Army Opens Way for Post-Bouteflika Era, Risky
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
University Microfilms, a XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan
MASTERS THESIS H-3321 KLETZIEN, Sharon Benge THE CHANGING STATUS OF TUNISIAN WOMEN. The American University» M.A., 1971 Sociology, general University Microfilms, A XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan © 1972 Sharon Benge Kletzlen ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE CHANGING STATUS OF TUNISIAN WOMEN by Sharon Benge Kletzlen Submitted to the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in International Studies Signatures of Committee:' Chairman: . f ) Dean of' the School Date; f 1 I_____ Date: I ^ JHÈ /lyiftjCAN UNIVERSITY Th^merlcan University y , __p . Washington, D.C, rCD o Valù PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as received. University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION .................................. 1 The purpose of Che study ........................... L Justification of the study ......................... 1 Organization of the thesis . 2 II. EARLY HISTORY ........... ' ............................ 7 The Phoenicians and Carthage ......................... 7 Rome ............................................... 9 The Vandals 9 / / / The Byzantines ........................................ 10 /' y Summary 11 / / / . Ill. ISLAMIZATION AND THE STATUS OF WOMEN .................. ;4.' / Historical background .............................. / 12 /'■ Women in traditional Islam ...................... r. 17 /' ' IV. THE FRENCH PROTECTORATE / . 25 ( / V. INDEPENDENCE AND THE NEW EMANCIPATION................. -
Russia and Iran in Syria— a Random Partnership Or an Enduring Alliance? an Interim Report
Atlantic Council RAFIK HARIRI CENTER FOR THE MIDDLE EAST ISSUE BRIEF Russia and Iran in Syria— a Random Partnership or an Enduring Alliance? An interim report JUNE 2019 AMBASSADOR MICHEL DUCLOS Russia and Iran are allies in Syria not out of mutual sympathy, but for pragmatic reasons. According to many reports, Iranian leaders—nota- bly including Qasem Soleimani, the head of the Al-Quds force of the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC)—were instrumental in convinc- ing Vladimir Putin to send his air force to Syria and save Bashar al-As- sad’s skin in September 2015.1 However, various episodes highlight the limits of what looks like a circumstantial alliance. On February 26, 2019, Assad was received in Tehran by Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution, in a setting evidently designed to showcase the Syrian dictator’s per- sonal allegiance to the supreme leader and his debt of gratitude to the IRGC.2 On the very same day, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was once again in Moscow, where he met with President Putin.3 The asymmetric priorities in Tehran and Moscow could not seem clearer. A few months earlier, on May 9, 2018, Netanyahu attended the parade on Red Square, alongside Putin, on the anniversary of the end of World War Two ( the “Great Patriotic War” in Russian parlance).4 The follow- 1 Laila Bassam and Tom Perry, “‘Send Qassem Soleimani’: Here’s how Putin and Iran Plotted Out Their New Assault in Syria,” Reuters, October 6, 2015, https:// www.businessinsider.fr/us/r-how-iranian-general-plotted-out-syrian-assault-in- moscow-2015-10. -
The Evolution of the Revolution
The Evolution of the Revolution THE CHANGING NATURE OF IRAN’S AXIS OF RESISTANCE KENNETH M. POLLACK MARCH 2020 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Executive Summary ince the earliest days after the 1979 Islamic Soleimani in January 2020 could significantly impede S Revolution, the Iranian regime has sought to build further progress. a coalition across the Middle East to help it achieve its As it stands currently, the Axis is comprised of ideological and geostrategic goals. Tehran understood both state and non-state actors. These groups include that its ability to secure the Islamic Republic in Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, the Popular Front for the Liber- overturn the regional status quo, drive out the United ation of Palestine–General Command (PFLP-GC), States, and make Iran the regional hegemon was lim- Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and occasionally the ited if it acted on its own. It could only succeed with Kurdistan Workers’ Party. State and quasi-state actors the help of others. openly aligned with Tehran include Hamas in Gaza, However, for the next two decades, the Axis was Iraq, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Syria, and the Houthis little more than rhetoric, ascribing greater unity in Yemen. of effort to an amalgam of states,semi-states , and Ultimately, the new operating method of Iran’s non-state actors than was ever the reality. It was pri- Axis of Resistance is a strategy born of necessity. It marily a psychological ploy to frighten its adversaries is a strategy of the weak, unlikely to succeed against and make its members feel less isolated in the face the strong except when they are badly constrained of American hostility. -
Re-Thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia
The Journal of North African Studies ISSN: 1362-9387 (Print) 1743-9345 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fnas20 Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy To cite this article: Rory McCarthy (2014) Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia, The Journal of North African Studies, 19:5, 733-750, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Published online: 12 May 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 465 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fnas20 Download by: [Rory McCarthy] Date: 15 December 2015, At: 02:37 The Journal of North African Studies, 2014 Vol. 19, No. 5, 733–750, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Re-thinking secularism in post- independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy* St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK The victory of a Tunisian Islamist party in the elections of October 2011 seems a paradox for a country long considered the most secular in the Arab world and raises questions about the nature and limited reach of secularist policies imposed by the state since independence. Drawing on a definition of secularism as a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state, this paper identifies how under Habib Bourguiba and Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali the state sought to subordinate religion and to claim the sole right to interpret Islam for the public in an effort to win the monopoly over religious symbolism and, with it, political control. -
Deterrence and Realism
The Evolution of Israeli Military Strategy: Asymmetry, Vulnerability, Pre-emption and Deterrence Gerald M. Steinberg We are a generation that settles the land and without the steel helmet and the cannon’s maw, we will not be able to plant a tree and build a home. Let us not be deterred from seeing the loathing that is inflaming and filling the lives of the hundreds of thousands of Arabs who live around us. Let us not avert our eyes lest our arms weaken. This is the fate of our generation. This is our life's choice - to be prepared and armed, strong and determined, lest the sword be stricken from our fist and our lives cut down. --Moshe Dayan's Eulogy for Roi Rutenberg (April 19, 1956)1 Overview When the nascent Israeli leadership met on May 14, 1948, in Tel Aviv to declare independence, the country was already being attacked by neighboring Arab armies. The clearly stated objective was to destroy the miniscule Jewish state, with its very vulnerable borders, before it could be established, using the apparently decisive Arab advantages in terms of territorial extent, armed forces, demography, and political influence. Israel overcame these hurdles in 1948 and in subsequent military confrontations, yet despite the development of formidable military capabilities, the inherent asymmetries and existential threats to the Jewish nation-state remain. Given this environment, Israel‟s survival has depended on the development of appropriate strategic and tactical responses. The period from 1948 to 1973 was characterized primarily by large scale confrontations with the armies of Egypt, Syria, 1 Iraq and Jordan in different combinations. -
The Rise of Iran: an Identity Fight to Challenge the Existing Power Establishment Contesting US Hegemony, Israeli, and Sunni Powers in the Middle East
International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science ISSN: 2307-924X www.ijlass.org The Rise of Iran: An Identity Fight to Challenge the Existing Power Establishment Contesting US Hegemony, Israeli, and Sunni Powers in the Middle East. Lina Haddad Kreidie, PhD University of Ca, Irvine faculty, is currently teaching at the American University of Beirut classes on Psychology of International conflict, Islamic political thought, and Iranian politics. Extensive work on identity politics and has presented at many academic conferences such International Society of Political Psychology, WAPSA, among others on “ fighting Identities: Sectarian Narrative in the Construction of Collective Identity in a Religiously Diverse Countries.” Some of her publications include a chapter on “Deciphering the Construals of Islamic Fundamentalists” in The Future of Identity, Edited by Ken Hoover; and on “The psychological dimensions of Ethnic conflict in the International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society. Vincent Bozonier Education: BA Political Science in International Affairs; BA in Sociology (both from UC Riverside); and a certificate degree in Middle Eastern Studies at UC Irvine. Abstract Since the 1979 Islamic revolution, Iran is actively engaged in challenging the existing establishments to include the United States, Israel, and pro-American Sunni powers. The Iranian political maneuvering produced a ripple of waves over the years, specifically as Iraq became the first Arab-Shiite dominated state, the alliance and support of Hezbollah in its 2006 war with Israel, and its cunning management of its nuclear energy program. Amidst the current Middle East geopolitical restructuring; Iran continues to pose as a major regional player. This paper argues that Iran’s strategies has been based on three main identity narratives: (1) the global fight of the Oppressed against the Oppressor; (2) the regional discourse of Islamism; and (3) the particularistic dialogue that empowers the Shiites of the region following Khomeini’s contemporary Velayat-e faqih concept. -
