September 9, 1992 Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharp

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

September 9, 1992 Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharp 198 Broadway Now York, N.Y. 10038 0 (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMeile, Chairman Jennifer Davis, Executive Director MEMORANDUM TO: Key Contacts FROM: Jennifer Davis, Executive Director DATE: September 9, 1992 Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharpeville, Meadowlands, Swanievilie, Sebokeng. in the "New South Africa" ofF.W. De Klerk, the list of atrocities goes on and on. You all know the statistics - nearly 8,000 people dead since the "reformist" De Klerk began his bloody reign of terror, with tens of thousands more wounded. driven from their homes, gripped by hopelessness and fear. For months the white minority regime, aided and abetted by a willing Western press, passed off this concerted attack on the freedom movement as "Black on Black Violence." Now, with hard evidence of government complicity in the violence mounting, ihe misinfoi mers are trying a new tactic- blaming the victim. Increasingly, it is the ANC which is being blamed for the massacre in Ciskei. The movement, so the argument goes, knew full well that Pretoria's bantustan surrogate, Oupa Gqozo, would turn his apartheid-armed, led and financed army on the marchers, and should have called off the protest. According to this distorted logic, Black persons daring to exercise their right of peaceful assembly and protest have only themselves to blame if soldiers under the command of a South African Defence Force Brigadier mow them down without warning with machine guns. The ANC, said apartheid police minister Hernus Kriel, "had fair warnirg," of the massacre, and was therefore at fault. State Department Spokesman Richard Boucher told reporters in Washington that, "those who prompted the demonstration should carefully reconsider future actions...that expose innocent supporters to violence." Yet Mr. Boucher offered no such advice to democracy protesters in the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia or Rumania. I urge you to contact both George Bush and Bill Clinton and urge therm to speak out publ-cly against the continuing slaughter in South Africa. Ask them to demand the immediate resignation of F.W. De Klerk and his white minority government, the dismantling of the bantustan system and installation of an interim government of national unity to guide South Africa to democracy. Ask them to do eveiything in their power to STOP APARTHEID'S VIOLENCE and support the people in their struggle for one-person, one-vote democracy in a unified non-racial, non-sexist South Africa. George Bush Bll Clinton 1030 15th Street N.W. Corner, Third and Louisiana Washington, DC 20005 Little Rock, AK 72201 FAX (202) 336-7954 FAX: (501) 372-2292 For more information contact The Africa Fund. Established by The American Committee on Africa, 1966 * Contributionsare tax-deductible 198 Broadway * New York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMelle, Chairman Jennifer Davis, Executive Director 'THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1992 Democracy vs. Dictator in Apartheid's 'Homeland By BILL KELLER Special to TheNew York Times BISHO, South Africa, Sept. 9 - The make-believe country of Ciskei has a shiny "international" airport capable of landing a Boeing 747, in case one ever attempts to visit this curious fig ment of apartheid. It has 846,000 inhabitants who were not consulted in 1981 when they were stripped of their South African citizen ship and gerrymandered into one of 10 tribal homelands to protect white con trol of the wealthy remainder of the. country.. Ciskei has a foreign service with a single ambassadorial posting, to the only country that recognizes its sover eignty, South Africa. It has its capital here, a miniature pastel metropolis with a three-block downtown, a hotel-casino complex where South Africans can enjoy the blackjack tables forbidden a mile away in their own country, and high-walled' South Africa is struggling to fit homelands like Ciskei, where at least 28 compounds where government minis people were killed Monday, into the eventual post-apartheid order. ters and business executives dwell in luxurious isolation from Ciskei's But as the brigadier served bloody that the brigadier's position is wobbly. wretched poverty. notice on Monday, there is explosive Following the Ciskei killings, the Af It has its own development bank, its disagreement about where these home- rican National Congress staged an un own army and its own diminutive mili lands fit in the post-apartheid order. ' eventful march today against the tiny tary dictator, Brigadier Oupa J. Gqozo, The African National Congress de- homeland of Qwa Qwa, which is about who boils with rage -when he is ridi mands that homeland leaders it re- 200 miles south of Johannesburg, on the gards as inimical