Prologues As Locus Auctoris in Historical Narratives: an Overview from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (Mediavistik Band 28 2015)

Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 28 2015

Andrea Grafetstätter / Sieglinde Hartmann / James Ogier (eds.), Islands 2015 · and Cities in Medieval Myth, Literature, and History. Papers Delivered at the International Medieval Congress, Univer-sity of Leeds, in 2005, 2006, and 2007 (2011) Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 28 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Eva Spinazzè, La luce nell'architettura sacra: spazio e orientazione nelle chiese del X-XII secolo tra Romandie e Toscana. Including an English summary. Con una introduzione di Xavier Barral i Altet e di Manuela Incerti (2016)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 28-2015 83024-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 11.04.16 KW 15 16:55 Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 28 2015

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 28 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 28-2015 83024-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 11.04.16 KW 15 16:55 Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen

Band 28 · 2015 Hl. Leonhard, S. Maria della Carità, Venedig

Auch in Italien fand der heilige Leonhard von Limoges, Patron der Gefangenen und Viehpatron, seine Verehrer. Dieses mit 1377 da- tierte Hochrelief zu Seiten des Eingangs zur (heute profanierten) Kirche S. Maria della Carità am Canal Grande zeigt ihn mit einem byzantinischen Vortragekreuz und eisernen Fesseln als Attributen. Zu seinen Füßen knien zwei Angehörige einer Bruderschaft, „con- fraternita“, die sich als „penitenti“ mit ihren Geißeln abbilden ließen. Ihm gegenüber ist ein gleichzeitig entstandener und in die gleiche Umrahmung gestellter heiliger Christophoros angebracht. Über bei- den Heiligen thront die Jungfrau Maria. (Bild und Text: Peter Dinzelbacher)

ISSN 0934-7453 ISSN-Internet 2199-806X © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2016 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Peter Lang Edition ist ein Imprint der Peter Lang GmbH. Peter Lang – Frankfurt am Main · Bern · Bruxelles · New York · Oxford · Warszawa · Wien Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. www.peterlang.com Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 1

Inhalt

Aufsätze Herausgegeben von Werner Heinz

Werner Heinz, Eine Festschrift für Albrecht Classen 11 Peter Meister, The Scholar as Poet 15 Andrew Breeze, The Name of King Arthur 23 Connie L. Scarborough, The Disabled and the Monstrous: Examples from Medieval Spain 37 Cristian Bratu, Prologues as Locus Auctoris in Historical Narratives: An Overview from Antiquity to the Middle Ages 47 Penny Simons, Geographies in Aimon de Varennes’ Florimont 67 Sibylle Jefferis, The Influence of the Trojan War Story on theNibelungenlied : Motifs, Characters, Situations 87 Peter Dinzelbacher, „strîtes êre“ – über die Verflechtung von Ehre, Schande, Scham und Aggressivität in der mittelalterlichen Mentalität 99 Christopher R. Clason, A “Courtly” Reading of Natural Metaphors: Animals and Performance in Gottfried’s Tristan 141 Alan V. Murray, Wernher der Gartenaere and the Arthurian Romance: The Intertextuality of Helmbrecht’s Cap 161 Karen Pratt, Adapting the Rose for New Manuscript Contexts: the Case of Poitiers, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 215 175 William C. McDonald, Red Jews and the Antichrist as the Jewish Messiah: Michel Beheim’s Endicrist (c. 1455). With a Translation 195 Andrew Weeks, Deutsche Mystik und mystisches Deutschtum 217 Winfried Frey, Die versäumte Gelegenheit zur Toleranz gegenüber den Juden: Anselms von Canterbury Cur deus homo. Eine Skizze 233 Birgit Wiedl, ...und kam der jud vor mich ze offens gericht. Juden und (städtische) Gerichtsobrigkeiten im Spätmittelalter 243 Thomas Willard, Beya and Gabricus: Erotic Imagery in German Alchemy 269 Reinhold Münster, Die Pilger und die Fleischeslust. Zur Ideengeschichte von Erotik, Kunst und Religion 283 Werner Heinz, Heilige Längen: Zu den Maßen des Christus- und des Mariengrabes in Bebenhausen 297 2 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Martha Moffitt Peacock, Mirrors of Skill and Renown: Women and Self-Fashioning in Early-Modern Dutch Art 325 Berta Raposo, Der Gegensatz Nord/Süd als Seitenentwurf in der Mittelalterrezeption Friedrich de la Motte Fouqués 353 William McDonald, A Short Introduction to George F. Jones, Eine Kugel kam geflogen 361 George Fenwick Jones, Eine Kugel kam geflogen (A bullet came a-flying.) 363

Rezensionen Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen

Gesamtes Mittelalter

Aborte im Mittelalter und der Frühen Neuzeit: Bauforschung, Archäologie, Kulturgeschichte, ed. Olaf Wagener (A. CLASSEN) 371 Emily Albu, The Medieval Peutinger Map: Imperial Roman Revival in a German Empire (A. CLASSEN) 372 La Fascination pour Alexandre le Grand dans les littératures européennes (Xe–XVIe siècle): Réinventions d’un mythe, ed. C. Gaullier-Bougassas (R. J. CORMIER) 374 Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Tim Neu, Christina Brauner (Hgg.), Alles nur symbo- lisch? Bilanz und Perspektiven der Erforschung symbolischer Kommunikation. Symbolische Kommunikation in der Vormoderne (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 376 The Arma Christi in Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture. With a Critical Edition of ‘O Vernicle’, ed. by Lisa H. Cooper and Andrea Denny-Brown (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 379 Barlaam und Josaphat: Neue Perspektiven auf ein europäisches Phänomen. Hg. von Constanza Cordoni und Matthias Meyer, unter Mitarbeit von Nina Hable (A. CLASSEN) 380 Georg Scheibelreiter, Wappen im Mittelalter (H. BERWINKEL) 382 Thomas Wozniak, Sebastian Müller, Andreas Meyer (Hg.), Königswege. Festschrift für Hans K. Schulze zum 80. Geburtstag und 50. Promotionsjubiläum (H. BERWINKEL) 384 A Catalogue of Western Book Illumination in the Fitzwilliam Museum and the Cambridge Colleges, Part IV: The British Isles. Volume I: Insular and Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, ed. N. Morgan and S. Panayotova, with the assistance of Rebecca Rushforth (S. BRUCE) 386 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 3

Daniel O’Sullivan, ed., Chess in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age. A Fundamental Thought Paradigm of the Premodern World (S. LUCHITSKAYA) 387 Handbook of Medieval Culture: Fundamental Aspects and Conditions of the European Middle Ages. Ed. Albrecht Classen (W. C. JORDAN) 390 Paul M. Cobb, Der Kampf ums Paradies: Eine islamische Geschichte der Kreuzzüge (A. CLASSEN) 392 Alexander Demandt, Der Baum: Eine Kulturgeschichte (A. CLASSEN) 394 Marina Münkler, Antje Sablotny und Matthias Standke, Hgg., Freundschaftszeichen: Gesten, Gaben und Symbole von Freundschaft im Mittelalter (A. CLASSEN) 396 Kerstin Hundahl, Lars Kjær, and Niels Lund, eds. Denmark and Europe in the Middle Ages, c. 1000–1525: Essays in Honour of Professor Michael H. Gelting (L. TRACY) 399 Jan Keupp und Romedio Schmitz-Esser, Hrg., Neue alte Sachlichkeit: Studienbuch Materialität des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN) 401 Gerhard Karpp, Mittelalterliche Bibelhandschriften am Niederrhein (C. GALLE) 402 Katalog der mittelalterlichen Helmstedter Handschriften der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Teil 1: Cod. Guelf. 1 bis 276 Helmst (C. GALLE) 404 Katalog der mittelalterlichen Handschriften in Salzburg. Stiftsbibliothek Mattsee, Archiv der Erzdiözese Salzburg, Salzburger Landesarchiv, Archiv der Stadt Salzburg, Salzburg Museum. Katalogband. Unter Mitarbeit von Beatrix Koll und Susanne Lang bearbeitet von Nikolaus Czifra und Rüdiger Lorenz. Registerband. Bearbeitet von Nikolaus Czifra und Rüdiger Lorenz (J. JEEP) 405 Anne Kirkham and Cordelia Warr, ed., Wounds in the Middle Ages. The History of Medicine in Context (L. TRACY) 407 Christina Mochty-Weltin, Karin Kühtreiber, Thomas Kühtreiber und Alexandra Zehetmayer, Wehrbauten und Adelssitze Niederösterreichs, Bd. 3: Das Viertel unter dem Wienerwald (R. WAGENER) 409 Hiram Kümper, Materialwissenschaft Mediävistik: Eine Einführung in die Historischen Hilfswissenschaften (A. CLASSEN) 411 Erik Kwakkel, Manuscripts of the Latin Classics, 800–1200 (S. BRUCE) 412 Literatur- und Kulturtheorien in der Germanistischen Mediävistik: Ein Handbuch. Hrsg. von Christiane Ackermann und Michael Egerding (A. CLASSEN) 414 Mächtige Frauen? Königinnen und Fürstinnen im europäischen Mittelalter (11.–14. Jahrhundert). Hrsg. von Claudia Zey. Unter Mitarbeit von Sophie Caflisch und Philippe Goridis (A. CLASSEN) 416 4 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Matter of Faith: An Interdisciplinary Study of Relics and Relic Veneration in the Medieval Period, ed. by James Robinson and Lloyd de Beer with Anna Harnden (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 417 The Meanings of Nudity in Medieval Art, hrsg. von Sherry C. M. Lindquist (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 419 Medieval Clothing and Textiles, ed. Robert Netherton and Gale R. Owen-Crocker, with the assistance of Monica L. Wright (A. CLASSEN) 421 The Medieval Way of War: Studies in Medieval Military History in Honor of Bernard S. Bachrach, ed. by Gregory L. Halfond (W. SAYERS) 422 Rudolf Simek, Monster im Mittelalter: Die phantastische Welt der Wundervölker und Fabelwesen (A. CLASSEN) 423 Muslim and Christian Contact in the Middle Ages: A Reader, ed. Jarbel Rodriguez (A. CLASSEN) 428 Jean Passini, The Medieval Jewish Quarter of Toledo (R. CORMIER) 429 Georg Patt, Studien zu den Salzehnten im Mittelalter, 2 Bde. (H. KÜMPER) 430 Polemic: Language as Violence in Medieval and Early Modern Discourse. Eds. Almut Suerbaum, George Southcombe, and Benjamin Thompson (F. ALFIE) 431 Thomas Wozniak, Quedlinburg. Kleine Stadtgeschichte (D. NICHOLAS) 433 Suzanne Reynolds, A Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library at Holkham Hall. Volume I. Manuscripts from Italy to 1500. Part I. Shelfmarks 1–399 (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 434 Barbara H. Rosenwein, Generations of Feeling: A History of Emotions, 600–1700 (A. CLASSEN) 437 Michael Mitterauer, St. Jakob und der Sternenweg. Mittelalterliche Wurzeln einer großen Wallfahrt (C. GRAFINGER) 439 Robert Bartlett, Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation (S. BRUCE) 441 John Carey, Emma Nic Cárthaigh, and Caitríona Ó Dochartaigh, with a fore- word by Bernard McGinn, The End and Beyond: Medieval Irish Eschatology (E. GARDINER) 442 The Medieval Chronicle IX, ed. Erik Kooper and Sjoerd Levelt (A. CLASSEN) 445 Von achtzehn Wachteln und dem Finkenritter: Deutsche Unsinnsdichtung des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit. Mittelhochdeutsch / Frühneuhochdeutsch / Neuhochdeutsch. Hrsg., übersetzt und kommentiert von Horst Brunner (A. CLASSEN) 446 Vergessene Texte des Mittelalters, hrsg. von Nathanel Busch und Björn Reich (A. CLASSEN) 448 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 5

