari Arab Chi efs made Prisoners by Lothaire CONTENTS

CHAPTER XV PAGE Description of E xpedi tion to explore the Upper Waters of the Lualaba River

CHAPTER XV I The Return Journey to the Coast

Note on Cannibalism

’ Note on Gongo Lutete s B od yguard Note on E xploration of section of Lualaba River by Captain Hinde l Vmce nt Br ooks DA 81. So n th , y I

I NTR OD UCTI ON

THE year 1 892 marks the crisis of a struggle in

Central Africa between the conflicting forces of the

t . re re Eas and the West Between these forces , p sented on the one hand by the Arabs fr om Zan zibar , and on the other by the Europeans from

o the mouth of the Congo , a collision had l ng been pending ; and since each was bent upon supre W macy ithin the same area , it was evident that the extinction of one power or the other could alone solve the problem . A body of Arab traders , hunters of slaves and ivory , had long striven to gather to Zanzibar the entire trade of Central Africa ; while the Belgians of the Congo Free State , later in the field , sought to divert the commerce of the Interior to the

Congo mouth , and thence , ultimately , to Europe . 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

During the present century , many circumstances have combined t o make the Zanzibar Arabs the most noted slave -hunters and slave- dealers in the Of world . their earlier history little is definitely

n know , beyond the fact that already in the tenth century there were Arab settlements along the

East Coast of Africa . Aft er the discovery of the Cape Road to the

Indies, most of these settlements were conquered

re by the Portuguese , and were then gradually conquered in the eighteenth and beginning of the

of nineteenth centuries by the Imams Muscat . Of this second Arab dominion the most im portant centres were the islands of Zanzibar and

Pemba ; and from these islands , as the result of the mingling of Arab and negro blood , a race of black

Yet Arabs has sprung. , despite their long occupa tion of the Zanzibar coast and neighbouring dis tricts r , it is only within recent times that the A abs have advanced into the Interior. Some two generations ago the island of Pemba

- developed into a great clove plantation , worked by slaves in the manner of the cotton and sugar I NTRODUCT ION 3

of A plantations America . little later , certain

of merchants Zanzibar, becoming involved with

t o to their creditors , migrated Central Africa f prospect or ivory . Owing to the destruction of their beasts of burden by the tsetse fly , they found it necessary t o employ the natives as porters and thus it arose that blacks were shipped to the

- b - of Zanzibar slave market , as a y product the v - i ory trade , at the very time when there was a strong demand for their labour in the clove - planta tions of Pemba . The supply of slaves ultimately became such as to permit of a large export across the seas to the Mohammedan countries of Asia .

o to Many of the iv ry and slave hunters , failing

o make their f rtunes , or drawn by the spell of a

o nomadic life , remained in the Interi r ; and hence there grew up a system o f Arab trade - ro utes and

- o o - trade centres, c ntr lled by certain well known

o and Arab chiefs . It was along these r utes , with

o o the aid , or at times the bstructi n , of the Arabs ,

o o L o that the Eur pean expl rers of the ake c untry ,

o the and of the sources of the C ngo and Nile ,

- travelled , Thus the great trunk route from Baga 4 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO ARABS

Un an moyo (opposite to Zanzibar), by Tabora in y yembe , to Ujiji on Tanganyika , was followed L successively by Burton and Speke , ivingstone

n and Sta ley , Cameron , and , in part, by Speke

. r and Grant An extension of this route f om Ujiji , across Tanganyika , led through the Manyema

o Kabambari n c untry , by and Kasongo , to Nya gwe on the Lualaba River. i l So far, European d scovery had fol owed in the track of the Arabs from Zanzibar as a basis . But the serious occupation of Central Africa by the

’ Europeans began with Stanley s expedition under

n the International Associatio , from the mouth of the Congo up the river ; and from that moment

was a conflict, however postponed , certain . Nor was it less certain in what region , and along what strategical lines , the struggle would take place . The Europeans had access for their ocean steamers

w the Yellala l to Matadi , just belo Fal s , and thence by portages , far removed from Arab interference , up to Stanley Pool . From the Pool , their river

e n steamers could navigate without int rruptio , on

n the one hand , eastwards , alo g the main river to INTRODUCTION 5

Stanley Falls , and , on the other , from the Kwa mouth , southwards , along the Kasai and Sankuru systems . Since the Falls are to the north , and the m Sankuru is to the west , of the Manye a country , the Belgians had two separate lines o f advance converging from two distinct bases upon Nyangwe , the head of the road from Zanzibar . The Man yema country was therefore the natural centre ,

ff . both o ensive and defensive , of the Arabs When the Belgian expedition of which Captain

Hinde was a member , passed from the Kasai , southwards , to the copper country of Katanga, it exposed itself to a flank attack from the east , at a time when the Arabs were secure on the side of the Falls ; for they had destroyed the State station

1 R o o there in 8 8 6. einf rced by C mmandant

o Dhanis , the expediti n turned eastwards to face

the Arabs , and advanced upon Nyangwe , crossing tributaries of the Congo and driving the Arabs

- o - from river line t river line . Successive encounters

L L n took place at the ubefu and the ualaba, endi g , in a each c se , in the successful passage of the

Belgians . 6 THE FALL OF T H E CONGO ARABS

On the Lualaba the Arabs made a long stand

two o n at Nyangwe , the forces ccupyi g the two

o o banks of the river , firing acr ss it, and flcca sionally attempting the passage by a ank movement . w At a later stage of the campaign , hen the

fighting had been carried still farther eastward , to

o o Kasong , the Belgians , having rec vered their position in the Falls country , brought reinforce ments from the north—a thus illustrating the second line of advance that was open to the forces of the Free State .

In summing up the results of the Belgian cam

1 ai n p g , Captain Hinde says

“ The political geograph y of th e Upp er Congo Basin has been

ete han ed as a resu t of the Be ian a ai n a on compl ly c g , l lg c mp g m g

It u sed to be o n s in in this art of Afri th Ara s . a o a a e b c mm y g, p c ,

l r ds led to n his town visited Livin that a l oa a we . Ny g T , by g stone Stan e and Ca eron u nti at e on e of the reatest , l y , m , l l ly g

r ets in ri a has eased to exist and its site when I ast saw ma k Af c , c , l

si r e ent th u h it was o u i ed a n e house . ason o a o e r o , cc p by gl K g , m c g sti ar er entre with erha s inha itants has a so een ll l g c , p p b , l b swe t awa and is now re resented a station of the Free State p y , p by

nine i es awa on the river an . m l y , b k

1 “ ’ a er entit ed h ree ears rave in the Con o Free tate P p l T Y T l g S ,

read e ore the R o a eo ra hi a o iety 1 1 th Mar h 1 895 . b f y l G g p c l S c , c I NTROD UCTION 7

In harmon y with this political change the trade - routes have

een o ete a tered and the tra fi whi h u sed to o ow the b c mpl ly l , f c c f ll

we - eaten tra ro an we and the Lua a a a ross Tan ll b ck f m Ny g l b , c an ika to i i or rou nd th e a e to anzi ar now oes down the g y Uj j , l k Z b , g Con o to Stan e oo and the t anti g l y P l A l c . “ Despite their slave - raiding prop ensities during the forty y ears of their do ination the ra s have n e a and m , A b converted the Ma y m

Ma e a ountr into one of the ost r s i n entra A ri a l l c y m p o perous C l f c .

The ands a e as seen ro hi h hi s in the nei h ourh ood of l c p , f m g ll g b

an w e and ason o re inds one stron of an ordinar En ish Ny g K g , m gly y gl

ara e ountr . here is nothi n si i ar that I am aware of in bl c y T g m l , , any other part of the Congo Basin and yet the Arabs have left the Malela perhaps the most inveterate cannibals on the face of the ” o e gl b .

Chief of the Arabs who organised this imp erium i n imp er iom for the Manyema country was wholly within the treaty frontiers of the Congo Free State

- - T o was the great slave raider ippu Tib . So cl sely are the events of the last thirty - five years inter woven with this man’s personality that it is im possible to realise their full significance without some conception of the moving force from which

’ Ti u they resulted . pp Tib s career supplies the key to the Arab position before the collision of forces which led to the transfer of power in Central

Africa .

Hamed ben Mohammed ben Juna , known to 8 TH E FA LL OF THE CONGO ARABS

1 - Ti u the world by his nick name of pp Tib , is descended from a line of wealthy and influential

2 merchants settled at Zanzibar . His father was a

- a Ar - half c ste ab , and his mother a full blooded

Yet negro slave woman . , despite the strong

T u element of negro blood in his veins, ipp Tib is , in most of his mental characteristics, essentially

Ar ab ; and it is from this side of his descent that d the in omitable will , which raised him from a

Zanzibar merchant to the position of potentate over a vast tract of country , has doubtless its origin .

At an early age Tippu Tib struck out an independent line for himself, and , having gathered round him a band of a hundred fighting men , entered the African mainland in quest of ivory and slaves . After plundering several large districts ,

re and forcing the inhabitants into bondage , he

1 “ ” Ti Tib or the therer to e her f wea th r in u a t o . o d pp , g g l Acc g to some theories the name originated i n the frequ ent use he made of his uns whi h the natives des ri ed as soundin i e g , c c b g l k ” ti - - i - - p u t p u tip . 2 “ Sin e Mr Stan e in 1 8 6 des ri es Ti u Tib as a out ort c . l y 7 c b pp b f y ” our ears of a e he was resu a orn so ewhere a out the f y g , p m bly b m b e r y a 1 832 .

I O THE FA LL OF THE CONGO AR ABS of i him that, at a time when his ammun tion was at t oo low an ebb for summary measures to

v acificall for be ad isable , he p y gained entrance ,

o o to o - fortified himself and his f ll wing , a str ngly

’ town by impersonating the king s nephew, who had been carried into slavery years before in a time

So of war . successful was this strategy that the

n hi s Ti u ki g abdicated in favour, and pp Tib suddenly found himself reigning sovereign over

or hi some thirty forty thousand people . From t s position of vantage he conquered the neighbouring chiefs , and annexed their spoils and ivory ; and

o by these means , t gether with the establishment of his allies inflstrongholds in the surroundi ng i d stricts , his in uence extended so widely that he became practically unassailable . On various o ccasions the native chiefs of adjacent tribes , goaded by his brutality , united in making an attack upon him ; but each time Tippu Tib

o t o o r uted his enemies , the c mplete destruction

o b th of their forces and of their villages . Such was the terror inspired by his name that many of the chiefs voluntarily tendered their stores of INTROD UCTI ON vo to i ry to him , seeking by means of these bribes ensure safety against his raids . But though Tippu

u Tib appropriated the gifts , he remained nin

fluenced by them , and continued to drain the

t of distric its most valuable product .

At the end of some years , during which time he had amassed great wealth and almost unbounded influence , this life of raiding began to pall upon

Ti u to pp , and he resolved make a journey to the

Arab settlements of Kasongo and Nyangwe . At

N an we 1 8 74 y g , which he reached in the year , he

o d fell in with Camer n , who alrea y had knowledge

- L of the great slave raider through ivingstone .

’ Tippu Tib had crossed Livingstone s path as early 1 8 67 as , in the interval between which date and his meeting with Cameron he had trebled his influence and importance . After escorting Cam

o L Utotera eron acr ss the ualaba as far as , and providing him with escort sufficient to enable

Ti u him to continue his journey , pp Tib proceeded

to . o Kasongo Here , in recogniti n of his position

o as the most p werful Arab of the Interior , he was elected governor. But a stationary life held 1 2 TH E FALL OF TH E CONGO ARABS

for few attractions the restless slaver, and , placing his son Sefu in command of the settlement, he diverted his energies to raiding the surrounding

and districts , to the further increasing of his

’ wealth aiid strength . 1 8 7 6 In the year Stanley arrived at Nyangwe , R on his great expedition down the Congo iver ,

Ti u and there met pp Tib . It is from this meet ing at Nyangwe that dates the connection between — the organisers of the rival powers the Congo

s Free State and the Arab dominion at Ka ongo .

Ti u pp Tib was at this time , as described by

- Stanley , about forty four years of age , of middle

r stature and swa thy complexion , with a broad face ,

” - black beard just greying , and thin lipped . His

- manners were those of a well bred Arab , and his presence conveyed a sense of great power and fli lt r di cu energy. With conside able y Stanley succeeded in persuading Tippu Tib and a large following of his people to accompany him part

on way his expedition . The agreement between them stipulated that Tippu Tib and his people

’ o Ti u s should , on certain specified conditi ns of pp I NTRODUCTION I 3

own making , act as escort for a distance of sixty camps, for which service he was to receive the sum of 5 00 0 dollars . The expedition started from Nyangwe on the 5 th 1 8 76 November , but, from the first, so great were the difficulties encountered that before

Ti u t many days were over pp Tib lost hear , and , after some weeks of vacillating between his desire for the 5 0 00 dollars and his conviction that the undertaking was an impossible one , he finally deserted Stanley at Vinga Njara on the 2 8th

December.

From this point Tippu Tib made his way across — the country raiding and plundering as he went

e to Ujiji , where he made a halt of som length

before continuing his j ourney to Zanzibar. There , and at Tabora (at which place he extended his acquaintance with European travellers by meet ing the explorer Wissmann), he established trusted vassals , whose business it was to receive and

forward his goods, and to keep the road open .

By a great stroke of diplomacy , he succeeded in making peace between the Arab settlers at Ujiji 1 4 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS and a hostile native chief who had for years

- blocked the trade road . This achievement secured t o Tipp u Tib the favour both of the Sultan and of the British Consul at Zanzibar ; and in the light of their approval he made a protracted stay in i the island , utilis ng the opportunity by investing a considerable portion of‘ his fortune in firearms and powder.

When Tippu Tib again returned to the Int erior

o it was as uncr wned king over a vast territory , and at the head of a following of many

o ut r thousands . He struck in the di ection of

Stanley Falls , where he had decided to make his headquarters ; and there he arrived soon after

t the founding of the Free S ate , and the establish

o . ment of the Falls stati n , by Stanley

s Ti u From the Falls as a ba is , pp began a fresh

f o o system o operati ns . He erected small f rtified camps in the surrounding districts ; while bands of his Arabs made organised incursi ons into wi de regions beyond , capturing slaves which they

f r o bartered back to their tribes in return o iv ry .

of f 1 8 8 6 This state af airs continued until , when , I NTRODUCTI ON 1 5

Ti u for reasons of his own , pp Tib resolved upon

on o another expediti t Zanzibar . On the way he

' inspected his settlements along the trade - route

L . and chanced to fall in with Dr. enz and Dr

o t o Junker , whom he acc mpanied back Zanzibar.

It was during this absence of Tippu Tib that the Arabs attacked and destroyed the Falls station

Ti u of the Free State . Though pp was himself

it absent from the scene , is inconceivable that the attack should have been planned without his knowledge , and it is probable that he was the instigator of this fresh development of Arab enterprise .

Hostile relations had from the first existed between the officer in command of the station

and the Arab chiefs in the neighbourhood , who

’ strongly resented the white man s authority . On

Ti u his departure for the coast , pp Tib had left as

o o deputy in contr l of his pe ple , his partner , Bwana ’Zi i N’Zi i R N g ; and g , with his son aschid , exercised unlimited sway over the natives , and interfered largely in matters connected with the manage

o ment f the station . Perpetual friction between 1 6 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

’ the European officer and N Zigi culminated in an open contest of authority, which presented to the

Arabs the excuse , long sought by them , for an

attack upon the station . As they fully realised , the opportunity was one not likely to recur ; the station was cut off from all possibility of

and reinforcement, was at the mercy of an attacking force overwhelmingly greater than its

. t notwith power of resistance From the outse , standing the desperate defence made by the com f — manding o ficer, Deane who with a handful of men kept his opponents at bay for four days the fall of the station was inevitable .

No immediate attempt was made by the State to retake the position , and the Arabs were for some time left in undisputed mastery of it. After the overthrow of the Falls station — Tippu Tib and Stanley again met this time at

Zanzibar, where Stanley was organising the Emin

Pasha Relief Expedition . The position to be fli ' faced was one of extreme di culty ; and it is unnecessary here to enter into the motives which induced Stanley to adopt the policy of installing

I 8 THE FA LL OF TH E CONGO AR ABS

mid able dimensions . Both within and without the limits assigned to him by the State his

Ar ab allies had established themselves, and from all di sides, in stricts hitherto uninvaded , their usurpation was reported . Parallel with this Arab advance was the gradual extension of European influence and as each force realised that the contest was drawing to greater l t significance, hosti ities assumed a more defini e

r . cha acter The Belgians , who had erected fortified

Aruimi L camps on the , the omami , and the San R kuru ivers , began to push back the Arab out posts, and sought by occupation of the country to

u prevent f rther encroachment . Meanwhile the

Ar ll abs , recognising to the fu the largeness of the

n stakes at issue , and foreseei g that the impending struggle would be the final one, resolved to take the initiative . To this end they allied to them

Ti u r selves , as vassals of pp Tib , many powe ful t chiefs in the surrounding distric s , among whom L L upungu and Gongo utete were of widest influence. L These two chiefs, and Gongo utete in especial , were largely instrumental in shaping the subse I NT RODUCTI O N 19

quent course of events . The defeat of Gongo in an attack led by him against the State , and his

the t subsequent desertion to Free State , brough

r Ti u on the A ab invasion in force , headed by pp

’ Tib s son , Sefu ; and this opened the campaign narrated in the following pages by Captain Hinde.

Had the attempt of the Arabs succeeded , it is probable that the Free State would have been replaced by a Mohammedan Empire analogous

n to that of the Khalifa in the Souda . But cir cumstances combined against the Arabs ; and in

’ nfl their attempt to obliterate the white man s i u ence in Central Africa they precipitated their own downfall , and brought about the destruction of a power which , though not so indicated in our maps , was virtually an independent rival of the Congo Free State . M E . C . .

THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

C H A P T E R I

INTRODUCTORY W ITHIN the limits of the Congo Free State , as arranged by the Berlin Congress , was a great district o ften marked Kasongo or Manyema in

of the map Africa , over which the Government of the Congo Free State had no control , except

Ti u R through pp Tib , aschid , and one or two other

who f own Arabs , were appointed o ficials in their country by the Congo Free State Government .

In this great district a powerful Arab organisati on d was establishe , which was in constant communi cation with Zanzibar by the direct road through

Ujiji , and by other more roundabout routes .

This Ar ab power recognised that as soon as the

flsu ien l n fli c t European in uence was y stro g in the. 21 2 2 THE FA LL OF THE CONGO ARA BS Congo Basin a collision between the two forces was inevitable . The Arabs , moreover , realised that, in

o a the event of a Eur pean success , the greater p rt of the ivory and rubber trade would be taken out of the hands of the Mohammedans , and would , instead

w to of go g the east coast, go down the Congo to the Atlantic . The great country , which was then

huntin ~ round - their g g for forays and slave raiding ,

o would thus be l st to them for ever . Anticipating h l this , they c ose their moment we l , at a time when the Free State was utterly unprepared for war.

With the success of the Mahdi , in founding an empire from which he had ousted Europeans , before

m 0 the , they were encouraged to h pe that they

d n might o likewise in the Co go Basin . Their

’ Hodister s first move was to murder expedition , together with the white men left in the two trading stations he had formed within their m territory ; they then murdered E in Pasha, who was at the time a harmless traveller through their country , and under the protection of a L o . p werful Arab chief astly , they organised a

a k large army, and att c ed the expedition to which INTRODUCTORY 2 3

I was attached ; the object of which was to

establish stations in Katanga , a district not

under Arab influence . Had they succeeded in

annihilating us , it would have been easy for them

to continue by land to Stanley Pool ; at the same

time they hoped that their attack on Stanley Falls

u Station wo ld be successful , in which case they would have descended the Congo itself with

another column , and would have found small f di ficulty in ousting the remaining Europeans, and in subsequently establishing a Mohammedan

Empire . As will be seen from the following pages,

extraordinary luck , together with good leading ,

was the cause of our first success . Realising what

was at stake, and fully recognising the gravity

a of the position , the Moh mmedans fought to the

bitter end , returning again and again to the

attack , even when there was no hope of success . An almost incredibly large loss of life was the result . To the casual reader unfamiliar with

African history , this might , on the surface , appear

to have been a curious little war, with a dozen white officers and four hundred regular black 2 4 T HE FALL OF T H E CONGO ARABS

troops on the one side , and a couple of hundred

- Arab chiefs , supported by a few hundred half bred

Arabs and commanding large numbers of irregular

on . o soldiery, the other But it must be b rne in

mind that, unlike the Soudan struggle , this war

o - o to k place in a thickly populated country , wh se

o whole p pulation , used to savage warfare , took part in the fighting , and that large bodies of men were constantly changing sides as the prestige of

o As one or ther party increased or diminished . the

Arabs were driven back towards Tanganyika, they succeeded in enrolling all the fighting men of fresh tribes under their banners . This was the easier , since for thirty years they had been the sole power ;

u Europeans were also nknown , and the credulous natives readily believed the tales spread among them by the Arabs of European cruelties t o their subordinates . Though large our losses and those of o our allies , the Arab l ss was immensely greater it is , in fact, estimated at seventy thousand men .

u This great struggle is , without doubt, a t rning

o p int in African history . It is impossible to even surmise what would have been the effect on the

C H A P T E R I I — ARRIVAL AT BANANA DESCRIPTION OF A CARAVAN — JOU RNEY FROM THE COAST INLAND SKIRMISH WI TH NATIV ES OF INTERIOR

THE Congo Free State, as most people now know

(though four or five years ago few knew of more than its existence), is , roughly speaking, a country from which the Congo and its tributaries draw their water supply . It extends from the

o Congo m uth , on the Atlantic coast , to the western shore of Lake Tanganyika ; and from the fifth degree north latitude to the thirteenth degree All south latitude . the important tributaries

o of the Cong , with one exception in the district

o known as French Cong , are within these bound L aries . arge tracts of this enormous space of country in equatorial Africa are covered by the

’ great Congo forest. Of the world s great tropical

o o ne o f rests , may say that there are three nly 26 ARRIVAL AT BANANA 2 7

the Amazon , the Malay Archipelago , and the

. a Congo From the coast to St nley Pool , a dis

tance of about two hundred and eighty miles , the

e ff Congo lies b tween great cli s , and forms a series of rapids and cataracts which render the com munication by water with the interior absolutely

impossible . Once arrived at Stanley Pool , com m ni ion u cat with the interior is easy . Stanley

es Falls , a thousand mil up the river , can be reached by steamer, since between it and Stanley

Pool there are no rapids . Nearly all the tribu taries of the Congo are navigable , and some of l them for hundreds of miles . As may be easi y imagined, the country in the immediate neigh bourhood of any of these tributaries is now fairly

n well know , though at a very short distance away from a river bank it is still entirely

o unexplored . The fact that unkn wn country and as yet unknown races are to be found in the Congo Basin gives it a curious fascina tion to many people . From my boyhood , everything connected with the mysterious con tinent i nterested me ; and I determined to see 2 8 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS something of it if ever circumstances gave me the opportunity .

The po ssibility o f doing so aro se in the follow ing manner

of R My friend , Dr . Park , the Emin Pasha elief

x o E pedition , had several times asked me to g out t o Africa in the service of His Majesty the King of the Belgians ; and at last, after holding several

in o resident appointments h spitals , I decided to do o to 2 6th so . I went d wn Netley on the of

’ o 1 8 9 1 o Oct ber , and , after an h ur s conversation

t for w . ith Park , lef Brussels the same night On the following day I accepted a commission as

f o medical o ficer in the Congo Free State f rces, and duly arrived at Banana, at the mouth of the

1 8 9 1 . Congo , in December Taken into conside ration with the reputation the West Coast of

Africa has, the entrance to Banana creek is not encouraging. The first thing noticeable is that the head of the little strip of sand on which the station is built is entirely occupied by a

o Yet of cr wded cemetery . this strip sand, not

- w man many inches above high water mark , ith ARRIVAL A T BANANA 2 9

o gr ve swamps and lagoons on the landward side ,

o o has the Atlantic r llers on the ther , and is a very good sanatorium for many of the enfeebled

o o o o Europeans who c me d wn fr m the far interi r.

My reception at Boma was , for the first few days ,

The o not of the pleasantest . hotel was cr wded ;

’ and as it seemed nobody s business to find me a lodging , I slept on board the steamer at the l . u o quay The C stom House arrangements , a s ,

offi t o strike one as peculiar. An cer has pay duty on his guns , ammunition , and even on his service

o t o revolver . After a sh rt ime , h wever , orders to L proceed to usambo on the Sankuru reached me ,

o o d and I accordingly t ok the next b at to Mata i , from which point the caravan route starts for

o Stanley Pool . As the river Cong for upwards of three hundred miles from Stanley P0 0 1 to

of of Matadi consists a series cataracts , this part

o t o o oo of the j urney had be d ne on f t , though matters will soon be facilitated by the railway , which is now well on its way . Just below Matadi the scenery is magnificent ; the mighty Congo the second largest river in the world—has to force 30 TH E FALL OF TH E CONGO ARABS

w itself through a narrow gorge less than a mile ide ,

” and known as the Chaudron Infernal . Though

a the ocean ste mers go up to Matadi regularly, they have never yet succeeded in getting s oundings in this gorge . It is probably only a matter of time for one of these boats to break its steering- gear or other machinery, and for a fearful catastrophe to

Ma adiw as take place . t its name in the native

a o — r langu ge implies , meaning st ne is a bare , a id , rocky plateau , where the heat is intense . After

’ a week s futile waiting here (during which time

I was supplied with neither house, bed, nor tent, but had to sleep in my overcoat on the verandah

’ of the commissary s house), I , in company with three officers since dead , was given a few dozen porters to carry my baggage, and we started on the caravan road.

as A caravan , most people know, is a number of people travelling together for mutual comfort and protection : that it should contain the proper elements and equipment is indispensable for the

AS success of its mission . I shall often have

s m occa ion to ention a caravan , and as this my DESCRI PTION OF A CARAVAN 3 1

o of first was in no sense typical , I will describe urs

L . some months later , leaving usambo for Katanga It was composed as follows

White officers and their servants ; gun - bearers

and porters ; regular soldiers , and a certain number of additional porters to carry the extras

- which are indispensable to the health , well being ,

o and c ntentment of the men . The porters carry — all loads including food , ammunition , and water

en r oute for the caravan , together with the loads

o pertaining to the special bject of the expedition , t such as the forming of sta ions , exploration , trade , s or war . Mo t of the expeditions with which I

o was connected included all f ur elements . A few — extra men such as a carpenter, blacksmith , — armourer, tailor, and cook add largely to the general comfort ; and all expeditions in Central Africa should be accompanied by one or two hunters by trade , and at least half a dozen good canoe and general water men . Commandant

Dhanis instituted a ne w departure in African travel by allowing every soldier to take his

wife , or wives as the case might be, along with 3 2 T H E FALL OF T H E CONGO ARABS him ; and even the porters were generally

o followed by their women . Only by pers nal experience of caravan - travelling with and without women is it possible to realise the enormous advantages gained by allowing the men full

o o liberty in this respect . Am ng the m st indis putable of these ad vantages is the avoidance of

o or o on tr uble with native villages, pe ples , the

f o subject o women . The ann yance and danger due , despite the strictest discipline, to what

“ every African traveller knows as woman palaver is practically done away with when the m en are

accompanied by their wives . On the road , too , — the women form extra porters it being much

for o to o o easier a s ldier carry his f od , mat, co king

o t o p , blanket , ammuniti n and rifle , with a wife to help him ; and if she has a servant or two in

for addition , it makes things easier still him .

It must be borne in mind that among the races of which I am speaking the women are all used to hard work ; and I have rarely heard of a case in which t hey preferred to stay in a comfortable

o station to f llowing their men on the road .

34 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS whole of this time did not lose one man from sick ness or desertion . The expedition included seven days’ marching through a district recently raided

o by Arab parties, in which it was imp ssible to

o find an atom of f od of any kind , and during which time we saw no living thing, the natives having all been taken prisoners or destroyed .

They had previously exterminated the game ; and

- the pigeons and guinea fowl, which prefer the

off neighbourhood of man, had taken themselves

o o int ther districts. Knowing what was in store for us , the whole caravan had loaded itself beforehand with food , the women in many cases carrying more than an average man could .

Caravans in Africa usually march in single file , the paths through the country being seldom

o m re than ten inches wide . Our formation was generally headed by a strong advance -guard of soldiers, who were not allowed to carry anything but their rifles and ammunition ; after them came the loads with the guard , then the women , and

- of lastly a strong rear guard . The white ficers,

u each with a good bodyg ard, were distributed DESCRI PTI ON OF A CARAVAN 35

along the whole line , which was sometimes two

of or three miles in length . The ficer in command of the advance - guard halted the head of the caravan for perhaps twenty minutes after passing

so o even small an bstacle as a fallen tree . All auxiliary forces and camp followers were sent on in front of the caravan, and if overtaken had to withdraw from the road, since they were not allowed to mingle with or interfere in any way

- with the main caravan . With the rear guard the

available extra porters and prisoners marched , whose duty it was to collect and bring in any

o f loads or sick that had fallen out the ranks .

The caravan road itself merits some descrip

tion . It is seldom more than ten inches wide , and wherever it goes the width never varies whether crossing rocky uplands or traversing

o forests, descending m untains or the steep sides

o o of ravines , it is always the same m noton us

o track . It is wearying enough to f llow for a

o few hours , but when the hours grow int days ,

o and the days int weeks , one comes to regard it almost in the light of a personal enemy . After 36 THE FA LL OF T HE CONGO AR ABS

w crossing a scorching sandy plain , ith its dry — blades o f grass a foo t or two apart so drear and lonely that the insects do not even hum one perhaps emerges on a rising rocky ground

(for hours before seen as a grey streak in the

o distance), fr m whence the unending path stretches

n away in a yellow li e towards the horizon . It may be that away to the northward, though the

- course has been a north easterly one , a blue line o f mountains is visible , and you know that, how ever hard they may be to climb , the path will turn aside and scale them at their steepest point.

o If it has led you int a fertile country , it winds

’ o about like a snake , f rming itself into letter S s , and succeeds in doubling the distance to the

two village , apparently quite , close an hour or before . The hostile native looks upon this path as his friend . He digs holes in it a foot in diameter, and places sharp spikes or poisoned

- n - arrow heads in them , layi g dust covered leaves

o over the pening , into which the unwary among

o the barefooted porters puts his f ot, and becomes l useless or dies on the road. A fa len tree across DESCRI PT ION OF A CARAVAN 37 the way also serves the enemy : he places a spear in the grass or brushwood overhanging the track on o the other side , in such a p sition that the first man who steps over or jumps across the tree is impaled . When a man dies on the caravan road he is not buried , and the path takes a little turn aside two or three yards from the body , and returns to its course at the same distance on the other side of it . The loop thus formed remains — for ever once having left the straight course , the path never returns to it again . A small thorny ffi bush , a fallen tree , or a stone may be su cient to turn it, and if a precipice or a ford forces it

d etour into a of yards or miles , it invariably

s t o o return the point pposite to , and never very R far from , the obstruction . ivers and ravines the path usually ignores : whatever the difficulty of

ma crossing them y be , it winds its way up the

o o bank on the pp site side , neither larger nor

for smaller the fact that , though the river is per

d r o or haps fordable in the y seas n , a bridge canoe is often the only means of crossing during the wet . 38 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

But to return t o the j ourney t o Lusambo .

Before we were many days on the road we came to the conclusion that something unusual must be the matter. Dead bodies in every state of decomposition were lying on the path just as they

descri had fallen , and loads of all kinds and p

o ti ns were hanging from the trees , often within a few feet of the bodies of the men who had evidently placed them there . It is a habit with native porters to hitch a load in a forked branch

- of a tree , or , with the help of the six foot walking stick which all of them carry, to balance it on some excrescence . By this means they are saved the trouble of lifting the load from the ground

to o when they wish resume their j urney . All the way to Lukungu—the half-way station to Stanley

—we ff Pool found this horrible state of a airs . ifli d cult Several times we had y in obtaining water, as a dead body was lying in the stream or spring which we had been making for as a good camping

o neighb urhood . We saw no one t o tell us what

of was the matter, or to warn us the then danger

t L ous state of the distric . Arriving at ukungu , JOURNEY FR OM TH E COAST I NLAND 39

o we f und that, owing to an epidemic , said to be

the dysentery , practically all communication with

o coast had ceased , the natives refusing to g through the infected district. This epidemic spread like wildfire through the caravans, chiefly because of the filthy habits of the natives of these especial districts . It was , in addition , the rainy season (which is also the tornado season), and we

o had alt gether many uncomfortable experiences .

Having been forewarned , I always sank the poles of my tent six or eight inches lower than is usually considered necessary into the soil , and saw

- to the driving of each individual tent peg myself.