to democracy be northern border of Lesotho. Sculed as a puppet of South Africa. replaced by impartial caretakers until More ominously, its leaders said "I need some help to make the world elections can be held. The South Afri- they were contemplating action realize that I am a very serious lead can Government insists it is "not in the against KwaZulu, the Zulu homeland er," Brigadier Gqozo pleaded during business of replacing governments,", and the domain of the A.N.C.'s bitterest an interview last Friday. as a spokesman put it. I I and most powerful black political rival, Three days later his army fired a The killings left Ciskei extremely' Chief Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi. volatile. Police and soldiers conducted' seemingly interminable machine-gun door-to-door searches fusillade at protesters marching on his today, and were T capital, killing said to be arresting and beating partic- The Clearest Border: at least 28 and convinc ipants in Monday's march. In the Cis- Where the Poor Are ing many that if he. is not a serious keian townships southwest of Bisho, leader, he is at least part of a serious residents burned the homes of Ciskei problem. ' soldiers. A visitor driving through the rolling Having manufactured these mock It was no surprise that the congress pasture and voluptuous mountains of states, entrenched their rulers in posi chose Ciskei for Monday's march, Ciskei finds no border posts to mark tions of power and small-time luxury which was aimed explicitly at toppling the frequent passage across the "inter and employed Brigadier Gqozo. The region, where the national" border with South Africa. them as surrogates to Xhosa and the British fought their fron- But the boundaries are easily de divide the black political opposition, tier wars in the 19th century, is one of duced from the standard of living. The South Africa now seeks to undo the the congress's most militant strong- cozy 19th-century English colonial experiment by reunifying its territory. holds, and there have been many signs towns, Queenstown, Fort Beaufort, Established by The American Committee on Africa, 1966 • Contributions are tax-deductible King William's Town, are in South Af Bisho, 50 heavily armed troops gath him paranoid." rica The sprawling townships and the ered outside while their commander barren rural settlements, Zwelitsha, Mr. Hugo, whose account is backed ordered the meeting dispersed. by other former intelligence officers, Thornhill - those are in Ciskei. 7! iil-:e the Ifga'l:att,n of the Africe'r Indian Ocean port of East London i0 sail that the most audacious maneuver Natioaai Ccr.gruss a, .9O, the home wv.s staging a phony coup attempt. He South Africa's shipbuilding center. The lands have acquired a tiew utility for neighboring said South African agents lured Cis slum of Mdant ;mne s _::i h- vili a Go-rntmeit as YV.tical 'oils k.j's f)"rier security chief, Charles The brigadier readily admits that in to the black liberation movement. Sebe,back from exile in Transkei with The homelands - four of them "in economic terms, his republic is any a promise that mutinous army officers would ha.K' hirm the presidency. Mr. thing but independent. inF" - have gradually taken sides, South Africa underwrites the budget Sebe and a collaborator walked into the: soine tilting to the A.N.C., others to the Strap and were killed. that pays for the 30,000-mrremrber civil Govert men. service and its perks, including the Aicording to Gert Hugo, a former The congress did its share to embit black bulletproof Range Rover that the South African military intelligence offi ter r.e brigad ar, making a mistake the brigadier favors and the flee! of Mer car who was brigadier'iqozo's iPtetli whita.. in Pretoria did not: they insult cedes preferred by his cabinet. Sduth gence adviser for a year, until July Africa ed his pride. trained and equipped the army i1991, Ciskei has long been a covert After the brigadier dismissed strik - assisted by such a large contingent I battleground in the white Govern ing civil servants, the A.N.C. organized of Israelis that for a time the Pick 'n ment's "divide and rule" approach. rallies where he was denounced in Pay supermarket in Bisho had a ko The strategy, he said, was to manipu scathing terms. Keith Mathee, a law sher section. I late Ciskei as a bulwark against the yer who served s Brigadier Gqozo's "South Africans - many retired or 1 African National Congress, especially irst mtnister of justice, said the fum seconded from the South African Gonv. i the neighboring "independent" ing brigadier forced his cabinet to sit ernment and military - still make up homeland of Transkei. Transkei, the through repeated screenings of a police more than half the brigadier's cabinet I home of Nelson Mandela, the A.N.C. videotape of one protest march where and the leadership of his military and president, is ruled by a military dicta women bared their buttocks in deri intelligence services.