Katie L. Walter, Ed., Reading Skin in Medieval Literature and Culture. The New Middle Ages (J. BARR) 451 Dorothea Weltecke, Ulrich Gotter und Ulrich Rüdiger (Hg.): Religiöse Vielfalt und der Umgang mit Minderheiten. Vergangene und gegenwärtige Erfahrungen (C. SCHOLL) 453 Siegfried Wenzel, Medieval Artes Preaedicandi. A Synthesis of Scholastic Sermon Structure (C. GALLE) 455

Frühmittelalter

Kristján Ahronson, Into the Ocean: Vikings, Irish, and Environmental Change in Iceland and the North (W. SAYERS) 457 Anthologia Latina. Eingeleitet, übersetzt und kommentiert von Wolfgang Fels (A. CLASSEN) 458 The Dating of “Beowulf”: A Reassessment, ed. Leonard Neidorf (A. BREEZE) 460 Luigi Andrea Berto, In Search of the First Venetians: Prosopography of Early Medieval Venice (A. THALLER) 461 Constance Brittain Bouchard, Rewriting Saints and Ancestors. Memory and Forgetting in France, 500–1200 (E. MEGIER) 463 Claire Breay and Bernard Meehan, The St. Cuthbert Gospel: Studies on the Insular Manuscript of the Gospel of John (S. BRUCE) 465 Peter Brown, The Ransom of the Soul: Afterlife and Wealth in Early Western Christianity (S. BRUCE) 467 Michael D. C. Drout, Tradition & Influence in Anglo-Saxon Literature: An Evolutionary, Cognitivist Approach (J. HILL) 468 Ego Trouble: Authors and their Identities in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard Corradini, Matthew Gillis, Rosamond McKitterick, and Irene van Renswoude (C. LANDON) 470 Janine Fries-Knoblach and Heiko Steuer, with John Hines (eds.), The Baiuvarii and Thuringi. An Ethnographic Perspective (M. PIERCE) 472 Clemens Gantner, Freunde Roms und Völker der Finsternis. Die päpstliche Konstruktion von Anderen im 8. und 9. Jahrhundert (C. GRAFINGER) 474 Tim Geelhaar, Christianitas: Eine Wortgeschichte von der Spätantike bis zum Mittelalter (E. MEGIER) 475 Die Gumbertusbibel: Goldene Bilderpracht der Romanik. Hrsg. von Anna Pawlik und Michele C. Ferrari (A. CLASSEN) 479 6 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Die Kaiserchronik: Eine Auswahl. Mittelhochdeutsch / Neuhochdeutsch. Übersetzt, kommentiert und mit einem Nachwort versehen von Mathias Herweg (A. CLASSEN) 480 Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München. Die Handschriften aus Regensburg. Band 4. Clm 14401–14540. Neu beschrieben von Friedrich Helmer und Julie Knödler unter Mitarbeit von Günter Glauche (J. JEEP) 481 Arnulf Krause, Lexikon der germanischen Mythologie und Heldensage (W SCHÄFKE) 483 Derek Krueger, Liturgical Subjects: Christian Ritual, Biblical Narrative, and the Formation of Self in Byzantium (V. MARINIS) 486 Natalie Maag, Alemannische Minuskel (744–846 n. Chr.) Frühe Schriftkultur im Bodenseeraum und Voralpenland (J. JEEP) 487 Richard Marsden, The Cambridge Old English Reader (A. CLASSEN) 489 Valerie L. Garver and Owen M. Phelan, ed., Rome and Religion in the Medieval World: Studies in Honor of Thomas F.X. Noble (S. BRUCE) 490 Otfrid von Weißenburg, Evangelienbuch. Aus dem Althochdeutschen übertragen und mit einer Einführung, Anmerkungen und einer Auswahlbibliographie versehen von Heiko Hartmann (A. CLASSEN) 491 Michael Philip Penn, Envisioning Islam: Syriac Christians and the Early Muslim World. Divinations: Rereading Late Antique Religion (S. BOYD) 493 The Old English Martyrology: Edition, Translation and Commentary, ed. Christine Rauer (S. GODLOVE) 495 Markus Schiegg, Frühmittelalterliche Glossen. Ein Beitrag zur Funktionalität und Kontextualität mittelalterlicher Schriftlichkeit (J. JEEP) 497 Juan Signes Codoñer, The Emperor Theophilos and the East, 829–842 (W. TREADGOLD) 500 Victoria Zimmerl-Panagl, Lukas J. Dorfbauer and Clemens Weidmann, ed., Edition und Erforschung lateinischer patristischer Texte: 150 Jahre CSEL: Festschrift für Kurt Smolak zum 70 (S. BRUCE) 502 Anders Winroth, The Age of the Vikings (A. SAUCKEL) 503

Hochmittelalter

Aelred de Rievaulx, Sermons. La Collection de Reading (C. GALLE) 507 Hartmann von Aue, Der arme Heinrich. Mittelhochdeutsch/Neuhochdeutsch. Hrsg., übersetzt und kommentiert von Nathanael Busch und Jürgen Wolf (A. CLASSEN) 509 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 7

