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Ethiopia: The "Anomaly" and "Paradox" of Africa Author(s): Teshale Tibebu Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Mar., 1996), pp. 414-430 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2784716 . Accessed: 11/01/2013 05:26

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This content downloaded on Fri, 11 Jan 2013 05:26:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The "Anomaly"and "Paradox"of Africa

TESHALETIBEBU TempleUniversity

Ethiopiais a historicallyantique polity. It is one ofthe very few places thatmanaged to sustainan unbrokenchain of historical civilizationfree of foreign "corruption." Unlike Egypt, Mesopota- mia,, and others that were later overrun by alien and destruc- tiveforces, Ethiopia maintained its brand of Africancivilization intact.This createda fascinationamong Western intellectual cir- cles.Nevertheless, Western scholarship saw Ethiopiaas outlandish to Africa.Like ancientEgypt, Ethiopia was systematicallyde- Africanizedin theannals of Western high culture. In thisarticle, I attemptto identify the fundamental perceptions of Western Ethiopi- anistscholarship and themany images of Ethiopiathat emanate fromit.

THE ISOLATIONIMAGE

In thewords of Jesman(1963), "Ethiopiais theoldest African country,yet in manyrespects it is in ratherthan of Africa" (p. 10). This statementis typicalof the views of the major protagonists of WesternEthiopianist discourse. Just as theSahara is takenas the "naturalbarrier" that separates "White" north Africa from "Black" Africa,in thesame way theRed Sea and thelowland desert that borderEthiopia are takenas the naturalconfines that cut off Ethiopiafrom the outside world. In thisscholarly tradition, Ethio- pia has beenperceived as beingboth the anomaly and the paradox ofAfrican . Ethiopia is studiedin a geographicalparadigm

JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES, Vol.26 No. 4, March1996 414-430 ? 1996 Sage Publications,Inc.

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thattakes isolation from the outside world, Africa or otherwise, as itsmain theme of analysis. The isolationimage has been one ofthe most influential images in WesternEthiopianist studies. The famousstatement of Gibbon (1956), "Encompassedon all sidesby the enemies of their religion, Ethiopiansslept near[ly] a thousandyears, forgetful of theworld bywhom they were forgotten" (Vol. 5, p. 69), hasbeen the preface to workswritten on Ethiopia. Geographyis citedto explain almost anything Ethiopian, includ- ingits millennial independence and civilization. This geographical determinismignores a numberof historical events that defy expla- nationwithin its terms of reference.For example,Lord Napier's Britishexpeditionary force reached Maqdala, the heartland of the geographically"inaccessible" plateau, fought Tewodros II, defeated him,and pulled out. The Sudanese Mahdists set fire to . The Italianscrossed the merciless heat of the and the "impene- trable"plateau of Tigray in theirmarch to . For many an invader,Ethiopia's geography was no insurmountablehurdle. Andyet, scholars repeatedly have explained away Ethiopia's con- tinuedsovereign status in extra-humanterms.' When defeatedItalians at the battleof , it was attributedto the hostileEthiopian terrain. The centuriesof independentstatehood, intenselyproud nationalism, fighting skill, numerical superiority, andclose matchingof firepower of Ethiopians with that of Italians weresimply ignored. Perhapsthe best testimony against the isolation paradigm is the centuries-oldslave tradefrom Ethiopia to the Arab worldand beyondcarried out by the Muslim Jabarti merchants. This "trade" was a demographiccurse that bled Ethiopiadry. Ethiopian blood runsthrough the veins of many an Arab,Indian, Persian, and Turk. Moreover,ever since its adoption of Christianity up until1949, formore than 16 centuriesEthiopia had CopticEgyptians as the headof itsOrthodox Church. How do proponentsof the isolation paradigmexplain all this? Referringto Ethiopia'sunbroken line of centuriesof inde- pendence,which he called"one ofthe social curiosities of a latter dayGreat Society," Toynbee (1965b) wrote,

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Thesurvival of her political independence inthe midst of an Africa underEuropean domination; thesurvival of her Monophysite Chris- tianityin the borderland between and paganism; the survival ofher Semitic language between the Hamitic and Nilotic language areas;and the stagnation ofher culture at a levelwhich is really not muchhigher than the level of the adjacent Tropical African Barba- rism[makes Ethiopia unique in Africa]. (p. 365)

