The Ukraine List (UKL) #501 by Dominique Arel
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Russia's Hybrid Warfare
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No. 105 – November 2014 Russia’s Hybrid Warfare Waging War below the Radar of Traditional Collective Defence by H. Reisinger and A. Golts1 “You can’t modernize a large country with a small war” Karl Schlögel The Research Division (RD) of the NATO De- fense College provides NATO’s senior leaders with “Ukraine is not even a state!” Putin reportedly advised former US President sound and timely analyses and recommendations on current issues of particular concern for the Al- George W. Bush during the 2008 NATO Summit in Bucharest. In 2014 this liance. Papers produced by the Research Division perception became reality. Russian behaviour during the current Ukraine convey NATO’s positions to the wider audience of the international strategic community and con- crisis was based on the traditional Russian idea of a “sphere of influence” and tribute to strengthening the Transatlantic Link. a special responsibility or, stated more bluntly, the “right to interfere” with The RD’s civil and military researchers come from countries in its “near abroad”. This perspective is also implied by the equally a variety of disciplines and interests covering a 2 broad spectrum of security-related issues. They misleading term “post-Soviet space.” The successor states of the Soviet conduct research on topics which are of interest to Union are sovereign countries that have developed differently and therefore the political and military decision-making bodies of the Alliance and its member states. no longer have much in common. Some of them are members of the European Union and NATO, while others are desperately trying to achieve The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the this goal. -
Urgent Action
UA: 297/14 Index: EUR 50/045/2014 Ukraine Date: 24 November 2014 URGENT ACTION ESTABLISH WHEREABOUTS OF DISAPPEARED MAN Aleksandr Minchenok, a 31-year-old civilian man from Lisichansk, disappeared on 21 July after being “arrested” by pro-Kyiv forces while travelling with his grandmother in eastern Ukraine. His parents, who have not heard from him since July, fear for his life. On the morning of 21 July Aleksandr Minchenok was traveling in his car with his grandmother Maria Naumova from Lisichansk, a town in Luhansk Region, to Kharkiv. He called his parents to tell them that they had passed the checkpoints controlled by pro-Russian separatist near Severodonetsk. After about 30 minutes, an unknown person who did not identify himself called Aleksandr Minchenok’s parents and told them that their son had been arrested and was being taken to the Prosecutor’s office. After this phone call, neither Aleksandr Minchenok nor the unknown caller could be reached again. Ekaterina Naumova and Yuriy Naumov, Aleksandr Minchenok’s parents, rushed to their son’s last known location and found people who told them that their son had been apprehended by the territorial defence battalion Aidar, one of over thirty so-called volunteer battalions to have emerged as part of the pro-Kyiv forces in the wake of the conflict. Members of the pro-Kyiv forces present at the site told the parents that Aleksandr Minchenok had already been released near Starobelsk, a town a short distance from Luhansk. Aleksandr Minchenok’s grandmother said that they had been stopped by men in military uniforms, but she could not remember what insignia they had. -
Civic Sector of Euromaidan Grassroots Movement
CIVIC SECTOR OF EUROMAIDAN GRASSROOTS MOVEMENT 2015 EuroMaidan Newsletter # 84 13 - Ukraine says 'record number' of Russian troops on border Why is the conflict in east Ukraine more important than the Greek debt crisis? Ukraine says 'record number' of Russian troops on http://goo.gl/jPhCmv ; live updates July 7 July 7 . border. 50,000 Russian troops and over 30,000 militants http://goo.gl/AohYoP 4 massed on Ukraine border. http://goo.gl/NOMJ3C 8 More than a year later, Euromaidan activists still # Why is the conflict in east Ukraine more important than demand justice for victims. http://goo.gl/CfLCHo R the Greek debt crisis? 'Ukraine far more strategically important to Europe' http://goo.gl/qFZVUu Will Ukraine Change the Law on Local Elections? An Update on Legislative Initiatives and Debates. The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly has approved a http://goo.gl/eAFUBP resolution condemning Russia’s “unilateral and unjustified assault on Ukraine’s sovereignty and Ukraine's former education minister Tabachnyk added to territorial integrity.” http://goo.gl/jfqNJa; country's wanted list. http://goo.gl/MBJqzF http://goo.gl/ui6CU6 Gradual russification continues in Ukraine. The On July 13, President Petro Poroshenko called an Ukrainian language strengthened only in certain areas NEWSLETTE extraordinary session of the National Security Council in according to NGO “Prostir Svobody” analysis. an effort to end a confrontation between fighters from http://goo.gl/r1aecX the radical nationalist group Right Sector and police SBU detains moderator of 500 anti-Ukrainian groups on following a deadly shootout in the western city of social networks. -