Philippe Buc, Holy War, Martyrdom, and Terror: Christianity, Violence, and the West (E. KUEHN) 510 Lothar Voetz, Der Codex Manesse. Die berühmteste Liederhandschrift des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN) 512 Helge Eilers, Studien zu Sprache und Stil in alt- und mittelhochdeutscher Literatur (M. PIERCE) 513 Heiko Hartmann, Einführung in das Werk Wolframs von Eschenbach (A. CLASSEN) 515 Joachim Heinzle, Traditionelles Erzählen. Beiträge zum Verständnis von Nibelungensage und Nibelungenlied (M. PIERCE) 516 Eduard Hlawitschka, Die Ahnen der hochmittelalterlichen deutschen Könige und Kaiser und ihrer Gemahlinnen (A. WOLF) 518 Mirabilia Urbis Romae: Die Wunderwerke der Stadt Rom. Einleitung, Übersetzung und Kommentar von Gerlinde Huber-Rebenich, Martin Wallraff, Katharina Heyden und Thomas Krönung (A. CLASSEN) 523 Jan-Dirk Müller, Das Nibelungenlied. 4. neu bearbeitete und erweiterte Aufl. (A. CLASSEN) 524 Rupert T. Pickens, Perceval and Gawain in Dark Mirrors: Reflection and Reflexivity in Chrétien de Troyes’s Conte del Graal (A. CLASSEN) 525 Christine Putzo, Konrad Fleck, ‘Flore und Blanscheflur’ (A. CLASSEN) 526 The Romance of Tristran by Beroul and Beroul II: A Diplomatic Edition and a Critical Edition by Barbara N. Sargent-Baur (A. CLASSEN) 529 Larissa Schuler-Lang, Wildes Erzählen – Erzählen vom Wilden: Parzival, Busant und Wolfdietrich D. (A. CLASSEN) 530 Solomon ibn Abirol (Avicebron), The Font of Life (Fons Vitae). Trans. from the Latin with an Introduction by John A. Laumakis (A. CLASSEN) 531 Die jüngere Translatio s. Dionysii Areopagitae, hg. von Veronika Lukas (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 532 Verena Türck, Beherrschter Raum und anerkannte Herrschaft (H. BERWINKEL) 535 John Tzetzes, Allegories of the Iliad. Translated by Adam J. Goldwyn and Dimitra Kokkini (R. CORMIER) 537 Bernardus Silvestris, Poetic Works, .ed. and trans. by Winthrop Wetherbee (R. CORMIER) 538 Chris Wickham, Sleepwalking into a New World: The Emergence of the Italian City Communes in the Twelfth Century (F. ALFIE) 540 Wigamur, ed. and trans. by Joseph M. Sullivan (A. CLASSEN) 542 8 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

The Histories of a Medieval German City, Worms, c. 1000-c. 1300. Translation and Commentary. Trans. by David S. Bachrach (A. CLASSEN) 543 Roland Zingg, Die Briefsammlungen der Erzbischöfe von Canterbury, 1070–1170 (M. WITZLEB) 545 Christopher Tyerman, The Practices of Crusading. Image and Action from the Eleventh to the Sixteenth Centuries (S. LUCHITSKAYA) 547

Spätmittelalter

Die Augsburger Cantiones-Sammlung. Hrsg., übersetzt und kommentiert von Michael Callsen (A. CLASSEN) 551 Steven Bednarski. A Poisoned Past: The Life and Times of Margarida de Portu, a Fourteenth-Century Accused Poisoner (W. PFEFFER) 551 John Page’s “The Siege of Rouen”, ed. Joanna Bellis (A. BREEZE) 554 Vasil Bivolarov, Inquisitoren-Handbücher (A. KOBAYASHI) 555 Undine Brückner, Dorothea von Hof: “Das buoch der götlichen liebe und summe der tugent” (A. CLASSEN) 559 The Book of Gladness / The Livre de Leesce, trans. annotated, and with an Introduction by Linda Burke (A. CLASSEN) 561 Gisela Drossbach und Gerhard Wolf (Hrsg.), Caritas im Schatten von Sankt Peter (P. DINZELBACHER) 561 Christine de Pizan, Le Livre des epistres du debat sus le Rommant de la Rose (A. CLASSEN) 562 The Complete Harley 2253 Manuscript. Vol. 2 and 3. Ed. and trans. by Susanna Fein with David Raybin and Jan Ziolkowski (A. CLASSEN) 564 Der Stricker, Daniel von dem Blühenden Tal. 3., überarbeitete Aufl. Hg. von Michael Resler (A. CLASSEN) 565 Death, Torture and the Broken Body in European Art, 1300–1650, ed. John R. Decker and Mitzi Kirkland-Ives (A. CLASSEN) 566 Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon: Das Mittelalter. Hrsg. von Wolfgang Achnitz (A. CLASSEN) 568 Clayton J. Drees, Bishop Richard Fox of Winchester (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 570 Nikolaus Andreas Egel, Die Welt im Übergang. Der diskursive, subjektive und skeptische Charakter der Mappamondo des Fra Mauro (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 572 Arnold Esch, Die Lebenswelt des europäischen Spätmittelalters: Kleine Schicksale selbst erzählt in Schreiben an den Papst (A. CLASSEN) 574 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 9

Everyday Objects. Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture and its Meanings, hrsg. von Tara Hamling und Catherine Richardson (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 576 Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (T. WILLARD) 577 Geoffrey Chaucer, Troilus and Criseyde in Modern Verse. Trans., with Notes, by Joseph Glaser (A. CLASSEN) 579 Ursula Gießmann, Der letzte Gegenpast: Felix V.: Studien zu Herrschaftspraxis und Legitimationsstrategien (1434–1451) (A. CLASSEN) 580 Bernd-Ulrich Hergemöller, Prager Köpfe von Karl IV (A. CLASSEN) 582 Die Inschriften des Landkreises Hildesheim, bearb. von Christine Wulf (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 583 Ulrike Jenni, Maria Theisen, Mitteleuropäische Schulen IV (ca. 1380–1400) (J. JEEP) 584 Douglas Kelly, Machaut and the Medieval Apprenticeship Tradition: Truth, Fiction and Poetic Craft (U. SMILANSKY) 587 Sari Kivistö, The Vices of Learning: Morality and Knowledge at Early Modern Universities (E. KUEHN) 590 Die Bibliothek Herzog Johann Albrechts I. von Mecklenburg (1525–1576), beschrieben von Nilüfer Krüger (H. KÜMPER) 591 Maximilians Ruhmeswerk: Künste und Wissenschaften im Umkreis Kaiser Maximilians I. Hrsg. von Jan-Dirk Müller und Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (A. CLASSEN) 592 A Middle English Medical Remedy Book Edited from Glasgow University Library MS Hunter 185, ed. Francisco Alonso Almeida (A. BREEZE) 594 „Mit schönen figuren“ Buchkunst im deutschen Südwesten. Eine Ausstellung der Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg und der Württembergischen Landesbibliothek Stuttgart. Hg. von Maria Effinger und Kerstin Losert mit Beiträgen von Margit Krenn, Wolfgang Metzger und Karin Zimmermann (J. JEEP) 596 Nils Bock. Die Herolde im römisch-deutschen Reich (D. NICHOLAS) 598 Christina Normore, A Feast for the Eyes: Art, Performance & the Late Medieval Banquet (A. RUSSAKOFF) 600 Oton de Granson, Poems. Ed. and trans. by Peter Nicholson and Joan Grenier- Winther (A. CLASSEN) 602 Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (S. BRUCE) 604 Passional. Buch I: Marienleben. Buch II: Apostellegenden. Hrsg. von Annegret Haase, Martin Schubert und Jürgen Wolf (A. CLASSEN) 605 10 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Paurnfeindts Fechtbuch aus dem Jahr 1516, hg. von Matthias Johannes Bauer (A. CLASSEN) 607 Pedro Martínez García, El cara a cara con el otro: la visión de lo ajeno a fines de la Edad Media y comienzos de la Edad Moderna a través del viaje (A. CLASSEN) 608 Perceforest. Sixième partie. Edition critique par Gilles Roussineau (A. CLASSEN) 610 Coriolano Cippico, The Deeds of Commander Pietro Mocenigo in Three Books. Introduction, translation and notes by Kiril Petkov (A. THALLER) 611 The Works of the “Gawain” Poet: “Pearl”, “Cleanness”, “Patience”, “Sir Gawain and the Green Knight”, ed. Ad Putter and Myra Stokes (A. BREEZE) 613 Wolfgang Riehle, The Secret Within. Hermits, Recluses, and Spiritual Outsiders in Medieval England (J. LUDWIKOWSKA) 615 Rosengarten. Hrsg. von Elisabeth Lienert, Sonja Kerth und Svenja Nierentz. Teilband I: Einleitung, ‘Rosengarten ‘ A. Teilband II: ‘Rosengarten’ DP. Teilband III: ‘Rosengarten’ C, ‘Rosengarten’ F, ‘Niederdeutscher Rosengarten, Verzeichnisse (A. CLASSEN) 617 Alexander Markus Schilling, Mögliches, Unwahrscheinliches, Fabelhaftes: Die “Historia trium regum” des Johannes von Hildesheim und ihre orientalischen Quellen (D. RIEDEL) 618 Sebastian Brant, Indices zu Tugent Spyl und Narrenschiff. Hrsg. von Frédéric Hartweg und Wolfgang Putschke (A. CLASSEN) 620 Gabriele Signori, ed., Prekäre Ökonomien: Schulden in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (H. KÜMPER) 621 Charlotte A. Stanford, Commemorating the Dead in Late Medieval Strasbourg: The Cathedral’s Book of Donors and Its Use (1320–1521) (A. CLASSEN) 624 Supplications from England and Wales in the Registers of the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410–1503, volume II: 1464–1492, vol. III: 1492–1503 ed. by P. D. Clark-P.N.R. Zutshi (C. GRAFINGER) 625 Volker Stamm, Grundbesitz in einer spätmittelalterlichen Marktgemeinde: Land und Leute in Gries bei Bozen Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte (A. RAFFEINER) 627 Horst Rupp, Hrsg., Der Waltensburger Meister in seiner Zeit (A. CLASSEN) 629 Rainer Welle, ... vnd mit der rechten faust ein mordstuck. Baumanns Fecht- und Ringkampfhandschrift. Edition und Kommentierung der anonymen Fecht- und Ringkampfhandschrift Cod. I.6.4o2 der UB Augsburg aus den Beständen der Öttingen-Wallersteinischen Bibliothek (A. CLASSEN) 631 William Langland, Piers Plowman: A Modern Verse Translation, trans. Peter Sutton (A. CLASSEN) 632 Der Wunderer, hrsg. von Florian Kragl (A. CLASSEN) 634 10.3726/83024_47 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 47

Cristian Bratu

Prologues as Locus Auctoris in Historical Narratives: An Overview from Antiquity to the Middle Ages

Abstract. This essay retraces the emergence and the rise of prologues as loci auctoris in historical texts from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. I argue that chroniclers and historians have always perceived and used the prologue as the locus auctoris – a place where they could write about their methods, their opinions, their preferences and, last but not least, about themselves.