Toynbeeattributed Ethiopia's uniqueness in Africato "thevirtual impregnabilityofthe highland fastness in whichthe Monophysite fossil is ensconced"(p. 365). Budge (1970) commented,"The geographicalposition of Abyssinia has had a verygreat effect upon thehistory and characterof theAbyssinian Ethiopians" (pp. 126- 127). He furtherwrote, "The advantageof the high, rocky plateau to theAbyssinians was thatit gave them immunity from invasion; itsdisadvantage was thatit cut them off from the rest of the world" (p. 127). Rey (1923) said,

Frombiblical times down to thepresent day, Abyssinia has peri- odicallyemerged from the mysterious obscurity inwhich so much of itsstory is veiled,and has appearedon theworld's stage in connectionwith striking and even startling events, only to withdraw once againto seclusionbehind the impenetrable barrier of its mountainranges. (p. 9)

Tonkin(1972) wrote,"Ethiopia had never been easy of access. To a greatextent its unique culture has survived just because its terrain made it a mountainfortress, the surroundingdeserts lapping its steepescarpment walls" (p. 13).Quite recently, Lewis (1987) called Ethiopia"mysterious, isolated, diminished but unconquered" (p. 99). It is throughthe isolation paradigm that the so-called Ethiopian psychologicalmakeup, marked by xenophobia and siege mentality, is explained.That Ethiopians live in a landand sea-locked plateau, encircledthroughout by the enemies of their religion, explains their social psychology,so goes the argument.Beginning from the 1936-1941Italian occupation, the geographical thesis in explaining Ethiopiabegan to fadeaway as theItalian genius in roadbuilding violatedthe honor of Ethiopia's hitherto "impregnable" mountain fastnesssurrounded by hotdeserts. The precursorcame withthe

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Suez Canal.As Trimingham(1965) putit, "The opening of the Suez Canalin 1869brought an end to the isolation of Abyssinia" (p. 120). It is timethat the geographical thesis in explainingEthiopian historyis givena decentburial.

THE ROMANTICIMAGE

Fromland of PresterJohn (Sanceau, 1944) to the seductive charmof Amharagenius (Levine, 1967), Ethiopia has exciteda romanticimage in the annals of Westerndiscourse. Far away geographicallyand yet so closereligiously, this "Christian kingdom of mountainfastness" has firedthe imagination of manya West- erner.Levine writes of Amhara life,

I freelyadmit to having been seduced by the charm of traditional Amharalife.... Suchsights and sounds! A minstrelsinging his subtlelyrics as hebows a one-stringedfiddle; in the dark interiors ofchurch, barefoot deacons holding beeswax candles and swinging vesselsof smoking incense; the pomp of a noblemanmoving cross countrywith his crowded entourage; a young girl washing the feet ofher father's guest; warriors boasting with their martial chants; the statelyrhythms ofclergy chanting and dancing under the mid-day sun;the open marketplace, offering all mannerof livestock, grain, andspices; the council of an elder, resolving a dispute; the simple dignityof the bow when two men meet. (pp. vii-viii)

As to thebeauty of Ethiopians, it is a themethat has beenempha- sized repeatedly.Prouty (1986) wrote,"Beautiful the Ethiopians are-distincton the continent of Africa for their straight noses, thin lips,attenuated body structure, and olive skin" (p. xii).

THE CIVILIZATIONIMAGE

Ethiopiancivilization, majestic and exotic, hibernated through- outits long history, lost in theentanglement ofgeographical isola- tionand hostile neighbors. Accordingly, Ethiopian history suppos- edlybelongs to whatHegel (1956) called "un-historicalhistory"

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(p. 105), whichis "onlythe repetition of thesame majestic ruin" (p. 106). As Duganand Lafore (1973) putit,

Ethiopiais an Old Testamentland [where]the Song of Songsand theTen Commandments are a livinglyric and a livinglaw andwhere thesons of Solomonare kings and prophets still.... Ethiopia'scivilization is theonly one from the era of the Roman empirethat survived into modem times with unbroken political continuityor withsubstantial resemblance to its classicalstate. It survivedowing to an isolationalmost as completeas Japan's. (pp. 11-12)2

THE "ADWA COMPLEX" IMAGE

The Italiandefeat at thebattle of Adwa on March1, 1896,sent shockwaves throughout the foundations of 19th-centuryEuropean racism.Mockler (1984) calledthe Italian defeat "the greatest single disasterin Europeancolonial history" (p. xli). Dugan and Lafore (1973) remarked,