In consequence of the poles being sunk , the flap at the lower edge of the tent was on the ground , and , with earth thrown up upon it, formed an

extra security . This , with a trench dug round the tent and my baggage piled in front of the most

o f exposed side , gave even a t rnado some di ficulty in shifting my habitation . Several times in the

t or no night, wi h little warning, the tents of one or other of my companions , who were too lazy to

superintend things themselves , were whirled away 40 TH E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

o v from er them , and occasionally even deposited in the surrounding trees . m t After travelling for some ti e with hem , I eventually grew tired of the slow and haphazard manner in which my companions proceeded on the road ; I therefore left them , and , forging ahead , L ll arrived at eopoldvi e , on Stanley Pool , on the

h 1 7t 8 92 . of February At Stanley Pool , which was extremely short of provisions , an order had been issued to the effect that every officer must in turn go hippo - hunting to supply the troops with meat . This seemed a delightful break in the monotony of station life , and I immediately volunteered to hunt whenever or whatever was

u o desired. There had , nf rtunately , been one or two accidents during elephant hunts , and antelope and hippopotamus hunting was therefore the

o o only sp rt then all wed . My first experience of

- o hippo shooting , though in itself unnotew rthy, serves to illustrate the foolish things that ignor

ou ant men may do . I had camped a sand

—a bank near the head of Stanley Pool place , as I

o - discovered to my c st, usually the camping ground

42 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

my way round the open space , which enabled me to get a fair shot at the nearer animal . I fired at the shoulder , and , as he swung round , a second time , at the head . The other hippo meanwhile advanced towards me , and I fired , as I thought ,

t . be ween his ears As he still advanced , I fired

o again , and he dr pped on to his knees, but immediately afterwards got up . This interval enabled me to make a bolt for the narrow path by which I had come , it being almost impossible for a man to break a path for himself through the

r grass , where every grass stem is f om half an inch to an inch in diameter and ten or twelve feet i h gh . I arrived at the path first, fired my last cartridge at the old bull , and, rushing down the

to narrow track , jumped into the Congo , find that my boatmen had already embarked , and had departed in the canoe to a safe distance . No sooner was I swimming in the Congo than I remembered the crocodiles . I seized the first clump of big reeds I came to , and , lying still , shouted till the canoe returned and picked me up .

of Taking a fresh supply cartridges , we returned , JOURNEY FR OM T HE COAST I NLAN D 43

and found my first hippo dead , but the second one had apparently rolled down a steep place into the water , and was nowhere to be seen . From the amount of blood about I was sure that he was in

not his death struggles , but could persuade the men—who were quite satisfied with the prospect of gorging themselves that the one hippo afforded — to help me to look for him We loaded the h canoe with as muc meat as it would hold , and towed the remainder down the river to Leopold ville . The other hippo was picked up the next day lower down the river, stone dead. When wounded on land a hippopotamus generally charges , but it is a very easy matter, with a t cer ain amount of space , to get out of its way, since

o it is only able to turn slowly . A hippo alm st invariably returns to the water , when alarmed , by the same road from which he left it, and one should therefore never run down or stand in the trail left by a hippo when on shore . It is unwise to approach big game , especially in a circumscribed

- space , with a small bore rifle such as the Mann licher , since , however great its accuracy and 44 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

racti penetration may be , its stopping power is p

a il u - c lly n . In this partic lar case my shoulder shot at the first hippo passed through both shoulder blades and a rib , in each case leaving only a small f hole, through which it would have been di ficult to force an ordinary cedar pencil . My second bullet had entered just above the right eye and

ai sa e had penetrated the brain . It is f rly f , as I

o o t o afterwards ften f und , fire at the head of big game with the new small - bore rifles for though it w is improbable that the game ill be bagged, except by accident, the animal is too stunned to know

o what he is d ing , and his mad charges are without

- method. The use of a small bore rifle for big game seems , however, hardly sportsmanlike , since the number of animals wounded in this way com pared with those killed outright must always be

o enorm us . Some two years after this I had nine close careful shots with a Mauser rifle at a big bull elephant , the bullet used being within half a grain of the same weight as o ur Lee - Metford rifle ; yet I did not succeed in bagging him , and eventually he made off at a pace which defied JOURNEY FR OM T HE COAST I NLAND 45

pursuit . The poor beast probably died in the

o depths of the jungle bef re many hours were over .

o o My stay at Stanley P ol , th ugh it involved o o s me most unpleasant w rk , taught me much

d of which was afterwar s use . The doctor was generally ill , and his duties devolved almost

o entirely upon me . The stati n was badly supplied with provisions , and , as a consequence , both the white and black men were thoroughly

of o out health . More than half the black s ldiers were suffering from ulcerated legs and feet—huge

o gangren us sores , which at first resisted all treat L ment . ater on , I found that the probable cause of

of o f for this state things was a want salt ; , when some months afterwards we were in the Lualaba

district , in which salt is plentiful , these ulcers were never seen except in troops arriving from down

o river. On several occasi ns a whole contingent

ff o su ering from these l athsome ulcers joined us , and within a month were perfectly well, with no other treatment than a large ration of salt daily with their food .

Punishment for offenders of the black race is a 46 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

to very difficult matter arrange . In the Congo

Free State the men are supplied with rations while u - o o on to p c untry , and are nly paid returning the

o o f coast after the expirati n their term of service . Certain advances on their pay during their service

° o o t o are all wed , and it is alm st impossible stop

n n this adva ce as a pu ishment , since the few things

u - to obtainable p country are necessary their health .

o Pris ns, in the present state of the country , are almost an impossibility , and the substitute used of chaining the men in gangs is not only detrimental to health , but is in every way per nicious in and abominable the extreme, and should certainly not be used for any but dangerous

n criminals . Whe half a dozen or a dozen men are chained in a row , and have to work , rest, eat, and sleep without being ever free of the chain for

o weeks and s metimes months together, their health naturally gives way . Commandant Dhanis was so convinced of the harm done by this treatment, which often incapacitated a man from work for

h d o mont s afterwar s , that he practically ab lished

in the chain his district. During my stay at JOURNEY FR OM THE COAST I NLAND 47

the Pool I managed to keep in health , partly

o through taking plenty of exercise , and als by

n t o o co triving get a pigeon or two, or s me o of o ther kind game , alm st every day . Con tinuous living on tinned food seemed to damage

’ h si u e everybody s p y q , and a little fresh food daily has an extraordinary effect on a white man’s

health and strength in this climate . The question ,

too , of suitable clothing should , I am convinced , be emphasised much more than it is . Woollen clothing should always be worn , and an extra wrap in the evening is indispensable . The white popu lation in the Congo district are gradually coming to the conclusion that a house , or station , set on a hill is always a danger to health . A house situated on higher ground than the surrounding

country is exposed to every wind that blows , and the difference of temperature is sufficient to make it dangerous for anyone in a heated condition to return in the evening to the cooler situation . The statistics of sickness and death rates of the stations

on in the Congo high altitudes , compared with those in valleys or actually on river banks , are 48 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO AR ABS found to be enormously in favour of those low do the wn , despite accepted theory with regard

t o malaria . There seems to be little doubt

o on o amongst th se who have been the C ngo , that the healthiest class of men in the whole country f are the o ficers, mechanics , and engineers employed on the steamers and boat services ; and this not withstanding the fact that they live on the water, and are every night moored to the river bank

o in the immediate neighbourho d of the forest, in order that they may be able to procure fuel for the following day. In the beginning of April some natives in the

o o interior murdered one of the stati n s ldiers , and their chief, calling his people together, attacked and routed one of our friendly chiefs within three ’ L or four hours march of eopoldville , killing his

two sons and many of his people . An expedition , which I accompanied , consisting of a hundred and f fifty men with a couple of o ficers , was sent to ff punish the o ender. The marauders declined to

o enter into pen action , and we were nearly worn out at the end of a week by chasing an invisible

5 0 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

t o do blank declined , and they were afraid to move a dozen yards from the main body unless

b . accompanied y a white man It was curious ,

o t o ho w a h wever , find quickly m ny of these men developed into good soldiers some months after

a wards , when we had serious war with the Arab

- slave raiders . C H A P T E R I I I — BANGALA CANNIBALS V OYAGE UP THE KASAI AND SANKURU RIVERS ARRIV AL AT LUSAMBO DEFEAT BY COMMANDANT DHANIS OF TIPPO

’ S - O O TIB SLAVE RAIDING AGENT, G NG LUTETE BASONGO CANNIBALS

ON 2 9th l Sta nle the of Apri I embarked on the y,

- - - a thirty ton stern wheel paddle steamer , towing two large whaleboats full of men . Her crew consisted of Sixty Bangala and three white officers.

The Bangala , a very intelligent useful people , are a sort of Kru boy of the interior, and are largely employed on the steamers . They dress

or their hair fantastically , allowing one more pig

o ff tails to grow a fo t long , and sti ening the plaits with wax to give them the appearance of horns .

They also cut and re - cut the skin from the root

to of the nose upwards the hair, the cicatrix 5 1 5 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

m t thus for ed being of en an inch high , and re

’ - o sembling a cook s c mb . Upon the steamers they

are o are invaluable . They at nce hunters , soldiers,

o and sailors . When the b at approaches the bank

o with the intenti n of mooring, two or three of them tumble overboard , and hanging on to the

flkes u of the anchor, run along the bottom in

e several fathoms of water, till th y come up at the

n n ba k , and are able to hook the a chor into the root of a tree . They are , however, cannibals, and are constantly giving trouble in this respect .

When I was returning from Stanley Falls on my

a homeward journey , over two years fterwards , six

on of the crew were in irons board the ship , whom the captain delivered up to justice at Bangala for having eaten two of their number during the

was voyage up to the Falls . I not at the trial , but the captain told me that two of the crew had fallen ill on the upward voyage , and had been

’ o r o given a day two s rest. On the next rati n day these two were missing , and , upon making inquiries, the captain was informed that they had di e ed in the night and had been buri d on shore . BANGALA CANN IBALS 5 3

This , however , did not satisfy him , and having

his own suspicions he searched the ship , and dis

of - covered parts the men smoke dried , and hidden

away in the lockers of the six Bangala, whom he

was then handing over to the authorities . L eopoldville , as the chief port of the Upper

con Congo , has large numbers of these Bangala stantl conse y coming and going, and has , as a

uence q , to keep a guard on the cemetery , several cases of body - snatching having been proved against them . This practice became at one time so inveterate that capital punishment had to be resorted to as the only means of putting it down .

The Bangala have themselves told me when , on shooting parties , I remonstrated with them for only breaking the wings and legs of the wounded game instead of killing it outright , that it was better to let the bird linger , as it made the flesh more tender. This led to conversation , in which they explained that, when at home and about to prepare a feast, the prisoner or slave who

’ was to form the piece d e r esista nce had always his arms and legs broken three days beforehand , 54 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

o of and was then placed in a stream , or po l water,

- to r t chin deep, with his head tied a stick to p even him committing suicide, or perhaps falling asleep

o and thus getting dr wned . On the third day he

out was taken and killed , the meat then being

for very tender . Though I cannot vouch the truth

o ff of this st ry , I have heard it from di erent men ff at di erent times , and it is curious that they always break the legs and wings , or arms, as the case might be , of birds and monkeys before killing them .

During this voyage on the Sta nley we stopped every evening , and , putting all the crew and soldiers on shore , formed a camp . Half of the men were em ployed in cutting up timber and carrying it on board

’ o before five clock the following morning , when we resumed our voyage . A steam launch , with

o a lieutenant and his men on board , acc mpanied

us . This was deemed advisable , since a trading

on station , established only a short time previously R the Kasai iver, had just before this been burned , and its occupants murdered by the district natives . On the 7th of May we moored opposite the charred VOYAGE U P T HE KASAI R IVER 5 5

not remains of the trading station , but were attacked during the night . The day following d all the troops were lan ed , and operations com menced with the intention of punishing the

natives who had committed the outrage . The Bangala crew of the steamer departed in a canoe

n on their own account, and retur ed the same

and evening with about forty other canoes , a great deal of the cloth and tinned food which had been taken from the trading station . They also brought with them a few prisoners , and the L heads of those they had killed . ater on , the regular troops returned , several of them being

d . wounde , though they had seen very few natives

The Bangala proved splendid men for this sort

of work . They seemed to know by instinct where the natives hid their canoes in the swamps , and ,

when attacked , immediately opened out, each individual hunting an enemy through the bush until he either caught him , or , what rarely hap

pened , was himself killed . At the end of some

t o two or three days , having , thanks the Bangala , collected nearly all the can oes (which we broke 5 6 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

for on up firewood) in the swamps, we proceeded our way , and the launch returned to Stanley Pool .

Almost daily when , owing to sandbanks or other o had bstructions in the river, we to approach the bank , we were fired at by the natives , who , how ever, seemed to have very few guns ; and as their arrows usually either fell short or stuck in the

- sun deck overhead , no one was wounded . At night the woodcutters were on several occasions attacked , or had their axes stolen by the natives , who were on the watch for anything they could pilfer . W hile steaming up the Kasai one day at noon , the air was suddenly darkened by bats in such numbers that the crew of the steamer knocked some of them down with sticks . Upon every tree on the islands and river banks the bats were con stantl off y settling , and flying again when some thing alarmed them , such as the breaking of a

ow m branch by their n weight . I easured some

o that were killed , and f und that they averaged

two from eighteen inches to feet six , from wing

o - o tip t wing tip . The b ys on board and the

5 8 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

’ are clothed with forest down to the water s edge .

o Hippop tami are rare, and all other game, with

o o the exception of m nkeys , is, wing to the dense ness of the forest, invisible as there are no islands

or o . pen spaces , birds also are not to be seen At one place on the Sankuru I noticed a small kind of - hippopotamus in a herd of twenty three , none of which were larger than an Alderney cow. Some time later in the Lualaba district I saw a herd a of seventeen of these small hippos . To nyone acquainted with the habits of this animal , it is impossible to suppose that these could have all

o t o been young hipp s together , and leads the conclusion that they must have been an , as yet, undescribed species . They were considerably larger

- o L than the slightly kn wn iberian hippopotamus , and not half the size of the common hippopotamus .

o m On both occasi ns I could easily have shot so e ,

o but since , except by great luck , I sh uld have been

u o unable to pick them p I refrained fr m firing, hoping to come across them again under more favourable circumstances .

Up the Sankuru we found ourselves always ex ARRIVAL A T LUSAMBO 5 9

ected two p , the steamer having been signalled or three days in advance . When we arrived at o ur destination we found that the whole native popula L tion at usambo had known that we were coming , f o . l a couple days before our arrival Here , as e se where in Africa , the natives have such a perfect

system of telegraphing , or signalling , by means of their drums that they are able to make any

o communicati ns as far as a drum can be heard , which is often several miles . As the information is usually repeated by all the drummers who hear

of it, a whole district knows an event a very

o u few minutes , or h urs , after it has occ rred .

This system of telegraphing is most interesting .

Though different tribes and parts of tribes have

their own codes , there seems to be some method runnm g through all the codes ; for, when inter rogating a drummer on the subject of another

’ o chief s signal , he ften replied that he had m l never heard that particular dru , or wou d of

of course know it. We were , by means these

to drums , able keep up a constant communication ,

a e e for day and night, with our lli s and nativ s 60 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

miles round the camp . Every evening some member of our company would amuse himself by rapping out abuse at the enemy , which was returned with zest from the hostile camp . Occa sionall y a friendly gossip would be kept up , one side telling the other news of its respective harems , what food they had to eat, and how many hours the chief had slept that day. The native instinct for boasting and exaggeration generally became a predomi nant feature on these

in occasions , and the conversation would almost variably degenerate into a lying match , each

’ drummer trying to cap his opponent s last message .

Everything that happened was so well known in both camps, that by simply telling a piece of news to one’s servant it immediately spread throughout the whole Ar ab camp .

Our arrival at Lusambo was the signal for tremendous rejoicing ; for we not only brought

the the first intelligence from coast, but were the bearers of the only letters that had been received for seven months . I was heartily welcomed by

o Heusch de W uters and de , two of the nicest

62 T HE FALL OF T HE CO NGO ARABS form at the earliest date possible a large ex pedition to explore Katanga ; and before many days had passed we were all engaged in drilling

o men , sorting st res , and making up loads to last

for a caravan of four hundred men a year . No load was allowed to exceed forty pounds , which did away with the likelihood of delay on the road through the lagging behind of overloaded porters .

5 th r On the of July, just as we were ready to sta t, one of our most energetic men , named Smit , died suddenly , and two other men sickened with i haematur c fever. This threw a gloom over the station, which arrested work for some days . It was during this time that the commissary of the district fo und that a regular human traffic was being carried on ; the people on the upper

— — n river the Basongo themselves ca nibals, being in the habit of selling slaves and children lower

o down the river to the Basong Meno for food .

He therefore ordered the sentries on the river to

on take , or fire , any canoes descending the river with children on board , and , after catching a few, f succeeded in stopping the tra fic. Some of the BASONGO CANNI BALS 63 people belonging to Pania Mutumba (the chief of the tribe in question up the river) accompanied

o o L the Commandant in an attack n G ngo utete .

One of these men was on sentry go for a

night, and , having shot a man , came in to report

o what he had done , and despatched s meone else to bring in the body . When it was brought in , he found , to his astonishment, that he had shot his own father . He immediately went to Dhanis and complained that the spy he had shot was his father, and that it was very hard

to lines, since he was unable eat him . The Commandant ordered him to bury the body pro w perly, but discovered after ards that , though the man would not eat the body himself, he had

a s given it to his friends to c t . That ame week a young Basongo chief came to the Commandant while at his dinner in his tent , and asked for the loan of his knife , which , without thinking, the

Commandant lent him . He immediately dis appeared behind the tent and cut the throat of

- a little girl slave belonging to him , and was in the act of cooking her, when one of our soldiers 64 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO ARABS

t . saw him , and repor ed what he was doing This cannibal was put in irons, but some two months later I found him in such a wretched condition that, fearing he would die , I took him out of the chains , and gave him his liberty with a warning . Scarcely a fortnight had passed , when he was brought in

our by some of Hausa soldiers , who said that he was eating the children in and about our canton ments . He had a bag slung round his neck , which on examining we found contained an arm and a leg of a young child . As three or four children had disappeared within the fortnight, and there had been no deaths amongst them in camp , this was at the trial considered sufficient evidence against him , and he was taken out and shot, as the only cure for such an incorrigible . Shortly after this a number of the prisoners of war took to deserting , and , finding out in which direction they went, we demanded of the great chief of the district that they should be given up to us . He replied that, with the exception of

e one prisoner, they had all be n eaten , and sent

- thirty seven slaves in exchange . The one he BASONGO CANN I BALS 65 returned proved to be a little boy- servant of mine who had been persuaded to run away by t some of the deser ers . By a lucky chance , how

V ever, he had found a friend in the illage , and

of was the only one the party not eaten . His descriptions of what he had seen at the time were quite sickening . Prisoners or servants have often spoken to me

“ in this manner We want meat ; we know you have not enough goats and fowls to be able to spare us some, but give us that man [indicating one of their number] ; he is a lazy fellow , and

’ o of ou you ll never get any g od out him , so y may as well gi ve him to us to eat . The question of cannibalism in Africa has been very little discussed ; the great travellers , such as L ivingstone , Cameron , Stanley , and Wissmann , frequently refer in their works to the simple fact that the peoples they passed through were cannibals , but all details or statement of the causes that led to these references have usually been omitted . As travellers through an unknown

r continent, accompanied by an alien ace or races , 66 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS they were naturally not in touch with the people through whose countries they passed , who , when

o m n ot actually h stile , remained in a state of ar ed

o neutrality. So far as I have been able to disc ver, nearly all the tribes in the Congo Basin either are , or have been , cannibals and among some of them R the practice is on the increase . aces who until

do t o lately not seem have been cannibals , though situated in a country surrounded by cannibal

races , have , from increased intercourse with their neighbours , learned to eat human flesh ; for since the entry of Europeans into the country greater facili ties for travelling and greater safety for

o travellers have come about . Formerly the pe ple who wandered from their own neighbourhood among the surrounding tribes were killed and eaten , and so did not return among their people to enlighten them by showing that human flesh was useful as an article of food .

Soon after the station of Equator was estab lished , the residents discovered that a wholesale human traffic was being carried on by the natives of the district between this station and Lake BASONGO CANN I BALS 67

’ mba n M Zu . The most daring of these atives

e o o were the tribes about Ir b , wh se practice was to ascend the river Lulungu with large armed

o on parties , and raid am ng the natives its

o o - banks . These pe ple , th ugh a well built sturdy

n ot race , were fighting people . When the raiders had collected a sufficient number of people to fill their canoes , they returned to the

o C ngo , and carried them up the Oubangi , where

o they were sold to the natives to serve as fo d .

no w Even , though since the establishment of the

Government stations some years ago this traffic

o has been stopped , it is almost imp ssible for the

o o steamers that g up the Oubangi t buy meat. The captains of the steamers have often assured

o me that, whenever they try to buy g ats from the

n natives , slaves are dema ded in exchange , and the natives often come on board with tusks of ivory or o o o of u ther m ney with the intenti n b ying a slave , complaining that meat is now scarce in their neighbourhood .

Judging from what I have seen of these people , they seem fond of eating human flesh and though 68 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

it may be an acquired taste , there is not the slightest doubt in my mind that they prefer human flesh to any other . During all the time

I lived among cannibal races I never came across a single case of their eating any kind of flesh raw ;

or they invariably either boil , roast, smoke it. This custom of smoking flesh to make it keep would have been very useful to us , as we were often

for s without meat long period . We could, how

n ever, ever buy smoked meat in the markets , it being impossible t o be sure that it was not human flesh . ff The preference of di erent tribes , more than

ff for di erent individuals of a tribe , various parts

out of the human body , is interesting . Some

of long steaks from the flesh the thighs , legs , or arms ; o thers prefer the hands and feet ; and

o do not though the great maj rity eat the head , I have come across more than one tribe which

o prefers the head to any ther part. Almost all use some part of the intestines on account of the fat they contain ; for even the savages of

e i C ntral Africa recognise , n common with our

C H A P T E R I V

PROPOSALS OF PEACE AND ALLIANCE WITH THE STATE — FORCES FROM GONGO LUTETE V ISIT TO GONGO

’ E HIS P — LUT TE AT CA ITAL, N GANDU THE LITTLE P EOPLE OF THE FOREST

ON 1 9 of L in the th July , Gongo utete had formation conveyed to us that he was sending

o hO in ambassad rs with a large present , p g to make

o t o peace . De Wouters and I received rders

on proceed the way to meet them , and at five

’ o clock the followmg morning started up the river in a large canoe . Our canoe was a very good — one , of the usual kind used by the Bakuba the

u - — who o Sankur water people are not n madic, but are a fine race of traders and farmers . The canoe

fla - t o o o was b tt med , with sides ab ut ten inches

o high , and tapering to a point f re and aft . The paddles used by these people are about nine

of feet long , and are well made , many them PR OPOSALS OF PEACE A N D ALLIANCE 7 1 having a small knob at the upper end which is

held in the hand . While paddling, the water

o h people chant , and take a step f rward as t ey

o r catch the beginning of the str ke , and d aw the oo o f t back as they pull thr ugh . They keep the f most perfect time . Ten o them paddle in an

‘ ordinary can oe . On this occasion we had two

- and twenty paddles , as the canoe was a specially

’ M a large one . We arrived at Pania utumb s at

—a the end of the second day very rich village , well built in straight lines, and with about three thousand inhabitants . The huts were square , but with roofs of the ordinary beehive shape . They

n were larger than the usual native hut, bei g

o thirty or f rty feet high , and fifteen feet square on o the ground . The nly sanitary arrangements

V o o of the illage c uld b ast were a herd of pigs , which was turned loose morning and evening t o

o dispose of the dirt in and ab ut the village . All

who o the sick die , and s me before they are dead ,

I fancy , are thrown into the river , which passes

who in front of the village . Those die violent deaths are generally eaten . 7 2 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

Here we found five envoys from Gongo , in a very nervous condition , not knowing how we should

o treat them . They sh wed their pluck in coming to

of o us at all , though c urse the fear of death was behind them if they had returned to their chief with their mission unfulfilled . They had brought with them a present of some ivory and a flock of

a goats , and s id that Gongo had been badly treated by the Arabs , and , having been beaten whenever he

t o had at acked the State f rces , had now determined

l o to make terms for himself, and , if a l wed to ,

o would bec me our friend and auxiliary. This seemed satisfactory , and we sent the envoys with

t o L . their present , under a strong guard , usambo

The guard was necessary as a protection against our

who to Ti u own natives, were far from friendly pp

’ o Tib s pe ple , their raiding propensities being

o known far and wide . De W uters and I re

’ L o o turned to usambo by water . G ng s terms

o a were so fav urable th t his emissaries , after

e L o to having been f ted at usamb , were sent back

o him with presents, and a promise that we w uld visit him and arrange the final terms of the VIS IT T o GONGO LUTETE 73

agreement . Immediately afterwards two officers

were sent with a strong guard to visit Gongo the l Commandant, as a resu t of this new arrangement , m which had upset any of his plans , being unable

for o to start another f rtnight . At this time we

” found that a fetisher , or medicine man , in

the immedi ate neighbourhood o f Lusambo was

o poisoning pe ple in the district, and several suspicious cases among our own people decided the Commandant to arrest him . He was brought

v in for trial , much to the surprise of the nati e population , who arrived by hundreds to see what would happen to us for having interfered with him . Upon being found guilty, he was sen t enced by the tribunal to receive a flogging.

o out o Bef re his sentence was carried , h wever, the Commandant told him publicly that he was going

o to to be fl gged , but that he would be allowed

o not make medicine first, in order that he sh uld

to feel it . He replied that he had nothing make

bu t . medicine with , his materials being all in his

Some men were accordingly sent to his village , and returned to the comp ound with the hut itself 74 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

and everything it contained . He was thereupon

o to put inside it, and given half an h ur make

medicine , after which he was taken out and

o publicly fl ogged . His squeals soon c nvinced the assembled multitude that the white man ’s

“ medicine was stronger than his , and when liberated afterwards we were obliged to give him a guard as protection against the natives over

o o n wh m he had so l ng tyran ised , and who would otherwise have torn him to pieces . The follow ing day there was a tornado accompanied by a hailstorm , some of the hailstones being as large

’ as hens eggs . Hail is a most unusual occurrence

—in of in this district fact, numbers natives said they had never seen it before ; and it was immediately supposed by the native p opulation to be a vengeance brought on us by the

“ ” for medicine man having interfered with him .

ou t o As we , however , all rushed and c llected the

o hailst nes, with which we made iced drinks , this

o off feeling s on wore , the natives tersely remark ing that it was no good making medicine against the white man , who only ate it . VI SIT T o GONGO LUTETE 7 5

Lusambo was blessed with a half-wild herd of

o o cattle , the bulls fr m which herd we br ke in

for without much difficulty and used riding.

For o this purp se they are most useful , as their huge horns enable them t o push through thick grass or light bush with comparative ease . They

not are at all afraid of swampy ground , but plunge and struggle through it without hesita tion . On the 1 8th of August I started with the

Commandant on an expedition to V isit Gongo L L utete and upungu , on the way to Katanga in

followm the south . On the g day , having crossed the Sankuru , I had my first experience of travel

o ling in the great f rest . ff There is , despite the myriad di iculties it

d o presents at every han , an element of fascinati n

o o ab ut a tropical f rest unlike anything else , though perhaps t he chief pleasure lies in looking

of forward to getting out it. A great silence hangs over everything , and seems only greater for the extraordinary and often unaccountable sounds which break in upon it at intervals , 76 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

o l mingled with those m re fami iar, such as the

o harsh shriek of the t ucan , the chatter of an

o or of occasional m nkey, the crash a falling

or . branch tree Still , despite all its strange

o o sounds , the f rest silence is ppressive , and makes itself so much felt that the different members of a caravan generally speak in whispers , or in low

o on t nes , and the slightest noise either side of the way will turn instinctively every head . There — seems a complete absence of life everywhere no whir of insects or twitter of birds ; and though everywhere but in the forest each blade of grass and every inch of soil is teeming with life of

or . some sort, here there is no sound movement The dank heavy smell which pervades everything

o is unrelieved by other od urs , or even breezes ; for in a tropical forest a very strong wind only

. are no o can make itself felt There fl wers , and n o birds sing . Miles and miles of sombre greens w and bro ns stretch unrelieved by a single blossom .

flo - o wer o Of the life , the w nders , the brilliance t ld

o no of tropical f rests , there is sign . It has been said that these may all be found on the tree

78 T HE FALL OF T H E CONGO ARABS

of cut away first . The ordinary cheery signs

o o camp life are absent, and everyone m ves ab ut — noiselessly the many layers of sodden and decay

oo all ing vegetation under f t deadening sound .

Even the porters and soldiers lie quietly round

do not the fires , and laugh and chatter and sing as usual .

’ We arrived at Pania Mutumba s village on the

2 4th n . , and here rearra ged the caravan In reply to our demand that fifty men should be sent

o with us to serve as guides or extra p rters , Pania raised many difficulties , but eventually said we

for could have the men if we paid them . The

Commandant thereupon bought sixty -three m en

wo for t cups of white beads each . A few of these men afterwards ran away , but many of

o o So d them were prom ted , and became go d l iers

o f when they rec gnised the advantages o freedom .

The advantage t o be derived from freedom is one o f the hardest things it is p ossible t o explain to

o o o the rdinary negr slave. His p wers of reason

“ ing never seem t o get beyond this : If I am

’ o " free and don t get w rk , who is going to feed me VI SIT T o GONGO LUTETE 79

Whereas , if I have a master, he has to find me

o no w rk , and when there is work he has still to

” feed me .

On crossing the Sankuru we marched through a

for f deserted district ive days , in which it was very

ffi . ho w di cult to feed the caravan As we had , ever , been forewarned , the men , and the women who accompanied them , had as much food with them as they could carry , and we got through the desert in comparative comfort, arriving at

’ Kialo s 1 st Mono village on the of September .

- Mono Kialo was a sub chief of the Baluba race , L ’ the great chief being upungu , four days march

to the southward , whom we afterwards visited .

The Balubas are a fine , healthy , industrious race , the products of whose industries are to be found

o wn immense distances outside their district .

- o o They are agriculturists , iron w rkers , and cl th makers ; the clo th made in this district being the money used by a great portion of the Arab settle ments to the westward . Until quite lately they

not men were cannibals , and even now the only eat their enemies who fall in battle . All the 80 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

Balubas , both men and women , have their teeth

filed and pointed ; but though this is often

to considered a habit peculiar cannibal races ,

I have n oticed that it is by no means an

o invariable cust m amongst them , and that many inveterate cannibal tribes do not make it a

practice . The Baluba women are graceful, lively ,

o gay, and industri us . The whole Baluba race ,

o l and the w men more especia ly , are no darker

oo than the Egyptians . They have very g d

features , with the exception of the nose , which is

o o flat ; th ugh even this is more pr minent , and has

o o o o a m re pr n unced bridge , than is c mmon amongst negro races . The lips are thin and well formed,

o the face val , and the eyes large and brilliant .

M ost of the women of the Baluba race use a pigment to blacken the upper and lower lids , as do

o many European women , th ugh this custom is not

u o pec liar to them alone , but is c mmon wherever

Arab influence has penetrated in the Congo Basin . Nearly all the natives of this region are brown

o or dark yell w in colour, a really black person

. d being very rare The front teeth are all file , VI SIT TO GONGO LUTETE SI

dl disfi ure though , strange to say , this is har y a g

o ment . Their many good qualities and high m ral standard make them very valuable , and they are much sought after by Arab and even native chiefs for their harems .

Another point that struck me among the Balubas within the Arab sphere of influence was their extreme personal cleanliness . A thorough bath half a dozen times a day was the rule rather than the exception . Amongst most of the natives in these districts it is customary for girls and boys to marry at the ages of seven and eight or nine respectively , yet it is an indisputable fact that the negroes are both a healthy and prolific race . The women are middle

o or aged at f urteen fifteen , and the men , with the

of not t o exception the chiefs , do live old age, the accidents of life among these savage tribes being so common that a man is usually killed before he is out of his prime .

’ While resting a couple of days a t Mono Kialo s village , two large presents arrived , one from

o o L L o f G ng utete and one from upungu , each 6 8 2 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

o whom begged us to visit him first. As G ngo

’ Lu e e s n t t prese t was the larger , the Commandant

- turned north east t o pay him the first visit . Our

o o o march for s me days lay thr ugh tracts of f rest,

for and here , the first time , I saw the Batwa , the

“ ” o interesting little people of the forest. Thr ugh

of who the influence a guide , was on friendly terms h wit them , they did not disappear from sight as

o they usually do at the appr ach of a caravan , and

I had therefore opportunities of observing them more closely than would otherwise have been possible .

What first impressed me was that , despite the

r fact that thei average height is under four feet ,

o they are b th sturdy and independent . They are , as a rule , nomadic, and I have never met anyone who has seen them in large numbers in a settle

. o ment Being hunters , they foll w the game in

m o l s all parties , changing their l ca ity with the migration of the game . Since they are the only

o o real hunters in the C ng Basin , and are versed

o in all the science of woodcraft, the rdinary

trav eller , (European or native) may pass within a TH E LITTLE PEOPLE OF THE FOREST 8 3 few yards of them and be utterly unaware of their

the presence , though y meanwhile may be watching him o . Their sh rt stature enables them to run

- case along a game path with perfect , which to an ordinary man would be impassable unless bent f nearly double . In fact , it is as di ficult for an o rdinary man to find , or to see , them in the forest as it is for a town - bred person in this country to discover mice in a cornfield . I can remember on more than one occasion , while marching in a shower of rain , walking over their little footprints, which were still dry but which in a few moments became wet, thus showing that the small people must have passed within a few yards of me, though I had seen and heard nothing ; the silence of the great forest seeming , from the presence of

u human beings , more nbroken than usual . For though man may frequently be unaware of the

- proximity of his fellow man , nature, whether animal or insect , seems often instinctively to know

- V when the arch enemy is in the icinity . The pygmies possess an intimate knowledge of h poisons, and their bows and arrows, which ave 84 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS the appearance of harmless toys that children in

o o Eur pe w uld disdain as playthings , are as deadly engines in hunting or war as have ever been in

o of vented . The acti n some of these poisons is so rapid that a man will die in from three t o ten minutes after having been scratched . An elephant

our in one of stations , which was scratched on

s the haunch by a poi oned spear , fell down dead before going a hundred yards ; and on another

o occasion a poisoned arr w , which had passed through my corduroy coat at a distance of

ll o thirty yards , ki ed a f wl I scratched with it in about two minutes . One trick the little forest people have in common with the bushman (which though often mentioned by travellers yet stated in black and white sounds impossible),

n or namely, the shooti g of three , even four, arrows so rapidly that the last is discharged before the

first reaches its mark . They are also able to throw a lance so that it goes in at one side of a man and

r - out at the other. The A ab slave raiders and ivory - hunters have often sent expeditions into the

o h ff to great f rest, w ich have su ered such an extent

86 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO AR ABS

’ ba s , with the exception of the small district in

’ o o Kialo s which M n village was situated , this

o o vacancy , dev id alike of men and f od , surrounded

us . Every height was covered with splendid

a o palm plant ti ns ; and the remains of villages ,

o o wh se precise extent was indicated by the b mas , or d h oo palisa e fortifications , w ich had taken r t

o not and grown int ring fences . Our caravan did

f for su fer hunger, the Commandant had allowed

o bo every man to take at least one w man and a y, who acted as transport , and who looked after the ’ 1 th commissary s arrangements . On the 3 of

’ N Gandu September we arrived at , and received a splendid reception by Gongo Lutete : thousands of his people turned out to welcome us , firing guns , and dancing and yelling as if they were p ossessed .

o L Gong utete was born in Malela , and was by

o Bakussu bl od a . He had himself been a slave , having as a child fallen into the hands of the

Arabs . While still a youth , as a reward for his distinguished conduct and pluck on raiding ex

editions p , he was given his freedom . Starting ’ A T N GANDU 87 w ith one gun , at eighteen years of age , he gradu ally collected a band of brigands round him , whom

of he ruled with a rod iron , and before long became

’ Ti u - pp Tib s chief slave and ivory hunter .