Proemium

In two previous studies, I have shown that a number of French medieval historians and chroniclers from the twelfth century to the fifteenth were particularly eager to depict themselves in their own writings, whether as active participants in the events they narrated or as “historians.”1 Many of these authorial interventions occurred primarily in the prologues of histories and chronicles, while the rest of the text was quintessentially narrative in form. In a sense, we could speak of a difference in content between, on the one hand, prologues, which tend to be the more analytical section of the text, where writers can introduce themselves, present their historical method and elaborate on the circumstances which prompted them to write their books (whether they were eyewitnesses to the events or they were asked by a patron to write about certain events, based on oral testimonies or other texts), and on the other, the main body of the text, which is usually more annalistic in nature. Of course, all historians did not limit their authorial interventions to prologues. As I have shown in another study published in Mediaevistik – a journal to which Al brecht Classen, whose accomplishments this Festschrift honors, has dedicated so much of his time –, a number of medieval French historians such as Jean de Joinville, Jean Froissart, and Philippe de Commynes did write about themselves, both as characters in the story and as historians, in the main body of the text.2 I argued that these historians laid the bases of what will bear the name of “autobiography” later on. However, it is obvious that most medieval historians concentrated their authorial interventions in the initial section of the text, whether or not this section was ostensibly separated from the main body of the text, and whether or not it was signaled as such (proemium, prologue, preface, exordium, dedication, etc.). Naturally, historical prologues were not a medieval invention. Indeed, ancient historians were the first to realize the strategic textual importance of prologues and in this essay, I will 48 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 retrace the emergence and the rise of prologues as loci auctoris in historical texts from Antiquity to the central Middle Ages.3

Authorial Identity and Prologues in the Ancient World

The ancient Middle East seems to have paid little attention to the author’s identity. In Sumerian, Akkadian, and Egyptian literatures, the silence over the author’s name is almost deafening. Who is the author or who are the authors of, say, the Babylonian poem Enûma Eliš? No one knows, and it is also quite possible that his or her name did not matter to contemporary people, since the name of the author would have most probably been seen as irrelevant in this grandiose creation myth centered on the contest between Bel-Marduk and Tiamat. Here and there, one finds names of scribes, as in certain Egyptian texts: Ame- naa, Kgaboo, Pentaour, Kheti.4 But apart from these rare scribal signatures, one can hardly speak of an authorial persona in ancient Middle Eastern texts. Gérard Leclerc is certainly right to point out in his Histoire de l’autorité that the idea of the author as an individual was born in ancient Greece. François Hartog goes even further when he claims that ancient Greece invented not so much history-writing per se but rather the idea of the historian as a writing subject. Hartog also adds: In the intellectual history of ancient Greece, this type of bold self-assertion was not to be found exclusively in historical texts. In fact, it is the attribute of an entire era (situated between the sixth and the fifth century BCE) which saw the rise of “egotism,” that is to say the desire to be seen as an author, among various artists, philosophers, and physicians [my translation].5 Among the main causes of this rise in individualism and self-assertiveness, Hartog sees the intellectual life of Greek cities, which allowed intellectuals (if one may use this slightly anachronistic word) to question the order of the world, instead of attempting to maintain it or prevent its decay, as was the case in Egypt and Mesopotamia. The audacity to question, discuss, and analyze eventually led to the idea that humans could be the legitimate source of ideas or narratives, without necessarily having to justify themselves via the gods or the Muses. Once again, Hartog is right to claim that it was during the Hellenistic period that the prologue was developed and nearly became a genre in itself.6 In his famous monograph Seuils, Gérard Genette calls the prologue an “authorial preface” (“préface originale ou auc- toriale”)7 because this is indeed the place that has been used by authors since Antiquity to present their discours de la méthode, to quibble with other authors, and last but not least, to give in to what we might call intellectual narcissism. Not all historians prefaced their works. For instance, Xenophon (c. 430–354 BC) did not write an introductory section for his Hellenica, which, by the way, earned him and his imitators sarcastic remarks from Lucian of Samosata. But most other Greek historians did write prologues. Whereas poets tended to claim that they were inspired by the Muses, such as Homer in the Iliad (Book 2, lines 484–493) and the Odyssey (Book I, 1–5), as well as Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 49

Hesiod in the Theogony (ll. 22–34), the only entity that could guarantee the veracity of a historian’s work was the historian himself. The Genealogiai, written by Hecataeus of Mi- letus, opens with the very name of the historian: Hecataeus of Miletus speaks thusly: I write these things as they appear to me to be true. For it seems to me that the accounts [logoi] of the Greeks are many and absurd.8 In essence, Hecataeus (c. 550 BC – c. 476 BC) expresses here his skepticism with regard to the oral history that had informed much of Greek literature, and suggests that unlike storytellers and logographers, he, Hecataeus, will write a different, non-mythical history. Herodotus (c. 484 BC – c. 425 BC) is somewhat less combative in the first paragraph of his Histories but like Hecataeus, he mentions his name in the very first paragraph of his work as well: Here are presented the results of the enquiry carried out by Herodotus of Halicarnassus. The purpose is to prevent the traces of human events from being erased by time, and to preserve the fame of the important and remarkable achievements produced by both Greeks and non-Greeks.9 But Herodotus’ persona does not appear only in the preface. John Marincola correctly ar- gues that whereas the Homeric narrator was fairly self-effaced, Herodotus frequently draws attention upon his role as “organizer and expositor of his history, reminding his audience of the travels, investigative work, and comparison of accounts that went into the making of his history, while oftentimes commenting explicitly on the quality of the material he includes.”10 Indeed, Herodotus often intervenes as a narrator to emphasize the veracity of his claims (“I know that this is what happened, because I heard it from the Delphians”)11 or, at times, to admit his ignorance (“I am not in a position to say for certain what language the Pelasgians used to speak”),12 to announce another topic or event (“The next task of this account of ours is to learn more about Cyrus”)13 or to conclude on a matter (“So that is the story of Cyrus’ birth and upbringing, and that is how he came to be king”).14 In contrast, Thucydides (c. 460 BC – c. 395 BC) adopts a different attitude, as he con- centrates most of his authorial interventions to the beginning of the text. At first glance, it would seem that, like Herodotus, Thucydides briefly introduces himself in the first paragraph and then intends to move on to a different topic: Thucydides of Athens wrote this history of the war fought against each other by the Pelo- ponnesians and the Athenians. He began his work right at the outbreak, reckoning that this would be a major war and more momentous than any previous conflict.15 But a few lines further, Thucydides speaks about himself again, this time in the first person: Accurate research into earlier or yet more ancient history was impossible given the great gap of time, but I have enquired as far into the past as I can, and on the evidence which I can trust I think there was nothing then on a large scale, either in wars or in anything else. 50 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

After a few considerations on the Peloponnesian War, we hear yet again Thucydides’ voice: “And here is substantial proof of my argument,” and later, “This again I see as significant proof,” “I believe,” “I am inclined to think,” and so on. In fact, the first twenty-odd par- agraphs constitute an extended prologue that Thucydides concludes with a long passage focusing on his work as historian: Nevertheless anyone accepting the broad facts of my account on the arguments I have adduced will not go wrong. He will put less faith in the glorified tales of the poets and the compilations of the prose chroniclers, whose stories are written more to please the ear than to serve the truth, are incapable of proof, and for the most part, given the lapse of time, have passed into the unreliable realms of romance. He will conclude that my research, using the clearest evidence available, provides a sufficiently accurate account considering the antiquity of the events.16 Similarly, Polybius’ (ca. 200–118 BC) Histories have a fairly long and elaborate prologue, in which eulogy of history and self-praise seem to play equally important parts, and I quote here the very beginning of the text: If earlier historians had failed to eulogize history itself, it would, I suppose, be up to me to begin by encouraging everyone to occupy himself in an open-minded way with works like this one, on the grounds that there is no better corrective of human behaviour than knowledge of past events.17 One of the most interesting and subtle parts of this prologue can be found in paragraph four, where Polybius emphasizes what he calls the “distinctive feature of his work”: “Fortune,” he says, “has turned almost all the events of the known world in a single direction and has forced everything towards the same goal.” The duty of a historian is, according to Polybius, “to bring under a single conspectus for his readers the means by which Fortune has brought everything to this point.” And here comes the most important part: In fact, it was this in particular that originally prompted me to set about writing history – and then also the fact that no one else in our times has attempted to write a universal history, because otherwise I would have been far less inclined to do so. But I saw that most historians had concerned themselves with particular wars and with certain of the events that went along with them, while no one, as far as I knew, had even attempted to investigate the general, comprehensive organization of events, in the sense of asking when and why this scheme of things started, and how it was realized. And so I came to believe that it was absolutely essential for me not to overlook or leave in obscurity the finest thing Fortune has ever achieved, and the one from which we can learn the most.18 Here, Polybius not only emphasizes that he is the very first historian to attempt to write a universal history but also responds to Aristotle who had claimed in his Poetics (9, 1451, a36-b11) that history was only concerned with particular events, while poetry alone dealt with the general or the universal. Polybius thus elevates history to the rank of a discipline equal to poetry and perhaps philosophy, while elevating himself to the role of first universal historian, respondent to Aristotle, and redeemer of history-writing. It is clear by now that since Antiquity, we are dealing essentially with three types of historical texts. The first type of text has no prologue at all, such as Xenophon’s Hellenica. Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 51