The Ethiopiantriumph in 1896that had left fourteen thousand of a Europeanarmy dead or prisoners had been the first success in a long campaignto break the planetary sovereignty ofEuropeans; the black emperorof a big and emptyland lost in the high mountains, encircledby a confusionof deserts, jungles, and undrawn frontiers, soundedreveille for a sleepingworld. (p. 3)

TheAdwa victory made Ethiopia respectable among Western pow- ers and madeEmperor Menelik II a powerto be reckonedwith. Ethiopiabecame recognized as a sovereignstate in theinterstate system.This was themost important outcome of the Adwa victory. Thanksto theAdwa victory,the popular image of pre-Adwa Ethiopiaas a landof barbarism lost in a mountainfastness, every- thingsavage, including a "superstitious-ridden Christianity" (Bent, 1893,p. 51), changeddramatically. Adwa madeEthiopia become "civilized"instantly. As Marcus(1971) putit, "The provedconclusively that an African power could successfully meet

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thechallenge of modem European imperialism: five days [after the battleof Adwa], the Italians recognized the fact by suing for peace" (p. 162). In theaftermath of theAdwa debacle,"Europe had to reassessEthiopia and itsruler, in muchthe same fashion as they would Japanafter Russia's defeatin 1905" (p. 162). Because "Adwa provedthat Menelik was not a princelingwho could be juggled... Europeanchancelleries now had to cometo termswith the factof continuedEthiopian independence" (p. 163). A new imageof Ethiopiaand Ethiopians,an imagein tunewith Western racistimperialism of the times, had to be workedout. The easiest wayto do so was to paintEthiopians White. So was bornthe myth ofEthiopians as "BlackCaucasians" (see Marcus,1971). As Bernal (1987) remarked,"Where the racial stereotype of natural European superiorityfailed, artificial intervention was necessaryto preserve it"(p. 249). TheBlack Caucasian thesis ascribed to Ethiopians was one suchartificial intervention. As Ethiopianswere painted White-because the protagonists of racismcould notaccept defeat in thehands of Black Africans- Menelikwas deifiedas a genius.As Marcus(1971) noted,Menelik was "no longer[seen as] a semi-barbarian"(p. 162). He was portrayedas industrious,hard-working, and disciplined.Skinner (1969) saw Menelikin typicalAmerican terms:

Menelikhas created the of Abyssinia-a work for whichhe was endowed by Nature with the constructive intelligence ofa Bismarckand the faculty for handling men ... [withthe] sheer amiabilityofa McKinley.(p. 19)

The superlativeterms to whichEthiopians and Menelikwere referredwere also extendedto the army. "No longerwas Menelik's armyconsidered a motleyband of barbarians brought together for lootingand raping. The Ethiopianbecame a magnificentsoldier in anyone'sterms" (Marcus, 1971, p. 164).On theEthiopian side, the Adwa complexgave Ethiopianspride-indeed, a sense of supe- riority.Vivian (1969), theBritish traveler in Ethiopiaduring the latterpart of the 19th century, had this to sayin regard to the Adwa complexof Ethiopians:

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It is no doubtreasonable that a nationof niggers,possessing three hundredthousand rifles, should take a tonedifferent from that of niggerswho are notpermitted to possessany, but they go too far whenthey presume to arrogatethemselves a superiorityover civi- lized countriesagainst which they could notpossibly stand up. I admiretheir ancient civilization so faras it goes, or ratherso far backas itgoes, and I hopethat their independence may be respected; butthis must depend largely upon their own wisdom and prudence andmodesty. (p. 248)

THE BARBARISMIMAGE

Ethiopianswere not, however, able to "enjoy"their "honorary Caucasian"status for long. Once the aftershock of Adwa subsided, thereal face of Ethiopians began to be exposed.The detergent used to bleachthem started to fadeaway, as theauthentic "burnt face" couldbe no morehidden behind the White mask made in Europe. The militaryvictory that made Ethiopians turn White now became a liability.Southard (1962) wrote,

[Ethiopians]are so proudof theirmilitary record that they have falleninto the error of believing that fighting prowess isthe greatest ofall national accomplishments, andthat it is the one and necessary qualificationto their right to existenceas an independentnation. (pp.2-3)