’ He established himself at N Gandu on the L omami , holding part of Malela for Sefu, and by raiding gradually extended his influence to the

o westward , which br ught him into conflict with the State . Captain Descamps first, and Baron

Dhanis afterwards , defeated him . After the de 1 8 9 2 feat by Dhanis , in April , he came to the conclusion that it was no use fighting any longer against the State ; and since the Arabs for some time past had paid him neither for his work

' nor for the ivory he sent them , he determined if possible to make peace with the State on his own

no account. This was a wise decision , as there is doubt that the Arabs were both afraid and jealous

o o of his power , and would probably bef re l ng have assassinated him . At this time Gongo Lutete was perhaps thirty

- years of age . He was a well built intelligent

9 . 5 . looking man of about ft in in height , with 88 THE FALL OF T H E - CONGO A RABS

o a brown skin , large br wn eyes with very long

lashes , a small mouth with thin lips , and a

straight , comparatively narrow nose . His hands were his most remarkable characteristic ; they

o were curi usly supple , with long narrow fingers , which when outstretched had always the top j oint

o slightly turned back . One or b th hands were in constant movement, opening and shutting rest lessly , especially when he was under any strong

ah nfl. i uence His features meanwhile remained s olutely immovable . Though very familiar and

of friendly with some us , he had a way of never letting anyone forget that he was a chief, and his manners were extremely dignified. One had to see this man on the warpath to realise the different aspects of his character . The calm haughty chief, or the genial and friendly companion , became on the battlefield an enthusiastic individual with a

l o high y nervous rganisation , who hissed out his orders one after another without a moment’s hesi tation f . He was capable o sustaining intense

the fatigue , and would lead his warriors through

for country at a run hours together.

90 THE FA LL OF TH E CONGO AR AB S

o of seem to have no f rm religion whatever, and no fear of death or evil spirits . Through the

o o wh le of the Batetela c untry , extending from the

L rim L u t o Luiki and. u bi o ubef the , from the n rth

’ for o wards s me five days march , one sees neither

grey hairs , nor halt, nor blind . Even parents are eaten by their children on the first sign of approaching decrepitude . It is easy to under

r stand that , under the ci cumstances , the Batetela have the appearance of a splendid race . These

not cannibals do , as a rule , file their front teeth ,

o nor do they tatto the face .

I explored the Lomami for some six or eight

’ o N andu o h urs above G . The river is ab ut two hundred yards wide , rapid in many places , and

and. rocky, navigation even in a canoe is very ff di icult. Northwards , eastwards , and southwards

’ N Gandu of extends a vast palm forest , containing

indiarubber great patches of creepers .

’ N Gandu itself, as I first saw it, was situated on

o one an pen plain , side of which was separated from the left bank of the Lomami by a strip of

swamp and fores t one or two hundred yards in ’ AT N GANDU 9 1

i — width . This v llage containing from ten to fifteen — thousand inhabitants was oval in form , and strongly fortified by a double ditch and loop

o h led earthwork , the whole being surrounded by

o of a palisade . The t p every tree in this palisade was crowned with a human skull . Six gateways

o defended the village ; and , after passing thr ugh

t o each gate , it was necessary traverse a tunnel , o o of s me thirty yards l ng , made out piles of large

o timber, and loopholed through ut its whole length .

On the top of this tunnel was a guardhouse , the

of u floor which was honeycombed into holes , thro gh which the guard above could spear an unsus

ectin a p g passenger on the road below . The p proach to each of these six gates was ornamented by a pavement of human skulls, the bregma being

o the nly part that showed above the ground .

o f o This pavement was a sn wy whiteness, and polished to the smoothness o f ivory by the daily passage of hundreds of naked feet. I counted more than two thousand skulls in the pavement of one of the gates alone . C H AP TE R V

GONGO LUTETE FINALLY LEAVES THE ARABS AN D A LLI Es HIMSELF WITH THE STATE FORCES

AT P OF P N ARRIVAL KABINDA , CA ITAL LU U GU , — ' GREAT CHIEF OF THE BALUBAs MOVEMENTS

’ OF THE BY PPO TIB s SON ENEMY HEADED TI , — SEFU PREPARATIONS FOR AN ENCOUN TER

FOR a whole month we were regally entertained

’ N Gandu at . Almost every day Gongo sent us a

t o present, and as he seemed count everything by

—a hundreds hundred sheep one day , a hundred goats another , a hundred baskets of corn , or a —w hundred bunches of bananas e fared well. To wards the end of the month Gongo Lutete announced that he would leave the Arabs and come

o over to us , providing we w uld keep faith with him , and , in the event of his being attacked by

o the Arabs , help him to defend himself. In pro f of his own fidelity he gave a large present Of

94 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

of the Balubas , with an influence extending

o L . n rthwards to ulua , and southwards to Katanga

o - o The pe ple in this district are olive col ured, with

o o V thin lips , and, even fr m a Eur pean point of iew,

- o o Heusch are good l king . De was appointed

o resident, and immediately set to w rk to build a station at Kabinda .

At this p oint Dhanis was obliged to return to

L o ff usamb . There were many a airs in the district to arrange , and this was the last place from which L it was possible to communicate with usambo ,

to before resuming our march Katanga .

o —a In the neighbourho d of Kabinda fine , rich , healthy country—I constantly made exploring and

o sho ting expeditions during my stay , and had very

o g od sport .

On the l 6th October Scherlink and I decided

’ to start for Kolomoni s town on the Lurimbi R iver . Our reasons for making this decision

: were several food was, we heard , very plentiful L there , and our host upungu either had no

u s pplies or was unwilling to give us any . The

Heusch men , too , were complaining ; and de , ARRIVAL AT KAB I NDA 9 5

s having fini hed the big house he was making , all to but the floor and walls , had begun bring into camp large quantities of freshly

cons e dug sandy clay for this purpose . As a quence of the newly - turned soil being in our

o ut vicinity , we were all of health , and several

Scherlink Cerkel of the blacks , with and , had

o ff Of - fever. The injuri us e ect newly turned soil is probably due in a large measure to the fact that it has not been exposed t o the influence of light , this being apparently instrumental in destroying the bacilli with which untilled earth teems . In support of this theory , the outbreak

of malaria in Antwerp , which followed upon the excavations made in that city during the building

Of . the new fortifications, may be cited This red w sandy clay , hich , when wet and dry , becomes

o as hard as a brick, is f und all over the district at a depth of from one to two yards .

o We took eighty men with us , and on the f urth

’ ’ K moni day arrived at olo s . At about an hour s distance from the town , two fine straightforward

Maki ula looking young chiefs , Kolomoni and p by 96 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

o name , met us with a th usand men , many of whom were armed with guns . These people danced

to round us, firing their guns and giving vent extravagant expressions of delight at seeing us .

t o It was hard imagine what prompted them ,

Delcommune but it spoke well for the expedition ,

o o which passed ab ut a year bef re . During a

us talk with the chiefs , who had given , amongst other things , presents of pigs and goats and forty

t Maki ula baskets of flour, we learnt tha p was a

’ Kolomoni s personal friend of , and , though a good agriculturist , no warrior . They had, it

in appeared , decided to live the same town and make common cause , as Kolomoni was good only for fighting . This arrangement seemed to

for have worked well , the whole country was cultivated , and the large town itself one of the best built I had seen .

On the 2 zud October a letter arrived from

-L Debru ne ffi Sub ieutenant y , a Belgian o cer, who ,

’ L Sefu s with Commandant ippens, was resident at court at Kasongo . In it he told us that he was a

’ Ti u son prisoner , and pp Tib s , Sefu , accompanied by

9 8 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS of which river we sometimes caught to the north

for ward. Unluckily us , there had been several

and. storms during the previous week , every stream

o o . 5 R M . had bec me a t rrent At we camped , quite

o o for tired out, having marched with ut st pping ten hours .

’ Goimu asso s 2 6th y town , which we reached on

1 8 92 o on il October , has a grand situati n the fert e L R banks of the omami iver , here about two

n hundred yards wide , with the current runni g di f at about three knots . After great ficulty we o f und a fairly good place for a camp , with planta

o to Goimu asso o tions bel nging y all r und us , and commanding the river for about a mile above and

Goimu asso below our position . y , a great greasy

o o chief, br ught us a quantity of fl ur and goats , but

o gave us little or no inf rmation , either from the

o usual African apathy , or else incredul us that the

’ o Arabs were within four h urs march of us , and that at any hour of the day or night he might

for o o have to run his life. P ssibly , the m st likely solution Of his incommunicativeness was that he had then not decided whether he would j oin us or the MOVEMENTS OF T H E ENEMY 99

Arabs . The following day our spies reported that

Sefu had ordered Gongo Muchufa and Nyar Gongo

— on o o of or two chiefs pp site sides the river , five ’ — six hours march to the northward to hold their

o o can es in readiness to ferry his forces ver , as in a few days he intended to cross the river in their neighbourhood . We also heard that a big chief

Dibui o named , th ugh unwilling to fight , had been

u compelled by Sef to join his forces . The same

’ afternoon a niece of Goi s , a chieftainess from up

o the river , br ught me news that Mahomedi and

Dibui were trying to cross the river opposite to

v her village , but that she had dri en back the first

n L Scherlink canoes . On heari g this , ieutenant and I decided to march at night . To anyone who has not experienced a nigh t- march through an unknown part of tropical Africa , it is almost impossible to explain the difficulties that this

- - entails . The ordinary ten inch wide trail through swamp and forest, which , without warning , leads

- the traveller up and down ant hills or rocks , down

- ravines , and into streams and game traps , is in the daytime, with plenty of light, trying enough to 1 0 0 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

i ue But temper and p hys q . to follow one of these

- trails in the dead of night, dodging thorn bushes

- o f and ant hills , with the risk being strangled by

“ ” monkey-ropes or tripped up by roots at every

o . turn , verges alm st upon impossibility

After three hours of stumbling about in the forest, it was a great relief to meet a messenger from our friendly princess , who told us that her people had crossed the river in the dark , and had lifted all the canoes from the right bank , so that there was no immediate danger of the enemy crossing . We thereupon retraced our steps , heartily glad to get back to camp . The next few days were occupied — in constructing a boma which consisted of a — thorn fence with a double ditch to surround the whole camp . This was a very poor defence compared with those contact with the enemy after

for ifi a wards taught us to build . As these Arab t c tions formed an important element in our subsequent m dealings with the ene y , it may be well to describe one in detail.

An Arab force on the march employs a large n o and umber of its slaves in cutting d wn , carrying

I o z THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

withou t exposing themselves . Little huts are

n and. built all over the i terior of the fort, these

o huts are als very ingeniously devised , and are

- furthermore bomb proof. They consist of a hole dug a yard and a half deep , and covered with wood . This wood forms a ceiling , over which the earth from the interior is placed to the depth of a couple of feet, and a thatched roof placed over all to keep off the rain . In many of the bomas we found that the defenders had dug holes from the

a m in trenches outwards , in which they lived , having lined them with straw . The whole for t is often divided into four or more sections by a palisade

t and trenches , so that if one par of it is stormed — the storming party finds itself in a cross fire a worse position than when actually trying to effect a n entrance . We found that the shells from the

‘ 7 5 Kr upps did little o r no damage to these

o f rts . On the 2 9th October we received another letter

Debru ne from y , saying that the Arabs had divided forces with the intention Of crossing the river in three places at the same time , and thus com PREPARATION S FOR A N ENCOUNTER m3

n t o pelli g us divide up . In the event of this

n dif succeeding , they a ticipated no ficulty in

Debru ne destroying us in detail . y begged us to abandon the idea of fighting , which he maintained

the was hopeless , and , instead , to cross river and

o h ld a friendly palaver with Sefu . He added ,

h o as a warning , t at Sefu , although not anxi us to

o fight , had t ld him the night before that his patience was nearly exhausted , and that he would

o spare n ne of us if we did not give in at once .

The first men he intended t o kill were Lippens and the writer Of the letter . We naturally de

o cided not to throw urselves on Arab generosity ,

to so and sent say , at the same time despatching

o D r m re than half our stores to eb uyne . That

o Heusch evening we had a letter fr m de , saying that he and forty men would arrive next day from Lupungu .

On the 2 nd November definite information con

o Muchufa cerning G ngo reached us . He held his

’ canoes in readiness for the passage Of Sefu s

Heus ch forces . As we knew that de must soon

oo arrive , I t k forty men and marched down the 1 0 4 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

river bank , my object being , if possible , to cut —if out the canoes not, to attempt to check the

Arab forces while in the act of crossing the river .

’ Six hours marching brought me to the river

bank , which the high ground , however , compelled me to leave again , the dry and open space a mile or two from the river affording much better walking . I found the ferry village deserted, and all the canoes gone . As there was no open space

o near the river, and the f rest was dangerously

to o o thick , I retired s me high ground ab ut a

off mile . A tornado was raging , and there being nothing else to do , we lay down , hungry, wet , and cold , and waited for the wind and rain to stop . My men built a little house of palm

for . branches for me, and grass ones themselves With the additional luxury of a fire I felt warm

o o and c mf rtable , and , in spite of the storm , slept quietly until roused by a leopard sneaking into the camp and soaring the sentries nearly out of their wits . The following morning I was

honoured by a visit from Nyan Gongo , a muscular man about six feet two inches in

I O6 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

o . o and bo ts The Arabs, he said , had more cl th

for um and presents him than I had , which was

o so o pleasant, the m re because it was pr bably

o true. The Arabs als were on the other side of

o the river and anxi us to cross , whereas I was on his side and had nothing to gain . It was ,

o h wever, imperative that we should get food

o somehow . I therefore whistled my men r und

o o us , and in a m ment, bef re they knew what was happening , we had disarmed and taken prisoner the unaccommodating chief and half a dozen of t his head men . I then explained to him hat it would be better to send away all his armed

o men , as if one of them f rgot himself the con

o be t o and. sequences w uld his disadvantage , that the sooner his people brought me food the better, since I had no intention of dying of

o t oo starvati n unless he and his chief men died .

After some time he appeared convinced, and

oo in ou sent for f d , which came into camp enorm s quantities the same evening . He was then set

t o o at liberty, with a small present so the his ruflEled dignity . He seemed more surprised at PREPARATIONS FOR A N ENCOUNTER 1 9 7

the idea of a man , in whose power he was , giving him his liberty and a present, than he was at being disarmed and kidnapped while he thought himself monarch of all he surveyed . Nyan

Gongo and I were from that time always friends .

Months afterwards , when he was only an indi vidual in a crowd of petty chiefs—who were

us indebted to for their very existence , and who were not expected to pay tribute in any shape — or form except through Lupungu he used to bring me little presents himself ; I suppose from the same instinct which causes a dog to fawn on the person who has punished him .

For three or four days I patrolled up and down the river , which , my spies told me , Sefu was

o o actually trying to cross in this neighb urho d .

o At this time I received a letter fr m Duchesne ,

’ N Gandu o — at , enj ining us to be very careful his spies having discovered that Sefu really meant

a our s o to ttack us where we were , and that called friendly natives had arranged t o assist the

L Scherlink Arabs . ieutenant arrived in my camp

7th o Heusch on the N vember , having left de I OS THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

’ in charge of Goimuyasso s . I was delighted to

no see him , as I had had little or rest, night or

“ on day , sifting false news and marching reliable information to meet an enemy who had never even crossed the river , and who , as we afterwards discovered (knowing that I was there), had no h intention of crossing . On the evening of the 9t

Heusch November we got a hurried note from de , saying that by the time it reached us he would probably be cut off from us. A prisoner he had

o u taken , gratuit usly informed him that Sef would 1 1 th make an attack on the morning of the . We

u struck camp when the moon gave light eno gh ,

Of and , without finding any signs the enemy ,

’ oi a arrived at G muy sso s . Simultaneously with our arrival , a number of prisoners , caught by

’ o Goi s pe ple in the act of stealing canoes, were brought in . They said that Sefu had sent them

across the river to get him canoes, and this seemed t o have been the whole source of the alarm . One

i - o o of these pr soners , a witch doct r , calmly t ld us that he changed himself into a duck whenever he

was wanted to cross a river . This man afterwards

I I O THE FA LL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

Heusch k De , who was known as the most rec less

- not to of dare devils , had been told cross the river .

He surprised the town where the canoes had been

o o o f und , and disc vered that the Arab f rces had

t o already taken them o the ther side . Having

old come across one half of an canoe , he patched this with clay , and , taking two men with him in

o this apology for a b at, crossed the river and set

for about to hunt the canoes, which were hidden in the long grass . The Arab allies lined the bank by hundreds , and amid a shower of balls and

Heusch arrows de beat a retreat , strange to say

’ a r és les a voir envo es u el u es unhurt , and left, p y q q

r unnea ux . p , as he expressed it to me During his absence Sefu had despatched Debr uyne with a strong

i escort to the river , his object be ng to persuade

o us to cross ver and visit him, escorted by not more than half a dozen men . Our own spies had warned us that Sefu intended by some pretext to

to persuade us to cross over, and then either kill us or make us prisoners . Being forewarned we

e Com refus d, and explained that we had the

’ m r L m andant s orde s not to pass the o ami, at the PREPARATI ONS FOR AN ENCOUNTER I I I same time mentioning that we expected the Com mandant Dhanis to be with us in a day o r

w to Debru e to t o . I did my best persuade yn

o to swim ver us , but as things then stood he

to . o o refused S me m nths afterwards , when we

’ o o o pened the po r fell w s grave at Kasongo , we found that he had been cut into pieces about a

o u fo t long , tho gh happily , as we discovered from

his murderers and from independent witnesses ,

ost mor tem o this was p mutilati n . 2 0th On the November the Commandant arrived , having with him one Krupp gun , and

Cerkel accompanied by Captain de Wouters , ,

L and. upungu , Kolomoni , a great following . On

s the way , hearing that the Arab had appeared

’ N Gandu lower down the river opposite , Dhanis had sent Captain Michaux with eighty men to L reinforce ieutenant Duchesne , who was with

’ Gongo Lutete at N Gandu This detachment

o of a k became eventually a sec nd ttac . C H A P T E R V I — FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH THE ARABS CAPTURE OF TWO OF THEIR FORTS

’ THE day following the Commandant s arrival at

’ the Lomami we heard that some of Sefu s people had crossed the river about eight hours’ march m below us . Not thinking it a very serious atter,

' we sent a detachment of forty men under a black

n sergeant named Albert Frees a d. a corporal called

L o Benga , together with upungu , Kolom ni , and their people , to reconnoitre and , if necessary, fight.

Al Monorovian bert Frees , a by birth , was a

o wiry little man of about five feet six, who sp ke English with a strong American twang and much

o v lubility. His energy and. intelligence were ex traOrdinar o y in a man who had had no educati n .

L - Benga was a native of Sierra eone , a thick set

- who m heavy faced negro , seldo spoke unless he had

o something very important t say . His reticence 1 1 2

1 1 4 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO A RAB S three hours on the road next morning when we met a number of natives sent to us with a letter from Michaux. They were carrying several Win chester repeating rifles, and escorting prisoners tokens of a victory over the Arab forces . Gongo

L o utete, it seems , had f und that the Arabs were already across the river ; whereupon he and all his people , ahead of Michaux and Duchesne , together

with the regulars, had marched to find the Arabs , and had arrived at the two forts just as the sun went down . Albert Frees , meanwhile, had been

S kirmishing round these forts for some hours . L Arriving at dark, Michaux and Gongo utete withdrew their men and. encamped about an

’ hour s march distance from Albert Frees and Lup

who ungu , lay down in front of the smaller fort.

[The diagram on page opposite shows the position ]

A tornado came on , followed by rain , which

and. Al recom lasted all night, at dawn bert Frees menced to attack . The Arabs charged out in

re force , but very few of their cap guns (which presented the great bulk of their armament) went

’ off o , the night s rain having thoroughly s aked the FI RST ENCOUNTER WIT H TH E A RABS 1 1 5

o p wder. Albert Frees was quick to see the dilemma they were in , and , taking advantage of it , h L charged them home wit upungu , and carried the smaller fort just as Michaux and Gongo Lutete

. to o came up The Arabs retreated the larger f rt,

H RGE

which did not long resist the combined attack .

A panic , of which no one knows the cause , started

o among the Arab forces , and the whole cr wd jumped into the river , here about a hundred yards

- wide , with a four mile current . The regulars and friendly natives killed them by hundreds in the 1 1 6 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

u o water. Sef himself had recrossed bef re the

fighting began , and so escaped . On counting the

o 60 0 Arab loss , we f und it to be over on the field

Of 2 000 3 0 00 i or battle , and between and k lled drowned in the river . We took about 3 0 good 2 000 repeating rifles and upwards of cap guns ,

with large quantities of powder and cartridges .

Sergeant Albert Frees and Corporal Benga were Al the first to get to the palisades of the fort, bert

n l bei g three times touched by bal s. Benga, who

n was a great athlete , managed, by runni g hard and

tw o flinging himself against the palisade , to start or three posts ; this gave an opening , through which Al l he and bert , quick y followed by their men , ff e managed to e ect an entry . Here we took thr e

i n chiefs prisoners , one of whom , Sad by ame , had served with Stanley . Both his arms were broken

' and his thigh and scalp were ripped open by

“ bullets, yet he lingered on in this state for three weeks .

The Commandant now decided t o follow the t Arabs into their country. He was at liber y to

Lo do this , since they , by crossing the mami and

1 1 8 THE FA LL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

mo o practice , and , re ften than not, a small low

o l doorway is the nly means of venti ation , with the exception of any stray chinks that may have

hr been left t ough careless thatching of the roof. I frequently noticed among African natives a

’ O o o Of certain brown , and ften bloodshot, c nditi n the conjunctiva, though , on opening the lid a wi w little der than normal , the hite of the eye not usually exposed was found to be clean and

o clear. This conditi n of things was, I came to the conclusion , produced by smoke . It will be easily understood that the atmosphere inside a but of this description , with a fire in it, is so

o thick with sm ke that an ordinary European ,

f . unused to the life, would be almost suf ocated The natives are , however , accustomed to it from their earliest days , and when sitting by a fire in the open air generally choose to place themselves to leeward , the smoke being a protection against the attacks of mosquitoes and other noxious insects . It was here that the cannibal propensities o f our friendlies and camp followers were first CAPTURE OF T WO OF T H EIR FORTS 1 1 9

brought before me . On returning through the town after following the inhabitants a mile or two beyond , I found that the killed and wounded had

all - disappeared, and some of my men volunteered the information that the friendlies had cut them

and. up carried them off for food . This I did not believe . On our way home , however, we were again attacked . The friendlies , who were dancing

in o along front, promptly br ke and fled , leaving amongst the other loot scattered about the road , several human arms , legs , and heads , which the men whose information I had doubted took care to point out to me as proof that they had not lied . This skirmish was curious, for another

- reason . I mounted an ant hill to see how

things were going , and how the enemy were

o Of p sted ; straight in front me , on another hill

t off abou sixty yards , the opponent chief with his staff was posted . On seeing me he promptly commenced emptying his Winchester in my

i off d rection , till I knocked him his perch with a Mauser bullet in his chest . A year afterwards

Scherlink u met this man ; and the chief, quite pro d 1 2 0 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS of them , showed him the scars that the bullet

- had left in his breast bone and back , after which it had passed through the abdomen of one of his

o men , who died some days after from the w und .

My brother Officers used to suggest that the bullet had become septic in passing through the chief’ s

chest , and that the second man had probably died

- of blood poisoning. After much experience with different patterns

Of - the newest small bore rifles , we all lost faith i in the r killing and stopping power, and preferred to arm our men with the old chassep ots used in

- 1 the Franco Prussian War of 8 70 . On our way back from the skirmish we met the

Commandant , with de Wouters , the white sergeant

Cerkel , and all the available force he could muster.

We immediately camped , and that evening the Commandant repeated what he had before told us — when he asked who would go with him namely, that he had no intention of returning alive from

u the campaign if it were unsuccessf l , and that if any of us were unfortunate enough to be taken prisoners by the enemy he would consider

1 2 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

o camp for our people . The situati n possessed the additional advantage of being separated from the

o natives and the t wn , and thus lessened the chance

wo of collision between the t parties . The country round this town is exceedingly rich . Our people ff brought in prodigious quantities of bananas , di er ent kinds of corn , pineapples , potatoes , sugar cane , and other food .

On the 3 rd of December we commenced march N . E . ing in a N . . direction Though our way lay

o through swamps , there were fortunately no f rests .

’ Kabamba s 5 th We arrived at on the , and were met by the chief, who assured us that he had no quarrel with us , and that he had already refused

r to join the A abs against us , though he had no intention of joining us against the Arabs . He boasted that he had never yet been drawn into L war. iving as he did amongst almost inter minable swamps , it is probable that even the

had Arabs found it useless to try to coerce him .

He presented us with a splendid bullock left in

his charge by Wissmann four years before , but he

u s no o nor for brought ther present, did he ask CAPTURE OF T WO OF T H EI R FORTS 1 2 3

’ any . After a week s stay there news reached us that Michaux and Gongo Lutete were advancing

o o to meet us , which made the C mmandant d ubt

’ s L ful whether to meet them at Dibui or at usuna .

’ o After s me days waiting , during which our camp was fixed on a small space of dry ground about a foot above the level of the surrounding morass , we heard that Michaux ’s column was advancing on L usuna , whereupon , to the great delight of every one , the Commandant gave orders to start on the h L . 1 lt morrow On the we arrived at usuna, and there found Michaux , who had taken the town by t s orm three or four days before . He gave us t sugar, tobacco , and salt, which were grea luxuries after three weeks with no other food than the flesh of the tough goats taken in some of the

and. skirmishes , rice boiled in the stinking swamp water . Of the many hardships encountered

o during the expediti n, I think we all agreed

o that the w rst was the deprivation of salt . During the whole time Spent in these swamps the health of the caravan was excellent, although the water

o drunk by every ne varied in colour from red , 1 2 4 T HE FALL OF T H E CONGO ARAB S

h . t e green , and yellow to black The officer of

o day who had the rearguard , and m re particularly

un u ard the g g , under supervision , was invariably

r o on o w oo ten o twelve h urs his feet, ften ithout f d , and working the greater part of the day up to his

or . waist , even neck , in the swamps I can only attribute the absence of fever in the caravan to

ff no o the e ect of light , since there were f rests

o o in the immediate neighb urh od , and all the

’ swamps were open to the sun s direct rays . At Lusuna we found that Michaux had brought L t 5 00 0 Gongo ute e , with between and auxiliaries with him ; and as we were aecom

anied L Goimu asso p by upungu , Kolomoni , and y , our camp at this time numbered about 40 6 f 0 . natives , regulars , and white o ficers The — old Lusuna or Rusuna as Cameron calls him

— o had died a few months bef re our arrival , and his successor was a mild man of very different stamp .

or The fact that both sides were cannibals , rather that both sides had cannibals in their

o our . train , pr ved a great element in success

C H A P T E R V I I — SKIRMISHES WITH THE ENEMY RETURN OF SEFU TO THE ATTACK

THE Commandant instituted a very good system which we afterwards often felt the benefit of, namely, the supplying of every white man , at the State

- to expense , with as many boy servants as he chose employ . These were generally savage little rascals, lately freed slaves , and either the children of

or prisoners of war, presents sent from native chiefs . Their business being to attend to the

ac personal comfort of the whites , they rapidly quired a certain amount of civilisation , and an absolute confidence in white men . While still di quite small , they acted as interpreters in the or nary business with natives . As soon as they were old f — enough and su ficiently strong often , with — good feeding, a matter of only a few months they

n were given gu s , and taught how to use them ; 1 26 SKI RMI S H ES WIT H TH E ENEMY 1 2 7 thus forming a sort of bodyguard for their

v masters when isiting friendly native chiefs . Very quickly after having arms in their hands they asked to be allowed to become soldiers, and

Ev n were then drafted into the regular force. e tu

” a ally , what was called boy company was formed , and it became the smartest set of soldiers we had . Their chief amusement when off duty was to go through their drill . The boy corporals

t o had generally a few na ives , r prisoners , who had been given into their charge to look after ; these recruits they used to drill for the pleasure of m drilling them , and any of them also became di sol ers . One great advantage in connection with these boys was , that, when in action they got into trouble or retreated , they invariably rallied round

s the nearest white man , their ole idea of safety being to be somewhere in the neighbourhood of the whites . It having been decided that we should count the

o auxiliary f rces, in order that some idea of how much powder to give to the different chiefs might he arrived at, we proceeded to do so in the usual 1 2 8 TH E FA LL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

’ Arab manner. A wild animal s skin was placed

o t o on the ground , and the wh le number of forces be counted walked over it one by one . We found that Gongo Lutete had little over two thousand

L o guns upungu and the tribes with him , ver three

L L old thousand. Gongo utete and upungu were enemies ; Lutete having represented the Ar ab

o L Of p wer, whereas upungu was grand chief the

o L native p wers . upungu at this juncture coolly announced that he was afraid to advance any

farther ; that his people would desert if he did so, as dysentery and smallpox were rife towards the L ualaba , and that all would die if they advanced . As the question of feeding this enormous multitude

o had also to be c nsidered , Commandant Dhanis L sent upungu with all his people home, giving out that we had a large enough force at our dis f posal without him . This was a blu f which rather scared the Ar abs advancing against us. While at

’ Lusuna s we heard that Delcommune and Frankie

o o to had returned fr m their expediti n Katanga, and the Commandant requisitioned them t o come to us or to send what help they could . News also

1 30 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

L should be collected and buried with ippens, whose

bands body , with the exception of the (which had been sent to Sefu and Mohara of Nyangwe as

t . okens), was otherwise unmutilated The strong

’ innate respect for a chi ef had protected Lippens

Of body, while that his subordinate had been hacked to pieces . A curious fatality followed

these twelve murderers . The chief of the band ,

Kabwarri was il by name , k led by us in the battle of the 2 6th of February with Lippens’ Martini — express in his hand . Of the others all of whom

Of were the sons of chiefs , and some them impor — tant men on their own account four di ed of

was w smallpox , one killed at Nyang e , one in the

mi n n stor g of Kasongo, and the remai ing six we

s D took pri oners at Kasongo . uring the trial they

n one day, though in a chained ga g, succeeded

o in overp wering the sentry, and thus escaped .

One was drowned in crossing a river ; three more i were killed , either fighting or by accident, with n a month or two of their escape ; and the two remaining we retook and hanged —which brings to me a curious point. Of the many men I have SKIRM I S H ES WIT H THE ENEMY 1 3 1

t seen hanged nearly all died by strangula ion , and

t no by having the neck broken . As compared with shooting , hanging seems to me the less pain ful death ; the wretched being becomes insensible

man in a very few seconds , whereas a shot will

n cou d e r dce how ofte require a p g , no matter care fully the firing party is placed. During this time I made several excursions

o as through the c untry in search of game , and also a means of getting to know the district. What struck me most in these expeditions was the number of partially cut- up bodies I found in every direction for miles around . Some of them were minus the hands and feet, and. some with steaks cut from the thighs or elsewhere ; others

the l i had entrai s or the head removed , accord ng to the taste of the individual savage, though , as I

t i af erwards d scovered , this taste is more tribal than individual . Neither old nor young , women or children , are exempt from the possibility of

o serving as fo d for their conquerors or neighbours . Many rumours reached us that Mohara of W Nyangwe was advancing against us. e had 1 3 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARAB S

several false alarms of night attacks, and were

29th Of D very glad when , on the ecember , these rumours became so definite that Gongo Lutete offered to bet the Commandant that if we marched on the morrow we should meet the Arabs . Dhanis was still unbelieving , and took up the bet for ten bales of cloth , hoping that he would lose it, as the uncertainty and false alarms were wearing o ut

our the temper of caravan . At five o ’clock on the morning of the 3 oth we marched , with Gongo and his thousand guns

o scouting in front of us . After six h urs and a

’ in o half s severe marching we heard firing fr nt .

The Commandant and I raced on , and emerged on a plain covered with short grass in time to see

Gongo and his men in full fligh t before the vic t orious o off Arabs , not f ur hundred yards in front

of . us Michaux soon came up with his company,

n and the Comma dant gave orders to charge . As

off we started he ordered me to draw my men , and to stay behind to guard the women and bag gage . He also charged me to send on the other

o o v c mpanies with the Krupp as s on as they arri ed .

1 34 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARAB S

o sight. S on the crack of the rifles became almost

for inaudible , and I was left as a target the four or five hundred Arabs who were now between me and the

Commandant, at less than four hundred yards from

- o my ant hill. The nly thing I can think of that saved me is , that these Arab troops must have mistaken

n the baggage and women by whom I was surrou ded, for a reserve . After about twenty minutes Scher link arrived , and, proceeding to join the Com

dc mandant, was quickly followed by Captain w Wouters with the gun . We then follo ed as rapidly as possible , skirting the swamp . I saw on this battlefield the only case I can remember of a n ative putting love before fear or danger. In a bare spot my comrades had just swept over, I passed a woman seated on the ground by a dead chief, quietly crying with his head in her lap , while the bullets whizzed round her, sometimes only missing her by inches . A little later on , when recrossing the battlefield , the only signs left were bloodstained spots here and there , marking the place where the victims of the fight had been cut up to furnish a banquet in the even SKI RMIS H ES WIT H THE ENEMY 1 35

ing to the victorious survivors . Our disgust may

be better imagined than expressed , for we found that the camp followers and friendlies made no difference in this respect between the killed and

’ wounded on their own side or the enemy s . One

’ of Gongo Lutete s wives was killed during the

progress of the battle , and was cut up and eaten by

his own men , on whom , however, he took summary vengeance the day following by handing them over

i m v to form a repast for the r co rades . Se eral of our people had been taken prisoners during the A rab successes earlier in the day , and when the

Arabs were retreating they killed some of them, and frightfully mutilated others without killing them, leaving them on the road . This was not a wise proceeding, as it did not tend to make our people more tender in their dealings with the retreating perpetrators of these outrages . The Arab camp which we took was situated on a rising ground in and around the village Of

Luakilla Kasongo . Being a strong position , it served us well for headquarters . flIn the camp we took powder , cartridges , ri es , and other 1 36 T H E FA LL OF T H E CONGO AR ABS

o ammunition ; and. we also f und Arab tents and paraphernalia, with a tent made by Edison , which

’ had probably belonged to a member of Hodister s

o unfortunate expedition . We discovered fr m prisoners and some of the papers taken in the camp , that Muni Pembe (the son of Mohara) and Mahomedi commanded the Arabs . Their loss ffi was di cult to estimate , but we imagined must have amounted to over two hundred killed . Our own o - l ss amounted to eighty two killed and wounded .