The second type of text has, like Herodotus’ Histories, a relatively short prologue followed by the historical narrative proper. The third type of text has, like Thucydides and Polybi- us’ histories, a rather long and elaborate prologue, in which the author usually includes a lengthy exposé on his own work, method, and persona. These three basic modes of addressing the readership at the beginning of the text can also be found in Roman historiography. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae, for example, is a compilation of biographies of the Roman emperors from 117 to 284. In the incipit, there is no information available as to the name of the author (or the authors, because the work was allegedly written by several people). In fact, contemporary research has shown that this text was most probably written by a single historian, whose desire to conceal his identity is entirely understandable, given the unreliable nature of this text.19 Julius Caesar’s (100–44 BC) Gallic War, too, begins without a prologue: Gaul is divided into three parts, one of which is inhabited by the Belgae, another by the Aquitani, and a third by the people called in their own tongue Celtae, in the Latin Galli.20 In some cases, it appears as though the text has no prologue simply because the beginning was lost. Such is the case with Suetonius’ De Vita Caesarum which, in the absence of the prologue, opens with a short and somewhat awkward-sounding sentence: “… In the course of his sixteenth year he lost his father.”21 However, other Roman historians chose to write more or less elaborate prefaces. Not all historians reveal their names in the preface but many of them, like Diodorus of Sicily (ca. 90 BC – ca. 20 BC), provide sufficient autobiographical information to help readers identify the author. Diodorus Siculus, for instance, notes that his city of origin is Agyrium (Sicily) and that he has resided in Rome for long time. Following in the footsteps of Greek historians who saw it as their duty to travel to the places that they evoked in their writings and inquire about past historical events that occurred there, Diodorus writes that he has travelled to both Asia and Europe in order to see the most important regions of the earth with his own eyes. He also notes, proudly, that he has spent thirty years writing his works which encompass the history of the earth from its early days to the present. While Diodorus agrees that “writers of history are accorded a merited approbation,” he also notes that “not one has continued his history beyond the Macedonian period.”22 Thus, he suggests, his history will be the very first complete history of the world. Indeed, like Greek historians, Roman writers tend to express their historiographic and literary ambitions in the prologue. To find another example of authorial self-assertiveness in the prologue, let us refer to the praefatio of the History of Rome by Livy (59 BC – 17 AD). The Roman historian does not shy away from admitting, from the very beginning, that he longs for literary fame: Whether I am likely to accomplish anything worthy of the labour, if I record the achievements of the Roman people from the foundation of the city, I do not really know, nor if I knew would I dare to avouch it; perceiving as I do that the theme is not only old but hack- neyed, through the constant succession of new historians, who believe either that in their facts they can produce more authentic information, or that in their style they will prove 52 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

better than the rude attempts of the ancients. Yet, however this shall be, it will be a satisfac- tion to have done myself as much as lies in me to commemorate the deeds of the foremost people of the world; and if in so vast a company of writers my own reputation should be obscure, my consolation would be the fame and greatness of those whose renown will throw mine into the shade.23 This is indeed an extraordinary preface with regard to the authorial persona of the historian because this very tension, this constant back-and-forth between intellectual humilitas on the one hand and the desire to be recognized for one’s merits on the other will define authorial self-expression for centuries to come. Equally important in Livy’s preface is his remark about “modern” historians – a category to which he belongs – and ancient writers. Livy expresses here the natural desire of “modern” historians to assert themselves by em- phasizing their reliability (“authentic information”) and literary skills (“style”). However, in that same sentence, Livy uses the verb “credunt” (“believe either that in their facts they can produce more authentic information, or that in their style they will prove better than the rude attempts of the ancients”), which seems to cast a shadow of doubt over the ability of moderns to surpass the ancients. It feels as if, fearful of appearing too prideful, Livy introduced the verb “believe” in that sentence simply to tone down the praise bestowed upon modern writers. Once again, we will see this tension between self-assertiveness and humility before the ancients time and time again in medieval texts. Similarly, Tacitus (AD 56 – AD 117) begins his Histories by acknowledging that Roman history has been the topic of countless books: I propose to begin my work with the year when Servius Galba was consul for the second time and Titus Vinius was his colleague. Many historians have dealt with the 820 years of the earlier period beginning with the foundation of Rome, and the story of the Roman Republic has been told with equal eloquence and independence.24 Naturally, Tacitus will focus on more recent history. But that is not all that the historian has to say when, a few lines farther, he explains why he wrote this book: After the Battle of Actium, when the interests of peace were served by the centralization of all authority in the hands of one man, that literary genius fell idle. At the same time truth was shattered under a variety of blows. Thus, after appearing rather humble in the incipit, Tacitus now claims, although indirectly, that it is he who will resurrect the literary genius that died after the Battle of Actium. Then, Tacitus goes on to say that most historians are biased, whereas he will treat the subject at hand as impartially as possible: But historians find that flattery soon incurs the stigma of slavishness and earns for them the contempt of their readers, whereas people readily open their ears to slander and envy, since malice gives the false impression of independence. From Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, I have experienced nothing either to my advantage or my hurt. I cannot deny that I owe the launching of my career to Vespasian, or that I was advanced by Titus and still further promoted by Domitian; but those who lay claim to unbiased accuracy must speak of no man with either hatred or affection. Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 53

In this passage, Tacitus continues the tirade on the importance of impartiality in history-writing while providing a few autobiographical details about himself which enhance the authorial persona that the historian had sketched at the beginning of the preface. Except that here, Tacitus speaks of himself as a historical actor rather than an author. Tacitus is only the first of a long line of historians who describe themselves as both actors in and authors of their historical narratives. As I have shown in the three studies mentioned earlier, medieval historians such as Geoffroy de Villehardouin and Jean de Joinville will be equally eager to speak about themselves as characters in their story, thus opening the way for the emergence of early modern and modern autobiographies.

Prologues as Loci Auctorum in the Middle Ages

It has been argued – correctly but only up to a point – that the advent of Christian history-writing marked the beginning of an era in which historians and scribes chose to efface themselves in order to give prominence to God and, at times, to the patron of the history or to History itself. For example, in the prologue to his Vita sancti Martini, the fourth-century Christian historian Sulpicius Severus asks his spiritual brother Desiderius to delete the title of the book and his own name, so that readers pay attention to the text itself (materia) and disregard the identity of the author.25 In a similar vein, Gregory the Great, one of the greatest authors of the early medieval period, wrote in the preface to the Moralia in Job that since the Holy Ghost is the real author of a book, the identity of the human writer (scriptor) is irrelevant.26 But that is most definitely not the case with all Christian historians. One of the early Church Fathers, Jerome (ca. 347–420), translator of Eusebius of Caesarea’s Chronicle, prefaced his work with a lengthy exordium in which he elaborated on the difficulties of translation in general and of his translation in particular. The imprint of Christian humilitas, superimposed on the Roman topos of the author’s uncertainty as to the quality of his work, is quite evident in this preface. Thus, Jerome begs his friends to treat his translation kindly, in spite of its flaws: And so, my dearest Vincentius, and you, Gallienus, part of my soul, I entreat you to read this work, however confused it is, in the spirit of friends and not of judges, especially since (as you know) I have dictated to a secretary in tremendous haste.27 Humilitas notwithstanding, Jerome writes he is very much aware that “there will be many people who, from their customary joy in disparaging everything, will sink their teeth into this volume.” In order to counter such criticism, Jerome writes that whatever inaccuracies there may be in his text, they are the original author’s fault. But although Jerome the translator has just blamed the author Eusebius for all historical inaccuracies, a few sentences farther, Jerome writes, without fear of contradicting himself, that he is in fact a co-author of this chronicle: 54 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Indeed, you should know that I fulfilled the task of both a translator and, to some extent, of an author, since I faithfully translated the Greek and added a considerable amount of material that I thought had been omitted, particularly in the case of Roman history.28 As a Christian author, Jerome does recognize that he has translated someone else’s text and borrowed from other authors but at the same time, he does not shy away from claiming what is his in the Chronicle: From Ninus and Abraham down to the fall of Troy, therefore, this is entirely a translation from the Greek. From the fall of Troy to the twentieth year of the reign of Constantine I have added some new entries and integrated a considerable amount of material that I pain- stakingly excerpted from [Suetonius] Tranquillus and other famous historians. From the twentieth year of Constantine to the sixth consulship of Valens and the second of Valentin- ian it is all mine. “All mine.” Christian humilitas and intellectual self-assertiveness were not, as Jerome’s example shows, incompatible. We encounter a similar attitude in the works of another translator of Eusebius and contemporary of Jerome’s, Rufinus. In his translation of Eusebi- us’ Ecclesiastical History, Rufinus writes that he transposed the Greek text into Latin and added some of his own materials: I myself wrote the tenth and eleventh books, based partly upon the accounts of my predecessors and partly upon what my own memory had retained, and I joined them like the two fish to the loaves of the writings that precede them.29 Some authors, such as Procopius of Caesarea (500–560), author of the Wars, a history in eight books of Justinian’s military expeditions, had few qualms about humilitas. Procopius mentions his name in the very incipit of his history: Procopius of Caesarea wrote an account of the wars that Justinian, emperor of the Romans, waged against the foreign nations of both East and West, relating the particular course of events in each case, so that in the absence of a written record the passage of time would not overwhelm deeds of surpassing importance, consigning them to oblivion and effacing all memory of them.30 Moreover, Procopius appears to be very much aware of his privileged social and military position which, as he notes in the prologue, make him “more capable than anyone else of writing an account of these events, if for no other reason than that, having been chosen adviser to the general Belisarius, he happened to have been present at almost all of what happened.” While in the Wars he depicted a very flattering portrait of Belisarius and of the Roman emperor, Procopius does the complete opposite in his Secret History, in which he depicts Justinian as a tyrant, Theodora as a prostitute, and Belisarius’ wife Antonina as an adulteress. One point in common with the Wars, though, is Procopius’ ever-present persona in the prologue. In the prologue to the Secret History, too, Procopius the narrator and com- mentator is constantly there to give us his point of view. This time, Procopius poses less as a quasi-official historian, as he had done in theWars , but as a historian of all the less than savory aspects that he could not narrate in his first work: Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 55