The onlycriterion that had made Ethiopians sovereign members of theinterstate system and painted them White-their military prow- ess-was no longersufficient for being admitted into the club of "civilizednations." Because Ethiopia was waybehind in economic development,ithad to "openup" itsmountain fastness for modem civilization.If itcould not do so ofits own volition, force must be applied.Hence the need for direct colonial occupation. This task of the "Whiteman's burden"was to be carriedout by ,ever ambitiousbut never successful in its Ethiopian adventure. The most rationaljustification for Italian occupation of Ethiopiawas made bythe English novelist Waugh (1984), whowrote,

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Abyssiniacould not claim recognition onequal terms by the civi- lisednations and at the same time maintain her barbarous isolation; shemust put her natural resources atthe disposal of the world; since shewas obviously unable to develop them herself, itmust be done forher, to their mutual benefit, by a moreadvanced power [such as Italy].(pp. 40-4 1)

THE BLACK COLONIALISMIMAGE

Ethiopiahad effectivelyparticipated in theEuropean scramble forAfrica. This view is popularboth within Western scholarship and the variousnationalist movements in the , includingGreater nationalism.Toynbee (1965a) wrote that"Menelik saved Ethiopiafrom becoming one of the many victimsof Europeancolonialism by takingan activepart in the scramblefor Africa himself' (p. 44; see also Schwab,1985, p. 5). Tidyand Leeming (1981) describeMenelik's territorial expansion between1872 and 1898 as "partof the African partition of Africa andcontinued as partof the European partition" (p. 104).Gann and Duignan(1981) arguedthat Menelik's Ethiopia took an activepart inthe by "competing effectively with the French, Italiansand Britishalong Ethiopia's borders" (p. 16). Bohannan andCurtin (1988) wrotethat Ethiopia, "like Liberia, was not merely an Africanstate that kept itself free of European control; it was also a secondaryempire built by conquest and maintained by the domi- nanceof the Christian Amhara from the old corearea" (p. 342). The so-called"Black colonialism" or "participation inthe scram- ble forAfrica" ascribed to Ethiopiais based on an amazingigno- ranceof or deliberate indifference to the history of state formation in 19th-centuryAfrica. Africans throughout the continentwere formingstates through territorial expansion and political centrali- zationso as toface head on the gathering storm of the "White man's burden."Menelik's expansion was partof the larger African scene. Like theFulani empire of Sokoto, the Zulu stateof Chaka, Samori Toure'sfragile empire, the Kabakas of Buganda, and so on,Menelik's Ethiopiawas expandingand centralizingin themidst of growing

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Europeanpounding on Africa.And yet, the Western-centered his- toricaltradition, based on theEuropean experience, assumes that, just like theEuropeans scrambled for Africa, so did Ethiopians scramblefor Africa-a fineexample of Eurocentrism at work. If,indeed, what makes Menelik a Black colonialistis thefact thathe morethan doubled the territory and populationunder his rule,then, obviously, Shaka shouldbe 50 timesmore colonialist thanMenelik because he expandedthe territory and people subject to his ruleby a factorof morethan 100. Thereare manyanswers to thequestion, "How did Ethiopiamanage to maintainits sover- eigntyin the midst of defeat all overAfrica?," but an analogybased on theEuropean scramble for Africa is notone ofthem.

THE ARROGANCE IMAGE

As a resultof theirAdwa complexagainst Europeans and "co- lonialist"domination over the "non-Abyssinians," Ethiopians re- peatedlyhave been referredto as beingvery arrogant and rude. Waugh(1984) wrote,

Theessence of the offence [committed byAbyssinians] was that the Abyssinians,inspite of being by any possible standard an inferior race,persisted in behaving as superiors;itwas not that they were hostile[to Europeans], but contemptuous. The White man, accus- tomedto other parts of Africa, was disgusted to find the first-class carriageson therailway usurped by local dignitaries;he found himselfsubject to officialsand villainous-lookingmen at arms whoselanguage he did notknow, who showed him no sortof preferenceon accountof his colour,and, had notthe smallest reluctancetousing force on him if he became truculent. (p. 35)

Murphy(1968) saw Ethiopiansas havinga "patheticnational superioritycomplex [that] tends to runwild for lack of sobering comparisonswith other nations" (p. 5). Lipsky(1967) wroteof Amharasand Tigreans,whom he said "exaggeratetheir own and the[ir]country's importance, dealing arrogantly with neighbors, Westerners,or Asians"(p. 5).

