FOREIGN FIGHTERS in UKRAINE: ASSESSING POTENTIAL RISKS Egle E
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Urgent Action
UA: 297/14 Index: EUR 50/045/2014 Ukraine Date: 24 November 2014 URGENT ACTION ESTABLISH WHEREABOUTS OF DISAPPEARED MAN Aleksandr Minchenok, a 31-year-old civilian man from Lisichansk, disappeared on 21 July after being “arrested” by pro-Kyiv forces while travelling with his grandmother in eastern Ukraine. His parents, who have not heard from him since July, fear for his life. On the morning of 21 July Aleksandr Minchenok was traveling in his car with his grandmother Maria Naumova from Lisichansk, a town in Luhansk Region, to Kharkiv. He called his parents to tell them that they had passed the checkpoints controlled by pro-Russian separatist near Severodonetsk. After about 30 minutes, an unknown person who did not identify himself called Aleksandr Minchenok’s parents and told them that their son had been arrested and was being taken to the Prosecutor’s office. After this phone call, neither Aleksandr Minchenok nor the unknown caller could be reached again. Ekaterina Naumova and Yuriy Naumov, Aleksandr Minchenok’s parents, rushed to their son’s last known location and found people who told them that their son had been apprehended by the territorial defence battalion Aidar, one of over thirty so-called volunteer battalions to have emerged as part of the pro-Kyiv forces in the wake of the conflict. Members of the pro-Kyiv forces present at the site told the parents that Aleksandr Minchenok had already been released near Starobelsk, a town a short distance from Luhansk. Aleksandr Minchenok’s grandmother said that they had been stopped by men in military uniforms, but she could not remember what insignia they had. -
Civic Sector of Euromaidan Grassroots Movement
CIVIC SECTOR OF EUROMAIDAN GRASSROOTS MOVEMENT 2015 EuroMaidan Newsletter # 84 13 - Ukraine says 'record number' of Russian troops on border Why is the conflict in east Ukraine more important than the Greek debt crisis? Ukraine says 'record number' of Russian troops on http://goo.gl/jPhCmv ; live updates July 7 July 7 . border. 50,000 Russian troops and over 30,000 militants http://goo.gl/AohYoP 4 massed on Ukraine border. http://goo.gl/NOMJ3C 8 More than a year later, Euromaidan activists still # Why is the conflict in east Ukraine more important than demand justice for victims. http://goo.gl/CfLCHo R the Greek debt crisis? 'Ukraine far more strategically important to Europe' http://goo.gl/qFZVUu Will Ukraine Change the Law on Local Elections? An Update on Legislative Initiatives and Debates. The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly has approved a http://goo.gl/eAFUBP resolution condemning Russia’s “unilateral and unjustified assault on Ukraine’s sovereignty and Ukraine's former education minister Tabachnyk added to territorial integrity.” http://goo.gl/jfqNJa; country's wanted list. http://goo.gl/MBJqzF http://goo.gl/ui6CU6 Gradual russification continues in Ukraine. The On July 13, President Petro Poroshenko called an Ukrainian language strengthened only in certain areas NEWSLETTE extraordinary session of the National Security Council in according to NGO “Prostir Svobody” analysis. an effort to end a confrontation between fighters from http://goo.gl/r1aecX the radical nationalist group Right Sector and police SBU detains moderator of 500 anti-Ukrainian groups on following a deadly shootout in the western city of social networks. -
Azov Phenomenon How Ukrai
INFORMATION GROUP ON CRIMES AGAINST THE PERSON (IGCP) INFORMATION GROUP ON CRIMES AGAINST THE PERSON (IGCP) Azov Phenomenon How Ukrainian Neo-Nazis Became Infl uential Political Force “IGCP Reports” (published since 2016) Head of the Project A.R. Dyukov. Issue 3. Editor M.A. Vilkov. Maltsev V. Azov Phenomenon How Ukrainian Neo-Nazis became Influential Political Force / Information Group on Crimes against the Person (IGCP). M.: “Istoricheskaya pamyat” Foundation, 2017. — 98 pages. There were the days when participants of right-wing and neo-Nazi groups in the Ukraine were marginal ones, being expelled to the edge of political and social life. Everything changed in 2014, during the so-called “Revolution of Dignity”. Ukrainian neo-Nazis gained money and weapon, they were given official status as Army, Police and Special Forces units, they got representatives in the Parliament. The history of “Azov” — notorious neo- Nazi detachment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukraine — became an image of such transformation. “Azov” offsprings hold leading offices in Ukrainian Police, raise the youth in neo-Nazi ideology encirclement, effectively expand their representation on the Ukrainian political field and getting ready for the struggle for power. This report is devoted to the process of Ukrainian nationalists becoming influential political power. IGCP, 2017. Contents Preface ............................................................................7 Chapter 1. Street Militants...............................................11 Social-National Party of Ukraine .................................... 