The Exodus of the Tunisian Jewish Population 1954-1967
The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy SEEKING A PLACE IN A NATION: THE EXODUS OF THE TUNISIAN JEWISH POPULATION 1954-1967 A Thesis Submitted to: The Center for Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Sean Haley Table of Contents 1) Introduction and Theoretical Framework………………………………..3 2) Tunisian Jewry and the Birth of a Nation-State: The Independence of Tunisia 1954- 1957……………………………………………………………………...21 3) The State Takes Shape: The Reordering of the Jewish Community and Tunisian Constitution 1958-1959………………………………………………….35 4) Casualties of Colonialism? Tunisian Jews, Identity and the 1961 Bizerte Crisis……………………………………………………………………..54 5) A Far Away War and Self-Imposed Exile: 1967, Identity and the Tunisian Jews………………………………………………………………………70 6) Conclusion………………………………………………………………..82 7) Bibliography……………………………………………………………...90 2 Introduction In the eleven years after the independence and creation of the Republic of Tunisia, the population of the Jewish community declined by approximately 88.7% because of emigration to France, Israel, and other countries. This period, as will be shown, was critical in shaping the ethno-religious arrangement of peoples in Tunisia today. This occurred because a centralizing newly-independent state created a nation through identity based upon citizenship. Tunisia is a particularly good case study of homogenizing post-colonial nation-states because the government never sought to exclude any part of the population through direct action. Instead, domestic and international events that shook the nation and had an impact on the Jewish minority, such as independence, the reorganization of the Jewish community of 1958, the 1961 Bizerte Crisis and the Six Day War, made a solution such as exile palatable for the Jews. -
THE NEXT WAR: How Another Conflict Between Hizballah and Israel Could Look and How Both Sides Are Preparing for It
ANALYSIS PAPER Number 24, August 2011 THE NEXT WAR: How Another Conflict between Hizballah and Israel Could Look and How Both Sides are Preparing for It Bilal Y. Saab Nicholas Blanford The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Copyright © 2011 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu ANALYSIS PAPER Number 24, August 2011 THE NEXT WAR: How Another Conflict between Hizballah and Israel Could Look and How Both Sides are Preparing for It Bilal Y. Saab Nicholas Blanford Table of Contents Executive Summary . iii Acknowledgements . vi The Authors . vii Introduction . 1 Potential Return to Arms . 3 Hizballah Prepares for War . 6 Israel Prepares for War . 14 Conclusion . 20 THE NEXT WAR The Saban Center at BROOKINGS ii Executive Summary ebanon and Israel have enjoyed a rare calm waged between them, and both sides have been in the five years since the August 14, 2006 feverishly preparing for the next war ever since the ceasefire that brought an end to that sum- last one ended. Lmer’s month-long war, the fiercest ever action waged between Hizballah and the Israel Defense Hizballah’s Posture Forces (IDF). Since the end of the 2006 war, Hizballah has under- Both sides drew sharp lessons from the 2006 conflict. -
The Case of the Saudi-Iranian Rivalry Pauline Crepy Edited by Cassandra Moschella and Madeleine Northfeld
FLUX: International Relations Review Proxy Warfare’s Impact on Sectarianization: The Case of the Saudi-Iranian Rivalry Pauline Crepy edited by Cassandra Moschella and Madeleine Northfeld 22 23 FLUX: International Relations Review Cover art: Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have committed a school the region or makes inroads with Western powers, it has to come at the expense bus bombing in Yemen in August 2018, killing 40 children. In response, an event of the other” (Robins-Early 2017). of blue backpacks was held in Chicago, IL, to remember the loss of these children. In order to attain such infuence in the region, one wonders what makes the Source: Charles Edward Miller. November 30, 2018, https://fic.kr/p/R9emBy. Middle East susceptible to the strategy of proxy warfare. Within the context of the Saudi-Iranian rivalry, the power of religious identity has occupied a central role Tis article was submitted to POLI 360: War and Peace. in the permeability of neighboring states to indirect warfare. In efect, the rivals recognize the possibility for political gain in the confict between the Sunnis Abstract and Shi’as and capitalize on pre-existing sectarian tensions to gain regional Te Saudi Arabian and Iranian rivalry has torn the Middle East apart, dominance. To better understand the prevalence of proxy warfare in the Middle aggravating the region’s struggles concerning persistent authoritarianism, East, one must turn to the sectarianization thesis; sectarianization is “an active militia violence, and sectarian tensions. Tis paper explores the impact of proxy process shaped by political actors operating within specifc contexts, pursuing warfare on sectarianization by studying the case of the Saudi-Iranian rivalry in political goals that involve the mobilization of popular sentiments around both Syria and Yemen. -
Iran's Israel Policy