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THE "NATIONAL CHARACTER" IMAGE

Hostsof travelers'accounts and scholarlytreatises on Ethiopia have madea numberof commentson the"national character" of Ethiopians.From outright racists such as Vivianto refinedsocial scientistssuch as Levine,the importance given to the psychological realmin theunderstanding of Ethiopiansis quiteenormous. Ac- cordingly,Vivian (1969) wrote,

It is perhapsin their ideas about gifts that the Abyssinians reveal theircharacter most clearly. It is saidof them that they are in the habitof giving you an egg in the expectation ofreceiving an ox in return.(p. 218)

Waugh(1984) wroteof anothernational character of Ethiopians, thatof "tricking":

Trickingthe European was a nationalcraft [of Ethiopians]; evading issues,promising without the intention offulfillment, tricking the paidforeign advisors, tricking the legations, tricking the visiting internationalcommittees-these were the ways by which Abyssinia hadsurvived and prospered. (p. 27)

Waugh"forgot" that all thesecharacteristics he ascribedto Ethio- piansare called diplomacy in Europe, and there they have very high status.The "tricking"abilities of Menelikwere perceived by the Westernpowers themselves as oneof the many facets of Ethiopian geniusin the diplomatic field. Poor African "tribal chiefs" who, in their"child-like honesty," did notknow how to "trick"Europeans endedup beingcolonized. Their honesty in the treaties they signed withEuropean powers was takenas a manifestationofthe "unde- velopedAfrican mind," innocent of modem diplomatic skills. The obsessionwith the national character of Ethiopians was not just a hobbyof someamateur traveler-adventurers such as Vivian andWaugh. The highly sophisticated professor from the University of Chicagohad thesame sociologicalobservation to makeabout Abyssinians,in his case to the"core Abyssinians," the Amharas. Levine(1967) wrote,

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TheAmhara is a masterat deception. With straight face and con- vincingmanner he willrelate the most preposterous fictions.... Thenatural complement of suchdeception is pronouncedsuspi- ciousness.Amharas are constantly onthe lookout for latent mean- ingsand hidden motives. (pp. 250-251; emphasis in original)

Furthermore,"Perhaps the most characteristic form of interaction amongthe Amhara is thatof domination.The Amharais at his happiestwhen he is in a positionto order someone about" (Levine, 1967,p. 253; emphasisin original). Alas, was the author of The Will to PowerAmhara? Or perhapsMachiavelli?

THE PITY IMAGE

WhenMussolini's forces invaded Ethiopia in October1935, the "civilized"world felt pity for Ethiopia. Ethiopia was backon the internationalstage. This time, unlike in theaftermath of Adwa,it was to expressthe injustice being done to one of thevery few Africanmember states of theLeague of Nations.The collapseof theLeague of Nationswas attributedto its silenceon theItalian aggression.Walters (1969) wrotethat the Italian attack was "the mostimportant and mostdecisive chapter in the historyof the League" (p. 623). Harris(1964) wrote,"The Italo-Ethiopian crisis of 1934-36initiated a chainof events in Europe that culminated in the Second WorldWar" (p. v). Coffey(1974) said that"'sItalian conquest of Ethiopiawas destinedto become themost important single factor in the destruction of the League of Nationsand thefailure of collectivesecurity against aggression" (p. xi). Due toEthiopia's being the unjust victim of aggression, the balancein theequation of civilizationversus barbarism was re- versed.According to Duganand Lafore (1973), "AfterMussolini beganthe attack upon his empire, Haile Selassiecame to represent notbarbarism but principle, not savagery but civilization" (p. 2). In 1936,a fewmonths after the Italian conquest of Ethiopia, (1976) stoodin frontof theLeague of Nationswith the passionatequestion, "What answer am I totake back to my people?"