13 The Social-National Assembly ........................................ 25 Chapter 2. Neo-Nazis Get Armed ..................................... 41 Chapter 3: Forced March to Power ..................................69 Preface “Any man who has once acclaimed violence as his METHOD must inexorably choose false- hood as his PRINCIPLE.” A.I. -
Political Trends & Dynamics
Briefing Political Trends & Dynamics The Far Right in the EU and the Western Balkans Volume 3 | 2020 POLITICAL TRENDS & DYNAMICS IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE A FES DIALOGUE SOUTHEAST EUROPE PROJECT Peace and stability initiatives represent a decades-long cornerstone of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s work in southeastern Europe. Recent events have only reaffirmed the centrality of Southeast European stability within the broader continental security paradigm. Both de- mocratization and socio-economic justice are intrinsic aspects of a larger progressive peace policy in the region, but so too are consistent threat assessments and efforts to prevent conflict before it erupts. Dialogue SOE aims to broaden the discourse on peace and stability in southeastern Europe and to counter the securitization of prevalent narratives by providing regular analysis that involves a comprehensive understanding of human security, including structural sources of conflict. The briefings cover fourteen countries in southeastern Europe: the seven post-Yugoslav countries and Albania, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, Bulgaria, Romania, and Moldova. PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED • Civic Mobilizations • The Digital Frontier in • The European Project in the Western in Southeast Europe Southeast Europe Balkans: Crisis and Transition February / March 2017 February / March 2018 Volume 2/2019 • Regional Cooperation in • Religion and Secularism • Chinese Soft Power the Western Balkans in Southeast Europe in Southeast Europe April / Mai 2017 April / May 2018 Volume 3/2019 • NATO in Southeast Europe -
Full Study (In English)
The Long Shadow of Donbas Reintegrating Veterans and Fostering Social Cohesion in Ukraine By JULIA FRIEDRICH and THERESA LÜTKEFEND Almost 400,000 veterans who fought on the Ukrainian side in Donbas have since STUDY returned to communities all over the country. They are one of the most visible May 2021 representations of the societal changes in Ukraine following the violent conflict in the east of the country. Ukrainian society faces the challenge of making room for these former soldiers and their experiences. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should recognize veterans as an important political stakeholder group. Even though Ukraine is simultaneously struggling with internal reforms and Russian destabilization efforts, political actors in Ukraine need to step up their efforts to formulate and implement a coherent policy on veteran reintegration. The societal stakes are too high to leave the issue unaddressed. gppi.net This study was funded by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Ukraine. The views expressed therein are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. The authors would like to thank several experts and colleagues who shaped this project and supported us along the way. We are indebted to Kateryna Malofieieva for her invaluable expertise, Ukraine-language research and support during the interviews. The team from Razumkov Centre conducted the focus group interviews that added tremendous value to our work. Further, we would like to thank Tobias Schneider for his guidance and support throughout the process. This project would not exist without him. Mathieu Boulègue, Cristina Gherasimov, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, and Katharine Quinn-Judge took the time to provide their unique insights and offered helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation
PC.DEL/164/15 13 February 2015 ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation STATEMENT BY MR. ANDREY KELIN, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, AT THE 1039th MEETING OF THE OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL 12 February 2015 On the situation in Ukraine and the need for urgent steps to implement the Minsk agreements Mr. Chairperson, Today the leaders of the four Normandy format countries adopted an important declaration in support of the Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements approved by the Contact Group. We trust that all the parties to the conflict will begin in good faith to implement its provisions in accordance with the deadlines set out in the document. As we continue to emphasize, the establishment of direct dialogue among the parties is a key condition for a successful settlement. We need to be guided by the realities of life, and direct contacts are essential if everyone wants to reach an agreement that establishes relations for the long term. We believe that the parties have managed to agree on many issues: a ceasefire from 00.00 hours on 15 February and the withdrawal of heavy weapons. Matters are defined more clearly with respect to a long-term political settlement, the resolution of border issues in agreement with the Donbas insurgents, humanitarian and economic issues and the release of detainees. It is also important to develop a set of measures for verifying and monitoring compliance by both parties with the decisions adopted. It is necessary to work intensively within the Contact Group so that it can achieve practical results. -
Career Break Or a New Career? Extremist Foreign Fighters in Ukraine
Career Break or a New Career? Extremist Foreign Fighters in Ukraine By Kacper Rekawek (@KacperRekawek) April 2020 Counter Extremism Project (CEP) Germany www.counterextremism.com I @FightExtremism CONTENTS: ABOUT CEP/ABOUT THE AUTHOR 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 INTRODUCTION 5 SECTION I INTRODUCING FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN THE WAR IN UKRAINE 7 THE XRW FOREIGN FIGHTER: A WORLDVIEW 9 TALKING TO FOREIGN FIGHTERS: THEIR WORDS AND SYMBOLS 11 THE “UNHAPPY” FOREING FIGHTERS 13 CIVIL WAR? 15 SECTION II WHY THEY FIGHT 17 A CAREER BREAK OR NEW CAREER? 18 FOREIGN FIGHTERS WAR LOGISTICS 22 SECTION III FOREIGN FIGHTERS AS A THREAT? 25 TENTATIVE CONCLUSION: NEITHER A UKRAINIAN 29 NOR A WESTERN PROBLEM? ENDNOTES 31 Counter Extremism Project (CEP) 1 counterextremism.com About CEP The Counter Extremism Project (CEP) is a not-for-profit, non-partisan, international policy organization formed to combat the growing threat from extremist ideologies. Led by a renowned group of former world leaders and diplomats it combats extremism by pressuring financial and material support networks; countering the narrative of extremists and their online recruitment; and advocating for smart laws, policies, and regulations. About the author Kacper Rekawek, PhD is an affiliated researcher at CEP and a GLOBSEC associate fellow. Between 2016 and 2019 he led the latter’s national security program. Previously, he worked at the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM) and University of Social Sciences in Warsaw, Poland. He held Paul Wilkinson Memorial Fellowship at the Handa Centre -
The Ukraine List (UKL) #501 by Dominique Arel
H-Ukraine The Ukraine List (UKL) #501 by Dominique Arel Discussion published by Amber N. Nickell on Thursday, October 24, 2019 The Ukraine List (UKL) #501 compiled by Dominique Arel ([email protected]) Chair of Ukrainian Studies, U of Ottawa www.chairukr.com www.danyliwseminar.com 23 October 2019 1-Call for Proposals: ASN 2020 Convention (6 November 2019 Deadline) 2-Danyliw 2019 Seminar Program (7-9 November, uOttawa) 3-Kule Doctoral Scholarships on Ukraine, uOttawa (1 February 2020 Deadline) 4-Euronews: What is the “Steinmeier Formula” and Will It Lead to Peace ? 