Iran’s Israel Policy Iran-Israel Conflict 1. Iran-Israel do not border each other and they’re well over a thousand miles from each other 2. Iran-Israel have no major bilateral claims toward one another 3. Historical memory of Persian-Judaic interactions is largely positive 4. Streets in Israel are named for Cyrus the Great, who allowed the Jews to return to Judea from their Babilonian exile in 538 BC. 5. Large Arab neighbors of Iran, like Iraq or Saudi Arabia, might be considered its natural competitors, Israel cannot. Israel and Iran dealt with an acute security challenge • A massive, largely hostile region unified by a common religion and a common antipathy. • All four of Israel immediate neighbors were Arab, backed by Arab & Muslim- majority states beyond them. • Israel’s natural posture was therefore to try and find fissures among its potential foes. • Prime Minister David Ben Gurion forged alliance with non-Arab countries in the Middle East as a counter-balance to the Arab states. • The Periphery Doctrine The Periphery Doctrine • The Periphery Doctrine (TPD): (Alliance with countries who had common orientation toward the West): 1. Pre-revolution Iran (A non-Arab but Muslim state) 2. Turkey (A non-Arab but Muslim state) 3. Ethiopia (A non-Arab Christian state) 4. Maronites in Lebanon 5. Kurds in Iraq • Israel was surrounded by radical Arab states and these Arab states sought the total destruction of Israel. • A way of offsetting the diplomatic/economic boycott of the Arab World • A traditional balance-of-power strategy aimed at countering pan-Arabism. -
Continuity Despite Revolution: Iran's Support for Non-State Actors
Crown Family Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Gary Samore Continuity Despite Revolution: Iran’s Director for Research Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor Support for Non-State Actors of Middle East History Naghmeh Sohrabi Associate Director Mohammad Ataie Kristina Cherniahivsky Associate Director for Research he Islamic Republic of Iran supports a number of David Siddhartha Patel Tnon-state actors throughout the Middle East, such as Myra and Robert Kraft Professor Hizbollah in Lebanon and elements of the Iraqi Popular of Arab Politics Eva Bellin Mobilization Forces (al-Hashd al-Sha‘bi). Iranian leaders Founding Director describe their support for such groups in religious and Professor of Politics Shai Feldman revolutionary terms and as resistance against “global arrogance” (Istikbar-i Jahani), meaning imperialism. This aspect Henry J. Leir Professor of the Economics of the Middle East of Iran’s foreign policy, therefore, is widely understood to be a Nader Habibi product of the 1978–79 Iranian Revolution and as motivated, Renée and Lester Crown Professor in large part, by ideology. of Modern Middle East Studies Pascal Menoret In contrast, this Brief argues that Iran’s pattern of support for non-state Founding Senior Fellows entities after 1979, shaped around the so-called Axis of Resistance, is a Abdel Monem Said Aly Khalil Shikaki continuation of a regional policy that dates to the late 1950s and continued through the 1960s and 1970s. Both Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the Goldman Faculty Leave Fellow Andrew March leaders of the Islamic Republic pursued a strategy of backing extraterritorial groups and invoking historical and religious ties to Shi‘i communities Harold Grinspoon Junior Research Fellow in the region to counter perceived threats and contain adversaries. -
11 BAB II DINAMIKA ORGANISASI LIGA ARAB Dalam Bab Ini Penulis
BAB II DINAMIKA ORGANISASI LIGA ARAB Dalam bab ini penulis memaparkan deskripsi umum tentang Liga Arab dan bagaimana hubungan Liga Arab dengan Palestina terkait topik bahasan ini. selain itu penulis juga memaparkan tentang bagaimana tujuan serta prinsip Liga Arab, keanggotaan Liga Arab serta struktur organisasi yang dimiliki oleh Liga Arab. A. Sejarah Terbentuknya Liga Arab Ketika Perang Dunia II masih berlangsung, terdapat keinginan yang muncul diantara negara-negara Arab di Timur Tengah untuk mendirikan sebuah organisasi. Organisasi tersebut diharapkan dapat memberikan wadah dalam berbagai aspek dan dapat menjadi penengah atau mediator ketika terjadi perselisihan di antara sesama negara Arab ataupun dengan negara non-Arab. Keinginan ini kemudian didukung oleh Inggris pada tahun 1942 dikarenakan Inggris memiliki motif untuk negara-negara Arab agar bergabung dengan pihak Sekutu. Namun pada saat itu negara-negara Arab tidak memiliki ketertarikan untuk bergabung (Firman, 2019). Alasan negara-negara Arab enggan untuk bergabung dikarenakan pada saat itu juga turut berkembang semangat anti-kolonialisme di sebagian besar ngara-negara Arab. Pada saat itu dapat dikatakan Mesir masih menjadi negara boneka imperialis Protektorat Britania. Sedangkan Yordania, Bahrain, Irak, Qatar dan Uni Emirat Arab dijajah Inggris. Maroko, Tunisia, Suriah dan Aljazair dijajah Perancis. Menurut catatan Council of Foreign Relation Liga Arab, dukungan dari Inggris ini dinilai sebagai motivasi untuk segera membentuk sebuah kesatuan nasionalis Arab yang nantinya akan meningkatkan dukungan bagi orang-orang Arab Palestina. Puncak dari proses 11 ini ialah pada tanggal 7 Oktober tahun 1944 yang mana ditandatangani sebuah perjanjian yaitu Protokol Alexandria yang berlokasi di Alexandria. Perjanjian ini ditandatangani oleh lima negara Arab yang menjadi awal dari dibentuknya Liga Arab satu tahun setelahnya (Masters & Sergie, 2014).