Recommended publications
  • South·Africa in Transition
    POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South ·Africa in Transition Report on Violence in South Africa by an American Friends Service Committee Study Team November 1992 The American Friends Service Committee's concern over Southern Africa has grown out of over 60 years of relationships since the first visit by a representative of the organization. In 1982 the AFSC Board of Directors approved the release of a full length book, Challenge and Hope, as a statement of its views on South Africa. Since 1977 the AFSC has had a national Southern Africa educational program in its Peace Education Division. AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 241-7000 AFSC REGIONAL OFFICES: Southeastern Region, Atlanta, Georgia 30303, 92 Piedmont Avenue, NE; Middle Atlantic Region, Baltimore, Maryland 21212, 4806 York Road; New England Region, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140, 2161 Massachusetts Avenue; Great Lakes Region, Chicago, Illinois 60605, 59 E. Van Buren Street, Suite 1400; North Central Region, Des Moines, Iowa 50312, 4211 Grand Avenue; New York Metropolitan Region, New York, New York 10003, 15 Rutherford Place; Pacific Southwest Region, Pasadena, California 91103, 980 N. Fair Oaks Avenue; Pacific Mountain Region, San Francisco, California 94121,2160 Lake Street; Pacific Northwest Region, Seattle, Washington 98105, 814 N.E. 40th Street. CONTENTS II THE AFSC DELEGATION 1 PREFACE III POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South Africa in Transition 1 THE BASIC VIOLENCE 2 ANALYZING THE VIOLENCE 5 THE HIDDEN HAND 7 RETALIATION 9 POLICE INVESTIGATIONS 11 LESSONS FROM THE BOIPATONG MASSACRE 12 HOMELAND VIOLENCE IN CISKEI AND KWAZULU 13 HOMELAND LEADERS BUTHELEZI AND GQOZO 16 CONCLUSION 19 RECOMMENDATIONS 20 ACRONYMS 21 TEAM INTERVIEWS AND MEETINGS 22 THE AFSC DELEGATION TO SOUTH AFRICA The American Friends Service Committee's Board of Directors approved a proposal in June 1992 for a delegation to visit South Africa to study the escalating violence there.
    [Show full text]
  • RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for Justice and Peace in Southern Africa
    RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa ONE MORE MASSACRE by Aleah Bacquie "It seemed so absolutely unnecessary. If this is a taste of things to come, then God help us all." -John Hall, Chairperson Peace Committee God help us all indeed. Soldiers firing on unarmed peaceful demonstrators with no warning whatsoever is nothing new under the South African sun. (It was only last month that I wrote to you about the Boipatong Massacre.) Now, twenty-eight more are dead, 200 more wounded. The only fresh, but twisted slant comes from the "Gorbachevian" De Kierk, escort of the "New South Africa". You know the appalling statistics by now, nearly 8,000 people dead due to political violence since the "reformist" De Klerk began his bloody reign of terror, with tens of thousands more wounded, driven from their homes, gripped by hopelessness and fear. Complete denial of any South African governmental responsibility was expected, even though the soldiers who fired were under the command of a South African Defense Force Brigadier on loan to the "bantustan" Ciskei government. The South African government has long contended that the Black "bantustans" are independent governments, although they are not recognized by any other government, including the U.S. However, with hard evidence of government complicity mounting, De Klerk tried a new tactic, blaming the victim. He somehow mustered the gall to assert that the massacre of ANC supporters is the fault of the ANC! According to this disturbed logic, those Blacks who dared to exercise their right of peaceful assembly and protest are to blame because they should have known that Pretoria's puppet, Oupa Gqozo, would fire on the marchers.