On the l st of January we broke camp to look

for . food A fearful storm overtook us , and , as it showed no signs of abating , we were forced to camp on a hillside . Everybody was very

- miserable and bad tempered , food was scarce , cooking impossible , and all things were wet and

o c ld . The next day we advanced under a hot

o o sun , and f und the heat delightful after the c ld

o and wet of the previ us day and night. A couple R h of hours brought us to the Mwadi iver, whic , with its rapid current and twenty - five feet depth of f water, was a di ficult obstacle for the caravan to cross .

’ With four hours hard work we succeeded in making

1 38 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

their request. The Commandant gave out that he

’ O would test the fates at eight clock that evening, and told them that if his medicine, after due pre

aration r p , became red , the A ab forces in the next it battle would be annihilated ; if became white, the battle would be drawn ; but if green should be the colour , we should have to avoid battle for a couple of months , as the result would be uncertain .

By the evening every soul in our and the native camps around had turned out to see what would

’ h Sefu s appen , and hosts on the opposite hills were also eagerly watching. We had a few dozen signal rockets with us, of which , however, only a dozen were in good order, and which had been

IVhen kept in the event of a great emergency . the Commandant ordered three of the red signal rockets to be fired , the yell of joy that rang through the camp was perfectly appalling . As the onlookers realised that the “ medicine was

red, three times repeated , they danced round us in a perfect frenzy of joy , and demanded that powder

o sh uld be given to them to make a night of it . It is a characteristic of Arab followers and natives SKI RM IS H ES WIT H TH E ENEMY 1 39 — to let off their guns at every opportunity joy or w sorro , arrival or departure , serving as an excuse h for the discharge of firearms . Even a s ower of

a rain causes a reckless w ste of powder, and every man fires his gun for fear the powder should get

. t wet When the rain s ops and the sun reappears , he fires another charge “ to make sure that the gun

’ has not got damp . On this special occasion they

asked for powder , and were made happy with a

o c uple of barrels , when with yells and dances and the constant discharge of firearms they made night hideous . A corresponding silence reigned in the

’ enemy s camp , who , I believe , had we been able to attack them , would have stampeded then and there . On the 5 th of January three or four hundred L women , who had been left behind at the omami R ’ iver with the soldiers private baggage , came to

i i In . us , and there was great rej o c ng camp The

and men having been without their extra blankets , not having had their women to look after them,

ad - h been out of condition and ill nourished . The L women also brought a note from the omami , saying that Delcommune had responded to the 1 40 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO AR ABS Commandant’s requisition by sending a white

Of a ficer named C ssar , some soldiers , and all his rifles and ammunition , but that he could not send

. o the bulk of his soldiers They w uld , he said ,

- L have to be re engaged at usambo , so that we could not expect t o see them for a couple o f

’ o o months . Fr m Frankie s expediti n there was no response whatever . That same evening we saw

o camp fires on the hills pposite , and heard drums

o o r lling and great sh uting . The next day we could see , with glasses , a very large camp covering upwards of a mile . This turned out to be Sefu ,

who with the other princes of Kasongo , had returned to the attack in spite of his overwhelm

Lo ing defeat at the mami . The Commandant determined to let them cross the river, or at all

of our events to land part their force on side, before attacking them .

1 42 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

said that the white man was still fighting, but was very hard pressed , and had sent for help . Michaux ,

Scherlink off de Wouters , and promptly started with their companies and a contingent of C ongo

’ L te s ute , leaving the Commandant , with myself

Cerkel u n . and , in a horrid state of s spe se We got

’ the camp ready to resist an attack ; Sefu s force

to being camped in front of us, and , according the w report we, had just received , Mohara of Nyang e

our . fighting in rear This , at the time , seemed scarcely credible, though it turned out to be true .

At midday the firing commenced a few hundred yards from our camp , in the grass . Just as we thought the fight would begin , Cassar marched into

all — the camp with his baggage wounded, but having extricated himself from the dilemma he was in without even seeing the force we had sent

: to help him . His first words amused us Com

” “ mandant , said he , I was all but taken , and I

” have burnt an awful lot of cartridges . Oh ,

’ ’ o said the Commandant, y u re alive , and that s the

’ o main thing . I suppose y u ve lost all the baggage

the and ammunition you were bringing us . But MORE ARAB ATTACKS 1 43

s plucky little man had not ; and thi , from the a k ccount he gave us, is what had ta en place .

He had , the evening before, camped about two

’ hours and a half s march in our rear, and , suspect

s . r ing nothing , had lept well He was b inging d t us about roun s of ammuni ion , and

40 chassepot rifles tied up in bundles ; and his c 2 6 u 2 5 0 aravan consisted of reg lar soldiers , and

’ L s of Gongo utete men as porters . While washing himself at his tent door at a quarter to six in the morning , he was astonished by a volley fired into the camp from the surrounding scrub. He found that the bush on every side of him was full of turbaned forces . Getting his men in hand

the immediately , he returned fire . Those of his

who porters were not armed with muzzleloaders ,

O broke pen the ammunition boxes, and , taking the chassepots , kept up an erratic fire in every direction

- but the one most necessary . This ill directed fire

was , however , enough to prevent the Arabs from rushing the camp , and Cassar charged out with his soldiers at any point where the enemy approached

o . t o closely This continued for over four hours , 1 44 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO AR ABS

the when , for a reason unknown to Cassar at time , the Arabs withdrew for an hour and twenty

a s minutes . The explanation , we afterwards

o disc vered , was that Mohara had been wounded in the leg by a chance shot. During this pause

Cassar dismounted his tent, got his loads and wounded on the road, and retired in our direction .

The bush was very thick , and when the Arabs followed him in force he managed to hold them in check till all his own force had crossed a deep river, which , fortunately for him , was on his road . As the only means of crossing the river was by a single enormous tree , which had been felled across f it , he had no di ficulty in keeping the Arabs at bay till the main part of his caravan had got a long start. He then raced after them , and arrived at our camp as I have described .

While we were still talking , firing commenced again almost in the same direction as we had heard

o f it in the m rning . In the evening one O our

’ Mohara s soldiers came in , bringing with him head , and a note from de Wouters saying that

’ they had fought the Arabs main body, which they

1 46 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

our people , they were to all intents and purposes surprised . Mohara , who had been wounded in

the morning, was , luck i for us , killed very i early in the fight ; and the loss of their ch ef, as is usual with any but European soldiers , spread dismay among the ranks . The nearest river to us to the eastward was the L 9th ufubu . After our successes on the , the Commandant decided that there was no reason

’ Sefu s why we should not attack forces , who were

On 1 1 th still in front. the , therefore , Michaux

’ and his company were sent as a guard to Lutete s people , who were ordered to build a bridge over the Lufubu . This they accomplished in about

was nl three hours , at a point where the river o y forty yards wide and about ten feet deep . When the bridge was finished Michaux crossed over, and after a couple of hours’ march found himself on

’ Sefu s the banks of the Kipango , not a mile from

a hi w as c mp , w ch pitched on a height about three quarters of a mile from the river . The enemy, on

a discovering our troops so near them , c me down in force to prevent our people crossing the river T HE COMMANDANT LEADS A N ATTACK 1 47

Kipango , which they naturally supposed was our intention . There seems to have been a sharp skirmish across the river. Wordy war, which also ff raged , had more e ect than even our rifles .

Mahomedi and Sefu led the Arabs , who were

’ Lut ete s o jeering and taunting pe ple , saying that they were in a bad case , and had better desert the white man , who was ignorant of the fact that

Mohara with all the forces Of Nyangwe was

’ Lutete s : camped in his rear. people replied

u Oh , we know all abo t Mohara ; we ate him the

’7 ’ of a day before yesterday . The news Moh ra s defeat had not then reached Sefu , as our camp lay between , and Mohara was defeated and slain before communication had been established be tween the Arab armies .

’ Lutete s Michaux retired , leaving people , masked by the forest and unknown to the enemy, to build a bridge across the river higher up . On the

1 2 th L o we crossed the ufubu , and c ming to the

Kipango found that the bridge , made in the night

’ by our allies , had been carried away . Three hours s teady work enabled us to build another, strong 1 48 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S enough to bear the passage of our regulars and

’ Lutete s baggage , part of force having crossed the river before the bridge was carried away . A great many of the remainder of his force succeeded l in passing by c imbing the trees on the bank, and swinging across by the creepers . Though in some places the boughs of the trees were interlocked , the

u . most frightf l scenes nevertheless occurred We ,

n who were working lower dow stream , saw many a li face , arm , or leg in the boi ng flood, which was

- tearing like a mill race past us . Help it was impossible to render . Our own men had many narrow escapes, and one was carried away and dr owned . Just as the sun went down our forces

t ’ hi crossed , and af er forty minutes marc ng we

r i rushed into the A ab camp , and were surpr sed

. h to find it deserted We spent a miserable nig t, as the baggage and provision porters were unable to find their way into the camp in the dark . From information volunteered by some prisoners the next day, it appeared that Sefu had been some what perturbed ; one of his favourite wives had been killed by a stray shot fired during Michaux’s

1 5 0 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

after years of victory , preferred to die rather than leave the scene of his first defeat. On the 2 oth January the Commandant struck camp , having suggested the night before that we L might have a look at the ualaba , in order that — we might be able to say that we had seen it we having received definite information that all the

Ar ab forces had retired to the right bank of the river.

Our caravan was heavily laden with food , everybody who pretended to know anything about it seeming to agree that between us and the river there was t only a desert, and tha it would be impossible to nourish the caravan for more than a day or two . While in this camp we had had a great deal of sick

— chi fl — a tri ness e y colic and slight fevers which I t buted to the exposed position of the plateau . The nights were really cold—with a fall in temperature ° °— from 1 00 to about 5 0 though we were only some three hundred feet above the surrounding plain .

n e Notwithstandi g this, how ver , our caravan was

n now in a great state of jubilatio , as we were in

s the Salt Di trict, several large saline marshes being

’ within an hour s march . These salt marshes THE COMMANDANT LEADS A N ATTACK 1 5 1

e m L to the we rd t the ext nd fro the ufubu stwa , o

L a to r ualab the eastward . The salt f om this district supplies the whole country from Tan

an ika n g y to Kasai . I visited, amo g others, a rather curious salt-pit at the bottom of a dark narrow

u m gorge of triangular shape . Thro gh this arsh , hot black brine was bubbling out of the ground over almost the whole surface ; yet down the middle ran a stream of pure cold water, which had been banked up by the natives to prevent the fresh water diluting the brine. Two eagles on the cliff above looked as if they were stuffed ; everything was hot and still ; and even the men spoke only in whispers . In the middle of the silence half a dozen bullets suddenly hissed round , and the far side of the gorge filled almost instantaneously with Arabs. In a moment the most terrific din filled the place—everyone was shouting and firing. I noticed that even one of the eagles shrieked . The echoes were tre

mendous . , and caught up and doubled the confusion

When we had cleared the gorge I sat down and. rested . The whole place , pervaded with the smell 1 5 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

n w of e su of sulphur and hu g ith clouds smok , g

' gested the gateway to the Inferno. One of my

m ni e r L was men , an A erican gg r f om iberia, who

' quietly hacking the hand ofi a dead body as the

c s simplest method of removing the bra elet , said , “ I guess they ain’t had such a dust up in this hole ” — since creation . At this I blew the retreat the echo of which went on sounding for over two — minutes and left.

1 5 4 THE FA LL OF THE CONGO ARABS

c s but the line being formed we advanced for e , and ,

s the as oon as we had descended from heights , the long grass with which the plain was covered prevented any individual from being able to see

or h more than ten fifteen yards a ead . When nearly opposite to the south end of Nyangwe , and ,

and as it proved , at least a mile a half from the river bank—though at the time it seemed much — nearer we came upon a knoll of ground rising out of the half-dry swamp in which we were

n marching . From this situation we saw a lo g line of men advancing towards us through the m grass, not more than half a ile away . We r promptly laagered , and the Commandant orde ed off t wo companies to check the supposed advance of the enemy . When we were within hailing w distance , it was discovered that they ere a

’ detachment of Lutete s force who had lost their way, and had , to their great surprise , struck the

L he ualaba just in front of t town . A volley or two , fired at them from the opposite river bank , sent them flying in our direction as fas t as their

a legs could carry them . This precipit nce was CAM P O PPOSITE NYANGWE 1 5 5

m cl within an ace of costing the early , and , had l they not been in open order, we should certain y have shelled them before finding out who they

'

. knoll we were On and by this camped, the highest part of which was only a few inches above the surrounding swamp ; and daily for five or six weeks some part of our force waded through the t swamp , in the latter days having to swim par of the way to the bank of the Lualaba . Opposite the main part of the town of Nyangwe was an

- island about three quarters of a mile long , and strongly fortified by the Arabs . It took us some time every morning to silence the trenches com manding our favourite position on the bank of the river for annoying the town itself. In the daily interchange of civilities there were many interesting incidents One of the favourite ruses of the Arab chiefs was to ask for a few moments’ quiet in which to talk w ith one of the white officers ; and on several occasions an — Officer believing in the good faith of the enemy

- w while holding conversation ith the chief, and thoroughly exposed , was , without warning, fired 1 5 6 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO ARABS

on simultaneously by a dozen or two of men .

It seemed to us curious that the Arab allies using muzzleloaders made good practice from the o ther side of the river, their bullets being iron ,

o Of hammered r und , or pieces copper about an

. d inch long and nearly half an inch in iameter. These pieces of copper scared our men consider

at ably first, for the muskets from which they were fired were not rifles, and the bullets arrived on our side of the river with a horrid shriek. From

i off the island , wh ch was only four hundred yards , these bolts were very effective ; and some of them fired from the town itself occasionally dropped in

u among us, tho gh the nearest point across the river was over nine hundred yards . A large herd of cattle we could see in Nyangwe ff sometimes a orded us sport. On one occasion when they were brought down to the river bank to drink (their herdsmen being unaware that we were lying in the reeds opposite them), we killed or wounded a number of them . The herd became enraged , and seemed further annoyed by their

te the mas rs, who were returning our fire from

1 5 8 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS yet—water- people as they are—those with whom All I came in contact were very bad swimmers . w the ferrying and up and do n transport, both for

was us and for the Arabs , done by them, without any other payment than their food during the

l Of time they worked. Their vil ages are made

al o All grass only , and change position m st daily .

a an the W ginia know each other. When y member of the tribe happens to want a canoe , he helps himself to any he chances to come across , and returns it perhaps months afterwards . These

and canoes are dug out of the trunks of trees , hold from one to fifty men ; but , though always

Wa inia used by the g , they are unable to make them themselves , and buy them from the little forest people with fish and pottery . Neither do

di in they fight, and , at the first sign of sturbance a district near to them , they drop down the river one or two hundred miles , and are within an hour hopelessly beyond chase . They constantly brought us information about the doings of the Ar abs

(for which , of course, we paid them), and then went direct from us back to the town , and told DESCRI PTION OF THE WATER- PEOPLE 1 5 9

the Arabs all about us . Though we knew this ,

- and taunted them with double dealing, they were

u quite nconcerned .

After we had been some time in camp , Dhanis

L In ordered utete to build a canoe . addition to

o L this a boat was on the r ad to us from usambo , and with these two we hoped to be able to get together some of the canoes from the other side w of the river . The boat was , ho ever , lost in L R crossing the ufubu iver, and the canoe when

nl we finished would o y hold six men . Before could build another , circumstances were so changed that we had no need of them . The Commandant despatched Lutete and his people to fight to the northward , with instructions to be back in a fort L night. utete departed, leaving behind him, as a guard for over five thousand women whom he left in his camp , two hundred muzzleloaders and the

men . who carried them Shortly after his departure ,

Wa inia the g , who were as usual spying about the camp , had an interview with the Commandant, in which they told him that provisions were very s carce in Nyangwe . In the course of the con 1 60 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO AR AB S versa tion they inquired how soon Lutete would be back, to which the Commandant replied that he expected him in a fortnight or so . He furthermore added that it would be a grand

Ar chance for the abs to attack him then , and suggested that they should inform Sefu of his him ” opportunity . Give my compliments , said

“ Dhanis , and tell him I hear he is hungry , so

You am sending him half a dozen fowls . see we have plenty . When we have eaten all the food i on th s side of the river, we shall cross over to the other. And he gave them the last half

Wa inia dozen fowls we had in camp . The g , how ever, seem to have reported this conversation

u faithf lly on the other side of the river, and it had its effect . A few days later we heard that

’ A Of the rabs had crossed the river, a couple hours march below us . This information we treated with the contempt that rumours in Africa ordi l nari . y merit Next day , however , a runaway slave came to us , declaring that he had been brought across the river by his master, and had been

“ engaged for the last two days in building bomas ;

1 62 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

’ - half the men . After three quarters of an hour s

: - march the road forked the right hand branch , the guides told us , led direct to the Arab bomas ;

- the left hand branch we followed , the guides explaining that by so doing we should take the

o . Arab f rce in the rear On our right, we had now a strip of forest which separated us from the other road . Hearing a hum at this point , which sounded like a large body of men in our immediate neighbourhood , we mounted the Krupp gun and advanced . Before very long we heard

firing on our right flank rear. After a consulta

o tion , we came to the conclusi n that it must be the Commandant, who had taken the direct road to the bomas with the object of attacking them

n in front, and who was to have followed us withi half an hour. It being then too late to turn

hO in back, we advanced at the double, p g to arrive in time to attack the rear of the force before he ff had e ected an entry. To our astonishment, how

on cul de sa c ever, arriving in a sort of of open — ground at no point more than four hundred yards

—w wide , and surrounded on three sides by forest e SURPRISE ENCOUNTER 1 63 were hailed by volleys on both flanks and in front at the same time . We had run in between two columns of advancing Arabs , who , hearing us

arrive , or warned by their scouts , had formed in

s open order, and had posted large bodie of men in the wood on each side of the road by which we were arriving . These first volleys , being fired at from thirty to one hundred yards from our line , did more damage to each other than to us , most of the bullets passing over our heads . How de Wouters escaped on this and subsequent occasions it is hard

: to imagine six feet five inches in height, and nearly always dressed in white , he was the man of all others who served as a mark for the Arab

riflemen . On this occasion , a body of Arabs charged into our line between de Wouters and k me , in the hope of ta ing Kirongo the Heron , as he was called both by our men and. the enemy .

Their orders were to take the Heron , alive or dead , and to use their knives , since bullets were

’ useless against his fetish s witchcraft . I was lucky enough to be able to stop this rush before

ff - they had e ected their object. The left hand 1 64 T HE FALL OF T H E CONGO ARABS column of Arabs broke and fled after about an

’ hour s fighting . De Wouters and I then turned

- o c to attack the right hand c lumn , whi h was the

o . str nger Just as the movement was completed , we

our were delighted to find Michaux on right flank , he having come up at full speed upon hearing

o for the fir ing in front. It was f rtunate us that he

o n decided on this line of acti n , instead of returni g to find out what the firing was , which he had also noticed in the rear . This was now the position

ainl The grass was cert y twelve feet high , and

rendered our charge most ragged and irregular.

1 66 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

of charged the main body Arabs , and were sur prised at their stubborn resistance ; for it is generally easy to keep a body of men moving

n who have once started retreati g . During this part of the engagement our right flank was

l - attacked . The enemy kept up a we l sustained

to steady fire , which approached yet seemed advance on our front obli quely ; then the main

body , which we were attacking in front, gave way , and we continued to fire on the troops ad vancing on the right flank . Presently we heard a drum , which we recognised as belonging to our allies, and immediately ceased fire . [The diagram shown above explains what happened ] SURPRI SE ENCOUNTER 1 67

The Commandant had taken the other road , and

had immediately fallen in with the enemy , whom

after some severe fighting he drove back . We ,

in making our way through the belt of forest, had

o driven the enemy in front of us across his c lumn ,

which checked them , and we advanced at a right

r angle. When the A ab forces dispersed , we were

left firing into each other, the grass being very

long and neither of our columns numerous .

Fortunately , only one of our men was killed and

three or four wounded by this unpleasant accident .

Our buglers, on both sides, were blowing their

best, but could of course not be heard more than

twenty yards distant in the din of battle , whereas

the drum could be heard above everything . As soon as we could get a large enough number of

men into order we followed the retreating Arabs ,

and came upon their advanced fort, which , after

’ about two minutes sharp work, we stormed .

The Arabs, not having had time to organise

after their defeat in the open , seemed unable to rally , and their other holds quickly fell . As they commenced to re - form on the plain between 1 68 TH E FA LL OF THE CONGO ARAB S

o L the f rts and the ualaba , we again advanced against them , and they retreated to the river

’ an bank. At about hour and a half s march

o Lu R from the f rts , the fubu iver empties itself

L one into the ualaba, and is here about hundred yards wide and very deep . The enemy gathered in solid masses in the angle formed by the junction of the two rivers . On our approach something started a panic in the re - formed lines of the enemy and as Sefu and Miserera were crossing the Lufubu f (filling all the canoes with their own sta f), the rank and file tried to swim across by hundreds at a time , and great numbers were drowned . On this occasion we might claim to have unin

i nall tent o y surprised the Arab forces . It seems that they left their forts at the same hour at which we left our camp , with the intention of attacking us in camp on three sides at once. The three columns, ff taking di erent roads, were intended to arrive at the same time ; but two of them , owing to the

of two bad state the ground , were forced within t hundred yards of each other , jus at the moment

o when de W uters and I marched in between .

1 70 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO AR ABS

and others . We had heard nothing of what had been going on outside our own little world for months . The Inspector gave us good news too , and his despatches informed us that he had ordered Commandant Chalian of Basoko to form junction with us , and to bring with him artillery l and supplies . Commandant Gil ian , he said , would join as soon as possible with all the available

- men from the Sankuru Kasai districts . He hoped that with these forces arrayed against them the enemy would not be able to hold out long . On ff talking a airs over, it occurred to us that Chaltin might take Nyangwe by marching up on the right bank of the river. This idea took hold of us, and we all rushed out from mess with our glasses , to make sure that the A rab flag was still flying

an w s over Ny g e. It would have been a di appoint ment if, after all our trouble and discomfort , somebody else had had the honour of taking

Nyangwe . This notion had , I think , a great deal to do with Commandant Dhanis’ prompt attack on the town within an hour of our having the

o can es which made it possible . THE FALL OF NYANGWE 1 7 1

During the morning of the 4th March we struck camp and immediately formed on the river bank .

s e The canoe start d loaded with soldiers , each white officer having in his charge about thirty or forty men . It was certainly a grand sight to see over a hundred canoes in open order, full of yelling demons , dashing down the stream on the doomed city . We succeeded in landing and in taking the greater part of the town , scarcely firing a

’ shot . By ten o clock that evening we had fortified ourselves in the higher part of the town . The

Wa inia g withdrew as soon as we landed, and it was not until they were assured of Our success that they consented to continue ferrying over the camp followers, women , baggage , and friendlies . We were established in a not altogether enviable position , with hardly a footing on the hostile L bank of the ualaba, an enormous river behind

and. us , no means of retreat, no possibility of recei ving either a reinforcement or a fresh supply of ammunition . All, however , went well . The following day Albert Frees was sent off with a

’ n utete s detachment a d. some of L people to attack 1 72 THE FA LL OF THE CONGO AR ABS the camp which Muni Pembi—who was supposed

’ to have two of Hodister s children as prisoners

’ had formed at a few hours march from Nyangwe . t Af er marching all night in a storm , the expedition

sur r1s1n the succeeded in p g Arab camp , and brought

’ ’ Hodister s Pembi s back children , Muni harem , and

f an o d. large quantities powder, arms , other loot . An envoy from Sefu at Kasongo had meanwhile come to us with offers of peace . Dhanis replied that he could make no conditions whatever until

’ Lutete s two children , whom Sefu held as hostages , were returned to us , after which , he said , he would see what could be done . The envoy , who had

’ L - been ippens body servant, had since the death of his master been an Arab slave ; he was not afraid to return to Sefu , and , on being questioned ,

“ naively remarked , I will lie to him if necessary , till he sends me here on another mission , and then

” I need not return . This was what eventually

L - took place . arge numbers of splendid looking natives came in offering their submission to the

o o C mmandant. Many were men wh acknowledged

to A o themselves be defeated rab s ldiers , and many

1 74 T H E FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

of was time for any plan action , and it not for a couple of hours that we had any idea of how

one the tide of battle was turning . Then , with a ccord , the masses of the enemy seemed to break up . They continued to fight only in isolated knots in the squares , or defended individual houses ff in di erent parts of the town . After another hour

two or of patrolling the streets , and occasionally

ll . engaging in sma fights , the town was cleared

Our loss was very heavy , but might have been

’ Lutete s much greater, and many of our own and casualties had been caused by wild shooting on the part of our own men . The town was set fire to in several places , and hundreds of houses were burnt during the night. On the following day the whole force was sent out with instructions to bury the dead , or rather to throw them into the river, it being impossible to deal otherwise with them .

Si uS Matters were , however , mplified for , since

to only a few hundred heads were be found , all the bodies having been carried off for food . The Commandant then ordered the greater d part of what remained of the town to be burne , T HE FALL OF NYAN GWE 1 75 as it was impossible for our small force to keep such an enormous number of buildings under proper supervision , and we were also thus guarded against a second outbreak of treachery . This

’ might be said to be the last stand of Mohara s army , the few who escaped being entirely dis organised . For three days we saw nothing of L utete , and I learned afterwards , when talking ff over a airs with him , that during this time he had not left his own quarters ; the sights in his camp were so appalling that even he did not care to put himself in the way of seeing them unneces saril y. He told us that everyone of the cannibals who accompanied him had at least one body to

- . was eat All the meat cooked and smoke dried , and formed provisions for the whole of his force and for all the camp followers for many days after wards . A volunteer drummer who had been with us for some time disappeared , and we imagined had been killed . A day or two afterwards he was discovered dead in a hut by the side of a half

— - consumed corpse he had apparently over eaten himself, and had died in consequence . 1 76 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

Now began the worst time we had known during the campaign . A very virulent form of influenza broke out in the camp . On the first day there were thirty cases of it, on the day following nearly

and o seventy , bef re the end of the week almost all our men were down—the few who were still fit having double duty , both mounting guard and attending the sick . For the ensuing fortnight I spent my time going round the camp and insisting o n the survivors burying the dead . The great bulk of the dead or dying were thrown out on to the open street by the other inhabitants Of each hut . At about this time , also , the Arabs and their friends began sending into what was left of the town all the smallpox cases in the district.

This ruse succeeded , and influenza was followed by an epidemic of smallpox . In connection with the smallpox outbreaks during the whole expedition

there are some curious facts . Our Hausas were, with one exception , all vaccinated , and this man was

O one who the nly in the company caught smallpox , and he died of it . In the Elmina company there w of o ere only two men unvaccinated , both wh m

C H A P T E R X I

ARRIVAL OF AMBASSADORS FROM SEFU WITH — OFFERS OF PEACE THE COMMANDANT POST — PONES HIS MARCH ON KASONGO REINFORCE — MENT OF THE STATE FORCES MARCH ON — KASONGO : ITS FALL DESCRIPTION OF THE — L UXURIES FOUND IN THE TOWN RELICS OF — EMIN PASHA INSUBORDINATION IN THE CON QUERED TOWN OF NYANGWE

WHILE we were in this predicament Sefu sent ambassadors to us from Kasongo , bringing with

’ Lutete s them son and daughter , whom the Arabs

ff . had held as hostages, and making o ers of peace

f alaverin A ter much p g , the Commandant agreed not t o o march on Kasongo for five days , on c ndition

’ all L ff that Sefu sent him ippens e ects , and also his servants , who had been made slaves . Within five days the ambassadors reappeared with all that was demanded , and the Commandant granted 1 78 MARC H O N KASONGO POSTPONED 1 79

Kasongo another respite of five days , on condition that all the ivory that had been taken from

Lippens should be delivered up to us . This they

o also complied with , and br ught an additional

o f present some thirty magnificent tusks, praying us to wait another four or five days . The Com mandant assumed a magnanimous pose and gave

o way to their supplicati ns , casually remarking that he supposed Sefu wanted to finish the fortifica

of . tions Kasongo To this , he said , he had no objection , as he wished to teach his soldiers how

- f r tified to take a properly o town . All this was the more amusing as , during the time these negotiations were proceeding , we had not more than

or a thirty forty available men at our dispos l . In

’ f an this af air Omari , old soldier of Stanley s , was the chief ambassador ; he protested all the time that he loved the white man , and that he intended

to to throw in his lot with us , but when it came

On fighting again he joined our enemies . . the

2 3 rd of March we again received letters repeating that the Inspector Five had ordered the camp of

a Basoko , with guns and at le st five hundred men , 1 80 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS to march to our support (thus confirming what we had heard on the other Side of the river) ; and also stating that the Commandant Gillian was coming to our support with reinforcements from

L to usambo , and might be expected arrive a day or two after the despatches .

We allowed for an African day or two , which usually means a fortnight at least—and were not far out ; for though Commandant Gillian arrived 5 on the th of April , the whole of his caravan did 1 3th not reach us until the , which gave our people a chance of recovering from the effects of their 1 4th Sickness . By the of April we were in march ing order and in very good spirits , a large supply of ammunition and reinforcements making every one feel confident that better days were in store . On the 1 7th Commandant Dhanis gave orders to march towards Kasongo , leaving de Wouters with a white sergeant and fifty men in command Of

Nyangwe, which in six short weeks had been reduced from a well- built town of about thirty thousand inhabitants to one large fortified house

’ with a soldiers camp round it . Commandant

1 8 2 THE FALL OF T HE CONGO AR ABS

o instead of by the direct r ad , and took all their defences in the rear. Ten minutes after the

Doorme fighting had commenced , appeared on

of the other side the town , and the enemy were

AS thus caught between two fires . we advanced through the maze of streets the Arabs steadily retreated before us, impeded in their movements by enormous numbers of unarmed slaves and by

and l the crowd of women children . After a whi e

- - r the non combatants became panic st icken , and in their flight spread further confusion among the

Arab ranks . We allowed them no time to steady themselves again, and within an hour and a half were masters of all the main points and chief fortified places in the city. Our auxiliary forces

o and camp f llowers , encouraged by the position ,

o became very brave, and f llowed the retreating

Arabs through the open country m kno wing well that nothing is easier than t o keep a retreating

o on b dy the move . With the retreat the panic

e a becam gre ter , and enormous numbers were drowned in trying to cross the rivers ‘ which lay in their road . One large body of men was driven T H E FALL OF KASONGO 1 83

L L o by utete to the ualaba, about three h urs

distant. Here they were cornered ; and the

Wa inia g , under pretence of ferrying them over

off the river , either carried them as prisoners or

threw them overboard , and the whole force, with — the exception of the women and children many f — of whom also su fered was annihilated . Soon after the charge through the town all the ff di erent companies were separated , and the Com

o mandant, with f ur men , was not only separated

o o from everyone else , but als fr m his own company .

While looking for his men he was all but Shot from the watch - tower of one of the finest houses in the town , which he supposed to be vacant ; and on approaching the loopholed wall he again narrowly

. ca itu escaped being killed The place , however , p lated when I came up with about a dozen men .

He had just taken five white Arab prisoners , one of whom was , I believe , a very large merchant at

- - Zanzibar, named Said ben Halfan . Kasongo was a much finer town than even the

an w grand Old slave capital Ny g e . During the

of siege Nyangwe , the taking of which was more 1 84 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS or less expected , the inhabitants had time to carry off n of all valuables, and eve furniture , to places ff safety . At Kasongo , however , it was di erent. We rushed into the town so suddenly that every

t in situ Our o thing was lef . whole force f und new o utfits , and even the common soldiers slept on silk and satin mattresses , in carved beds with silk mosquito curtains . The room I took possession of i was eighty feet long and fifteen feet wide , w th a door leading into an orange garden , beyond which was a view extending over five miles . It was hard, on waking , to realise that I was in Central Africa , but a glance at the b ullet - holes in the doors

u and sh tters , and a big dark red stain on the wall , soon brought back the reality. Here we found

of many European luxuries , the use which we had

o : l almost forg tten candles , sugar, matches , si ver and glass goblets and decanters were in profusion .

We also took about twenty - five tons of ivory ten or eleven tons of powder ; millions of caps ;

for Of un cartridges every kind rifle , g , and revolver perhaps ever made ; some shells ; and a German

flag , taken by the Arabs in German East Africa .

1 86 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO AR AB S — and express and innumerable cap guns ; thirty

o t or f r y watches and chains in silver, gold , and ’ i and. n nickel ; several of Emin Pasha s relics, di 1 892 cluding his ary from January to October , — and two decorations the Crown Royal of Prussia and Francis Joseph of Austria . Even our Arab prisoners told us that Emin was the most inoffen sive man that was ever seen in Africa. They had , according to their own accounts , no other reason for murdering him except that a general massacre of white men had been decided on , and , coming into a district in which all the white men had already been killed , he shared their fate .

The herd Of cattle we found in Kasongo was com posed of three distinct breeds : the small Indian — — - o cattle large humped , and extremely d cile gave the best milk , though for eating purposes the half

- Portuguese long horned variety was best. Where the third variety originally came from I have not

a been ble to find out . They were weedy medium sized cattle , usually white or piebald in colour, and not very good either for fattening or as milkers . We also took two fine breeds of donkeys—the STATE FORCES AT KASONGO 1 87

large white Syrian ass , and the cross between this

and the small donkey , in appearance very like the

’ o coster s donkey of this c untry . The Syrian ass ,

though a fine animal, with one or two exceptions ,

did not turn out so u seful as either of the other

varieties. The cross between the common kind

o and the Syrian ass was enormously str ng, and ,

o - though ften bad tempered , was certainly the most

useful animal of the donkey class I have ever seen .