As I set to work on this task […], one that is difficult and exceedingly daunting, dealing as it does with the lives of Justinian and Theodora, I stammer and draw back as far as I can when I consider that what I am about to write will appear neither trustworthy nor plausi- ble to future generations, particularly when the long passage of time makes my account more antiquated, and I fear that I shall acquire the reputation of a purveyor of tales and be classed among the author of tragedies. Nonetheless, drawing courage from the fact that there are others to corroborate my account, I shall not shrink from the burden of this task.31 The name of the Venerable Bede (ca. 672–735), too, appears at the very beginning of his Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation, which is presented as a book dedicated “to the most glorious King Ceolwulf” by Baeda famulus Christi, et presbyter (“Bede the servant of Christ and Priest”).32 Thereafter, Bede adopts a humble pose in the prologue, like most medieval historians. In the first lines of the prologue, he addresses Ceolwulf of Northum- bria once again: The history of things done in the Church of the English nation, which of late I had set forth, I did both first on your desire very gladly send your Grace to have a sight and proof thereof, and now do send it to you again, to the intent that you may copy it out and more fully at your leisure consider it. After addressing once again the potestas to whom the work is dedicated, Bede mentions a long list of auctoritates who aided him in the composition of the history; and then, at the very end of the prologue, Bede speaks of himself once more: Furthermore, I earnestly pray all men unto whom this same History of our nation shall come, that, whether they read it or hear it, they will not cease to offer up intercessions before the heavenly Mercy for my infirmities both of mind and body; and that all men in their several provinces may render me the recompense of their reward, to the intent that, having diligently endeavoured to set forth concerning those provinces or yet more exalted places, such things as I thought worthy to be recorded and well-pleasing to the inhabitants thereof, I may have of all men the fruit of their pious supplications.33 Bede’s dedication and prologue are extremely important for our discussion here because they contain a strategy that countless medieval historians will use later on. It is what I would call the strategy of Janus bifrons, in the sense that it allows the author to appear as humble and self-assertive at the same time. In the prologue, Bede appears humble because he dedicates the book to a political potentate and admits drawing inspiration from the works of ecclesiastical and intellectual higher-ups, while speaking of himself only at the very end of the prologue. But we should not forget that his name appears at the very beginning of the text, in the dedication to King Ceolwulf. Moreover, by mentioning himself in conjunc- tion with Ceolwulf, Bede presents himself nearly as an official or royal historian. He may appear humble towards the various auctoritates that he quotes but at the same time, the auctoritates lend Bede a certain degree of authority that he would have not had on his own. Over the next few centuries, many historians will mention their name in the incipit of the text or the dedicatory sentence that opens or precedes the prologue, followed by the name of the dedicatee of the text (usually the person who inspired or asked the author to write the book). That is the case with Paul the Deacon (ca. 720–799), who begins his Roman 56 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

History with the following sentence: “To my lady the most distinguished and exalted duch- ess Adalperga, Paul, your humble suppliant.”34 Far from limiting his authorial interventions to this brief passage in which he names himself, Paul the Deacon makes his voice heard throughout the whole opening section, addressing Adalperga (“I, who have always encour- aged your grace’s studies”), expressing hope that his patroness will like his work (“I hope that my success in carrying out what you have commanded will match the enthusiasm with which I have undertaken it”), explaining the guiding principles of his history and, finally, promising to continue it up to the present (“if you are resolved upon it, and if the words of my predecessors furnish me support in this undertaking, then while I am still alive I will bring this same history down to our age”). Like Paul the Deacon, Frechulf of Lisieux (died in 850/852), reveals his name in the dedicatory incipit of his Chronicle: “To my lord and teacher, the most beloved Helisachar, Frechulf, the least of bishops, in Christ the son of God”;35 and also like Paul, Frechulf comments on his writing principles, noting that he borrowed from various authors, mentioning their names wherever he deemed necessary, and omitting them in other cases. We encounter the same type of authorial self-introduction in the Book of the Bishops of the Church of Ravenna by Agnellus of Ravenna (ca. 805–840s): To you who request a book setting out in an organized fashion the order of succession of the bishops who have taken up the see of Saint Apollinaris, as the truthfulness and reason- ing of your Agnellus (who is also Andreas) of the same orthodox see of Ravenna, could discover and ascertain.36 After the Carolingian era, this self-introduction consisting of the author’s name, the name of the dedicatee, a declaration of humilitas and, sometimes, a brief note as to the circumstances in which the author wrote the book becomes almost the norm. Of course, we have a number of local and monastic chronicles that aimed to record the history of a town or of a monastery, and in such cases, the names of the historians mattered little (although, as we will see with Flodoard and Adam of Bremen, that was not the case with all local and monastic chronicles.) However, in many “national,” regional, and “royal” chronicles, authors did name themselves – most of them in the introductory paragraph, and others somewhere else in the prologue (or the epilogue). Regino of Prüm (died ca. 915) begins his Chronicle in the same way as Paul the Deacon and Frechulf of Lisieux: To lord bishop Adalbero, a man of superior intelligence distinguished many times over for his studies in every branch of philosophy, Regino, albeit the least among the worshippers of Christ, yet supremely devoted to your loftiness in all things, sends the faithful obeisance of his words.37 This is how Flodoard (894–966), priest and canon of the Cathedral of Rheims, began his History of the Church of Rheims: To the venerable and renowned lord bishop R., much beloved in the charity of Christ, Flo- doard, a servant of your great beneficence, wishes every joy of the holy virtues in Christ.38 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 57

Liudprand of Cremona (ca. 920–972), begins his Antapodosis in a similar vein: To the reverend Recemund, bishop of the church of Elvira, one who is filled with all holi- ness, Liudprand, a deacon of the church of Pavia not by his own merits, sends greetings.39 Although most medieval historians were males, this self-introductory formula is far from being an exclusively male tendency. Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim (ca. 935–968) begins her Deeds of Otto in the following manner: To the renowned abbess Gerberga, who is accorded reverent obedience as much for her conspicuous integrity as for the distinguished lineage of her royal birth, Hrotsvitha of Gan- dersheim, the least of the least of those who serve under the authority of so great a figure, wishes what a servant owes to her mistress.40 Around the year 1000, historians such as Aimon of Fleury (author of the History of the Franks), Dudo of Saint-Quentin (wrote the Deeds of the Normans, supposedly commis- sioned by Richard I of Normandy), Raoul Glaber (Histories), Wipo (author of The Life of Emperor Conrad II), and William of Jumièges (wrote the Deeds of the Norman Dukes) begin their chronicles in the same exact way. Adam of Bremen (ca. 1040–1081), too, begins his Deeds of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen with the consecrated formula. Al- though he mentions only his initial, he provides enough detail to be identified in the future (“A[dam], the least of the canons of the holy church of Bremen”).41 This tradition remains very much alive in the high and late Middle Ages. In the late eleventh century, Guibert de Nogent (ca. 1060–1124) begins his Deeds of God through the Franks with an Epistle to Lisiard, and its incipit reads as follows: To Lisiard, father and lord bishop of the holy church of Soissons, Guibert, forever a debtor to his generosity, wishing whatever is believed sweet and singular in affection.42 Guibert even writes that his friends had asked him why he did not want to include his name in the prologue at first and that he was convinced to do so only after concluding that the work could benefit from the prestige of bishop Lisiard. Interestingly enough, Guibert explains in this passage why he included Lisiard’s name but not why he mentioned his own name. Once again, the medieval topos of humilitas should never blind us to the fact that writers from that period, in spite of their apparent piety and meekness, wanted to be recognized as worthy inhabitants of the Republic of Letters. We encounter this formulaic self-introduction, followed by authorial comments on the nature of the work and its organization in chronicles written all across Europe. Cosmas of Prague (ca. 1045–1125), author of a Chronicle of the Bohemians, began his text with a prologue to Severus, provost of the church of Melnik, in which he introduced himself as “Cosmas, dean of the church of Prague in name only.” He also wrote as a preface for Arch- deacon Gervase, in which he described himself as “Cosmas, one hardly worthy to be called what he is called.”43 There is also a proem to Clement, abbot of the Church of Brevnov, in which Cosmas depicts himself in similar terms. In the twelfth century, William of Tyre, writing from the Holy Land, opens his Chronicle with the following words: 58 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