Full Study (In English)
The Long Shadow of Donbas Reintegrating Veterans and Fostering Social Cohesion in Ukraine By JULIA FRIEDRICH and THERESA LÜTKEFEND Almost 400,000 veterans who fought on the Ukrainian side in Donbas have since STUDY returned to communities all over the country. They are one of the most visible May 2021 representations of the societal changes in Ukraine following the violent conflict in the east of the country. Ukrainian society faces the challenge of making room for these former soldiers and their experiences. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should recognize veterans as an important political stakeholder group. Even though Ukraine is simultaneously struggling with internal reforms and Russian destabilization efforts, political actors in Ukraine need to step up their efforts to formulate and implement a coherent policy on veteran reintegration. The societal stakes are too high to leave the issue unaddressed. gppi.net This study was funded by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Ukraine. The views expressed therein are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. The authors would like to thank several experts and colleagues who shaped this project and supported us along the way. We are indebted to Kateryna Malofieieva for her invaluable expertise, Ukraine-language research and support during the interviews. The team from Razumkov Centre conducted the focus group interviews that added tremendous value to our work. Further, we would like to thank Tobias Schneider for his guidance and support throughout the process. This project would not exist without him. Mathieu Boulègue, Cristina Gherasimov, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, and Katharine Quinn-Judge took the time to provide their unique insights and offered helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
Unravelling the Ukrainian Revolution: “Dignity,” “Fairness,” “Heterarchy,” and the Challenge to Modernity
Unravelling the Ukrainian Revolution: “Dignity,” “Fairness,” “Heterarchy,” and the Challenge to Modernity Mychailo Wynnyckyj National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, Department of Sociology Abstract Ukraine’s “Revolution of Dignity,” spanning both the 2013-2014 protests in Kyiv’s city center and the mass mobilization of grass-roots resistance against Russian aggression in 2014-2015 and thereafter, manifest new interpretations of ideas and philosophical concepts. In the first part of the article we unravel the meaning of the Ukrainian word hidnist (roughly translated as “dignity”)— a moniker of the revolution whose significance remains underestimated. In the second part we situate Ukraine’s revolution within a broader context of “modernity” and suggest its individualist foundation may be replaced by a form of “personalism”— an ethic that echoes that of Ukraine’s revolutionaries. In the third part of the article, we delve into the substance of the revolution’s agenda: its protagonists’ promise to build a non-hierarchical community of “fairness” (spravedlyvist). In the fourth and final section, the main argument of the article is summarized, namely: that the shift from individualism to personalism in social interaction and the transition from hierarchy to heterarchy in power relations, particularly with respect to institutionalizing “fairness,” embodied in the various structures and organizations formed during Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, may have been reflective of more comprehensive trends in ideational change affecting European (Western) civilization. KeyWords: Ukraine, Revolution, Euromaidan, personalism, dignity, heterarchy. In late 2013 and early 2014, over multiple weeks in sub-zero temperatures, hundreds of thousands of protesters in Kyiv (and in other cities across Ukraine), displayed amazing levels of civic activism, self-organization, and spontaneous cooperation while demonstrating their individual and collective displeasure with their rulers. -
ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation
PC.DEL/164/15 13 February 2015 ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation STATEMENT BY MR. ANDREY KELIN, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, AT THE 1039th MEETING OF THE OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL 12 February 2015 On the situation in Ukraine and the need for urgent steps to implement the Minsk agreements Mr. Chairperson, Today the leaders of the four Normandy format countries adopted an important declaration in support of the Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements approved by the Contact Group. We trust that all the parties to the conflict will begin in good faith to implement its provisions in accordance with the deadlines set out in the document. As we continue to emphasize, the establishment of direct dialogue among the parties is a key condition for a successful settlement. We need to be guided by the realities of life, and direct contacts are essential if everyone wants to reach an agreement that establishes relations for the long term. We believe that the parties have managed to agree on many issues: a ceasefire from 00.00 hours on 15 February and the withdrawal of heavy weapons. Matters are defined more clearly with respect to a long-term political settlement, the resolution of border issues in agreement with the Donbas insurgents, humanitarian and economic issues and the release of detainees. It is also important to develop a set of measures for verifying and monitoring compliance by both parties with the decisions adopted. It is necessary to work intensively within the Contact Group so that it can achieve practical results. -
FOREIGN FIGHTERS in UKRAINE: ASSESSING POTENTIAL RISKS Egle E
FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN UKRAINE: ASSESSING POTENTIAL RISKS Egle E. Murauskaite Vilnius institute for policy analysis Vilnius institute for policy analysis © 2020 Vilnius institute for policy analysis www.vilniusinstitute.lt Egle E. Murauskaite is a senior researcher and simulations designer for the ICONS Project with Maryland University. Presently based in Lithuania, she is responsible for high-level political-military crises simulations in Europe, alongside academic research and government consulting projects. Egle has been working with unconventional security threats for the past 9 years – from gray zone warfare to proliferation of nuclear weapons. Egle is also a senior non-resident fellow with the Vilnius Institute for Policy Analysis, where she is currently exploring the issue of foreign fighters in Ukraine. She is a co-author of a monthly podcast “NYLA Update”, where she explores the long-term geopolitical trends and challenges, and also a regular commentator on security issues in national and international media. Egle holds a Master’s degree from Sciences Po Paris (International Security) and a Bachelor’s degree from SSE Riga (Economics and Business Management); her professional experience spans the Netherlands, Australia, Egypt, France, and the U.S. Foreign Fighters in Ukraine: Assessing Potential Risks Abstract This study analyzes the profiles of foreign fighters, who have joined the conflict in Ukraine on either side, and assesses the risks of radicalization as these fighters are increasingly returning home. With considerable attention given to potential terrorism risks posed by foreign fighters of the Islamic bent returning from Syria and Iraq, foreign fighters in Ukraine receive relatively little coverage - and when they do, this faulty analogy at play risks making the potential radicalizing factors worse. -
Memorial on Admissibility on Behalf of the Government of Ukraine
Ukraine v. Russia (re Eastern Ukraine) APPLICATION NO. 8019/16 Kyiv, 8 November 2019 MEMORIAL ON ADMISSIBILITY ON BEHALF OF THE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINE CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1. The Russian Federation has consistently denied its involvement in the conflict in eastern Ukraine, and has sought to evade international legal responsibility by adopting a series of measures to disguise and “outsource” its military aggression in eastern Ukraine. The Kremlin’s denials of direct involvement were implausible from the outset, and were roundly rejected by the international community. All of the relevant international institutions rightly hold Moscow responsible for a pattern of conduct that has been designed to destabilise Ukraine by sponsoring separatist entities in the use of armed force against the legitimate Government and members of the civilian population. Almost from the outset, the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the G7 all re-affirmed Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders, and condemned the Russian Federation’s continuing proxy war in eastern Ukraine. As the conflict has continued, the evidence of Russia’s direct and indirect involvement in the violent rebellion in Donbass has become more and more apparent. Despite Russia’s crude attempts to conceal its involvement, the proof of Russian State responsibility has steadily mounted. In the face of the obvious truth, Russia’s policy of implausible deniability has fallen apart completely. 2. Ukraine submits that the human rights violations committed by Russian forces and their proxies, as particularised in this application, fall directly within Russia’s extra-territorial jurisdiction for the purposes of article 1 of the Convention. -
Ukrainian Dialogue Issue 05