When running away , the Arabs shot many of their

best asses and some of the cattle , to prevent their

falling into our hands alive . During the time spent at Kasongo I made a

w o point of getting to kno the surrounding c untry, and was constantly astoni shed by the splendi d work which had been done in the neighbourhood by the Arabs . Kasongo was built in the corner o f a virgin forest , and for miles round all the brushwoo d and the great majority of trees had

been cleared away . Certain trees , such as the

- gigantic wild cotton tree , had been left at regular

or intervals , whether as landmarks for the shade f they af orded I do not know . In the forest 1 88 THE FALL OF T HE CONGO AR ABS

- clearing splendid crops of sugar cane, rice, maize , and fruits grew ; and some idea of the extent of this cultivation may be gathered from the fact that I have ridden through a single rice -field for an hour and a half. When placing groups of m people about this country to for villages , these villages became self- supporting within three or four R months , ice yielded two or three crops between the planting in October and the commencement of the dry season in May ; and maize could Often be eaten six or seven weeks after planting. Game had naturally been driven ou t of the neighbour — L hood except on the ualaba , where I often went on small shooting expeditions . All kinds of water fowl and small game might be shot on the banks — of the river in quantities in greatest number L during the wet season ; though on the ower Congo ,

o Kasai , and other rivers the best sho ting season

to is the dry (from May October), when the

sandbanks are bare , and the swamps and streams of L the interior are all dried up . On the ualaba , however, when the river is low , during a long day’s canoeing one rarely sees even a duck or a

1 90 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS The best way of securing a hippo is to approach him as near as possible in the canoe directly he is

o wounded . Provided with a l ng sounding pole and

o in deep water, he can be appr ached without danger, and a cord made fast to him while still struggling . What is not generally recognised wi th regard to the hippopotamus is that his short legs and small

feet, compared with the enormous bulk of his body ,

e him ff r nder a very indi erent swimmer ; in fact, he can only just swim enough to keep his head above water while breathing or looking round . His

o a usual mode of progressi n , owing to the f ct that he displaces a weight of water less than his own

weight, is to run along the bottom . I remember seeing a herd of hippopotami trying to work up stream in ten fathoms of water : it was comical to see the bound and explosion with which they arrived at the surface after each dive—the greater part of which was Spent in getting a footing — at the bottom having gained only some four or

five yards during the whole time .

It was on this occasion of visiting Nyangwe in July 1 89 3 that I found de Wouters somewhat I NSUBORD I NATION IN NYANGWE 1 9 1

i awkwardly situated . With n the town a number

Of small Arab chiefs and vassals , who had sub mi ed w w tt . and s orn fidelity to us , ere established Ali Of these , a desperate rascal named gave de

Wouters a great deal of trouble . After many acts of insubordination and petty treacheries , matters culminated in the discovery by de

’ Wouters faithfuls of a plot arr anged by Ali to murder the entire garrison in the swamp and long grass within a hundred yards of de Wouters’ — house . Ali had intended to post his men of whom he had three or four hundred in the town

close to the garrison and hidden in the grass , when , by raising an alarm , he hoped to draw de

Wouters and some of his men into the snare ; de Wouters’ energetic way of looking into every question himself being well known . On hearing of

o the plot, de W uters despatched his interpreter,

’ Selimani, alone to Ali s camp , which was situated at the end of the swamp above mentioned . Seli

’ t o ff mani s business was inquire into the a air , and

t x Ali o to a with it , who it was th ught, knowing that his trick was discovered, would be afraid to 1 92 THE FA LL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

n carry it out . Selimani had hardly started whe de Wouters repented of having sent him alone . Fearing lest Ali might take it into his head that

Selimani was the only man who knew of the plot , m and ight murder him on the spot, he quickly sent a corporal with five - and - twenty Hausas into the grass after him . The Hausas , passing the word round in their own language (which even their wives could not understand), slipped into the ff m grass on di erent sides of the town , and , co pletely hidden by it, joined the corporal one by one in the swamp, from which they were able , unobserved ,

’ -fi ve to approach Ali s camp to within twenty yards .

ni Selimani meanwhile , accompa ed only by his boy, approached the camp by the main road . When

n Selimani was withi fifty yards of the camp , Ali called out to him to remain where he was and not to enter his camp : if he had a message to Ali deliver, himself would come to him . Then , t withou any warning , Ali ordered his men to fire a volley on Selimani , who , strange to say, was untouched , though his boy was killed . The Hausas immediately realised the position , and , running

C H A P T E R X I I

STATE FORCES SETTLE DOWN AT KASONGO SUPERSTITIONS OF THE NATIV ES I THEIR HABITS AND MODE OF LIV ING

WHILE arranging the country after having settled down at Kasongo , we found it advisable to make use of those native and Arab Slaves who All were capable of teaching the others . the masons, brickmakers , agriculturists, carpenters , armourers , and ironworkers found among the prisoners were given charge of the intelligent lads among the prisoners or volunteers from the native tribes, and set to work , with the intention of event ually forming colonies in suitable di stricts for these

- trades . We even employed their elephant hunters, who had been taken fighting, and left them their d arms on condition that they hunte for us , and taught everyone who chose to go with them what

l - to do . The e ephant hunters were very super 1 94 TH E STATE FORCES AT KASONGO 1 9 5 stitious to f , and used spend a week be ore the new moon rose in making medicine ” to ensure the suc

u o cess of the ens ing expediti n . As a consequence they could only be induced to go hunting every second new moon , and nothing would persuade them to start on an expedition (which generally

u lasted a month) nder any other conditions . They

- u and were armed with old long ten bore m skets,

use refused to either lead or iron as bullets , saying W that copper made the best missile . e used to buy all the copper bracelets and anklets obtainable from the women , and hammer them into balls . I had always my suspicions , however, that copper, being very valuable throughout the country , was found a convenient form of money . I was sorry never to have had time to accompany one of these expeditions . Their mode of procedure seems to have been to set up a camp in a district where elephants were common , and for the slaves, in the

first instance , to watch and follow a troop of ele

hants . p The head hunter , accompanied by a

S dozen or O armed freemen, was then sent for, and , choosing his elephant, approached quite close and 1 96 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

fired a shot . If he was lucky enough to kill the animal , which rarely happened , matters were sim

lified re p ; if not, he returned to camp , and the mainder of the detachment followed the wounded animal for a day or a week , as the case m ight be, till they succeeded in killing him .

The tusks were handed over to us , the sale of the meat alone making these hunters the wealthiest h people in t e district . We were at this time having a good deal of troublewith the natives t o the westward ofthe neigh bourhood of Kasongo , who had been attacking our dl frien ies , and even our own people, whenever they

o went out to look for fo d . The caravans of friendly natives bringing food to sell in the town had been

L Doorme stopped and dispersed . ieutenant and

Sub -Lieutenant Cerkel were sent by the Com mandant to punish them , and at the same time to

’ explore the country . Within six hours march of

n v Kasongo the expeditio entered a irgin forest, in which they wandered about for a week . The u w a ndergro th was very dense , forming kind of wall on e ach side of the path ; and in this dense

1 98 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

l allow the necessary bui ding space . Most of the villages in this district were burnt before Doorme arrived . When camping in the few which he managed to surprise, he was subjected the whole n ight to volleys of arrows , spears , and bullets from the surrounding forest, to which it was useless even to reply. He , however, succeeded in taking some twenty - five or thirty important prisoners, and returned to Kasongo after perhaps

S the most unpleasant ten days he had ever pent . From the time that we crossed the Lualaba we were continuously worried by the native and Arab superstition concerning what they call

” “ ’ Kim - putu Kim - putu being in reality nothing more than a common tick . I have often had one brought for my inspection by the people , who always declared that if this insect bit an individual he was sure to waste away and

. Of die As a consequence this belief, all cases of poisoning , tubercular disease , or indeed any form of death for which their ignorance could not s ee

“ ” - e . an exact cause , were attribut d to Kim putu

SO n strong is this feeli g , that once a native (and SUPERSTITI ONS OF THE NATIVES 1 99 even some of our own men became infected with the superstition) had made up hi s mInd that he

- n was in the clutches of the Kim putu fie d, it was practically impossible to save him . In Kasongo and its neighbourhood the inhabit

firm ants, both Arab and native , have a belief in

Of ghosts . They believe that the spirits the dead haunt not only certain places , but individual people also , and that one of these spirits may appear to a

man living and call him , after which he is certain to die . This belief had , we found, influenced our own people to such an extent that even intelligent well - educated men from the coast were afraid to move about at night . Several people came to me with stories Of having been called or attacked by an invisible being ; and one case in especial I remember , of a soldier who came

. man with his sergeant , Albert Frees This declared that , towards evening , while sitting

o with three or four pe ple round a fire , a “ thing which he could not see had come up behind him and had smacked his face and boxed his ears . He wanted to know if I could catch 2 0 0 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

the spirit for him , for if I could not , he said , he would surely die . I tried to laugh him out of his belief, expecting to be supported by the sergeant , but he astonished me by requesting that I would not treat the matter lightly, and assured me that if I did not do something for him the man would die . Though I used every argu ment I could think of, I was unable to shake their belief. The sergeant, however , came back and

to begged me take things seriously, as the man was valuable and we could not afford to lose

. and him I explained that I could do nothing , told them both to come up and talk it over

o in a couple of days . The foll wing evening I was called to the man , who was in a very

a d. weak condition n apparently dying . He was convinced that he would have to die , and the next day was dead . When the average black man makes up his mind to die , die he will, and it is almost impossible to do anything for him. I mention this as one out of many instances recorded in my diary of similar cases . Both in Kasongo and Nyangwe every large

2 0 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

Kasongo , we were constantly worried by alarming w fires , which al ays occurred at night. We found

fla ations that the con gr on the far side of the river

’ Lutete s were due to people , who were in the habit of setting fire to the houses as a means of driving out the rats, which they were very fond of as food This was eventually put a stop to by Lutete in a somewhat summary manner. After this, fires were seen on our

S ide of the river , and , as they always started

- up wind from our own quarters , we concluded that there was treachery somewhere , and dis covered that they were caused by people in our camp who were friendly to the Arabs . On

v se eral occasions we had very narrow escapes, and eventually decided to pull down all the houses

o in our immediate neighb urhood . When we had left a ring of about two hundred yards wide round our headquarters the fires ceased . It was curious to notice the attitude Of our men on these occasions . When an alarm was g iven , I have often rushed out to find myself immediately surrounded by a voluntary guard of a dozen HABITS A ND MODE OF LIVI NG 2 9 3

t o or more armed soldiers , who refused allow me to approach the crowd , or indeed to move a yard in any direction unaccompanied . The other f in o ficers were , I believe , treated the same way , as the men explained that it was easy to stick a knife even into a white man at night or in a crowd . During these months we had great difficulty

n in separati g , arranging , and organising the enormous numbers of people—male and female

- who considered themselves our slaves, and who ,

S ince the Arabs had been driven out, were like sheep without a shepherd . Thousands of Arab

v slaves, and nati e freemen and slaves with their herds of women , were daily coming to ask what

We they were to do . selected the petty chiefs who still existed (and in cases where the chiefs had been killed , made new ones), and these , in turn , selected their own people ; one of us then marched this party out into the surrounding

o country , and , ch osing a convenient place for them , gave orders that they should build a village and start planting. We supplied these 2 0 4 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

and. colonies with maize , rice , other seeds ; and so successful was this method that within three

- or four months they became self supporting , and later on supplied our whole forces with food .

’ n At about an hour s march to the north of Kaso go ,

I found a splendidly rich country , with beautiful clearings in the forest and a good water supply .

o Traces of former villages ab unded , and I should much have liked to raise up a thriving colony

Two in so convenient a district. or three times

I established villages, with invariably the same

: o result the whole populati n decamped , and either took up their abode elsewhere , or arrived in Kasongo clamouring to be placed in some other district. The leopards in their neighbourhood ,

so they said , were so numerous , and big and

o o but c urageous , that any man g ing out of his after five in the evening or before seven In the morning was certain to be carried off by them . These people never seemed to have the pluck or energy either to hunt or trap the leopards .

While at Kasongo a flight of locusts passed over the country in a south - south - easterly dirce

C H A P T E R X I I I

ALL O S OF Y , GONG LUTETE , ACCU ED TREACHERY

’ A ND EXECUTED AT N GANDU ARRIVAL AT KASONGO OF FIVE OFFICERS FROM EUROPE CONTINUED ENCOUNTERS WITH THE ENEMY THE ARABS DECAMP FROM THE TOWN OF

ST FALLS V 1T AT THE ANLEY , LEA ING MERCY — OF THE STATE TROOPS THE STATE FORCES ARE

J BY P FROM A OINED CA TAIN LOTHAIRE BANGAL , AND FOLLOW THE ARABS UP THE RIVER

S F THE V D AFTER EVERE IGHTING , RI ER CLEARE OF ARABS AND THEIR HORDES AS FAR A S — NYANGWE REVERSES OF THE STATE FORCES ATTACR BY COMMANDANT DHANIS ON RUMAL

’ ’ ZA S FOR O S FROM E AS I T, EIGHT H UR MARCH ONGO

IN the last week in August the Commandant

for For start ed Nyangwe from Kasongo . some time previously rumours had been arriving from 206 GONGO LUTETE ACCUSED 2 0 7

L the Malela and omami districts , showing that

’ Duchesne s rule was not altogether successful . The natives were in a quarrelsome turbulent L state , and our ally , Gongo utete , had been sent

’ N Gandu back to his capital, , to arrange matters .

As there seemed no chance of active service , or any immediate prospects of an expedition to Lake

Tanganyika, I determined to volunteer for the

’ N Gandu district of , and with this intention went down to Nyangwe to interview the Com mandant . While at Nyangwe despatches arrived D from uchesne , saying that he had discovered , L among other charges , that Gongo utete was a

traitor, and that he had made him a prisoner .

This seemed to us a most extraordinary proceed

ing , and the rumour that Gongo was plotting to assassinate the Commandant Dhanis himself we placed no faith in whatever .

’ Taking twelve men and two hundr ed of Lutete s people under a petty chief named Kitenge, I started at five o ’clock on the morning of September l 1 h t . My interview with the Commandant had

’ lasted the whole night . Six days rapid marching, 2 0 8 THE FALL OF THE CONGO A RABS

with an average of eight hours a day , brought

’ N Gandu— us to too late , however, to save our brave and faithful ally, who had been shot forty eight hours before our arrival . I was perhaps the

t o f h - o first feel the e fects of t is ill conceived p licy .

Lo While yet two days from mami , and only a few L hours after the death of Gongo utete , the natives , by means of the drum telegraph , all knew

’ N Gandu of what had taken place at , and , as their great chief was dead , considered them selves at liberty to murder and eat all his personal l followers and outposts . This particu ar tribe had

’ seven of Gongo s men billeted on them , whose duty it was to forward all communications between

’ G ndu a N a . the Lualaba nd. the capital After the

’ news of Gongo s death , these seven men were set upon and killed and eaten by the inhabitants of the town belonging to the chief Wembe .

Wembe, collecting all his forces together,

u attacked my camp, nder the impression that it

’ was a party of Gongo Lutete s soldiers going w home ; he, however, immediately ithdrew on discovering that I was present. The following

2 1 0 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

another instance of what I have often noticed , that the Hausas always meant to die game , and would stick to their white officers as long as they were able to stand . On surmounting the hills on the east side of L the omami , I was delighted to see by the help of my glasses that the State flag was still flying,

off Ar in three miles across the valley. riving the station , the cause of the disquieting rumours which had reached me became apparent . The

’ whole population of N Gandu and the surrounding districts (deprived as they were of their head) had split up into factions , which were fighting i ’ amongst each other, raid ng each other s quarters , and murdering whoever they came across. A few shots had even been fired at the State station , probably by drunkards or men in a fighting frenzy .

t en During the days following my arrival , the unfriendly attitude of the white officers and the anarchy in the district made my position any thing but an enviable one and I was very pleased when , ten days after, Commandant Gillian arrived GONGO LUTETE ACCUSED 2 1 1

in to hold an inquiry . He settled himself the

’ town , at about a mile s distance from the station L (in which I remained), and we soon had upungu

and. established in place of his father, his authority fully recognised .

o L G ngo utete exceeded his compact with us , and it is due in a great measure to his care and pluck that we were successful during the first

o half of the campaign . M re than half of our transport department was under his charge , and with everything entrusted to his care he was so successful that we never lost a single load . After we had conquered Malela and Samba he held

u s communica them for , and established regular tion between Nyangwe and Lusambo . All letters

S and loads were imply handed to him , without even one of our own men accompanying them , and were always safely delivered at their destination .

One thing o ught not to be forgotten with regard to him . When war broke out the Arabs held — — two of his children a son and a daughter as

his t us hostages , and when he threw in lot wi h he thought that he could never hope to see them 2 1 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

o again . The C mmandant , however, as may be remembered , ransomed them from Sefu , in ex change for postponing our attack on Kasongo for

five days . When the children arrived and were

L hi s presented to utete , transports of delight were quite affecting to everyone present. Though this was his eldest son , since he had been five years

ul with the Arabs , Gongo wo d not allow him to L succeed him , but made his second son , upungu ,

and. his heir , sent him to live in one of our

us stations to be educated by . When , after the

o - c urt martial , poor Gongo was told that he would

’ be shot the following morning at eight o clock , L he appointed upungu his successor, and when left in his cell hanged himself with a rope plaited from part of his clothing , to avoid the disgrace of a public execution . Unfortunately , he was dis covered before life was extinct, and was cut down and resuscitated , and , as soon as he was

f . su ficiently recovered , marched out and shot At Dhanis’ suggestion he had relaxed his

o ff discipline , and had pardoned so many enders who before his alliance with us would have been

2 1 4 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

rode as fast as I could, so that, if any mal content took it into his head to fire or to

t o throw a spear , I was more likely be missed . I was just returning the chief’s salute when my ass put his foot in a hole, and turning a complete somersault sent me flying . My boy , who was

n carrying a spare revolver , seei g everybody

discomfiture laughing at my , promptly emptied it in their faces , which , though it stampeded the whole mass , luckily did not touch anybody. I noticed that in my subsequent gallops through the town everyone seemed to get out of my neighbourhood , having apparently urgent business inside the houses or behind the trees .

Just as things had begun to settle down , five officers arrived from Europe and proceeded to

o join the Commandant at Kasong , where he was supposed to be preparing for an attack on

Rumaliza , who had left Ujiji and had crossed

n l Ta ganyika, and established himse f with Sefu ,

at Kabambari and what was left of his forces, .

During the preceding month , rather important

a movements had taken place to the northw rd . FIVE OFFI CERS FROM EUROPE 2 1 5

1 8 93 In March , by order of the Inspector of e State (Fiv ), Captain Chaltin , commander of the

to military camp at Basoko , was ordered join us with all his available forces at the seat of war.

He was in a particularly good position to give us every succour, as the camp at Basoko had been established by the Free State as a precaution , in the event of a quarrel with the Arabs at Stanley

Falls . He , with two steamers , went up the L omami , and occupied the former Arab post, Bena

’ o Kamba . Fr m this point he had only three days R R march to the large Arab town , iba iba, on the

Lualaba ; but owing to bad weather he was de R R layed , and when he arrived at iba iba the town had been burnt and deserted by the natives .

Miserera Loisi n and Boina , the Arab gover ors , had left the town with their forces some time previously, and at the very moment were engaged

an we in fighting us at Ny g . Chaltin returned to m Basoko , as s allpox had broken out in his 1 8 caravan . He arrived at Stanley Falls on the th

Tobback L of May , where Captain and ieutenant Van Lint had for five days been resisting the 2 1 6 TH E FA LL OF THE CONGO A R ABS

of R the attacks the Arabs under aschid, rebel

“of of governor and State ficer Stanley Falls. On the landing of the troops from Basoko at Stanley

o Falls , the Arabs decamped , leaving the t wn , with

all its riches , at the mercy of the State troops .

After this everything remained quiet till the

2 5 th of 1 8 93 d Ponthier June , when Comman ant

o arrived at the Falls fr m Europe . He imme diatel o d y collected all the tro ps he coul , and , taking

Commandant Lothaire and some men from Bangala with him , followed the Arabs, who had fled from the Falls up the river. After some severe fighting

and many skirmishes, he cleared the river, and its neighbourhood , of Arabs and their hordes as far

an w e as Ny g , where he arrived a day after I left

’ for N Gandu .

’ Meanwhile we at N Gandu had received several despatches from the front at the same time—the sum - total of which amounted to this : that the attacks on the forts of Rumaliza had failed ; that during a fortnight’s severe fighting Commandant

Ponthier had been killed ; and that the supplies of ammunition had nearly run out . A powerful

2 1 8 THE FA LL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

d passe , under the impression that I was not sufficiently strong to enforce my orders to the K 1 h contrary . We arrived at asongo on the 4t of o t o N vember, find that , the day before , the

Arabs had abandoned their bomas and had com menced what appeared to be a retreat towards the east. This is what had taken place 1 3th 1 893 On the of October , there being now no further doubt that Rumaliza had formed a

’ camp not more than eight hours march from

Kasongo , the State troops , under the command of

Baron Dhanis, commenced the advance against this new enemy. The troops were divided as —A follows reserve under Commandant Dhanis, and another under Commandant Ponthier ; six

L L Doorme companies under ieutenants ange, , and

Hambursin R , and Sergeants Collet and Van iel ; the whole force of regulars, consisting of four hundred men ; and a Krupp , for which we had only forty -four shells and a dozen rounds of canister left. They were accompanied by irregular troops armed with muzzleloaders, to the number

of of over three hundred . The first march ten ’ ATTACK O N R UMA LIZA S FORT 2 1 9

n miles was made to the village of Piani Maye ge . The next day a dozen miles brought the column to Mwana Mkwanga , when the enemy were

’ supposed to be within a couple of hours march . 1 5 th On the of October, with the auxiliaries scouting in front, the column started with the intention of getting a position in the rear of the

Arab positions ; the enemy being established in several forts , two of which were situated between

a L — L the Lulindi nd. uama tributaries of the ualaba — d and were very large , splendi ly built , and well defended . Our experience had taught us that the Arab fortifications were generally weaker in what they considered their rear, and the Commandant,

’ moreover, wished to be on the enemy s natural line of retreat in the event of a successful attack . In spite of the severe lessons we had already taught them , the Arabs seemed unable to grasp the fact that we were as likely as not to make a d etour before attacking .

’ v Ha ing completely turned the enemy s flank , at about two o’clock in the afternoon the column

o appr ached a large fort, hidden by the high grass , 2 2 0 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS and not visible until within a quarter of a mile of The the enemy . line having been formed , the companies of Doorme and Lange advanced slowly

S o S to in kirmishing rder , the ignal charge being w o a shell thro n int the fort. They charged up to within twenty yards of the boma without firing

’

S . a hot, the enemy s fire not doing material damage

’ When within twenty yards , the enemy s fire became so hot that the rush was checked , and the men commenced to return the fire. The supports arrived almost immediately , and the men lay down within a few yards of the fort. It was some time before the Officers could make the men L ’ cease firing . uckily , the enemy s loopholes were placed at such an angle that our men were under the line of fire , and the enemy, to ensure an ff e ective fire , had to expose themselves over the L L top of their earthworks . ieutenant ange was badly wounded during the first few minutes of

he e s this his first battle , but nev rthele s succeeded

c in dire ting his company until the end of the day . Despite the reckless energy of the Commandant f and all the o ficers , it was found impossible to

2 2 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

in with the enemy the open , and soon drove them

ns back to their shelter, their return being co ider

o ably m re rapid than their advance. A small plateau , about a mile from the big fort and half a mile from the lesser fort, was then chosen , and , with

S the exception of a kirmish in the morning, the

o night passed quietly . After a g od deal of re connoitrin Ponthier o g , Commandant f und a better position for the camp closer to the forts . During his absence Doorme drove in the enemy- who had come out of the lesser fort to attack the Kr upp i keeping, meanwh le , the larger fort quiet with a few shells . As soon as the troops commenced to take up the position , prior to forming a new camp , the enemy attacked on all sides, but, directly the new position was occupied and

S the helter thrown up for men , they withdrew

o to their forts . During the f llowing two or three days several small attacks on the camp were repulsed , and the remaining shells thrown into the forts .

Captain de Wouters, meanwhile, joined us from

men Kasongo with seventy , leaving a young Ger ’ ATTACK O N R UMA LIZ A S FORT 2 2 3

man sergeant named Mercus , with twenty men

. few and the sick, as a guard at Kasongo . A days later , the Commandant sent an order to Mercus to send every cartridge that could be spared vid the

L Lu R s ualaba and ama ivers , and thu to his camp

o by the rear, the Arab f rces being between him and Kasongo . What was his horror , a couple of days later , to see Mercus himself arriving with the

o t ammuniti n , having lef Kasongo absolutely unde fended , and knowing that, by the means of drums

Rumaliza and spies , would instantly be aware of the position

De Wo uters immediately started with a detach

Rumaliza ment, hoping to be able to get between

n was . a d. Kasongo before it too late Thanks to a i terr fic tornado , which stopped the Arabs but which did not check de Wouters , who knew it to be a case of life or death , he managed to get before them on the road , and , turning round , attacked them in front. Finding that they had been out

o man euvred, the Arabs retired to their fort , and de Wouters entrenched himself in the position he

Heusch had taken up . De , who arrived a few days 2 2 4 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

o t o later , was rdered take up a position to the eastward of de Wouters . As will be seen from

- the accompanying sketch map , the Arabs were in an awkward position—the Commandant Dhanis

off Heusch cutting their retreat, de Wouters and de

in on each side of their advanced fort front, the

L and. ualaba , a mile wide, to the westward , almost

o inaccessible and arid mountains t the eastward . l The whole p ain , in the neighbourhood of de Wou

h an Heusc d. ters and de , from there to Kasongo ,

— n was cultivated immense fields of rice , plantai s ,

o and cassada being ripe and ready for f od , so that our forces had plenty to eat ; whereas the Arabs could only draw their supplies from the narrow

L a strip between their forts and the ual ba . Nearly all the skirmishes during the following ten days took place in this district, and innumerable Arab foraging parties were cut up . As the Arab slaves — — who of course felt the famine first were begin

u Rumaliza ning to die of h nger , made a tremendous

’ attack on Dhanis position , which he nearly suc ceeded in turning . At one time he actually suc ceeded in occupying a portion of the camp , and

’ ATTACK O N R UMA LIZ A S FORT 2 2 5

Ponthier here our brave was killed . Captain

Doorme , whose part of the camp it was , had been

o Ponthier surr unded , whereupon , seeing his posi

o tion fr m a distance , with his pipe in his mouth

on and not even a revolver in his hand, called a

to o o dozen men who were standing near f ll w him .

t o The enemy tried take him alive , but , fearing

. for they would fail , shot him He lingered three or o f ur days , and was buried under his tent , which

was left standing, food being carried in regularly,

and a confidential guard placed over the tent.

The mor a le of our force would have suffered had f they known of the death of so important an o ficer, and Rumaliz a would have been in a corresponding degree elated .

’ Five hours heavy fighting saw the Arabs re pulsed all along the line , the Commandant Dhanis

o himself leading the last and. m st successful charge

’ Rumaliza s R of the day right up to gates . eview

de lor ing our position that night, we found it a p able one ; for besides the large number of killed and wounded , there were only forty rounds per head for the regular troops left , and no powder or 1 5 2 2 6 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR AB S

caps for the auxiliaries and friendlies , and , what was worse, they could not expect us to arrive from

’ N Gandu with supplies in less than a fortnight. But the Arabs had also had enough fighting for

u the time being , and remained q iet in their bomas

o for the next few days . Spies inf rmed us that a caravan from Ujiji was expected by the Arabs , with powder and other supplies , and small expeditions

and. were sent out to try discover its whereabouts .

An auxiliary chief surprised it , and , beating a retreat, it came on our sergeant Albert Frees , who was out in the same neighbourhood , and between them they cut the caravan to pieces . Albert marched proudly into the camp the same evening with over 25 tons of splendid German powder and caps , the greater part of which was immediately distributed among the auxiliaries and

friendlies . These latter, day and night, prowled round the whole neighbourhood , and attacked any small parties of the enemy who ventured out of their fortifications in search of food . During these times Captain Doorme selected numbers of natives and Arab slaves from among the prisoners , and

2 2 8 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO ARABS

o d Captain de Wouters , with which he f llowe the

’ two retreating Arabs . For hours march the road was strewn with dead bodies; showing how precipitate had been the flight of the Arabs , and what destruction had been worked by the irregulars and other natives in their rear. De Wouters heard from the natives that the Arabs were entrenched not very far in front of him , so , leaving all natives and irregulars to follow in the rear (to avoid the

r inevitable recoil when face to face with the A abs), he advanced with the regulars , hoping to take the

was position in the first rush . The route bad

and. t there were no roads , only the broad trail lef by the flying enemy to follow. While advancing through the forest, which lay across their route , they could hear the enemy in every direction cutting

o wood for their fortificati ns . They were, however, lucky enough to approach the enemy ’s position

- without being discovered , and the advance guard was only fired upon after holding conversation with the enemy in camp , whom they had mistaken for natives . The irregulars had reported the

on enemy to be encamped a large plain , whereas ’ ATTACK ON R UMALIZ A S FO RT 2 2 9 they had taken possession of an opening in the o u f rest ; this they had s rrounded by a palisade , it which , as subsequently turned out, was in some places still unfinished . Outside the palisade were many grass huts, showing that the enemy had only formed the inner circle of the fort (see description ,

of p . Many the enemy thus surprised fled into the surrounding forest , and the rest took up their position inside the fort. Outside the fort

of large numbers guns and caps, bales of cloth , and

o other l ot fell into our hands . The other com panics became successively engaged , taking up L their position by their right . ieutenant de

Heusch led his company round the fort and attacked it in the rear , hoping to find a weak place . In this he was successful the palisade not having

o been finished , there were penings of two or three

in Heusch find yards wide several places , and de , ing that he could probably effect an entrance

o before the Arabs had rec vered from their surprise ,

to led his company up the very ditch , where he fell , shot through the breast . His men retreated , leaving their gallant leader and many of their 2 30 T HE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

number on the ground , marking the position they had occupied . The black sergeant Albert Frees and a native corporal named Badilonga saw him l fal , and alone rushed up to try to save him from H ’ falling into the hands of the enemy . De eusch s

“ fall gave courage to some of the enemy , who charged out of the gap in the palisade a few yards distant, but were driven back by the two blacks , who kept up a steady fire across their leader’s body . Albert sent the corporal for help , and , upon his return with Captain de Wouters and half a dozen men , they found the sergeant still in position . He had not only prevented the enemy from getting

o the b dy , but , though exposed to a terrific fire , was

off himself untouched . De Wouters carried his comrade , who was already dead . When de Wouters

to r o had time eview the p sition , he found that de

’ Heusch s companyand all the irregulars and auxiliary

’ troops had disappeared , the white man s fall having

an f or a le had such e fect on their m . Only civilised

’ troops can stand the strain of a leader s fall . As the regular troops had themselves to carry the — — dead and wounded and they were numerous dc

2 32 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS lished i Musua h mself at Bena , on the road

’ a K s between Rumaliz s new position and a ongo .

L n ange , whose wound was now early healed, was f left at Mwana Mkwanga with two other o ficers . By the 4th of December we had been reinforced

com by one hundred and eighty men , under the

Rom mand of Captains Collignon and , and two

of i other ficers , and a good supply of ammun tion

o with three hundred new breechl ading rifles . The lommandant thus found himself again in position ff to assume the o ensive . C H A P T E R X I V

TRANSFERENCE OF THE STATE FORCES FROM KASONGO — TO BENA MUSUA THE COMMANDANT DIVIDES HIS FORCES I N ORDER TO CUT OFF THE ARAB COMMUNICATION EXTRA FORCES STATIONED

ON THE R O D TO K B M AT BENA GUIA , MAIN A A A

AT AND BARI , BENA KALUNGA , AT BENA MUSUA REINFORCEMENT OF THE ENEMY THE STATE TROOPS FORM A SEMICIRCLE ROUND

THE AR B F OR AND CUT OFF FOOD A TS , THEIR SUPPLY ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN LOTHAIRE WITH CONTINGENT OF SOLDIERS FROM BANGALA

- —“ EXPLOSION I N THE ARAB CAMP CAPITULA — TION OF THE ENEMY THE TAKING OF KABAM BARI ARAB CHIEFS MADE PRISONERS BY LOTHAIRE

BY the 2 oth o f December the Commandant had transferred all the available Officers and men from

on Musua Kas go to Bena , and himself joined us on 233 2 34 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

2 3 rd Rumaliza the . , who had also been reinforced , was in a very strong position , having a large and well - built fort on the right bank of the Lulindi R iver , and three smaller advanced forts in the direction of Kasongo . He had direct communi cation by a small bridge (which he had succeeded in building over the Lulindi) with the fort where

Heusch f de was killed , and had thus a sa e line of communication with the large fortified town of

a am ari Kabambari K b b . was at this time held

’ a N Zi i who by Bwan g , , it may be remembered , commanded the attack on Stanley Falls station , which ended in Deane and Dubois being driven o ut ni , and the establishment of the Arab domi on t on the Congo proper . This Arab success was af er

Mr Ti u wards ratified by . Stanley, who placed pp

- d Tib , the greatest Arab slave rai er, there as gover nor with almost absolute power.

On the 2 3 rd o f December a council of war was t held , as a result of which Commandan Dhanis decided to divide his forces in order to cut off the

Arab communications as much as possible . He had fairly authentic information that Raschid and

2 36 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

t be ween the other two . We had been joined by

Mr . Mohun , the United States commercial agent ,

' who had arrived the day before our departure

o fr m Kasongo . He had also taken part in the R R march by Captain Chaltin on iba iba , eight h mont s before , and had very kindly taken charge of some supplies for us which he brought through L from usambo t—o Kasongo . O ur position was now as follows z Lemery was in command at

Nyangwe , and in a very dangerous position , since Raschid and his forces from the north might at any moment, instead of attempting to form a t Rumaliza . junction wi h , turn aside and attack

Nyangwe ; Kasongo was held by Lieutenant

Middagh ; on our extreme right Lange was at Mwana Mkwanga with one hundred and twenty t men and a Krupp gun, in a very strong posi ion ; de Wouters and the Commandant Dhanis and my self were in the centre ; and Commandant Gillian occupied the extreme left at Bena Guia . We , in

7 ' 5 t the centre , had two Krupps , and , for thefirs time

u n d ring the war, plenty of ammunitio .