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(p. 312). His appealfell on deaf ears. Three years later, Europe was immersedin theworst bloodbath in itshistory, World War II. The firethat started in Ethiopiaended up catchingEurope at home. The Ethiopianresistance against the Italian fascist occupation helpedgalvanize anticolonial movements in Africa.The bloodof Ethiopianfighters was theink that inspired in partthe poetry of Negritude.Both in thestruggle to headoff European colonialism andin thepersistent campaign to makeEthiopia ungovernable for theItalian fascist occupiers, Ethiopia became a symbolof unflinch- ingdefiance. Africans all overthe world took this with an immense senseof pride. Mussolini'sinvasion of Ethiopia brought about two significant turningpoints in the history of the relation between the "West" and the "restof us." First,it was the last majorEuropean colonial conquest.Second, it was one ofthe largest and mostdeadly of all Europeancolonial-military invasions ever undertaken since Co- lumbusto occupy the land of "people of color." The Italian invasion heraldedthe beginning of the end of European global dominance. Anotheraspect of theinvasion is thatit unleashedtrans-Atlantic pan-Africannationalism; it was also thebeginning of anticolonial Africannationalism. The UNESCO GeneralHistory ofAfrica takes the1935 Italian invasion of Ethiopia as thebeginning of the end of itseight-volume series, as a turningpoint in modern African history, as thebeginning of African nationalism (see Mazrui,1993). As Venicebegan the adventures of Europeancapitalism, Mus- solini'sItaly exhausted the colonial expansion of theWest (in its 1935-1936invasion of Ethiopia). In betweenRenaissance Venice and Mussolini'sItaly was one longe dureeof hibernationinto insignificance.Italy is a case thatdoes notfit. It startedthe adven- tureof Western capitalism, then left it for others to pursue.

THE PAN-AFRICANIMAGE

WhereasWestern scholarship predicated on the non-African statusof Ethiopia, Africans have taken Ethiopia as themost beloved of theirpossessions, as thejewel andpride of Africa-indeed,of

This content downloaded on Fri, 11 Jan 2013 05:26:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 426 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES /MARCH 1996 people of Africandescent. As opposedto theWestern image of Ethiopia,the pan-Africanconstruction of Ethiopianidentity not onlyincludes Ethiopia as partof Africabut made Ethiopiathe quintessenceof Africa. Ethiopia became the concentrated expres- sionof Africa.Ethiopia carried the burden and sufferingthat was Africa.Ethiopia symbolized the hope and prideof Africa.The biblicalEthiopia "stretching its hands unto God" becamethe real Ethiopiainvaded by Mussolini.It was in thehistorical context of Mussolini'sinvasion, and earlierthe Ethiopian victory at Adwa, thatthe pan-Africanconstruction of the Ethiopianidentity was formed.It was the feeling that the pride of Adwa, the pride of Africa, was to be erasedby thesecond coming of Italythat galvanized a passionatepan-African defense of Ethiopia. Ethiopia has a unique place in theconsciousness of Africans.It has beenrevered as the symbolof Black defianceof Whitedomination. From London to Harlem,from Lagos to Kingston,from Accra to Cairo,the Italian fascistinvasion of Ethiopia became a rallyingground of pan-Afri- cannationalism. For Jomo Kenyatta (cited in Asante, 1977), Ethio- pia was the"sole remainingpride of Africansand Negroesin all partsof theworld" (p. 16). Azikiwe(cited in Asante,1977) saw Ethiopiaas havingthe typeof governmentthat "the fathers of Africansestablished on thiscontinent" (p. 16). ForThwaite (cited inAsante, 1977), Ethiopia was the"shrine enclosing the last sacred sparkof Africanpolitical freedom, the impregnable rock of black resistanceagainst white invasion, a livingsymbol, an incarnation ofAfrican independence" (pp. 16-17).Hodgkin (1957) calledEthio- pia "the livingexemplar of an unconquered,historical African people" (p. 181). G. Padmore,J. Kenyatta,C.L.R. James,T. Makonnen,W. Johnson,and S. Manningjoined handsin support of Ethiopia'sstruggle against the invasion. James, together with others,founded the InternationalAfrican Friends of Abyssinia. December14, 1935,was declared"Ethiopia Day" inLagos, Nige- ria.Advertisements such as "EthiopiaDefense Fund: Sons of Africa ShowYour Love ofRace Notby Talk But by Action" were posted. The women'ssection of theLagos EthiopiaDefense Committee was called "Save AbyssiniaSociety." Many AfricanAmerican officers'groups such as theBrown Condor of Ethiopiaand the