William, through the sufferance of God an unworthy servant of the holy church of Tyre, to his venerable brethren in Christ whom the present work has reached, wishing you eternal salvation in the Lord.44 Christiane Marchello-Nizia is right to point out that these formulae that contain the name of the author and other elements through which the author bears witness to the reliability of his history have almost a legal seriousness about them.45 We encounter such formulae in charters and other legal texts as well, in which signatories bear witness before a notary or a lawyer. Through these formulae, authors claim the text as theirs and also bear witness to the veracity of what they have narrated – at least, such is the intended effect, for it is a known fact that countless historians have included in their writings materials of uncer- tain or dubious quality. Although these incipits are quite formulaic, they rarely appear by themselves. As I have already mentioned, most authors include after this formula various personal, methodological, and historical considerations. William of Tyre, the author quoted earlier, is no exception. After the brief formulaic introduction quoted above, William dwells on the numerous problems that historians have to face when they write histories. Here is a brief excerpt: No man of wisdom could doubt that committing the deeds of kings to writing is a dan- gerous enterprise attended by great risk. To say nothing of the toil, unceasing effort, and constant sleepless nights that an undertaking of this sort demands, the authors of histories are invariably threatened by two different dangers, both of which they can scarcely avoid. For if they flee from Charybdis, then they run into dog-girdle Scylla, who is just as capable of bringing ships to grief. Thus, they will either strive to produce a true account of events and stir up hostility in many quarters, or else conceal what happened in an effort to soften feelings of resentment, a course of action that is in no way blameless.46 Naturally, all chronicle prologues do not contain the name of the author. Some of them, such as the Chronicle by Gervase of Canterbury (ca. 1140–1210), the History of Nike- tas Choniates (ca. 1155–1216) or the Flowers of History by Roger of Wendover (died in 1236) contain a wealth of personal, historical, and philosophical comments but the name of the author does not appear in the prologue, whether because the author neglected this aspect or because he thought his name would be preserved some other way (on the cover, thanks to a scribal inscription, etc.). Other texts, such as the famous Polychronicon by Ran- ulph Higden (ca. 1280–1364), contain just the author’s initial. At the end of the prologue, Ranulph writes: And although I am using what belongs to others, I am making it my own by frequently setting forth the opinions of the ancients in my own words, so much so that I am using the authors whose names are written at the beginning of this work as a shield against my enemies. Whatever is written in the voice of the compiler, however, appears under the letter “R.”47 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 59

Epilogue

We know that the picture changes somewhat with the emergence of vernacular histories and new historical genres during the Middle Age. Many scribes and compilers who worked for corporate, aristocratic, or royal patrons and composed monastic, town, or genealogical chronicles tended not to sign their works. In many cases, these “writers” had to efface themselves in order to give prominence to God, to the patron of the history or to History itself. We know, for instance, that the first version of theGrandes chroniques de France was written and compiled by the monk Primat from the abbey of Saint-Denis but Primat did certainly not see himself as an author worthy of writing a personal prologue in the vein of a Tacitus or an Eusebius of Caesarea. Even certain non-corporate historians, such as the thirteenth-century crusader chroniclers Geoffrey of Villehardouin and Robert de Clari, did not mention their names in the prologue (Villehardouin mentions his name later in the text, while Clari does so in the epilogue). Although the tradition of self-naming existed in twelfth-century France in the works of Anglo-Norman writers such as Benoît de Sainte-Maure, it seems to recede by the end of the century. We have to wait until the late thirteenth-early fourteenth century for the tradition of authorial prologues to be revived by Joinville, who wrote in the (second) prologue to his Life of Saint Louis: In the name of Almighty God, I, Jean, Lord of Joinville, Seneschal of Champagne, dictate the life of our good King, Saint Louis, in which I shall record what I saw and heard both in the course of the six years in which I was on pilgrimage in his company oversea, and after we returned to France.48 When writing these words, Joinville reconnected with a long tradition of authorial prologue that stretches back, as we have shown earlier, all the way to ancient historians. It is safe to conclude, therefore, that from Antiquity to the late Middle Ages (and beyond), historians have perceived the prologue as the locus auctoris – the place where they could write about their methods, their opinions, their preferences, their biases or attempts to avoid them and, finally, about themselves.

Bibliography

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Classen, Albrecht, “Literary or Not? The Fictionality Debate in Autobiographical Wri- tings by a Fifteenth-Century German Woman Writer: Helene Kottanner’s Memoirs,” Medieval Perspectives 19 (2006), 64–90. Classen, Albrecht, “Literary Autobiography and Mystical Vision. Heinrich Seuse’s Contribution to the History of German Literature,” Studies in Spirituality 10 (2000), 182–204. Classen, Albrecht, “Autobiographische Diskurse als Identitätsexperimente in der Lite- ratur des Spätmittelalters,” Ich – Ulrich von Liechtenstein. Literatur und Politik im Mittelalter. Akten der Akademie Friesach “Stadt und Kultur im Mittelalter” Frie- sach (Kärnten), 2.-6. September 1996, ed. by Franz Viktor Spechtler/Barbara Maier (Klagenfurt: Wieser, 1999), 177–204. Classen, Albrecht, Autobiographische Lyrik des europäischen Spätmittelalters. Studien zu Hugo von Montfort, Oswald von Wolkenstein, Antonio Pucci, Charles d’Orléans, Thomas Hoccleve, Michel Beheim, Hans Rosenplüt und Alfonso Alvarez de Villasan- dino (Amsterdam-Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1991). Classen, Albrecht, “The Autobiographical Voice of Michel Beheim,” The Medieval Text. Methods and Hermeneutics. A Volume of Essays in Honor of Edelgard Du- Bruck, ed. by William C. McDonald and Guy R. Mermier. Fifteenth-Century Studies 17 (1990): 33–56; “The Autobiographical Voice of Thomas Hoccleve,” Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 228/143 (1991), 2. Halbjahres- band, 299–310. Classen, Albrecht, “Autobiography as a Late Medieval Phenomenon,” Medieval Per- spectives. The Southeastern Medieval Association (Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Conference. Appalachian State University, Boone, North Carolina 1987), ed. by Edith Whitehurst Williams, Ordelle G. Hill and Jacqueline Bouchard Spur- lock. vol. III. 1 (Spring 1988), 89–104. Genette, Gérard, Seuils (Paris: Seuil, 1987). Hartog, François, L’Histoire, d’Homère à Augustin: préfaces des historiens et textes sur l’histoire (Paris: Seuil, 1999). Klopsch, Paul, “Anonymität und Selbstnennung mittellateinischer Autoren,” Mittella- teinisches Jahrbuch 4 (1967), 9–25. Leclerc, Gérard, Histoire de l’autorité. L’assignation des énoncés culturels et la généa- logie de la croyance (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1996). Marchello-Nizia, Christiane, “L’Historien et son prologue: forme littéraire et stratégies discursives, ” La Chronique et l’histoire au Moyen Age, ed. by Daniel Poirion (Paris: Presses Universitaires de la Sorbonne, 1984), 13–25. Marincola, John, Authority and Tradition in Ancient Historiography (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1997). Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 63