De Wouters found that, owing to the nature

2 38 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

do up to the fort, but nothing they could could persuade the men to mount the breach , though some of them followed actually into the ditch .

De Wouters eventually retired . When we took the fort we found that the Arab loss on this day had not been more than a dozen men killed, so well protected were they by their earthworks and the holes in the ground beneath their huts . The Commandant had now fresh difficulties to contend with , as we had definite information that w N’Zi i B ana g , with a large reinforcement from

Tanganyika and quantities of ammunition , was

Kabambari Rumaliza marching from to join , and

that he was then situated at Kitumba Moyo .

Lieutenant Hambursin was detached with as strong

’ a column as could be spared to cut Bwana N Zigi

Off or to drive him back . He had to make a d etour , the country on the left bank of the Lulindi with the exception of that on our extreme right at Mwana Mkwanga—being held by the Arabs . The natives in the district were

’ also hostile to us . After a week s continuous

’ fighting with N Zigi - who was entrenched at STATE FORCES FO R M A SEM ICI RCLE 2 39

—Hambursin Kitumba Moyo was forced to retire .

He had lost many men as the result of the fight

o ing and. of a bad epidemic of smallp x which broke

’ out N Zi i f in his troop . g had , however , su fered

t o so severely that, instead of trying advance

Rumaliza Hambursin and join , as soon as was

Kabambari recalled he returned to , and shortly

Kabambari to afterwards , when was taken , fled

Zanzibar. 3 oth On the of December , despatches , in answer

’ o to the Commandant s demand for reinf rcements , arrived from Commandant Chaltin at Basoko , and

o to f also fr m the Falls, the e fect that none would be forthcoming . Mr. Mohun volunteered to go down the river to Basoko and bring us up what ever reinforcements he could raise , and he

on 1 s accordingly left uS the t of January . On 8 the th , Captain Collignon was detached from

Bwesse Gillian and established at Bena , in front

’ of the Arabs two advanced forts . Our semicircle was thus completed and as patrols could now pass with comparative safety between our different positions, the Arabs could only draw their supplies 2 40 THE FALL OF THE CONGO AR ABS

o of L of f od from the left bank the ulindi . They

to f soon began find di ficulty in feeding their men ,

as , in accordance with their usual practice , they had devastated most of the country through which m h they had arched . On the 8t of January we were surprised and delighted by the arrival of Commandant Lothaire with a strong contingent of ff soldiers from Bangala and two smart o icers . He had outrun the courier ; in fact , Dhanis had not even hoped to get an answer to the requisition he had sent to him for another fortnight. One need

’ hardly emphasise the contrast between Chaltin s L ’ action and othaire s , the same demand having L been sent to both . othaire immediately departed with two hundred men to join de Wouters , and within two days they had established themselves

’ in a position three hundred yards from Rumaliza s own boma and between it and his first advanced boma , our men being thus in a position to annoy

Rumaliza both . , under the impression that they

S were imply reconnoitring, did not attack them until their camp was established , and partly forti

fied n , in a deserted village , the huts of which , bei g

2 42 T H E FA LL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

immense quantities of cartridges, powder, and caps i over their defences to prevent them explod ng . They broke out of the fort and fled precipitately to the river , being forced into this direction by the position of our forces between them and their other bomas . On arriving at the river , they crowded on to the bridge in such numbers that it

: own broke the irregulars , natives , and even their

l the auxi iaries , harassed them , and as panic became complete they jumped into the river , and , in trying

o to cr ss , drowned each other. What with the i falling of the bridge , crammed with human ty, and those killed by native arrows or drowned, their losses at the river alone must have been several f hundreds. The o ficial report for the day was

’ ” Enemy s loss over a thousand . Our gain in ammunition was small, most of it having exploded

u during the fire , and the greater number of g ns and repeating rifles were SO badly burned as to be

o o useless . With ut f llowing the flying enemy,

Lothaire turned his attention to the other fort in

m o in his i mediate neighb urhood , and partially l . vested it 1 The fo lowing day Commandant Dhanis, CA PITULATI ON OF T HE E NEMY 2 43 leaving me in command of the centre at Bena

Musua L , joined othaire , and , taking command , completed the circle round the boma . The line was advanced so that o ur men were established actually between the enemy and the brook from which they drew their water supply . These positions were maintained for three days and nights , the enemy during this time keeping up a

- not well sustained fire , which our men did return

for in fact , these three days and nights hardly a shot was fired on our side , except when the enemy

ti s or e. attempted a On the third day , under a

r flag of truce , the A ab chiefs sent ten men to the

Commandant offering ten guns for a bowl of water.

The Commandant ordered a bowl of water to be

o u o br ght to him , and poured it on the gr und before

o o them , after which he sent them back int the f rt with their guns . This ruse succeeded . In half an hour the fort capitulated—the men having seen water, there was no holding them . They piled arms

for in our camp , after which the fort was searched ,

Of fear treachery , and the thirsty wretches were

o allowed to rush down to the br ok , into which they 244 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

h f plunged . T is af air was hardly finished when a

on tornado came , and rain enough fell in ten minutes to have supplied the garrison with water h for a mont had they still held out. With this

o 2 000 60 0 2 0 capitulati n prisoners , guns , repeat ing rifles and ammunition fell into our hands . During this time Commandant Gillian had left Bena Guia and had joined Collignon in attacking

two of ofli c r e s the advanced forts , both these having been rather severely handled by the defenders. The intermediate fort having now

our fallen , all troops marched with Commandant

Dhanis to invest the remaining positions of the enemy ; but before this was accomplished the

om forts capitulated . Captain R did a plucky but (with our knowledge of the Arab character) foolish N’Zi i thing . Bwana g , the commander of the Arab

’ forts, sent a messenger into Commandant Gillian s camp carrying a Koran , who said that if a white man would come to the fort with the same Koran

S ou to in his hand no harm h ld happen him , and ’ i Bwana N Zig would himself arrange terms with him .

o Rom While discussing the questi n , Captain seized

2 46 T H E FA LL OF T H E CONGO ARABS

simply watched with curiosity our troops passing.

Rumaliza is said to have escaped into the great

o forest, accompanied by o nly four men . De W uters

o and his company marched to Tanganyika , to pen communication with the forces of the Anti - Slavery

Society , who had lain inactive during the whole of our campaign . He met Captain Descamps on

o the road , twenty miles fr m Albertville. Descamps had just taken command of the Anti - Slavery di troops , and immediately organised an expe tion

w and took the field . De Wouters returned ith

L i who him , and they joined Commandant otha re , was marching towards the north - east on the Ujiji d road, this being the irection in which the relics of the Arab force had fled . They took four forts on the road , which the defenders on each occasion

t deser ed as soon as our troops came in sight , L without firing a shot. Arriving at the ake , a

’ o station was f rmed at Bakari on Burton s Gulf, of which Lieutenant Lange was left in command ;

Kabambari the troops meanwhile returning to , where a large fortified camp was immediately formed in the event of a return of the Arabs from ARAB C H I EFS MADE PRI SONERS 2 47

cast . the south or All the natives , and small

and. L detached bands of Arabs , submitted ; othaire

o R - - a - Miserera t ok aschid , Said ben Bedi , , and Amici

- - a - prisoners . Said ben Bedi had conducted Emin Pasha from the Equatorial province to the neigh bourhood of h Ka ungi , where Emin was murdered by the Chief Kibungi , and was accused of being himself concerned in the murder . After trial by

- d court martial he was acquitted , and afterwar s came to Europe with us .

1 h o 2 t . On the of March , Mr M hun , the American

Consul, returned from Basoko , having collected

o about a hundred men , who were f llowing him L under the command of ieutenant Baldwin . It will be remembered that after the refusal of Com

1 st mandant Chaltin to send us help , on the of ff January , the Consul had o ered to go down the

o river and get t gether what men he could , we being very hard pressed at the time . He returned hav

o ing successfully accomplished this v luntary work , though , fortunately for us , the danger was then L already averted . ieutenant Baldwin arrived with the men in due course . C H A P T E R X V

DESCRIPTION OF EXPEDITION TO EXPLORE THE UPPER WATERS OF THE LUALABA RIVER

THE country being for the moment practically

o quiet, and a road pen to Tanganyika , the Com mandant was a nxious t o find out if a water

o L way t the Great ake were possible to discover.

On the old caravan road through Kabambari

’ everything had to be carried on men s heads , which was naturally a very expensive method , and a water - way for even part of the road would mean

o enorm us advantages . I received an order to take over Baldwin ’s men and to form a caravan L to explore the upper waters of the ualaba , which till then were unknown to Europeans . My instructions were in the following terms

KASO NGO le 1 6 Mars 1 894. , ,

’ ’ MO NSIEUR LE DOCTE UR - Jai 1 honneur de vous aire savoir ue , f q j e vous charge de conduire une expedition de reconnaissance vers le n n i Ta ga y ka.

2 5 0 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

United States agent, Mohun , wished to accompany me , and we started arranging the caravan . After carefully eliminating the worst men from Bald

’ S win s detachment, I found ixty five sturdy

o o fellows to take with me . They pr ved, h wever , the most undisciplined disobedient set of thieves

I had ever to deal with . In addition to their general worthlessness , they could neither swim — nor paddle an exceptional disadvantage in an expedition by water , since, in the matter of trans port, it left us entirely in the hands of the natives through whose districts we passed .

Among these men were five Abyssinians , the only survivors out of a band of seventy-five who

t o had started from Boma join us, the rest having i died on the way , unable to w thstand the bad

Of climate , bad feeding , and want care to which they had been subjected . These five Abyssinians were in a wretched condition and suffering from

to fever when they joined us , but it seemed me that something might be made of them ; and so

for it proved , with proper care and feeding they

- became the most useful , hard working , and faith EXPEDITION T O EXPLORE 2 5 1

ful men in the whole detachment. On several O ccasions , when the detachment was on the verge o f mutiny , these Abyssinians kept close to Mohun t and myself, and , in fac , usually insisted on sleep ing within a yard or two of our tents. On the 1 4th of March I distributed a hundred cartridges per head and a new suit of uniform to each man . That night I was wakened by an

o alarm of fire on our side of Kasong , and rushing out found that the section of the camp in which the Kwangolas (my new company) were quartered was in flames . A whirlwind , or small tornado , ha d unluckily at that moment sprung up , and the whole Of that section of the camp was quickly in a blaze . My men , though supposed to have been soldiers for more than six months, were absolutely useless , and , as a consequence , I lost three rifles and. over seven hundred cartridges, and had also two very narrow escapes from cartridges exploding

N twithstand when I was trying to save them . o ing this , the Commandant severely reprimanded

Of me for the loss ammunition , and on the follow ing day I had to start without being allowed to 2 5 2 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

Farrha is replace my losses . We marched to g L on the ualaba, where we were to be supplied

Six with canoes . Mohun had men of his own ,

o who and a Hausa co k named Philip , was a useful interpreter and a good cook when he was

Farrha is not drunk . At g we lost a whole day hunting up canoes which were supposed to be

ini . Wa a ready for us The g , true to their instincts ,

w i n the had made away ith , and hidden lagoons and swamps , all the best and biggest canoes they

ds . could lay their han on We , however , eventually

o t g together a dozen canoes , which were sufficient to carry our whole party . These canoes , though simply dug out from a single tree, are a grand

of means transport . The largest one , which belonged to Mohun, carried sixty men to paddle ;

twelve soldiers with their kit and. food ; Mohun , his bed and luggage , in a house built on the canoe the cook Philip and two or three o ther servants ; together with a kitchen fire and a couple of milk h goats , besides half a ton of stores . T is canoe passed through the most extraordinary adventures without damage . Coming down rapids at the rate of

2 5 4 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

river bank . Occasionally , the only passable part of a cataract or rapid was blocked by enormously

strong weirs , some of which were made of whole trees, and had evidently been placed there by the natives when the water was low. Holes , two or three feet square, were left in these

fish- weirs, over which traps , formed like an

- - ordinary lobster pot and made of wicker work , were placed . The mouths of these traps were always placed down river, in order to catch the

fish mounting the stream while on the feed . In

Of one these traps, which measured over eight feet in diameter, I found a kind of carp about

-fiv twenty e pounds weight. This carp is of a

o golden brown col ur, and is the most delicious

fish I have tasted from Congo waters . The rocks in these rapids were a very dark — — brown almost black streaked with red, and apparently exceedingly rich in iron . As a con ffi m sequence , we had great di culty in apping this

our l part of the river , compasses being practica ly w useless , and al ays pointing towards the nearest rock . Game was very plentiful , especially in the EXPED ITI ON TO EXPLORE 2 5 5

. o S rapids Herons , of various c lours and izes ,

o o abounded , from flocks of snowy egrets to en rm us

. w o solitary birds One of these latter , hich I sh t, measured eight feet six inches from wing - tip to

- wing tip , and six feet nine inches from the point

to - of his bill his toe nails . A species of grey

o f t plover, and ducks of half a d zen dif eren colours

o and sizes , were to be seen in every direction . I sh t

- many sperm wing geese , which , though rather out of season , were much liked by the caravan . Hip

o otami p p were comparatively scarce , the natives

or having learnt how to kill them by spearing,

o s with the ordinary hipp trap . This consist of a spear fixed in a beam , suspended in a likely place near the river bank, the suspending cord

’ being fastened t o a trigger placed in the hippo s way . In the villages in which we camped we often found the heads and teeth of hippos , wart l ff hogs , and wi d pigs , and occasionally a bu alo or antelope horn . Although elephants and buffalo

o are numer us all over this district, they are d seldom moleste , as the natives stand in great awe of them . 2 5 6 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

’ 2 th Of t On the o March, af er a very hard day s m ’ Ta bui s . work , we arrived at Mona village It was situated on an island , surrounded and inter spersed by rapids and streams , with the main river — passing in front of the village a most beautiful

S hi ituation , and one w ch completely commanded

o the surrounding country . M hun and I sat by the front of the village and amused ourselves by

S hooting duck, which were constantly passing and repassing overhead , to and from their feeding

ul grounds. The whole pop ation turned out, mani festing intense surprise and delight to find that l it was possible to ki l birds on the wing , flocks of which they were in the habit of seeing pass before them every day of their lives .

Whenever it was possible , instead of sleeping in the boats or putting up our tents , we slept in l ill native vil ages . Most of these v ages were hostile , though throughout a great part of the district the natives did not know what a gun was, and , under the impression that we were only armed with clubs , even twenty or thirty of them were willing t o attack us with their

2 5 8 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

travellers for nothing , if the said travellers are strong enough to demand it. We generally brought our marketing transactions to a clo se by

of scrambling a few handfuls beads , handkerchiefs ,

r for handk r or wi e or by starting races , which a e

or chief a small bell , fixed on the top of a tree or

but . a , was the prize The whole population would race and fight for the prize, often bringing the establishment, on the top of which it was sus ff pended , to the ground in their e orts to secure it .

o Having established these relati ns with the natives , we had usually little difficulty in getting men to

paddle us on our way the following morning .

If our camp the next evening happened to be situated among people of the same tribe , or among a tribe friendly to our former host, we found that our reputation had preceded us , and we were received with open arms . Occasionally, however, the other side to the question presented itself,

all SO and did not proceed smoothly, the trouble usually arising through the disobedience of my own

or t wo was men . On one occasions when I on hi shore arranging matters with the c ef, and aecom EXPEDIT ION T O EXPLORE 2 5 9

anied two o f p by only or three the Abyssinians , several canoes sneaked into the bank lower

—who down , and , led by the native paddlers , like

or own most natives , rob murder their kith and — kin without hesitation took the village i n the

rear and commenced looting . This placed me

many times in most uncomfortable and dangerous

o of of positions , and , th ugh I made example several

the worst blackguards , I had trouble almost to the

ot am end of the chapter. As soon as we g above F

buSi o Wa inia village we f und no more g , the water ll race here being called Waujabi io. And a very — fine race they are tall , almost handsome , brown men , with the most fantastic methods of dressing

o the hair ; though , curi usly enough , the men only

a nd pay attention to this part of their appearance,

I rarely saw a woman who seemed to have taken

' any trouble at all about her headdress . This ,

o however , may have been wing to the fact that — ’ we saw only Slaves the free women and chief s

out wives being kept of the way. The men Wore festoons of fetishes suspended round their necks

of and waists , some which , representing figures of 2 60 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

v men and women , were beautifully car ed in ivory or wart hogs’ teeth; They all wore round their w waists a piece of native cloth , oven from palm

l . fibre , ca led madeba They were armed with w fairly po erful bows and arrows, the arrows

being well made , barbed and tipped with iron , and

o coated with poison . This p ison was not, however ,

o t o invariably fatal , pr bably owing the fact that, in common with most of the native poisons I

u have seen in the Congo Basin , it loses its vir lence when not fresh . One of my men who had his thigh

so transfixed by an arrow, thickly coated with

l o o ca led p ison , did not die , though the nly remedy

dr I used was a ink of ammonia and water, with a couple of drops of ammonia p oured into each of the wounds . This pained him so much , and stung his nose , throat , and eyes to such an extent that he concluded the white man ’s medicine must be more powerful than native poison , and so made

Wau abillio up his mind to live . Almost every j that I saw carried a curious razor with a triangular

in blade fixed on a handle , and stuck a sheath

h - suspended from t e waist belt or neck . These

2 62 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

Of o platforms clay , ab ut a yard long and two feet

wide , which served as fireplaces . On these hearths

of three or four conical lumps clay, shaped like an

flo wer- ordinary pot and inverted , were always found . Three of these , placed close together with the fire between , formed a capital stand for a

- cooking pot . This system is common all over the

of Lualaba and Lomami districts . In other parts the Congo I have seen the common mushroom

’ shaped ants nests used for this purpose . All the houses were infested by myriads of rats , which

r were fearfully and hor ibly tame . Enormous numbers of them used , nightly , to swarm up and

S down the ides of my mosquito net, and on more than one o ccasion broke the strings

o and descended in a s lid mass upon me in bed .

We eventually became so accustomed to them that the y ceased to disturb us , unless they were of the — musk variety a grey long - nosed animal about

o wn d h the size of our rain rat, wit the abominable peculiarity that wherever it goes or whatever it touches is infected with the stench of musk for days afterwards . One only of these rats in a hut, EXPED ITION TO EXPLORE 2 63

f if I did not succeed in catching it, was su ficient to necessitate a change of dwelling . The extra ordinary numbers of rats found in these districts

of led me to suppose that the natives , unlike those

use other parts of the Congo Basin , do not make of them as food .

Once free of the Waginias our daily worries

— o increased and with reason , for we were utside the sphere Of Arab influence . I have always found that peoples and tribes who have had to do with the Arabs are civil and obliging , having doubtless learned that the best way to get rid of both pleasant and unpleasant visitors is to help them f on their way . One of the most di ficult people we had to deal with was a chief named Kitenge , a powerful and unruly vassal of a good -natured

old o timid patriarch named Kongol , whom we w ’ after ards visited . Kitenge s headquarters were on a large island in the middle of the river . The greater part of this island was formed of a beauti

one ful white quartz , and the approach to it was

s n r l of the finest pieces of ce e y have ever seen .

At the lower end of the island Were a series of 2 64 THE FALL OF TH E CONGO ARABS

falls and rapids called Nyangi . On the left bank ff of the river , at this point, a magnificent cli of quartz rose abruptly ; at the foot of which , huge blocks , piled up into fantastic shapes , stretched out into the river. In the middle of the rapid a great

- t -five cone shaped block of quartz , thir y or forty feet high , stood , crowned with a little grass plateau

and. two or three trees , round which flocks of white and black eagles were circling. On the left side

- the hill slope rose sharply from the river bank, forming almost perpendicular cliffs sparsely covered with grass .

Kitenge promised us both food and men to proceed on our journey, and left us without either , to starve on the island . On the following day he renewed his promises, but protested that he had no men handy ; he had , he said , sent for some to

o t the interi r , but since he possessed nei her boats nor paddles we would have to lend him our own to bring the people from the mainland . While so talking , we saw three canoes quietly crossing over to the lower end of the island. Keeping the chief engaged in conversation , I despatched some of my

2 66 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

I could of course do nothing , the roar of the cata ract above preventing anyone from hearing the directions I shouted . The catastrophe occupied only a few seconds : I saw a head and two hands

on appear , and the great river swept , leaving no

Omarri Sign of what had taken place . returned to me , but the native paddlers all disappeared into the bush , and I saw none of them again .

in Towards evening we were still the rapids , and , since there was great difficulty in getting Mohun’s big canoe along , I joined him in it. At dusk , having only succeeded in getting half the canoe over a ridge of rocks, all the natives jumped over board and swam to the shore half a mile away

u in the gloom . By an nfortunate Chance the provisions and bedding had preceded us in the

and unenvi other canoes, we were left in the

o o Of able p siti n passing the night in a wet canoe , worried by myriads of mosquitoes , hungry, and

fo drenched by a dense g . The following morning b our servants , the interpreter , and the A yssinians returned and helped us out of the predicament ;

a Of the rem inder our men , thinking themselves EXPED ITION TO EXPLORE 2 67

quit of us , amusing themselves meanwhile to the

o ann yance of the natives . We afterwards dis

we covered that Kongolo , to whose village next came —and who was grand chief of the whole district—had given orders that we were not to be allowed to land . His village was situated above

the rapids , and when , in spite of his orders , we

of put in our appearance, he made the best what he considered to be a bad job , and treated us very well. From him we learned that we could con tinne paddling up the river for another three weeks without encountering any more rapids . This was t probably not true , and I am sorry tha we were unable to test its accuracy ; for on the Sl st

o t of March , f ur days af erwards , we reached the

Luku a . mouth of the g , up which we turned Before getting there I had rather an unpleasant experience .

Ki embenema At village , which was situated half a

o on mile from the sh re which we were encamped , a number of my men broke loose and started off looting into the village . The chief came to me complaining of the treatment his people were

t receiving , but was pacified when , af er following 2 68 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

o o o l the men , I t k fr m them the fow s , goats , and other things they had looted , and returned them to him . One of my rascals , however, seeing the ff position of a airs , bolted with his prey , and when

I came up with him dodged behind a bush . I

- heard his breech block snick as he opened it . Springing through the bush with a revolver in w hand , I was just in time to fell him ith the butt end as he closed the breech and before he had time to draw on me . As he was rather badly injured by the blow, I disarmed him and let him continue the rest of the journey without further

ff on punishment . The moral e ect of this incident the men was very marked , and there were never afterwards any open signs of insubordination when

I was in the neighbourhood .

Luk u a The g , or , as the natives at its mouth call

Lumbrid i — it , the g , was at this time early in April

not within many feet of the highest water mark . This river empties itself directly into L the ualaba . There is no Sign whatever of Lake L k anchi , which is mar ed in so many maps at this point . Nor is there even a broadening of the

2 70 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

n oma . A g It has been suggested that, by the growth of this rank grass and other vegetation , together with the débris deposited in it by the

Luku a o percolating water, the g is s metimes

dammed , and that this may be a cause for the extraordinary variation of the level which has been noticed on Tanganyika . Sir Francis de Winton told me that in one year when he was at Vivi , near the mouth of the Congo , the river rose over fourteen feet in a single night. On subsequent inquiry he succeeded in getting a report from Stanley P0 0 1 to the effect that a great lake had broken out above . There are only two h things to be said with regard to t is . First , that it is always open to doubt whether the bursting of a dam in the Lukuga would affect the great river sixteen hundred miles lower down to the extent of raising its level fourteen feet in a night ; secondly , that what applies in this respect to Tanganyika might also apply to Lake Leopold II the latter lake being com

rativel pa y near to the coast . When we were in this neighbourhood the spur EXPEDITI ON TO EXPLORE 2 7 1 wing geese seemed to be flocking preparatory to migrating . For hours on end I paddled through the largest flock of birds I have ever seen . The river and river banks , islands , and plains , as far as the eye could see , were literally covered with geese , and no other birds but geese were to be seen .

’ ’ M Burri M Bulli We reached , or as the natives (who cannot articulate the letter r pronounce 4th it, on the of April . This was the farthest

Luku a point, from the eastward on the g , to which

Delcommune either Thomson or had penetrated .

I am thankful to say that I did not break down until the exploration of the unknown parts of the river had been accomplished . For some days I had been feverish , and here became delirious . C H A P T E R X V I

THE RETURN JOURNEY TO THE COAST

1 1 th ON the of April Mr . Mohun took command of the expedition , and returned down the river , hoping to get me back to Kasongo alive , where there was some chance Of finding the necessary medicines and light food . The very first night

(when landing on a strip of sand under a high

f us cli f covered with bush) the natives attacked , under the impression that we were afraid to

as proceed , and were not really so strong they

o had first thought us when g ing up the river .

I was too weak to sit up , and lay helpless while the skirmish raged around everyone was engaged , and I could get no information as to what was

Of happening even on the sandbank, on the edge which my canoe was drawn up . It ended in the

off n s natives being driven , leavi g some pri oners , as

’

e as n s . w ll their dead and dying , in Mohu s hand 272

2 74 T HE FA LL OF T H E CONGO ARABS

I fou nd that I also was suffering from the same

n . complai t There was , however , nothing to be done , as we were without instruments ; and even had we possessed them , there was no one near us capable of using them . Poor de Wouters died two or three days afterwards . Commandant

L dn othaire , whose kin ess nothing could exceed ,

me d on talking over my condition with , decide that I had better try to get down to Basoko ,

w t . belo S anley Falls , where there was a doctor There was still a chance that I could get there in time to be operated on ; but since it depended l di on my keeping a ive , in the weak con tion I had

was been in for three weeks , the chance a small one .

I , however, agreed with him that it was better

to take it, together with the risks of the road .

Commandant Lothaire despatched Captain Rom

a to convoy me, and , notwithstanding all the tri ls and worries of looking after a sick man , I can only say that he treated me as if I had been a brother instead of a stranger and a foreigner. 2 9th On the of April , two days after the death of poor de Wouters , I left Kasongo , comfortably THE RETURN JOURNEY 2 75

o installed in the big canoe I have already menti ned .

1 st I arrived at Nyangwe on the of May . Here

L Lemerie ieutenant , who was in command , insisted

on our remaining for two or three days , urging

’ that the cows milk he had succeeded in Obtaining from the herd at Nyangwe would go a long way

t o towards giving me strength bear the journey.

t n difficulties—Tor He had , af er ma y the herd of cattle was practically wild—succeeded in getting sixteen cows that were possible to milk , and had

u established a dairy. He was very pro d of being

to able make butter , though the milk from the sixteen cows gave him only enough cream to

o make three or four unces of butter a day. It had until then always been an accepted theory in im the Congo , that , owing to the climate , it was possible to make butter either from cows’ or goats’

o milk . This idea had most pr bably originated m from the fact that the ilk , partly owing to the climate and partly to the rank vegetation on which the animals feed , contains so little fat that no one had before succeeded in getting a sufficient quantity from which it was possible to extract 2 76 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

e t enough cream , before it became solid , to g any result at all .

From Nyangwe to Riba Riba I suffered a great

on deal , but arriving there the abscess in my liver

. L burst successfully , and so saved my life ieu

Rue R R tenant was established at iba iba, and had built three or four houses on the site of the old

n town , which was bur t by the natives after the

Arabs had left, and just before the arrival of

Captain Chaltin many months before . It was

Miserera a nd Beloochies here that the other , established as Arab chiefs , had flogged Noblesse and d Michels to eath , afterwards cutting them up and dividing them among their slaves for food . These

’ were the only two officers of Hodister s ill- fated expedition who were unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of the Arabs alive. One of the only relics of the original town left intact was pointed out to me as the identical sugar- cane crusher to which these wretched men were bound

s while being tortured to death . Of the instigator

of the outrages , Mohara , the great chief of Nyangwe (who had ordered the extermination of the white

2 78 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

di Ho ster and his company , given orders that all the white men in his dominions were to

- -a - l be slaughtered . Said ben Bedi , an intel igent well - educated young Arab chief (who had accompanied Emin Pasha from the Equatorial

o t o province , thr ugh the great forest , within two

’ of L r days march the ualaba , in the neighbou hood

u of Kirundu), received orders thro gh Kibungi , the chief of Kirundu , to murder the Pasha . Instead of doing so , he immediately went to Nyangwe and

’ begged of Mohara to spare Emin s life . The old

r ty ant was , however , immovable in his determina d tion , and Said returne , still hoping to be able t o save Emin on his own responsibility . When Ki yet a day or two from rundu , Kibungi and hi s company took upon themselves to carry out

’ Mohara s orders . Emin Pasha and his soldiers

e were shown every mark of friendship , and treat d with the greatest hospitality , till any suspicion they may have entertained towards their host l was lu led . Aft er establishing relations of tru st

hi s between Emin and caravan , each individual

‘ - being surrounded by a little group of appar TH E RETURN JOURNEY 2 79 — ently the most friendly persons was , at a given s ignal , slaughtered where he stood . This, so far as I can remember, is the story told to me by

’ two or three members of Emin s harem whom

- -a - we rescued . At the tribunal , Said ben Bedi was acquitted of any participation in Emin ’ s

his murder, he having apparently done all in power to save him . Eleven of those actually

Miserera concerned in the massacre , together with w and his son , ere hanged the same morning at

Kirundu for the murder Of Noblesse and Michels .

Kibungi himself escaped into the great forest , and it was not until nearly nine months later that he L was caught by Captain othaire , and tried by

- S court martial and hot . 1 5 We reached Stanley Falls on the th of May, and the same day Captain Cock arrived from

Ville de B r u es Stanley Pool in the g . With him w I went down to Basoko , here the doctor inclined

t n advis to hink that , though out of da ger, it was able for me to return to Europe without loss of time , to recruit. Captain Jasen arriving with his ship a few days after , I took a passage with him 2 80 THE FA LL OF THE CO NGO ARABS

to Stanley Pool. I was much struck on the way d by the fact that, the farther we escended the

o o river fr m Stanley Falls , the m re savage , uncouth ,

o and dirty the natives seemed to be , though B mba , on the main river, is the only place where the

o natives are abs lutely naked . Arriving at Leo

oldville SO p I found myself much better , that since both doctors had told me if I chose to take the responsibility I might return to Stanley Falls, d I decided to o so . My good friend Captain

Jasen was taking his ship up to the Falls again ; so after a few days ’ rest I embarked with him , not caring to go home without Baron

Dhanis , who had also been through the whole campaign and still considered that he had

o some w rk to do . Our voyage to Stanley Falls

was , excepting for one small scrimmage with the

v Itimberie . nati es in , uneventful To my immense disgust I found , on arriving at the Falls, that,

Itimberie R while we were in the iver, Dhanis had passed us on his way home . A despatch from him awaited me with orders to join him at

a once , he having he rd on his way down that I

N OTE S

NOTE ON CANNIBALISM

The Manyema country , which was the scene

- of the Belgian campaign , lies mid way between the Arab centre at Zanzibar and the Belgian L settlement at the mouth of the Congo . iving R stone , in his endeavours to find the Great iver of which the Arabs brought him word , was the first European to cross Manyemaland ; and it was under the protection of a party of Arab slave traders that he entered the country in the year

1 8 69 . Travelling with the Arabs , and compelled l to fol ow their erratic course , he was enabled , by the delays this involved , to observe more closely than would otherwise have been possible the habits of the people . Though the cannibalistic propensities of the Manyema were well known , and a subject of great terror to his followers , it was some time before Livingstone himself accepted

a nd a the fact , it was with great reluct nce that he NOTES 2 83 became convinced that their cannibalism was the

Of our ma nclise outcome g , and , from whatever cause a it might originally h ve resulted , had then little to do either With religious ceremony or with supersti

tion . The Manyema freely admitted their practice

of eating human flesh , which they described as ” saltish in flavour , and requiring little condiment ,

though certain parts , such as the heart , were some ’ times mixed up in a mess of goat s flesh ; and on L one occasion , after a fight , ivingstone saw the ” bodies cut up and cooked with bananas .

In summing up the question of cannibalism ,

L to ivingstone finally came the conclusion that , amongst the Manyema at any rate , a depraved appetite could alone account for the custom , since the country was rich and full of foods (both animal and farinaceous), and starvation , or want of animal matter, could not be urged as a defence . And ” L fine - yet , said ivingstone , they are a looking race ; I would back a company of Manyema men to be far superior in shape of head , and generally

ca in physi l form too , against the whole Anthropo logical Society . Many of the women are very ” - light coloured and very pretty . The practice of cannibalism would seem to be less a matter connected with civilisation than the result of a definite perversion of taste ; and it is 2 84 T HE FA LL OF T HE CONGO ARABS frequently the case that cannibal races are less cruel and bloodthirsty than many tribes not ad

. . In dicted to the practice Mr Herbert Ward , his

“ ive Yea r s with the Con o Ca nniba ls : F g , says It must not be supposed that the cannibal tribes of the interior are altogether brutal in every action of life . On the contrary , I have observed more frequent traits of affection for wife and children among them than are exhibited in the conduct of

o ff d mestic a airs among the people of the lower , or

ad Ba Congo , country , who are not cannibals , nor dicted to the shedding of blood , save in religious ” matters . A note on the “ Origin and Distribution of Cannibalism in the Geogr ap hica l Jour na l for 1 89 3 July says , that while some writers have attributed the origin of cannibalism to religious motives , others consider that hunger was the original incentive to the practice , which was after in wards persisted from choice , the superstitious and religious aspects being later developments. Cannibalism seems to have prevailed to a con siderable extent among the primitive inhabitants of Europe , and still more in America . The fact that no traces of it have been found dating back

a o to pal eolithic times , while the l wer animals rarely

S devour their own species, seems to how that a

2 86 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

his own safety , and the greater security of the

L Scherlink station , ieutenant despatched them to

L Luluabur usambo , and from thence on to g, since it was thought that outside their own district they would be less likely to cause trouble . ’ I arrived at N Gandu from Nyangwe on the day on o t o which they were rdered leave ; and , angry at their power being broken , they vowed vengeance against the white man and the rest of Gongo’s people , whom they had ruled with brutal ’ N Gandu severity . As they marched out of they

fired on the townspeople , killing and wounding a

S few , and houting through the streets that they would come back some day and would kill and eat everyone they found there .