Sept 2014 UKRAINIAN DIALOGUE 05 ISSUE Maidan: The Aftermath A story in images Kurkov’s Diaries An exclusive extract Snap Elections A Who’s Who of the candidates A PUBLICATION OF THE BRITISH UKRAINIAN SOCIETY UKRAINIAN BUSINESS CENTRE IN LONDON SERVICES: ã© 3)©AMKN?LW©DMPK?RGML© ã© +CCRGLE©PMMKQ©GL©*MLBML© ã© !MKN?LW©QCAPCR?PG?J© ã© .PMNCPRW© ã© AAMSLR?LAW© ã© #BSA?RGML©GL©RFC©3)© ã© 4GPRS?J©MLjAC© ã© 'KKGEP?RGML©RM©RFC©3)© 50 Broadway T: +44 (0) 20 7152 4650 St. James’s Park ǔƏ ƏƏƏƏƏ London [email protected] SW1H 0RG www.ubcl.co.uk 1/ CHAIRMAN From the Chairman Ukraine has been thrust into the forefront of international news since the release of our last issue in October 2013. I recently visited Ukraine where under a cloudless blue sky, Kyiv’s golden domes illuminated the peaceful splendour of the city. By total contrast, all the TV channels were continuously carrying the death, destruction and mayhem in Eastern Ukraine as their top story. Almost all the shops in Kyiv had sales signs, and the hot water supply was erratic. As the economy slides into deep recession, and the currency has been hard hit. Next month there will be parliamentary elections, and after that the implementation programme of the EU Association Agreement will begin, based on a comprehensive domestic Action Plan. A well- educated younger generation of Ukrainians is emerging into public life. They will begin to replace those who so spectacularly failed to build on the spirit of the Orange Revolution. -
Putin's Next Objectives in the Ukraine Crisis
HUGO SPAULDING BACKGROUNDER FEBRUARY 3, 2015 PUTIN’S NEXT OBJECTIVES IN THE UKRAINE CRISIS Russia’s campaign in eastern Ukraine has reached an inflection point. Five months after signing a ceasefire agreement, Russian and separatist forces have moved from a preparation phase to a maneuver offensive launched by the separatist victory at the Donetsk airport on January 21, 2015. This new phase of the conflict presents a fresh set of operational decision points for the governments in Moscow and Kyiv. Will Russian- backed forces stop at the boundaries of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts [Provinces] and consolidate their gains? Will they seize Mariupol and then drive west to build a land-corridor to Crimea? Or will they prepare for much larger battles to take the pivotal cities of Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhia, whose capture would put the survival of the Ukrainian state in grave doubt? Will the Kyiv government commit reserves to defend against any of these contingencies? These decisions, much like the decision to seize the airport, will shed light on Moscow’s strategic objectives in Ukraine and Kyiv’s capacity to withstand them. They will also shape the evolution and quite possibly the outcome of this war. RUSSIAN OBJECTIVES IN KYIV Russia’s strategic interest in controlling Ukrainian political may well be reluctant to undertake it. Unless he can either affairs reflects Russian President Vladimir Putin’s belief in achieve his goals by means short of conquest or be persuaded the need to maintain a buffer between NATO, the European to accept lesser objectives, he is likely to be planning for and Union, and Russia. -
Price of War the Ways of Bringing Foreigners to Justice for Crimes Committed During the Armed Conflict in Ukraine
Price of war The ways of bringing foreigners to justice for crimes committed during the armed conflict in Ukraine Kyiv 2017 Price of war / 1 UDC 341.3+342.726]-054.6(048.83)=11 S28 Contents Price of war/ А.Siedov, А. Bida. Edited by А. Pavliuk and А. Bida./ K.: Rumes, 2017 - 32p 1................................................................................................................................ GLOSSARY ...................................... 2 From the standpoint of international humanitarian and national law, 2. INTRODUCTION who are foreigners participating in the armed conflict in Ukraine? ..................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Which jurisdiction do the actions committed by them during the 3. MERCENARISM AS GLOBAL SECURITY THREAT conflict fall within? Is it possible to bring them to liability after they ..................................................................................................................................................................... 4 4. STATUS OF ARMED CONFLICT PARTICIPANTS IN UKRAINE have left the territory of Ukraine? This analytical review is an attempt ..................................................................................................................................................................... 6 to find answers to these questions. 5. CRIMINAL CODE OF UKRAINE AND ITS COMPLIANCE WITH NORMS OF IHL ....................................................................................................................................................................