5-Foreign Policy: Zelensky Flounders in Bid to End Ukraine’s War 6-The Conversation: Gwen Sasse, Most People in DNR/LNR in Favor of Reintegration 7-Kyiv Post: Ukraine Could Have Won in Donbas, but Now is Doomed to Unjust Peace 8-War on the Rocks: Marten/Oliker, The Threat of Ukrainian Volunteer Battalions 9-Der Spiegel: Oleg Sentsov on Being a Political Prisoner in Russia (Interview) 10-Human Rights in Ukraine: DNR/LNR Remove Ukrainian/Ukraine from Schools 11-Financial Times: Havrylyshyn/Hartwell, Ukraine and the Two Myths of Reform 12-Hollywood Reporter: Review of Sergei Loznitsa’s The Funeral 13-Svitlana Krys: Latest Issue of East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 14-MA program in European and Russian Affairs, CERES, U of Toronto #1 **The ASN 2019 Convention had 21 Ukraine panels, 4 new books on Ukraine, and altogether 52 papers on Ukraine –DA** Call for Papers 25th Annual World Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN) International Affairs Building, Columbia University, NY Sponsored by the Harriman Institute 7-9 May 2020 https://www.asnconvention.com/proposal-information ***Proposal deadline: 6 November 2019*** Proposals must be submitted to: [email protected] and [email protected] Over 150 Panels/Events in 11 Sections Citation: Amber N. -
Memorial on Admissibility on Behalf of the Government of Ukraine
Ukraine v. Russia (re Eastern Ukraine) APPLICATION NO. 8019/16 Kyiv, 8 November 2019 MEMORIAL ON ADMISSIBILITY ON BEHALF OF THE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINE CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1. The Russian Federation has consistently denied its involvement in the conflict in eastern Ukraine, and has sought to evade international legal responsibility by adopting a series of measures to disguise and “outsource” its military aggression in eastern Ukraine. The Kremlin’s denials of direct involvement were implausible from the outset, and were roundly rejected by the international community. All of the relevant international institutions rightly hold Moscow responsible for a pattern of conduct that has been designed to destabilise Ukraine by sponsoring separatist entities in the use of armed force against the legitimate Government and members of the civilian population. Almost from the outset, the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the G7 all re-affirmed Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders, and condemned the Russian Federation’s continuing proxy war in eastern Ukraine. As the conflict has continued, the evidence of Russia’s direct and indirect involvement in the violent rebellion in Donbass has become more and more apparent. Despite Russia’s crude attempts to conceal its involvement, the proof of Russian State responsibility has steadily mounted. In the face of the obvious truth, Russia’s policy of implausible deniability has fallen apart completely. 2. Ukraine submits that the human rights violations committed by Russian forces and their proxies, as particularised in this application, fall directly within Russia’s extra-territorial jurisdiction for the purposes of article 1 of the Convention. -
Putin's Next Objectives in the Ukraine Crisis
HUGO SPAULDING BACKGROUNDER FEBRUARY 3, 2015 PUTIN’S NEXT OBJECTIVES IN THE UKRAINE CRISIS Russia’s campaign in eastern Ukraine has reached an inflection point. Five months after signing a ceasefire agreement, Russian and separatist forces have moved from a preparation phase to a maneuver offensive launched by the separatist victory at the Donetsk airport on January 21, 2015. This new phase of the conflict presents a fresh set of operational decision points for the governments in Moscow and Kyiv. Will Russian- backed forces stop at the boundaries of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts [Provinces] and consolidate their gains? Will they seize Mariupol and then drive west to build a land-corridor to Crimea? Or will they prepare for much larger battles to take the pivotal cities of Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhia, whose capture would put the survival of the Ukrainian state in grave doubt? Will the Kyiv government commit reserves to defend against any of these contingencies? These decisions, much like the decision to seize the airport, will shed light on Moscow’s strategic objectives in Ukraine and Kyiv’s capacity to withstand them. They will also shape the evolution and quite possibly the outcome of this war. RUSSIAN OBJECTIVES IN KYIV Russia’s strategic interest in controlling Ukrainian political may well be reluctant to undertake it. Unless he can either affairs reflects Russian President Vladimir Putin’s belief in achieve his goals by means short of conquest or be persuaded the need to maintain a buffer between NATO, the European to accept lesser objectives, he is likely to be planning for and Union, and Russia.