Luluabur Shortly after their arrival at g, they

o were enlisted as s ldiers in the State service , and in this capacity distinguished themselves for intelli gence , willingness , and pluck against a rebellious

- Slave raiding tribe in the Kasai district.

Some two years later they revolted , and , after

Of Luluabur murdering their ficers at g, marched

o thr ugh the country , killing white men and raid ing natives , till eventually, having raised the whole country against the Government , they arrived at

’

N Gandu . In the battles that followed , Com mandant Lothaire and Captain Doorme were NOTES 2 87

f Lie n wounded , and many o ficers , including ute

Sandrad ants Collet , Franken , Augustin , and , and ’ - - a - — L also Said—ben Bedi who came to othaire s assistance were killed . Captain Collignon died of fever , and Captain Bauduin was drowned in

L. . Stanley Pool . S . H

NOTE ON EXPLORATION OF SECTION OF LUALABA RIVER B Y CAPTAIN HINDE

’ As the geographical aspect of Captain Hinde s work has been somewhat hurriedly dealt with in

o w his account of the Belgian campaign , the foll ing epitome of a paper entitled Three Years’ ” Travel in the Congo Free State , read before the

R o 1 1 th 1 8 95 oyal Geographical S ciety on March , is given Towards the close Of the campaign I received

t o L Luku a orders survey the ualaba and g , from the

o neighbourhood of Kasongo upwards . This missi n ’ was successfully accomplished as far as M Bulli on

the 6th March 1 8 9 4. It will be remembered that

o river below Kasongo had been expl red by Stanley ,

and Luku a and by others since his time , that the g ’ from Tanganyika as far as M Bulli had been made w D l ommune . known by Thomson and e c My ork ,

o therefore , was to c nnect the surveys of Thomson 2 88 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS and Delcommune with those of Stanley and his successors . s The United State commercial agent, Mr. Mohun ,

o o obtained leave t acc mpany me .

o The j urney up the river from the coast , by Leopoldville to the station of Lusambo on the

Sankuru , has been frequently described , and I need only draw attention to one or two points concern — ing the path from Matadi up t o Stanley Pool a way which is now so far a made road that there are

and. bridges over most of the rivers , the pathway is cleared of trees and all large obstructions . Shelters have been built at intervals of three hours over the whole distance . The porters employed for the carriage of goods belong to the Manyanga f and kindred tribes . There is a marked di ference between these people and the carriers used by the Arabs in the Manyema district : the latter are f slaves, forced to work , but fed on a su ficient meat ff diet ; the former are free men , but indi erently

o The l n urished . Manyemas are ab e to carry 8 0 or

9 0 . if lb without much d ficulty , while the Man yangas are rarely equal to a burden of more than 6 0 lb . After three months spent in the neighbourhood of Stanley Pool , I received instructions to proceed L t to the district of ualaba on the Sankuru . I lef

2 99 T HE FALL OF T HE CONGO ARABS

station , where the Sankuru joins the Kasai . Three n years ago this was the o ly station on the Kasai , though at the present moment there are , I believe , ff fourteen belonging to di erent companies . We now turned from the racing Kasai to the placid Sankuru , whose banks , in marked contrast to those of the Kasai , are clothed with forest to the ’ hi water s edge . At t s time the Sankuru was without a single station ; there are now twelve stations engaged in the collection of large quantities of indiaru r bbe . L Ten days more of steaming took us to usambo , L the capital of the ualaba district, situated , accord ° ° Lemarinel 2 3 4 ing to , in east longitude , latitude

o is s uth. The station built on a sandy plain , on the right bank of the Sankuru , opposite the mouth L of the ubi , and was founded to check the Arab advance from the east. It consisted of a garrison 4 of 1 3 white men and 00 black soldiers . There fi having been little ghting , the whole station had been occupied for two years in making large planta tions of cassava , maize , and rice, which were in such splendid condition that the station was self supporting . The S ta nley had brought up orders for the despatch of an exploring expedition to Katanga , and I was at once directed by the Commandant to NOTES 2 9 1

ofli c 7 ers join the caravan , which consisted of (white 3 00 2 00 s men), soldiers , and porters , beside camp w follo ers and women . The Commandant himself ffi took command . Each of the seven o cers had three trained bulls to ride , which eventually served for food on the road .

’ We started on 1 7th July for Pania Mutumba s ’ L village , three days march from usambo . Crossing the Sankuru , we marched up its left bank through an extensive forest , in every part of which were

ff indiaru ber b . wild co ee , , and elephants In all

V parts of the virgin Congo forest I have isited , ff wild co ee is so abundant , and so excellent , that ff we left our tins of imported co ee unopened . For five days south - eastwards to Mona Chellios we found practically no food on the road—the vacancy

o of this district, devoid alike of men and f od , ’ having been created by slave - raiders in Tippu Tib s employ.

Chellios Two or three hours beyond Mona , to the

V eastward , we came on two illages in clearings ,

Ba uas freshly constructed , and inhabited by q , or pygmies , from the surrounding forest . Immediately beyond the last dwarf village we L 200 came to the ubefu , an extremely rapid stream yards wide , which took the caravan two days to cross . The water was at this time red , a small 2 9 2 THE FA LL OF THE CONGO ARABS

tributary higher up , which flows through red clay , being in flood . At this point, ambassadors came to us from Gongo Lutete with proposals of peace , and requesting the white man to ’ N n u Ga d . visit him at his capital , Commandant

o Dhanis decided to do so , at the cost of a l ng deviation north - north - east from the direct road to

Katanga . ’ Among the hills , about four hours march from L di Mulenda on the u , we found a small circular lake of about a mile in diameter . This lake is supposed by the natives to be haunted . It is , they n say , dangerous to sleep ear it , drink of it , or bathe

o in it , and , thanks to this superstiti n , it is inhabited by two of the largest bull - hippopotami I have ever seen . The water of the lake is perfectly pure . On a subsequent occasion many of our people drank of it , and bathed in it for a couple of days , without any ill effects . ’ We halted for a month at N Gandu , at the end ffi of which period , leaving a post with two o cers behind us , we resumed our march towards Katanga , following the ridge of the watershed between the L omami and the Lubefu . We passed the Two

Mountains , seen from a distance by Wissmann .

im os Seen from a point a mile away , it is almost p sible to believe that one of them is not a castle

2 94 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

o assist him in any way in my p wer, since he was anxious to get through t o Zanzibar . We started on 1 6th March and struck the Lualaba at a commanding bluff just below the first of the n Kasongo rapids . Here we managed to obtai twelve canoes . We pulled up the rapids, and ’ Luntumba s stopped at , on the left bank , the

and. country we passed being low and rich , culti vated by the Arabs . The river above the rapids

- was very fine , running like the tail of a mill race ’ Lun for several miles . Twenty minutes above ’ tumba s village we came to other rapids , through which the natives dragged our canoes . This they did by attaching creepers to the canoes , by which means sixty or seventy men hauled them one by

In one one up the rapids . place I calculated the fall to be about twenty feet . The rocks in this second series of rapids are dark in tint , in places nearly black , and streaked with deep red . They — are very rich in iron so much so that all this da n y our compasses were of no use . In goi g

o twenty yards in a straight line , with no r ck visible

o above the water , the needle w uld turn halfway round the box .

Immediately above the second rapids, the

L on ualaba , here a mile wide , is joined the right L bank by the ulindi . In the upper angle formed NOTES 2 9 5

L L by the ualaba and ulindi are fine mountains ,

o covered with f rest, and called the Mountains of Twiti . u Lu Bena Some distance higher p , the alaba is joined by another tributary from the east—the L L uama . Between the uama and the Lulindi the

main river describes a right angle , flowing west

Of Sekabudi o ward to the village , then n rthwards

of L to the confluence the ulindi . We camped on L the left bank of the uama, this river at its con

flu ence wi L th the ualaba being about 2 5 0 yards

wide , with a very rapid current . On the right bank of the Luama the Mountains of Bena Twiti b seem to be a out ten miles distant . Passing two more small rivers on the right bank—the Kasima — and the Kalambija we came to the rapids of ’ M Toka . These rapids were formed by a whitish rock , which broke up the river into small streams . 1 0 0 The main current was about yards wide , churned into froth , and apparently not very deep. f The di ficulty of seeing the banks , and of following the course of the river , made it impossible to say what its exact width here was but I should think that from the mainland on the one hand to the mainland on the other must be about two miles , though this would , to a great extent, depend on

of the season . We saw large flocks geese and

o some hipp potami here . The mountains , com 2 96 THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS m encing about a mile from the river bank on either side , are , as far as the next falls , called Simbi ; they are not very high , and are thickly wooded . After having ascended these rapids we arrived at

Mu et ele L and. t here the ualaba narrows , just above 1 00 the falls is not more than yards across . From this point we could see high blue mountains to the

- off. south west , apparently about twenty miles One of these mountains , now called Mount President , — was Of a curious shape something like an elephant with the head pointing eastwards . Enormous quantities of geese and duck were shot , with which

m - the entire caravan was fed . Pal trees were fairly common , though the natives refused to give us palm wine , alleging , as the excuse , that it was habitually stolen by the elephants . At the falls of Simbi the native chief Tamwe had a couple of hundred men ready , when we arrived , to haul us up . The natives at this place were very kind—probably because they were L anxious to get rid of us . The ualaba here narrowed considerably ; the river banks were thickly wooded , and there seemed to be large ff numbers of bu alo on the plains . The hills were 2 0 0 3 0 0 only to feet high , and commenced about a mile from the river side . The river itself varies 1 0 0 to 2 00 from yards wide , is very rapid , and

2 98 T H E FA LL OF T H E CONGO ARABS

K fi Kinsali u . on to , and then to The country seemed very thickly populated in this district , having apparently never been raided . Forests came down to the river banks , in which enormous

o to . tro ps of monkeys were be seen To the east ,

Off apparently about ten miles , were some very fine mountains . This stretch of the river is about one

not mile wide at high water, improbably two miles if the grass islands be included . The next reach of the river came from the westward , with very high mountains on the left bank , and was free

S from rapids , very low, and apparently very deep .

o - five I found no bott m at thirty feet .

Mukalli We passed the mouth of the , an appar ently insignificant tributary , on the right bank . In the angle between the left bank of the Mukalli L and the ualaba there was a high range of hills , and here the rapids again began . After working up them for many hours we came to a specially if d ficult one called Nyangi . The fall here cannot be

- less than fifteen feet . A curious cone shaped rock , f about forty eet high , apparently of white quartz , juts out in the middle of the river , on both sides of which are enormous blocks of quartz , while on the ff left bank is a cli of quartz about ninety feet high .

We camped on an island , which seemed to be a solid block of quartz , with only scrubby grass NOTES 2 99

growing on it . This island is called Kitenge , after

the chief who owns it , and is about three miles long ,

a nd from half a mile to a mile wide .

lV e had great trouble with the natives here , and , after working all day to make an advance of three

quarters of a mile, Kitenge refused us food , and

was very ferocious . From our position on an island

r we should have sta ved , but that my men were

- fish 2 00 fortunate enough to catch a cat weighing lb .

f the We had further di ficulties when we left, for

chief would find us neither canoes nor men .

When at last we got started , we found the country

very thickly populated , the people turning out in

off thousands to see us . Kongolo , the great chief in this region , had apparently given orders that we were not to proceed . Our paddlers told us that it was impossible to mount the rapids , but , despite li the impossibi ty , we succeeded in persuading them ’ Kon olo s S to do so . g village was ituated at

of the head the rapids, where the river forms a

: pool , and looks almost like a lake here we were told that there were no more rapids , and that we could travel for three weeks or a month up the

Lualaba without finding any obstruction . I am sorry I could not verify this ; but it is probably not true .

for o We now paddled a c uple of days past islands , 30 0 TH E FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS

the stream running only about two knots an hour .

AS as l far we could see into the interior, vi lage followed village , the river banks being densely

out covered with people , brought by curiosity to see the white man . They were a fine race called

ambulus J , fairly well clad in native cloth , the hair of the men being arranged fantastically in various forms . Two splendid ranges of hills rose , one on each bank of the Lualaba those on the right bank

Muambo n are called , and those on the left ba k

Batetele Kaloni . As the people speak a bastard , which we could not understand , it is possible that these are not the names of the mountains at all , but only those of the chiefs of the districts . On the 3 l st we came to the mouths of the

Luku w a . g , hich form a delta The northern mouth is about thirty yards wide , the southern about eighty yards . The latter has a very rapid current . The

L Luku a o ualaba , at the confluence with the g , is ab ut 400 yards wide, and about half a mile higher must be nearly a mile wide. It runs in the direction 2 0 ° north west for several miles , and there is no

S L L ign whatever of ake anchi , which is marked on so many maps . The Lualaba runs from the mouth

' Luku a so strai ht that of the g southward , and is g ,

- and. except for a few palm tops , sky water touch at the horizon . As soon as we got into the

39 2 T H E FALL OF T H E CONGO ARABS told me that he sent his ivory to be sold at Tan f Six an ika u o . g y , a jo rney days

o o o of Mr . M hun here to k c mmand the expedi

e o t o o tion , and return d d wn the river Kas ngo .

L. S . H . I NDE X

Ba u a eo e 79 80 1 4 A l b , p pl , , , 8 , 9

An ti -s av r o iet 246 Banana town of 28 l e y S c y , , , Ban ala eo e 5 1 5 2 5 3 5 5 Arab attacks upon the State g , p pl , , , , Baso o a at 2 15 or es 1 43 1 44 k , c m , f c , , p Bason o eo e 2 Ar a o as 1 00 10 1 1 02 , l , 6 , 63 b b m , , , g p p ra a ex osion in 241 Batete a eo e 8 9 90 A b c mp , pl , l , p pl , , Bats 5 6 ra ortifi ations see Bo as , A b f c ( m ), Batwa d war eo e 82 , f p pl , Be ians 1 5 18 r a ha its 20 1 l , , , 6, A b b , g Be ians in L d eo o 1 1 . of 2 ra risoners 1 83 lg , l , 8 A b p , K g p B e ians ere tion of orts 1 ra s 1 3 2 1 6 l , c f by , 8 A b , 7, , g ’ Benabendi tradin - station of ra s a earan e of at anda , g , A b , pp c , N G , I I I 289 Bena Musua 23 2 233 23 5 243 ra at tan e Fa s 2 1 , A bs S l y ll , 5 , , , Bena Twiti M un f ra s t an zi ar 1 2 , o tains o 295 A b a Z b , , , Ben a Cor ora 1 1 2 1 1 ra s first en ounter wi th 1 1 3 , l , , 3 , 1 16 A b , c , g p Ber i n C n e s 2 1 ra s en ounter with at Ka l o r s , A b , c , g Boina Loisi Ara hie 2 1 son o Luakilla 1 33 1 3 4 , b c f, 5 g , , Bo a tow n f 2 A a s fli ht f n e , o , 9 r o ro ta m b , g , f m S l y Bo as ra 1 00 1 1 1 2 Fa s 2 1 6 m , A b, , 0 , 0 ll , Bo o ani es 1 2 1 2 ra ri sin at N an we 1 73 c m , 6 7 A b g y g , y p , B urton Sir Ri har ra so diers 24 , c d 4 A b l , , ’ rade - routes 3 Bwana Z i i 1 5 1 6 2 3 4 23 8 Arab t , , 7 , N g , , , , , r usur ation 1 8 A ab p , ieu enant 2 1 28 Au ustin L t , 7, 7 g , C

B Ca eron Co ander 4 1 1 65 m , mm , , B a o o 3 ag m y , u a ank uru water- eo e Canni a is 65 66 67 68 69 Bak b , S p pl , b l m, , , , , 1 1 8 1 1 9 124 13 1 13 5 1 75 70 , , , , , n Lieutenant 2 47 Baldwi , , g m I NDEX

Canni a s Ba u a 79 hanis Bar on Co andant b l , l b , D ( mm ), Canni a s Ban a a 5 2 5 3 5 4 at irundu 277 b l , g l , , , K , Canni a s Bason o 62 63 64 65 hanis Baron Co andant b l , g , , , , D , ( mm ), Canni a s Batete a 89 90 atta on an we 1 70 1 71 b l , l , , ck Ny g by , , Canoes native 70 71 2 5 2 hanis Baron Co andant , , , , D , ( mm ), aravan d es ri tion of 30 3 1 arriva at Lus a 3 C , c p , , , l un , 1 2 hanis Baron Co andant D , ( mm ), Caravan road 3 5 3 6 3 7 a ai n a ainst on o , , , c mp g g G g Cassar Lieutenant 1 40 1 42 1 43 Lutete 1 , , , , , by , 6 1 44 hanis Baron Co andant D , ( mm ), Cerk el er eant 95 1 1 1 1 42 onditions ad e ith his , S g , , , , c m w o fi ers f c by, 1 20 Cha tin Co andant 1 70 2 1 5 hanis Baron Co andant l , mm , , , D , ( mm ), ’ decision to attack Sefu s forces Chaudron n erna 0 of 1 46 I f l , 3 , C othin in tro i s 47 hanis Baron Co andant l g, p c , D , ( mm ), Co Ca tain 2 79 de eat of on o Lutete 8 ck, p , f G g by, 7 Co fee w i d in Con o Forest 29 1 hani s Baron Co andant f , l , g , D , ( mm ), Col et Ser eant 2 18 22 1 28 7 de eat of Rumaliza 225 l , g , , , f by, Co i non Ca tain 23 2 23 5 hanis Baron Co andant ll g , p , , , D , ( mm ), division of or s f ce by, 234 Con o Free tate 1 1 2 2 1 26 hani s Baron Co andant g S , , , , D , ( mm ), Con o River 4 1 2 27 29 en a ent o osite N an g , , , , c mpm pp y g f we o , 1 5 3 D hanis Baron Co andant D , ( mm ), the a Mr 4 eane te . Wa ter 1 6 23 D , l l , , escape during the taking of Debru ne Lieuten nt 1 02 y , a , 96, , ason o of 1 83 K g , hanis Baron Co andant D , ( mm ), Debru ne Lieutenant urder ’ y , , m interview with Sefu s envo y , f 1 2 o , 9 1 72 Debru ne Lie ten n y , u a t disinter hanis Baron Co andant , D , ( mm ), ent of od at ason o 1 85 ne m b y K g , j our y from Kasongo to Delcommune E x edition 93 l 28 an we of 206 p , , , Ny g , hanis Baron Co mandant D , ( m ), es a s Ca tain 61 8 24 “ ” c mp , p , , 7, 6 a es edi ine 1 3 7 D m k m c , Dhanis Baron , Commandant hanis Baron Co nd ( , a ant ) D , ( mm ), a o ition of hain ish b l c pun ment march against Mohara of b 46 y, an we 1 32 13 3 1 3 4 Ny g by, , , Dhanis Baron , ( Commandant hanis Baron Co andant ) D , ( mm ), ad van e a inst R m l c ga u a iza by new d eparture in caravan 2 1 8 trave in 3 1 ll g by ,

30 6 I ND EX

1 L ir H . 30 ohns ton S . J , H , Lan hi La e 249 268 300 un er Dr . 1 5 c , k , , , J k , , Lan e Li eutenant 2 1 8 220 232 g , , , , , K 246 abambari 23 4 2 3 5 238 239 K , , , , , Le er Lieu tenant 2 6 275 m y , , 3 , D Lenz r . 1 5 , , a inda 93 94 2 93 b , , , Leo o d La e 2 0 K p l k , 7 l mbi a River 295 Ka a j , Leo o dvi e 40 48 49 5 3 2 88 p l ll , , , , , natives 289 asai , Li erian hi o ota u s 5 8 K b pp p m , asai River 5 7 289 290 , , , , Li ens Co andant 96 K pp , mm , i River stations on 5 7 asa , , Li ens Co andant urder K pp , mm , m si a River 295 a m , of 1 29 K , s n o 1 1 2 1 2 1 7 2 1 8 a o , 6, 7, , , , , Li ens Co andant disinter K g pp , mm , 23 22 234 23 6 2 87 293 2 , 7, , , , , ent of od at ason o 1 85 m b y K g , 302 Li in s ne Dr 4 5 2 82 2 v to . 6 83 g , , , , , ason o a of 1 82 1 83 , , , fli ht f 2 4 2 5 g f ll Lo u sts o 0 0 K c , g , , ason o i e of State or es at K g , l f f c , Lo a i River 85 90 93 — m m , , , , 194 205 1 1 2 1 1 7 1 29 1 3 9 1 40 208 , , , , , ason o uxuries ound in town K g , l f , 1 84 Lotha ire Co andant Ma or , mm ( j ) ason o ar h on State , m c , by 2 16 240 241 2 42 243 245 K g , , , , , or es 1 80 1 8 1 f c , , son o urder of Li ens and a , m pp Lua a a River 5 6 1 1 1 5 4 1 5 5 K g l b , , , 7, , , D bru n e at 1 29 1 30 e y , , 1 68 1 71 1 88 2 13 248 2 68 , , , , , ason o ost one ent of atta g , p p m ck 28 7 294 295 296 299 3 00 K , , , , , on Co andant hanis , by mm , Lua a River 295 D m , 1 8 1 79 7 , Lu e u River 5 93 29 1 b f , , , ason o s oi s ound State , l f by Lu u u River 1 68 K g p f b , or es in 1 85 1 86 f c , , Lukalon a ra ids of 297 g , p , ason o surroundin distri s g , ct Lukassi River 293 K g , of 1 87 1 88 1 89 , , , Luk u a River 267 268 g , , , atan a 5 23 62 75 290 K g , , , , , , 2 92 Luk u a River outh of 300 g , m , i un i Chie 247 2 8 2 b , f, , 7 , 79 Lu un u 3 8 K g k g , iten e Chie 299 g , f, Lu indi River 294 2 5 K l , , 9 iten e vi a e of 299 g , ll g , Lu un u Chie 1 8 75 8 1 82 K p g , f, , , , , i rundu 2 7 278 279 , 7 , , 93 94 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 4 1 24 1 28 K , , , , , , o oni Chie 96 1 12 ol m , f, , Lurimbi River 9 K , 7 o o oni vi a e of 94 95 l m , ll g , , Lusa o 2 9 3 8 60 2 3 5 K mb , , , , 7 , 7 , 7 , on o o Chie 299 K g l , f, on o o vi a e of 299 Lusuna 1 23 1 24 1 28 K g l , ll g , , , , I NDEX 30 7

M an we att e y g , b l with Arabs in N , Ma e a 7 86 8 7 1 74 l l , , , an we e etin Man an a arriers 288 y g , m between y g c , N g Man e a ountr 4 5 7 21 Stanley and Ti u Tib at 1 2 y m c y, , , , pp , an we ruined onditi Man e a eo e anni a is y g , c on of 1 80 y m p pl , c b l m N , N ’Zi i Bw of 1 2 1 8 , ana 1 5 1 6 23 4 23 8 , 8 , 3 g , , , , , Man e a ountr 282 y m c y, Man e a orters 288 y m p , 0

Marria e a on st natives 8 1 “ g m g , Ou an i River 6 b g , 7 Matadi 4 29 3 0 288 , , , , ’ ’ M Bulli or M Burri 271 30 1 P , , ’ ’ M Bulli s vi a e 2 87 ania Mutu a Chie 78 ll g , P mb , f, Mi haux Ca tain 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 23 ania Mutu a vi a e of 71 c , p , , , P mb , ll g , , 1 32 1 3 3 1 41 1 42 146 1 4 291 , , , , , 7 Dr ar . 28 P k, , e a is and of 2 3 Midda h Lieutenant 23 6 mb , l , , g , , P Ponthier Co andant 2 16 Miserera A ra hi e 1 68 2 1 5 , mm , 2 18 , b c f, , , , ,

Moha edan re i ion in onne ortu uese 2 mm l g , c c P g , tion with anni a is 1 25 resid ent Mount 296 297 c b l m, P , , , Mohara of an we 1 30 1 3 1 risons 46 Ny g , , , P , i es 82 83 84 8 5 Pygm , , , , i . S . o er a Mohun Mr . U , , c mm c l R a ent 236 23 9 247 25 0 25 1 g , , , , , , Ras hi d A ra hie 1 5 2 1 2 1 6 c , b c f, , , ,

Mono ia o 79 8 1 l , , K Rats 2 2 ’ , 6 M Tok a ra ids of 295 , p , Ri a Ri a 2 1 5 236 276 b b , , , Muk alli River 2 8 , 9 Rom Ca tain 23 2 23 5 244 , p , , , Mus at Ara s ro 2 c , b f m, Rue Lieutenant 2 76 , , Mwana M wan a 227 23 1 23 2 k g , , , , Rumaliza 2 1 4 2 1 6 2 1 8 222 , , , , 223 224 225 23 1 234 23 5 N , , , , , ’ N Ganda 85 8 8 0 91 92 , , 6, 7, 9 , , , S

an i ra ids of 264 298 aid -ben- a- Bedi 18 1 247 279 Ny g , p , , S , , , an we 4 5 6 7 1 1 1 3 1 89 a t d e rivation of 1 23 Ny g , , , , , , , , S l , p , a distri t 1 5 1 S lt c , an we arri va of tate or es an uru River 5 29 5 7 5 8 270 Ny g , l S f c S k , , , , herlink Lieutenant 94 95 Sc , , , , an we atta u on tate 99 1 07 1 13 1 1 7 1 1 9 1 3 4 Ny g , ck p , by S , , , , , , or es 1 0 1 1 I 42 1 69 1 8 1 1 86 f c , 7 , 7 , , , 30 8 I NDEX

e u 1 2 1 9 8 96 9 9 1 03 S f , , , 7 , 7, 9 , , , 1 29 10 7 108 1 10 1 1 6 1 1 7 , i i 4 7 2 14 226 , , , , , Uj j , , , , 1 30 1 40 1 47 1 48 1 49 1 68 ers aused throu h de riva , , , , , , Ulc , c g p tion of sa t 45 l , Si i Fa s of 296 mb , ll , Si i Mountains 296 V mb , S aves 8 1 4 a ination e fe ts of a on st l , , V cc , f c , m g S ave-trade 3 natives 1 76 1 7 l , , , 7 al ox e ide i 1 76 1 7 V an Lint Lieutenant 2 1 5 Sm lp p m c, , 7 , , S e e Ca tain 4 V an Rie Ser eant 21 8 p k , p , l, g , tairs E x edition 93 S p , W Mr 4 8 1 2 1 3 Stan e . M. l y, . H , , , , , Wa inia ater - eo e 1 5 1 5 8 1 4 1 6 65 93 1 1 6 1 9 234 , w l , 7, , , , , , , 7 , , g p p

Wau abillio ra e 25 9 29 tan e Fa s 5 1 4 23 27 j , c , , 7 S l y ll , , , , Wau abilli o rvin of 260 St nle Fa s fli h f r s , a , a t o A a j c g y ll , g b Winton Sir Fran is de 2 0 ro 2 16 , c , 7 f m, Wiss ann Dr 13 5 122 2 2 Stanle oo 4 7 23 27 40 m , . , , 6 , , 9 , y P l, , , , , Su erstitions native 1 8 1 9 293 p , , 9 , 9 , Wit h d o tor 1 200 c c , 08 ’ Wouters Cheva ier d li nter Su tan of anzi ar 1 4 , l O l Z b , p de 0 2 1 1 wa s 1 23 1 24 , 6 , 70 , 7 , 1 , 11 20 , S mp , , 1 3 4 1 41 1 42 1 44 1 3 1 4 , , , , 6 , 6 , T 1 65 1 80 1 89 1 90 191 1 92 , , , , , , a ora 4 1 3 1 93 222 223 224 227 228 T b , , , , , , , , an an i a La e 24 26 270 230 23 1 23 5 23 6 23 7 23 8 T g y k , k , , , , , , , , , ,

Tho son the ate Mr ose h m , l . , J p Z

Ti u Tib 7 8 9 10 1 1 1 2 1 3 anzi ar 2 8 9 1 3 1 5 16 pp , , , , , , , , Z b , , , , , , ,

2 1 93 , Tobback Ca tain 2 15 anzi ar Ara s ro 1 2 , p , Z b , b f m, , rade routes 3 1 5 anzi ar Ara entre at l 2 8 T , , 7, Z b , b c , , , ro i a orest des ri tion of a anzi ar British Consu at 1 4 T p c l f , c p , Z b , l , 5 6 anzi ar Su tan of 1 4 7 , 7 , 77 Z b , l , T o Mountains the 292 anzi ar Treat of 93 1 7 w , , Z b , y , , 1

6 NOV EMBE R 1 89 . T H U ’ M E S S R S . M E E N S

A N N O U N C E M E N T S

P o e t r y RUDYARD KIPLING

S S S R YAR D I PLI N G . Cr ow n 80 0 . T H E E V E N E A . By U D K

- i a d r D em 80 0 . 2 1 5 . 1 5 0 C op es on h nd ma e p ape . y

i D em 80 0 . 2 5 . 30 cop es o n J apanese pa per. y 4 ‘ ’ ion t at t is The enormou s s uccess of B a rrack R oom B alla ds j ustifie s t he e xpe ctat h h vo ume so o n ost one d w i a ve a n e ua if not a re ate r s uccess . l , l g p p , ll h q l, g ,

GEORGE WYNDHAM

’ ith an ntrod u tion and S HA E SPE A R P S . di d w K E S OE M E te , I c

ot O N r w n 80 0 . 5 . 6d . es G E R G E Y D HA M M . P . C o N , by W , 3

H EY W E . ENL .

E Y . E N G S H R C S e e cte d and E dite d W. E . E N L LI LY I . S l by H

C rown 80 0 . B u ohm m.

lso 1 Co ies on a anese a er D ew 80 0 2 2 1 . A 5 p J p p p . y 75 , he one Fe w a nnounce me nts will b e m ore w e lcom e t o lo ve rs of E ngl i sh vers e th an t t H e n e Is b n o e boo t he fi ne st l rIcs In o ur ha t M r . l y ringi g t o ge t h e r int o n k y ‘ a n ua T h e vo um e i be ro d u ce d w it the s ame care t at mad e L r a l g ge . l W ll p h h y ’ H e r 1 t 0 ca d e li gh fu l t o the ha nd a nd ey e .

‘ ’ ‘ P OE S B LL B uthor Of reen B a s M AND A ADS . y Q , A G y ,

e tc. Cr wn 0 oh d o 8 0 . B u m m. 3s. 6 .

H st o r B o ra and T rave i y , i g phy , l CAPTAI N HINDE

T H E F LL OF T H B B S ID NEY L. A E C O N G O A R A S . y

I ND E . With Po rtra i D em 80 0 . 1 2 3 . 6d . H ts and Plans . y is v th e e r C on o w ic Th o lu me d e a ls w it h the re ce nt B e lgian E xpe ditio n to U pp g , h h - ide rs in d e ve lo pe d into a w a r b e twe e n t he Sta te fo rce s an d the Ara b s la ve ra ’ r m the t re e e a rs war C e ntr a l A frica . T w o w h i te m e n o n ly re turne d a live f o h y rin the C o mma nd a nt D a nis a nd th e w ri te r f t i s bo o C a t a in H i nd e . D u h o h k , p g mo n st g re a te r pa r t o f t h e t ime s pe nt by C a pta in H ind e in t he C o ngo h e w a s a g e c a nniba ra ce s in i t t e - no w n r e ions a nd ow in t o t he e cu iar circu msta nc s l l l k g , , g p l o f hIS ositio n w a s e na b e d ive istor s own t o fe w E u ro ea ns p , l to s e e a sid e o f nat h y h p T he w ar t e rmina t d in f t he A ra b s s e ve nt t ousand o f e th e compl e te d e fe at o , y h w om e ri s e d d uri n th e s tru h p h g ggle . ’ MESSRS. METHUE N S ANNOUNCEMENTS

S . BARING GOULD H L FE OF N T E A PO E ON B O R B . AR I N I L NAPA TE . y S B G LD With o v r GOU . e 45 0 I llustrations in the Text and 1 3 Photo

r v r P t . La r e u a rt a u e a es o. 65 g l g q 3 .

This s tu dy of the most e xtra ord ina r y life in hist ory is w ritte n ra ther for the gene ra l r e a d e r t a n fo r the mi ita r s t ud e nt a nd w i e w in t he a in i ne f h l y , h l fo llo g m l s o ' N a o e on s care e r is conce rne d c ie w it the d e ve o me nt f h a rac e r a n p l , h fly h l p o is ch t d hi — s personal qua l i tie s. Spe cia l s t ress is l a id o n his e ar ly life the period in which his mind a nd c a ract e r t oo t e ir de nite s a e a n d ir ti h k h fi h p d ec on. The r e a t e a tur e of the b oo is its w e a t o f u T e re a re ve r 0 g f k l h ill stra tion . h o 45 i u s tra tions a r e a nd s ma in the t e t a nd t e re a re s mo re t an a o e n ll , l g ll , x , h a l o h d z ' a e ra vur E ver im orta nt inci e fu ll p g photog es . y p d nt o f N a pol e on s career has its i u st ra t i on w i e t e re a re a ar e number of ortra its of his conte m oraries ll , h l h l g p p , re rod uctions of a mou s icture s of conte m orar caricat ures of his a nd wr itin p f p , p y , h g,

e tc . e tc . I t is no t too much to s ay tha t no such magnificent book on N a poleon has e ver be e n publish e d . V ICTOR HUGO

T HE LE TTE R S OF VI C TOR H U G O . Translate d fro m the m " F ren h F LA R KE M A . I n Tw o l C . Vo ume5 . D e 80 0 . c by . , )

- d a r/z. 1 1 . 1 0 5 . 6 . e 8 5 35 This is th e first vo l ume o f one of the most intere sting a nd importa nt co lle ctio n o f ' is e n T he orre s ond en a te ro m ic t r H u o s le tte rs e ve r publ h d in F ra ce . c p ce d s f V o g

bo ood t o his d ea t a nd none of the ette rs a ve be e n ub is e d be ore . T he yh h , l h p l h f n e me nt is c ie c rono o ica bu t w e r e t ere is a n int e restin set o f arra g h fly h l g l , h h g a he t vo e ntains tte rs t o o ne e rson t ese a re r ra n e d to e t e r . T rs um co l e p h g g h fi l , a mon ot e rs 1 Le tte rs t o his a t er 2 t o his o un wi e to his con essor g h , ( ) f h ( ) y g f ( 3) f , La me nna is ; ( 4) a ve ry important s e t of a bout fifty let te rs to Sainte -Be uve ; ( 5 ) le tters about his e arly books a nd pla ys .