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BlackEagle ofHarlem joined the war alongside Ethiopians. (They did so despitethe hurdles put up by theU.S. governmentagainst volunteerswilling to fight for Ethiopia and later during the Spanish civilwar.) The fundamentalorganizing principles of Western Ethiopianist studiesalready discussed started as offshootsof Semiticstudies, itselfa branchof Orientalism.Its paradigmaticfoundation was Semiticphilology (see Dillman,1974, p. 3). In WesternEthiopian- ist discourse,Ethiopians, or whatUllendorff (1960) called "the Abyssiniansproper, the carriersof the historicalcivilization of SemitizedEthiopia" (p. 32),are seen as beingfundamentally civilized as opposedto notonly the rest of "Black"Africa, which was seen as barbaricand savage,but also themany peoples inside Ethiopia itself(e.g., the Oromo). What Western scholarship calls Abyssinia, fromthe Arabic Habashi, is confinedto whatI call theEthiopia of theGe 'ez civilization,3defined by the Ge'ez script,and later in time by Judaic-Christianculture. Its core encompassesthe area from Dabra Bizen in Eritreato Dabra Libanosin Shawa,which forms one compactcultural entity. The chiefprotagonist of this civiliza- tionaluniverse consists of theAgaw-Amhara-Tlgrean trinity. It is thistrinity that has been referred toas historicEthiopia or Abyssinia. TheEthiopia that is the "anomalyand paradoxof Africa" refers to theEthiopia of the Ge'ez civilization. ThatEthiopians are Semitic, not Negroid; civilized, not barbaric; beautiful,not ugly; and so on all areimages of Orientalist Semiti- cism in the Westernparadigm of knowledge.The Ethiopianis explainedin superlativeterms because the "Negro" is considered subhuman.Ethiopia is seenas thesouthwestern end of the Semitic worldin Africa. Ethiopia is seenas theChristian Orient of "Black" Africa.It is quiterevealing that more is writtenon Ethiopiain the Journalof Semitic Studies than in theJournal of African History. The "anomalyand paradox of Africa" thesis ascribed to Ethiopia is predicatedon the claim thatEthiopia is uniquein Africain generaland in "Black" Africain particular.From its millennial independenceto thebeauty of itspeople, from its Ge'ez scriptto its own brandof Christianity,from the legendary heroism of her warriorsto beingthe living land of the Bible, in manyspheres and

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directions,Ethiopia has been perceived as outlandishto the general Africanscene. Ethiopia is supposedlylocated in thewrong place. Ethiopiais inAfrica but not of Africa. Hence Jesman's paradox. Recently,Mazrui (1984) wroteabout the tripleheritage of Ethiopia-Indigenous,Semitic, and Greco-Roman. He noted,"The wholecultural history of Africais capturedin thetransition from the tripleancient personality of Ethiopiato the triplemodem personalityof Nigeria" (p. 13).4 In summary,Ethiopian history should be studiedafresh and shouldno longerbe groundedon racial or geographical paradigms. It is timethat Ethiopian history is seen as partof African history. The "Hamites,"condemned by WesternAfricanists to carrythe burdenof civilization into Africa, are long dead. The racismof the "Whiteman's burden" should be buriedalongside with that of the "Hamiteman's burden." It is timethat Ethiopianist scholarship, as a hangoverfrom Orientalism, is givena decentburial. A political- economyapproach to Ethiopianhistory, within the larger cosmos ofAfrican history, can be an alternativeparadigm for the study of Ethiopianhistory. Africa has at last come out of the shadowof Hegel's "darkmantle of night."

NOTES

1. Fora dissentingview on the geographical isolation paradigm, see Rubenson (1976, pp. 1-5). 2. Thecontinued existence ofa long,unified, and unbroken civilizational descent all the wayfrom toHaile Selassie has been the fundamental self-image ofEthiopian civilizationitself. See SergewHable Selassie (1972) and Taddesse Tamrat (1972); see also Ullendorff(1988, p. 235). 3.For a detaileddiscussion ofthe concept of Ge'ez civilization, seeTeshale Tibebu (1995). 4. Fora critiqueof Mazrui's views, see Hailu Habtu (1984).

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TeshaleTibebu is an associateprofessor in theDepartment of Historyat Temple University.His interestsinclude modern Ethiopian history, the Horn of Africa, Africannationalism, and comparativefeudalism. In additionto authoringThe Makingof Modem Ethiopia(Red Sea, 1995), he has publishedmany articles on Ethiopiaand on comparativefeudalismand revolutions.

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