Endnoten

1 Cristian Bratu, “Je, aucteur de ce livre: Authorial Persona and Authority in French Medieval Histories and Chronicles,” in Authorities in the Middle Ages. Influence, Legitimacy and Power in Medieval Society, ed. by Sini Kangas, Mia Korpiola, and Tuija Ainonen (Berlin/New York: De Gruyter, 2013): 183–204; Cristian Bratu, “Clerc, Chevalier, Aucteur: The Authorial Personae of French Medieval Historians from the 12th to the 15th centuries,” in Authority and Gender in Medieval and Renaissance Chronicles, ed. by Juliana Dresvina and Nicholas Sparks (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012): 231–259. I used quotation marks around the word historians because many medieval writers of history did not see themselves as what we would call nowadays “professional historians.” As I have shown in the two studies mentioned above, many of them used scribes to write down and organize their memories of the events in which they participated. 2 Cristian Bratu, “De la grande Histoire à l’histoire personnelle: l’émergence de l’écriture autobiographique chez les historiens français du Moyen Age (XIIIe-XVe siècles),” Mediaevistik 25 (2012): 85–117. It should be pointed out that authorial self-representations and autobiographical tendencies have been important research foci for Albrecht Classen himself. See his studies “Autobiography as a Late Medieval Phenomenon,” Medieval Perspectives. The Southeastern Medieval Association (Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Conference, Appalachian State University, Boone, North Carolina 1987), ed. by Edith Whitehurst Williams, Ordelle G. Hill. and Jacqueline Bouchard Spurlock. Vol. III.1 (Spring 1988), 89–104; “The Autobiographical Voice of Michel Beheim,” The Medieval Text. Methods and Hermeneutics. A Volume of Essays in Ho- nor of Edelgard DuBruck, ed. by William C. McDonald and Guy R. Mermier. Fifteenth-Century Studies 17 (1990): 33–56; “The Autobiographical Voice of Thomas Hoccleve,” Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 228/143 (1991), 2. Halbjahresband, 299–310; Autobiographische Lyrik des europäischen Spätmittelalters. Studien zu Hugo von Montfort, Os- wald von Wolkenstein, Antonio Pucci, Charles d’Orléans, Thomas Hoccleve, Michel Beheim, Hans Rosenplüt und Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino (Amsterdam-Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1991); “Autobiographische Diskurse als Identitätsexperimente in der Literatur des Spätmittelalters,” Ich – Ulrich von Liechtenstein. Literatur und Politik im Mittelalter. Akten der Akademie Friesach “Stadt und Kultur im Mittelalter” Friesach (Kärnten), 2.-6. September 1996, ed. by Franz Vik- tor Spechtler/Barbara Maier (Klagenfurt: Wieser, 1999), 177–204; “Literary Autobiography and Mystical Vision. Heinrich Seuse’s Contribution to the History of German Literature,” Studies in Spirituality 10 (2000), 182–204; “Literary or Not? The Fictionality Debate in Autobiogra- phical Writings by a Fifteenth-Century German Woman Writer: Helene Kottanner’s Memoirs,” Medieval Perspectives 19 (2006), 64–90; “Self and Other in Contemporary German Literature: Confrontation with the Foreign World in the Novels by Renate Ahrens,” Journal of Literature and Art Studies 2.3 (2012), 365–76. 3 In a sense, this study is a logical prequel to my previous discussions of prologues in the three studies mentioned earlier. For a remarkable study on prologues in chronicles, see Christiane Marchello-Nizia, “L’Historien et son prologue: forme littéraire et stratégies discursives,” La Chronique et l’histoire au Moyen Age, ed. by Daniel Poirion (Paris: Presses Universitaires de la Sorbonne, 1984), 13–25. The current essay investigates prologues which predate the authors quoted by Marchello-Nizia in her study. 4 Gérard Leclerc, Histoire de l’autorité. L’assignation des énoncés culturels et la généalogie de la croyance (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1996), 30. 5 François Hartog, L’Histoire, d’Homère à Augustin: préfaces des historiens et textes sur l’histoire (Paris: Seuil, 1999), 17–18. 6 Hartog, L’Histoire, d’Homère à Augustin, 10. 64 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

7 Gérard Genette, Seuils (Paris: Seuil, 1987), see chapter 182–218. 8 Felix Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker: Neudruck vermehrt um Addenda zum Text, Nachträge zum Kommentar, Corrigenda, und Konkordanz (Leiden: Brill, 1957), vol. I.A, 7–8; English translation by Justin Lake, Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 1. 9 Herodotus, The Histories, ed. and trans. Robin Waterfield (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), Book I, 3. 10 John Marincola, Authority and Tradition in Ancient Historiography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 7 11 Herodotus, The Histories, 10. 12 Herodotus, The Histories, 24. 13 Heodotus, The Histories, 45. 14 Herodotus, The Histories, 60. 15 Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, ed. and trans. Martin Hammond (Oxford: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 2009), 3. 16 Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, 12. 17 Polybius, The Histories, ed. and trans. Robin Waterfield (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 3. 18 Polybius, The Histories, 5. 19 Historia Augusta, ed. and tras. David Magie, 3 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968). 20 Caesar, The Gallic War, ed. and trans. H.J. Edwards, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer- sity Press, 2006), vol. I, 3. 21 Suetonius, Suetonius, ed. and trans. J.C. Rolfe, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), vol. 1, 37 (book 1, 1: Caesar). 22 Diodorus of Sicily, Diodorus of Sicily, ed. and trans. C.H. Oldfather, 12 vols. (London: William Heinemann, 1933), vol. I, 5–23. 23 Livy, History of Rome, ed. and trans. B.O. Foster, 14 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1913–1959), vol. 1, 3. 24 Tacitus, The Histories, ed. and trans. W. H. Fyfe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 3. 25 “[…] suppresso, si tibi videtur, nomine libellus edatur. Quod ut fieri valeat, titulum fronti erade, ut muta sit pagina et, quod sufficit, loquatur materiam, non loquatur auctorem”, Sulpicius Se- verus, Vita sancti Martini (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 2010), 8. See also the excellent article by Paul Klopsch on anonymity and self-identification in the works of medieval authors who wrote in Latin, Paul Klopsch, “Anonymität und Selbstnennung mittellateinischer Autoren”, Mittella- teinisches Jahrbuch 4 (1967), 9–25. 26 “Cum ergo rem cognoscimus, ejusque rei Spiritum sanctum auctorem tenemus, quia scripto- rem quaerimus, quid aliud agimus, nisi legentes litteras de calamo percontamur?”, Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job, Patrologia Latina, ed. J. P. Migne, vol. 75 (Paris: Migne, 1849), 517. This humble attitude is reminiscent of Augustine’s words from the first book of theConfessions , in which he says that man, as a part of God’s creation, is desirous to praise Him: “Et laudare te vult homo, aliqua portio creaturae tuae,” St. Augustine, Confessions, ed. and trans. William Watts, vol. 1 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 3. 27 Jerome’s preface can be read in Eusebius Werke: Hieronymy Chronicon/Die Chronik des Hie- ronymus, ed. Rudolf Helm (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1984), 1–7. English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader (Toronto: University of Toron- to Press, 2013), 67. 28 Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 68. Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 65

29 Rufinus,Eusebius Werke: Prologus Rufini in libros historiarum Eusebii, ed. Theodor Mommsen (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1908), vol II.2, 951–952. English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Pro- logues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 76. 30 Procopius of Caesarea, Procopius Caesariensis: opera omnia, ed. Jakob Haury, 4 vols. (Munich: K.G. Saur, 2001), vol. I, 4–7; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 85. 31 Procopius of Caesarea, Procopius Caesariensis: opera omnia, ed. Jakob Haury, 4 vols. (Munich: K.G. Saur, 2001), vol. 3, 4–6; translated by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 87–88. 32 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. J. E. King, 2 vols. (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1999), vol. I, 2. 33 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, vol. I, 11. 34 Paul the Deacon, Pauli Historia Romana/ Monumenta Germaniae Historica, ed. H. Droysen (Berlin: Weidmann, 1879), 1–2; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 107. 35 Frechulf of Lisieux, Frechulfi Lexoviensis episcopi opera omnia/Corpus Christianorum: Conti- nuatio Mediaevalis, ed. Michael Allen, vol. 169A (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 17; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 111. 36 Liber pontificalis ecclesiae Ravennatis: Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio Mediaevalis, ed. D.M. Deliyannis, vol. 199 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 145–146; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 119. 37 Regino of Prüm, Reginonis abbatis Prumiensis Chronicon cum continuatione Treverensi/ Monu- menta Germaniae Historica: Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum, ed. Fried- rich Kurze (Hanover: Hahn, 1890), 1–2; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 123–124. 38 Flodoard, Flodoardus Remensis: Historia Remensis ecclesiae/Monumenta Germaniae Histo- rica: Scriptores in Folio, ed. Martina Stratmann, vol. 35 (Hanover: Hahn, 1998), 57; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 129. 39 Liudpriand of Cremona, Liudprandi Cremonensis Opera/Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio Mediaevalis, ed. Paolo Chiesa, vol. 156 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), 5; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 131. 40 Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, Hrotsvit: Opera Omnia, ed. Walter Berschin (Munich/Leipzig: W.G. Saur, 2001), 271; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Me- dieval History: A Reader, 134. 41 Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 167. 42 Guibert de Nogent, Dei gesta per Francos/Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio Mediaevalis, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, vol. 127A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), 77; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 175. 43 Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 192. 44 William of Tyre, Willelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon/Corpus Christianorum: Conti- nuatio Mediaevalis, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, vols. 63–63A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), 97; English translation by Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 240. 45 Marchello-Nizia, “L’Historien et son prologue,” 13–25. 46 Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 240. 47 Ranulph Higden, Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis, ed. C. Babington, 9 vols. (London: Longman, Green, 1865–1886), vol. I, 20; Justin Lake (ed.), Prologues to Ancient and Medieval History: A Reader, 282. 48 Joinville and Villehardouin, Chronicles of the Crusades, ed. by M.R.B. Shaw (London: Penguin Books, 1963), 167.