J M RI G . . G

E LM F C E R B R A C HAPTE R I N T H E ST . ANS O ANT U Y : ’ M R G f Lin o n s Inn H IST O RY F R E L G ON . B . G o O . I I y J I , c l , - - m 5 . 601. Barrister at Law . D e y 80 0 . 7

This work give s fo r the first time in mod e ra te compass a comple te po rtra it o f St . A n m e ibitin him in his intima t e a nd inte ri or as w e a s in his u b ic i e . se l , xh g ll p l l f w i e the re a e e sias tico - o i tica s tru e in w ic he a e d so ro mine nt T hu s , h l g t ccl p l l ggl h h pl y p a a rt is u d e a t w it u nusua ro mine nce is ive n t o t he ro o und a nd s ubt e p f lly l h , l p g p f l specul a tio ns by w hich he pe rma nent ly infl ue nce d th e o logica l a nd me ta physi ca l t hought ; while it will b e a sur prise to most re a d e rs to find him a lso a ppe a ri ng as the a ut hor of s ome o f the m o st e xqu isite re ligiou s po e try in t he La tin la ngua ge .

EDWAR D GIBBON

T H E D E C LIN E A N D FALL OF T HE R OMAN E MPI R E .

B E DWA RD BBON . N ew E ditio n edited with otes y GI A , N , M F l w of rinit endi es and Ma s . B . B U R . A . e o App c , p by J Y, , l T y d 85 . 6 . C o le e u in. I n Sw en Volu mes. D em 80 0 ilt to . l g , D bl y , g p

each . Cr own 80 0 . 65 . ear/z. Vol. I ] . ’ ME R ME UE O SS S . TH N S ANN UNCEMENTS

W M . FLINDERS PETRIE .

OR OF E FR OM T H E E AR L E ST ME S T O A H IST Y GYPT, I TI i e d W M F L NDE RS P R T H E PR E SE NT D AY . Ed t b . . ET E y I I ,

LL. D . Professor of E tolo at nive rsit Colle e F ull , gyp gy U y g . y

x mes . Cr w n 0 65 . each . 1 llu5 tr a ted. [ n S i Volu o 8 0 .

- V V W M . F . PET R E . V ol X . X . NA ST E S. . . II . II III DY I I A history w ritte n in the s pirit of scie ntific pre cision so wor thily re pre sente d by D r . P e trie a nd h i s sc o o ca nno t b u t ro mote sound a nd a ccur a te s tud a nd su a h l p y , pply ’

T . va ca nt pl a ce i n the E nglis h li te ra ture of E g ypto l ogy . u nes

WELLS J.

R . L M A F e o w ME B WE LS . . OR O OF R O . A SH T HIST Y y J , , ll

Wa ham I it r w n 80 0 . and utor of d CO L Oxford . W h M a s. C o T , 4 p

5 6d . 0 . 3 . 35 pp

T his book is inte nde d for the M idd le a nd U pper Forms o f P ublic Schoo ls and for

P as s Students a t the U nive rsitie s . I t contains co ious T a b es e tc . p l ,

H . DE B . GIBBINS B E NG LISH INDUSTRY : H ISTOR I CAL OUTLIN E S . y d M 1 0 5 . 6 P . 0 . E B . BB N S . . W m . D M A ith a s . D e 80 0 . H . GI I , 5 p y p 45

' T his book is wr itte n w ith th e V ie w o f afi ording a cle ar V ie w of the ma in facts o f n in E nglis h So cia l and I nd us tria l H istory pla ce d in d u e pe rs pe ct ive . B e gi n g i t re is tor ic t im es it a ss es in re vi e w t he ro wt a nd a d vance o f ind ustr W h p h , p g h y u t o t he nine te e nt ce ntur s o win its ra dua d eve o me nt and ro re ss . p h y , h g g l l p p g Th e a uthor h as e nd ea voured to place b e fore his re a de rs the history of ind u stry a as a conne cte d w ho le in w hich a ll t hes e d e ve lopme nts h ave t he ir pro per pl ce . T he b o o is i us tra te d b M a s D ia r ams and T a b es a nd a id e d b co ious k ll y p , g , l , y p Footnote s .

MRS . OLIPHANT

TH OMAS C HALME R S . By Mrs . OLI P HANT . l r n . 6d . ea d r R i on . C ow 80 0 35 . [L e 5 of e ig

N aval and Military DAV ID HANNAY

OR OR OF T H E R O L FR OM A SH T H I ST Y YA NAVY,

M D AN NA . E ARLY TI ES T O T HE PR ESE NT D AY . By DAVI H Y

I llu str a ted . D em 0 1 5 . y 8 0 . 5

T is boo a ims a t ivin an a t n f e tin we ave d o ne at se a h k g g ccl un not o ly o th figh g h , but o f the row t of the s er vi ce o f t he art th e N av has a e d in t he d e ve o g h , p y pl y l p ment o f t h e E m ire h e nd e avour e d to a void a nd o f its inne r i e . The a u t or as p , l f h — t he mista ke of sacr ificing the e a r lie r pe riod s o f nava l history the ve ry inte re sting w ars w it H o a nd in t he seve nte e nt ce nt ur for insta nce o r the erica n h ll — h y , , - W f 1 1 8 t a ra nce . ar o 779 7 3 o the la te r struggle w ith R evolutionary and I mperi l

’ ME E N O NCEME ME SSRS . THU N S AN U NTS

G e ne ra l Lit e ratu re AN R WS C. P. D E T H E L B O R E C H R ISTIANITY AND A U Q U STI ON . By

F NDR EWS B . A . Cr own 80 0 . 2 5 . 6d . C . . A ,

R . E . STEEL

M E LE C R C . B R E LL MAGNE TIS AND T I ITY y . I OTT With llustrations. Crow n 8 M A . F . C . . 0 0 . 5 T E E L . . d . S , , S I 4 6

WES DICKI N N G . LO SO

E W OF L F E . B T HE R E E . L. C N SON G K VI I y G D , ’ I KI mbri . r w f Kin s Colle e C a d e C o n 80 0 . 2 5 F ellow o g g , g . ' ' Un z0 er szt E x tension S e [ y ri es .

J . A HOBSON . L M OF T H E E M L E R OB E O . B T HE . P UN P Y D y J . A ’ hor o f T he Pro em f Pov r OBSON B . A . ut s o e t . Cr ow n 80 0 . H , , A bl y

6d . Soci a l u estion 2 s . [ Q s Ser i es .

S . E. BALLY MME R C L C OR R E E E R M C O O CE . B G AN IA SP ND N y S . E BALL ssistant Master at the Man hester rammar cho o l . Y , A c G S . r own 80 0 . 2 5 . 6d . Comm ci a C [ er l S eri es .

L. P. PRICE

B L F . R E M A F M C E . . C e o w E C O O . of Orie N I SSAYS y P I , . , ll l ol e e Ox ord . Cr ow n 80 0 . 65 . C l g , f This book consists of a number of Studie s in E conomics and I ndustrial and Social s P roblem .

F i c t i o n MAR IE COR E LLI ’S R OM A N CES FI RST COM PLET E AN D U N IFORM E D IT ION

a r e r 6s . L g c ow n 80 0 . R M E T HU E N be to a nno unce tha t th e have co mmenced th ME SS S . g y e pub ’ lication Of a N ew a nd U niform E d ition of M A R E COR E LLI S R omances I . i E d ition is revi sed b th e Auth or a n conta ins new Prefa T h s y , d ces . T he volumes are being issued at sh ort interva ls in th e fo llowing or d er M R E OF T W W R . 2 . E E 1 . O C O O L A AN DS V ND TTA . M E L . R . 3 . TH A 4. A DATH T HE O L W OF L L . 6 W R M OO . 5 . S U I ITH . O D

B B . B R . T H R R 8 . E O OW OF 7 . A A AS S S SATAN ’ E R ME E M SS S . THU N S ANNOUNCE ME NTS

BARING GOULD M OR LL R O . B B A R . N G OU LD . Cr . y 80 0 . 65 DA T I DY S S I G . T HE E R B B A R . y . N G OU LD uthor of GUAVAS TINN S I G , A ‘ ’ ‘ ’ M eh alah The Broom uire e , tc. l ustrated . Cr ow n Sq , I l 80 0 . 65 . T E PE N N Y C OM E U I H C K . B S . B AR N G OU LD Q y S I G .

i . n N ew E dit on Cr ow 80 0 . 65 .

’ A new edition uni orm w it the A u t or s ot er n , f h h h ovels .

LUCAS MALET

H E C R M B L A M A L T . U C S E T utho r of A ISSI A y , A The Wag e s o f ’

in w n . 65 S , e tc . Cr o 80 0 .

T is i s the r st nove a s a e ha ‘ h fi l which Luc M l t s wr itt en s ince her ve ry pow e r fu l T he ’ Wa ges of Sin. ARTHUR MORR ISON

C L OF T H E O . B R T H U R MOR R SON u A HI D JAG y A I . A tho r M ’ f ean tre ts . Cr ow n f a es o e 80 0 . 5 o T l S 6 .

T is the rst o n s tor w ic M r M orris on has w ritte n is h , fi l g y h h , like his re ma rka bl e ’ a e f Me a n t re e ts a re a is ti c st ud of E ast E n i e T s O S d . l , l y l f

W. E NORRIS . B E ‘ ‘ W. . R R C L R F R O . y O S utho r o f The A ISSA U I SA N I , A ’ R o ue etc. Cr ow n 80 0 . 65 . g ,

L. COPE CORNFORD

C OB : R OM C E OF W ME CAPTAIN JA US A AN H IGH AY N .

ll r P E C RN FOR D . ustrated . Cr ow n 80 . O . By L. CO O I 0

J LOUNDELLE BURTON . B

N U N C E D . B B LOU N D E LLE B U R TON utho r of In D E O y J . A ’

f d v rsit tc . Cr ow n 80 0 . 65 . the D ay o A e y, e

J MACLAREN COBBAN . B W M " M . C BBAN W L O E O . O I T TH U HAV THIS AN y J , ’

m a C r ow n 80 0 . 65 . Auth or of The King of And a n.

J F BREWER . .

65 . W R n 80 0 . . B R E Cr ow L R B F . E . T HE SPE C U ATO S . y J

A . BALFOUR

wn R F R B N D R E W B ALFOU R . Cr o BY ST O KE O SWO D . y A

80 0 . 6s . ’ ME R ME E SS S . THU N S ANNOUNC E ME NTS

M. A . OWEN

T HE E R OF LO E E . B MA R W O E N . DAU GHT A U TT y Y A .

Cr own 80 0 . 6s .

a n nd a A s tory of life a mong the A meric I i ns . RONALD ROSS

T HE R OF OR M . B R ON A LD R oss uthor o f SPI IT ST y , A ’ The Child o f Ocean. Cr ow n 80 0 . 65 .

A romance of t he Sea .

J. A BARRY .

T H E R E E E : ALE S OF T H E SE A . B IN G AT D P T y J . A . ‘ ’ ’ BA R R . uthor of te ve Brown s Bun i Cr w . o n 80 0 . 65 Y A S y p . JAMES GORDON

T H E LL E T H E OC OR . B AME S OR D N VI AG AND D T y J G O .

BERTRAM MITFORD

OF T HE E R B B E RTR AM HE . M T F . T SIGN SPI D y I ORD '

r w n 5 . 6a . C o 80 0 . 3

A s tory of South Afr ica .

A . SHIELD B H D HE RE OF WA N DA LE S E L . T . Cr own 80 0 S QU I y A . S I . d 35 . 6 . W STEEV EN G . . S

M OLO E OF T H E E . B . W. STE EV ON GU S D AD y G E N S . a 5 F oolsc p 80 0 . 3 . — A s eri es of So i o ui es in w ic a mous me n o f a nti u it u ius Caes a r N e ro l l q h h f q y J l , , m t t e ress t e ms e ve s n e m es f A cibia des e tc . a tte o i th od o t o u t a nd l , , p xp h l h gh an u -da l g a ge o f t o y .

S . GORDON E B R DON F L OF O C . . O . Cr ow n 80 A HAND U X TI S y S G 0 . 5 d 3 . 6 .

A volum e of stories of Je wis h life in R us sia .

80 5 T HE R B R MAN N Cr ow n 0 . . 6 L E . . U d . SUPP ANT y P N . 3

EVELYN DICKINSON

O L N N . T HE F E L B E V E C N SO Cr own 80 0 . SIN ANG S . y Y DI KI 5 6d 3 . .

H . A . KENNEDY MAN W B L E L E B E N N ED A ITH AC K E Y ASH S . y H . A . K Y. 5 6d Cr own 80 0 . 3 . .

’ ME R ME E L T SS S . THU N S IS

B R . ra a b E N R BSE N . rans a d Ibsen. AND A D m y H IK I T l te by N S c nd E dit n M W LSO . e o io . C r w n 80 0 . W LL A o 5 . d I I I 3 6 . ‘ “ he re ate st wor d - oe m o f the nine e e nt ce ntur ne t to F u T g l p h x a st . I t is in ” t ” y the s a me s e t i t A a m emno n i t Le ar Wi t the i tera ture t at w w W h g , W—h , h l h e no ard a s i a nd o . D a zl Cli r oni l instinctive ly re g h gh h ly y c e.

” “ ” E R E T O OR E R . B . . Cr 80 0 G . . 2 5 A . . 6d . . V S S D y A G

net.

A ma vo um e of ve rse b a wr ite r w o se initia s a re we nown to O ord m s ll l y h l ll k xf en. ‘ m T ese A ca pi t a l Specime n of ligh t acad e ic poe try . h ve rs e s are ve ry bright a nd ' — ’ m s s e n a in e as a nd suffime ntl witt . S i . a e Ga ette. g g g , y y y j z H E B R Lau hrid e. B LL OF T E : oe s o f F. g g A ADS AV P m hivalr Enter rise Coura e and Constan rom the E arl C y , p , g , cy, f iest

imes to the Present D a . E dited with otes R ev. F LANG T y , N , by .

r m. 5 6d. c ol d t B R DG E . Cr own 80 0 . B u ck a . S ko E i ion . 2 s 6d I 3 . . ‘ T e se d A ve ry ha ppy conce ption ha ppily car rie d o ut . h Ba lla s o f the B ra ve a re 0 ’ int e nd e d to s uit the re a tast e s o f bo s a nd i sni t the tas te of the r e a t ma r l y , W ll g o ity . . ’ j f s e nd ' T he bo o i s u o id t n W r . k f ll pl hi gs . o ld M R and rai i e . T H E OE OF OBE R B R Lang C g P S T U NS .

D W LA NG and W. . C RA G E Edited b A N R E . With Por ra y A I I t it.

0 ilt to . 6s . D emy 80 , g p T is e dit ion conta ins a care u co a te d T e t num e ro u s N otes critica and te tua h f lly ll x , , l x l ,

riti a a nd bio ra ica ntroduc tion a nd a G ossa r . a c c l g ph l , l y I ’ m n the e ditions i n one vo u me M r . A nd re w Lan s wi ta A o g l , g ll ke the pla ce of ’ Tim es . a u thor ity . T o th e e nera ub ic the be au t o f its t e a nd the a ir ro or tions of its a e s as g l p l y yp , f p p p g , w e a s the e ce e nt c r ono o ica a rra n e me nt of t he o ems s ou d ma ll x ll h l g l g p , h l ke

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lz. ls r w n 6d . ea c A o c o 8va. 6s . ac/z 8s. e . Vol. I .

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E XV I V ol. . PR E H ST OR C M S T O . NAST . W. M F I T D . . I I d I Y Y P etrie . Second E ition .

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F M E D UE L L 0 . Brownin . OR OR O V A g A SH T H IST Y ITA Y, ’ - R F Kin s . B ROWN NG ellow nd uto f A D . 1 2 0 1 0 . B OSC A a r o 5 5 3 y I , T g l ambr . ec nd E dition . I n Tw o lum s . Crow n Co lege , C idg e S o Vo e

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m s . 6d . o th er llustrations . S econd E d iti n r ow n 8va. B u chr a . I o . C 7 T he V a ilima Le tters ar e r ich in a ll the varie tie s o f t ha t cha rm w hich h a ve s e cure d “ fo r S te ve nso n t h e a ff e ct i o n o f ma n o t er be sid e s urna is ts e ow -no ve ists y h s o l , f ll l , " j b The T . a nd o ys . zm es “ Fe w publi ca tio ns h a ve in o u r t im e be e n mo re e a ge r ly a w a ite d t h an th e se V a ilima ” Le tte rs i v in t he rs t r uit s o f t he corre s o nde nce o f R obe r t Lo u is Ste venso n. , g g fi f p Bu t i a s t he tid e o f e e cta tio n ha s run no re a d e r can ossib be disa o int ed , h gh xp , p ly pp i '— ’ n the re s u t . S t . a m s l j e s Ga zette. T e F or the s t ud e nt o f E nglis h lit e ra t u re t h e s e l e t te rs ind e e d ar e a tre asur e . h y ’ ’ a—re more l i ke Sco t t s Jo urna l in kind t h an a ny oth e r l i te ra ry a u tobio gra phy . N a tiona l 0 6ser ver . E . W T H E E OR P . o e L F OF S IR F R E E R C J yc . I D I K G E L Y B nd llustra W. E rt i a OUS E . F O C M . A With Po ra ts y . J Y , . I

tions . C r ow n a 8v . 7s . 6d .

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R E S . Barin G ou OR C O E g ld . H IST I DDITI S AND ST ANG

LD Thi rd E dition . Cr own 8va. 6s . E T B . B A R NG OU . V EN S . y S I G d e i t u A colle ction of e xciting and e nte rtaining ch apters . T he Who le vol ume is l gh f l

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ST IT I AR N G OULD . Cr ow n ON . With llustrations B B S I . y S . I G 8 v c a. S e ond E dition . 6s .

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C E . B . B A R N G OU LD JA Q U TTA y S I G . T O B MAR A R T B E C . G E B E N N SU J T VANITY y SO . F R MAR T H E MO E . B AUNT VING ING y Y G .

R E LO R . B . E AR E . JAC O T A y J H . P C ME R M ’ SS S . ETHUE N S LIST

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LO LL O . B LE SL E E TH A ST I USI N y I K I . R E E R E G E N T LE MA N M . B C B N . O BA . A V ND y J . E LOR B LE F F R B E . W. OR R A D P A A AI y . N I S. C L E R ’ A D Y L E . B M r s . E R A AVA I S y DI C K .

H A L F - C R O W N N O V E L S

A S er ies o N ovels b o ula r A u t r f y p p ho s. H I . OV E N D E N MABE V . C . B F . L R OB N SON , y I . 2 E L ’ R C L E . B M . . AN V LLE FE N N I S HI D N y G I .

. O B LE O B MAN V L . . LE F E N N 3 A D U KN T y G I . R ME B M . B E T H A M E D . WAR D 4 D ISA D . y S. M R R E E . S A . B W. C LA R R USSELL 5 A A IAG AT y K . ‘ 6. E B LOW B th h I N T NT AND UNGA . y e Aut or o f lndian d l ’ I yl s . B ‘ MY E R . M W E . E . U E N 7 ST A DSH I P y Q GRAY . ’

8 . C F E R . B W E . OR R S JA K S ATH y . N I .

IM B . 9 . J

Lint on T H E R E Lynn . T U H ISTORY OF J OSHUA DAVID SON Christian a nd omm n ’ ‘ B E . L N N I NI N . E l enth , C u ist. y L O ev 8 Y E dition . P ost va. I s .

Bo o ks fo r Bo ys and G irl s 6 - l 3 A Ser ies o B o bs b w e hn w n A uthor s well i l u str a ted. f o y ll o , T H ’ B N I . E CE L R B . A R LD WO . G OU . I AND E R S S D y S I G

2 T WO L L L . B E D TH . ITT E C HI D R E N AND C H ING y I E . C UT H E LL . ME E ’ L MESSR S. THU N S IST

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WOOD .

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B E L ON Or T he B o who wou d not o to S ea 7 . SYD T , y l g .

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series of ook s on historical literar and scientifi sub e cts A b , y, c j , suitable i n ud nts and ho m -r din cir l E a h vo um for e xtens o st e e ea g c es . c l e is com lete in itsel and th e sub ects are treated b om eten ri p f, j y c p t w ters in a i s iri broad and phil o soph c p t . M M A Edited b . E . E . . y J SY S, , Prin i al of niversit Col e e ottin ham c p U y l g , N g . Cr ow va P r ice w ith some ex ce ti ns s o 6d . n 8 . ( p ) a .

HE R L OR OF E L . B DE T INDU ST IA H IST Y NG AND y H . M la Wa d am ll B . B B N S . A . te cholar o f h Co e e Oxon. Cobden GI I , , S g , , Priz man F ou r th E dition Wi th M a s a nd P la ns s . e . . p . 3 ‘ a a nd e a r s to ur d ustria l d e ve me nt A d nc A co mp ct cl ry o f o n lo p . s tu y Of this co ise b ut lumino us boo k ca nno t fa il to give t he re a d e r a c le ar ins ight into the principa l f u r in u i T he e ditor a nd ub i s e rs a re e c n r a t phe no me na o o d stria l h story . p l h to b o g ula ted on t is rs t v o ume o f t eir ve nt ure a nd w e s a oo wit e e cta nt h fi l h , h ll l k h xp ’

fo r he s ucce edin o ume s o f th r s . Un iv r it E ns i n a l int e re st t g v l e se ie e s y x te o j ou r n .

’ R ME E L ME SS S. THU N S IST

So c ial Q i e stio ns o f T o - day

D B M . Edited . E . BB . by H GI INS , A

m as 6d . Cr own 87 . .

of vo umes u on th ose to i s of so ia e onomi A series l p p c c l, c c, and ind ustrial interest that a re at the present m oment fore i nd E ach volume o f the rie m o st in the publ c mi . se s is w ritten by an author who is a n a ck nowledged autho rity upon the subject with which

he d eals.

Thef ollowing Volu mes of the Ser i es a r e r eady M— W LD R E O N E O . B T A I IS A G . OWE LL D UN N ND y H , ’ e nfl utho r o f Th C o icts o f Ca ital and Labour . S econd E d t A p i ion .

T H E C O - O E R E MO E ME T O - B P ATIV V NT DAY y G . J . ‘ ’ KE uthor o f T he is o r o f - OL OA t C o o erati on. S ec d H Y , A H y p on E dition .

F R M F B R ev . W M L R . . O E L NSON M A UTUA TH I T y J , . . , ’ I KI r o f The F riendl o ciet M ovement Autho y S y . PR OB LE M S OF P OVE R TY : A n I nquiry into the I ndustrial

C onditions o f the P oor. B . . OBSON M . A . Thir d E diti n y J A H , o . F MM R E O O . B F T H E CO E C C . . B ASTABLE NATI NS y , f or f i rinit o l i M Pro ess o E onom s at C e e u l n. A . . , c c T y l g , D b W L . B W. . N S B A . T HE L E O . ecre tar A I N INVASI N y H I KI , , S y to the ociet for Preventin the mmi ration of estitute iens S y g I g D Al .

T HE R R L E O B . N DE R SON R AHAM . U A X DU S . y P A G Z B AR LD x B L O L O . O Co . A AND NATI NA I ATI N y H , . B D . B W R . E . BB A SH OR TE R O KIN G DAY y H GI IN S n R k ffi a d . . AD F E LD of the ecla Wor s he e d A H I , H , S l . BAC K T O T H E LAND : An I nquiry into the Cure for R ural

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MA N N .

T H E O OF T H E WOR C L E B H U SING KING ASS S . y R . F B OWMA KE R . . MOD E R N C IVI LI SATI ON I N S OME OF ITS E C ON OM I C W N PEC . B . U N N G H A M C D . D . Fe AS TS y , , ll o w o f Trinity Co ll e e g , d I Camb ri ge .

C lassic al T ranslatio ns M F Edited b . F . FOX . A . e low and to f y H , , l Tu r o Brasenose Colle e o r g , Oxf d .

sr Methuen are issuin a i Mes s. g N e w Ser es of Transl ations from the reek a nd Latin Classi s he have enli t G c . T y s ed the services o f some o f the b est Ox ord and Cam rid e cholars and i i h f b g S , t s t e ir intention that the S eries shall b e distinguished by literary exce ll ence a s w e ll as by rl ura c schola y a cc y . — C HYLU S a e non ChOe horoe E u enid s r ns E S Ag m m , p , m e . T a W S A M PBE L L at P late d b LE C L L. D l e rofes r k a . so o f C re e t St. y I , , s . And rew s . 5

R — r r E D e O ato e rans a d E . M C O . te . . OOR M A . C . I I T l by N P , ,

i an M a r a t li on. s 6d . A ss st t ste C ft 3 .

— e ct Orations P ro Mi one P ro Mure i C CE R O e ( , na hi i . I S l l , P l pp c II ,

l m anslat BL M A . F o n a ti ina . r ed . E . A K STON I C . . e w ) T by H D I , , ll

a nd uto r of rinit Co le e Ox ord . s . T T y l g , f 5 — C C E R O D e atura D eorum . rans ate d F . B R OO S I N T l by K ,

f B a lio C olle e Ox ord . s . 6d . M . late cholar o . A S l l g , f 3

L C —Six ia o ue s i rinus aro - Meni us T h e Co U IAN D l g (N g , Ic pp , ck,

hi T he Parasite T he Lover o f F a seh o o d . rans ated b T he S p, , l ) T l y W M istant M aster at C i to n ate cho a r o f S . . R N . A . ss T I I , , A l f ; l S l 6d r ll ford . s. . E xete C o ege , Ox 3 — n ax rans ate d E . . . S OPH OC LE S E le ctra a d Aj . T l by D A ho ar o f N ew Co le e O ord A ssistant M RSH E A D M . A . ate c O , , l S l l g , xf

M aster at Winchester . 2 5 . 6d . — ra ns ated R . B . TAC ITUS Ag ricola and G errnania . T l by d ni o e C ambrid e . 2 s . 6 . TOWNSH END late Scholar of Tri ty C lleg , g , ’ ME UE LI ME SSRS . TH N S ST

E du catio nal Bo o ks OLA

With ntrod uction ote s M R C OL . a etc. TAC ITI AG I A I , N , p , M aster at W m M A . ssistant e outh o l B R . F . A S . C l e e . y D VI , , A y g

Cr own 8vo. 2 s .

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F ca . 871 0 . I s . 6d . Scho ol. p

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D E MOSTH E N E S AGAINST C ON ON AND CALLIC LE S .

Edited with o te s and V o a ula r F . ARW N W FT M. A . N , c b y, by D I S I , , ’ formerly Scholar of Queen s C ollege; Oxfo rd ; Assistant Master at

e F ca . 82 m. as . Denstone Colleg . p

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MM R B D E B R . A C OMPAN I ON GE R MAN G A A . y H . in m i hoo Master a t ott ha h . BB NS M . A . ssistant GI I , , A N g H g Sc l

Crown 8vo. I s . 6d. E E R L GE R MAN PASSAGE S FOR UNS N T ANS ATI ON . ‘ B M UE EN R A . Cr own 87 m. 2 s. 6d . y E . Q G Y

SCIENCE

HE W nc udin Che ist e T OR L OF C E CE . r at. D S I N I l g m y , H Li ht ound Ma ne tism E e tri it Bo tan Zoolo Ph sio o g , S , g , l c c y, y, gy, y l gy ,

tronom LL O T E L M . A F s and eo lo . B R . E T E . . C . S. A y, G gy y I S , ,

1 llustratio Second E diti on . Crow n 8710 . 2 s. 6d . 47 I ns . ’ M r te e n S s Ma u dm r b e in n a s . he b . l a l is a i a l ma y w y T ook is w e ll ca lcula te d to '— at tra ct a nd re a i e i S a tu r da R view . t n the a tt nt o n of the yo ung . y e

M r. Ste e is t o b e a ce d s e co nd to a n fo r t is ua it o f ucidit it i s on t o If l pl y h q l y l y, ly H uxle y himse lf ; a nd t o b e na me d in t he s a me b re a th w ith t his ma ste r o f t cra ft o f t e aching is t o b e a ccre dited wit h th e c l e arne ss of s tyl e a nd Simplicity of ’ a rr me n - a n e t t a t be o n t ma te r e t P a r ents R evi ew . g h l g o t h oro ugh s y o f a s ubj c . E LE ME R L B L With u e rou . R . E TE E . n s NTA Y I GHT y . S m

ustrations r wn 6d . Ill . C o 4s.

’ E R ME E L M SS S. THU N S IST

WORKS BY A. M. M. STEDMAN, M. A.

L s ons on E e r I NI TIA LATINA : E a sy e s l me nta y Accid ence .

F ca . 871 0 . I s. Second E diti on . p

F ourth E i ti n. r own 871 . . 2 s F I R ST LATIN LE SS ONS d o C 0 .

Wi h o F I R ST LATIN R E AD E R . t N tes a dapted to the

tin Primer and V o ca ular S econd E diti on . r n Shorter La b y . C ow 80 0 .

I s . 6d .

FR M E R LE O O C . a Th H l E ASY S E CTI NS A SA P rt I . e e War 1 87720 . I s. vetian .

F R M a r T h E ASY S E LE C TI ONS O LIVY . P t I: e King s of

R m 1 87720 . I s. 6d . o e. E ASY LATI N PASSAGE S F OR UNS E E N T RAN SLA

Thi r d E dition . F ca . 871 0 . I s . 6d . TI ON . p

F irst Le ss on in L i E M L L . s at n i n E X P A ATINA Acc de ce .

i V o abular r own 871 0 I s . W th c y . C . E ASY LATIN E XE R C IS E S ON T HE SYNTAX OF T H E SHORT E R A N D R EV ISE D LATIN PR I ME R . With V ocabu d ar F our th E dition . Cr ow n 80 0 . 2 s. 6d . ssue h h l y . I wit t e co n

ent o i D r K enned . s . y T HE LATIN C OM POUN D S E NTE N CE : R ule s a nd d Wi h V E er ises. Crow n 8 210 . I s . 6 . t o a ular 2 s x c c b y . . N OTANDA QUAE DAM : Mis c ellane ous Latin E xe rcise s o n

C ommon R ules and dioms . S cond diti n. F ca e E o . 8720 . I s . I p 6d. Wi V th o abular z s . c y, LATIN VOCAB U LAR I E S F OR R E P E TITI ON Arrang ed

ac ordin to u e ts . F ou r th E dition F ca 80 0 . I s. 6d . c g S bj c . p . V O B L A CA U LAR Y OF ATIN ID I OMS AND PH RAS E S .

I 8nzo. I s.

T R E . 1 87no I s STE PS O G E K . . E ASY GR E E K PASSAGE S F OR UNS E E N T RA N SLA

F ca 71 . d 8 0 . I s 6 . TI ON . p .

RE E OC B L R E F OR R E E rran ed G K V A U A I S P TITI ON . A g c rdin to ub t econd dit n F ca a c o e c s . S E io . 871 I . 6d . g S j p. 0 . s

E E ME E L F r h o f G R E K T STA NT S E CTI ONS . o t e us e l hi rd d t n With ntro d i ch o o s . T E i io . u t on otes and V o cabu S I c , N , lar F ca 8270 2 s 6d y. p . . . . ME R ME ’ SS S . THU E N S LIST

E T O F R E C . I 87n 8d . ST PS N H 0 . F R F R E C LE O . Cr ow n 71 8 0 . I s I ST N H SS NS . E ASY F R E N C H PASSAG E S F OR UNS E E N T R A N S LA O e n . S co d E dition . F ca 8 . 0 0 . I s 6d TI N p . . E ASY F R E N C H E XE R C IS E S ON E LE ME NTAR Y Wi h V o X. t cab u ar . Cr ow n 871 2 s 6d SYNTA l y 0 . . . FR E N C H VOCAB U LAR I E S F OR R E PE TITI ON Arrang e d

a cordin to ub ects . Thi r d E diti F c on . a . 8 . c g S j p 71 0 I s .

SCHOOL EXAMINATION SERIE S .

E D T E B . M T D Y M . E M . M . A . I A S D AN ,

r ow n 8720 . 2 s . 6d C . F R E N C H E XAM INATI ON PAPE R S IN M IS CE LLAN E M OUS R M R M . B M M O . . M . T E D A N M . A . G A A AND IDI S y A S ,

S ix th E dition .

K E Y issued to uto rs and Private tudents o n to be had o n A , T S ly, a li a i n t h r d o Publish e . S econ E diti c t o t e n Cr ow n vo. 6s . net. pp s o . 8 LATI N E XAM INATI ON PAP E R S IN M IS C E LLAN E OUS M M M R D M B . M T E D MA N R O . . . M. A G A A AND I I S y A S , .

Fou r th E di ti on . K EY issued a s a bo ve. 6s. net . G RE E K E XAMI NATI ON PAPE R S I N M I S C E LLAN E OUS

MM R M B . M . M . T E D MA N M A . R O . . G A A AND IDI S y A S ,

Thi r d E d iti on . K EY issued as above . 6s . n et. GE R MAN E XAM INATI ON PAP E R S IN M IS C E LLAN E MOR C H Man MM R N D M B R . . OUS RA A O . G A IDI S y J I ,

6s. net. hir d E dition . K EY issued as abo ve . chester. T E R H IST OR Y AND GE OG RAPHY E XAM I NATI O N PAP S . A if P E M . . ton C o . B C . . E N C C y H S , , l ll

M . A . R . E TE E L E C E M O E R . B . S C I N E XA INATI N PAP S y S , ,

Chie atural ience M aster B rad ord rammar choo . f N Sc , f G S l

mistr Part . Ph sics . Pa rt 1 . Che I n two vols. y ; II y

GE N E R AL KN OWLE DG E E XAM INATI ON PAPE R S . K EY i sued a s M E D MA N M . A. Second E dition . s M . T By A . . S , ve s n et abo . 7 . . inters t o H er Ma est and A . ON ST A BLE Pr Printe d by T . C , j y at the Edinburgh Unive rsity Press