    [Show full text]
  • Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
    21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • 03 Shamase FM.Fm
    21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
    GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Ÿþm Icrosoft W
    198 Broadway Now York, N.Y. 10038 0 (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMeile, Chairman 198 Broadway Now York, N.Y. 10038 0 (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMeile, Chairman Jennifer Davis, Executive Director MEMORANDUM TO: Key Contacts FROM: Jennifer Davis, Executive Director DATE: September 9, 1992 Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharpeville, Meadowlands, Swanievilie, Sebokeng. in the "New South Africa" ofF.W. De Klerk, the list of atrocities goes on and on. You all know the statistics -nearly 8,000 people dead since the "reformist" De Klerk began his bloody reign of terror, with tens of thousands more wounded. driven from their homes, gripped by hopelessness and fear. For months the white minority regime, aided and abetted by a willing Western press, passed off this concerted attack on the freedom movement as "Black on Black Violence." Now, with hard evidence of government complicity in the violence mounting, ihe misinfoi mers are trying a new tactic-blaming the victim. Increasingly, it is the ANC which is being blamed for the massacre in Ciskei. The movement, so the argument goes, knew full well that Pretoria's bantustan surrogate, Oupa Gqozo, would turn his apartheid-armed, led and financed army on the marchers, and should have called off the protest. According to this distorted logic, Black persons daring to exercise their right of peaceful assembly and protest have only themselves to blame if soldiers under the command of a South African Defence Force Brigadier mow them down without warning with machine guns. The ANC, said apartheid police minister Hernus Kriel, "had fair warnirg," of the massacre, and was therefore at fault.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of the Ciskei Homeland and Bantustan Leadership, 1972–1994
    Article The Rise and Fall of the Ciskei Homeland and Bantustan Leadership, 1972–1994 Fezile Cindi Independent Researcher, South Africa [email protected] Abstract In this article, I grapple with notions of celebration, commemoration, and leadership as narratives of memory, in the Ciskei Bantustan in particular. The aim of the article is to get readers to remember and reflect on our past, in order to understand the present. The article also focuses on the history of the Ciskei homeland, its leadership values, and role of traditional leaders, rural development, legislative imperatives, and the impact of the policy of separate development, as well as the coups, suppression, torture and killings that happened between 1972 and 1994. Keywords: Bantustan; Ciskei; homeland; leadership Introduction I am not afraid of an army of lions led by a sheep, I am afraid of an army of sheep led by a lion. (Alexander the Great) In this article, I grapple with notions of celebration, commemoration, and leadership as narratives of memory, in the Ciskei Bantustan in particular. The aim of the article is to get readers to remember and reflect on our past in order to understand the present. The article also focuses on the history of the Ciskei homeland and its leadership values, and it touches on the role of traditional leaders, rural development, legislative imperatives, the policy of separate development, as well as the coups, torture, oppression, and killings that happened between 1972 and 1994. The Ciskei Bantustan in the Eastern Cape was formed to serve as an enclave for Xhosa- speaking people in South Africa, as part of the policy of racial segregation, following the constitution of the Republic of South Africa in May 1961.
    [Show full text]
  • Committed to Unity
    Committed to Unity: South Africa’s Adherence to Its 1994 Political Settlement Paul Graham IPS Paper 6 Abstract This paper reviews the commitment of the remaining power contenders and other political actors to the settlement which was reached between 1993 and 1996. Based on interviews with three key actors now in opposing political parties represented in the National Assembly, the paper makes the case for a continued commitment to, and consensus on, the ideals and principles of the 1996 Constitution. It provides evidence of schisms in the dominant power contender (the African National Congress) which have not led to a return in political violence post-settlement. The paper makes the point that, while some of this was the result of President Nelson Mandela’s presence, more must be ascribed to the constitutional arrangements and commitments of the primary political actors and the citizens of South Africa. © Berghof Foundation Operations GmbH – CINEP/PPP 2014. All rights reserved. About the Publication This paper is one of four case study reports on South Africa produced in the course of the collaborative research project ‘Avoiding Conflict Relapse through Inclusive Political Settlements and State-building after Intra-State War’, running from February 2013 to February 2015. This project aims to examine the conditions for inclusive political settlements following protracted armed conflicts, with a specific focus on former armed power contenders turned state actors. It also aims to inform national and international practitioners and policy-makers on effective practices for enhancing participation, representation, and responsiveness in post-war state-building and governance. It is carried out in cooperation with the partner institutions CINEP/PPP (Colombia, Project Coordinators), Berghof Foundation (Germany, Project Research Coordinators), FLACSO (El Salvador), In Transformation Initiative (South Africa), Sudd Institute (South Sudan), Aceh Policy Institute (Aceh/Indonesia), and Friends for Peace (Nepal).
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa: Historical Background Greg Moran
    Third World Legal Studies Volume 14 The Governance of Internal Security Forces Article 8 in Sub-Saharan Africa 1-8-1997 Human Rights and the Structure of Internal Security Forces – South Africa: Historical Background Greg Moran Follow this and additional works at: http://scholar.valpo.edu/twls Recommended Citation Moran, Greg (1997) "Human Rights and the Structure of Internal Security Forces – South Africa: Historical Background," Third World Legal Studies: Vol. 14, Article 8. Available at: http://scholar.valpo.edu/twls/vol14/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Valparaiso University Law School at ValpoScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Third World Legal Studies by an authorized administrator of ValpoScholar. For more information, please contact a ValpoScholar staff member at [email protected]. HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE STRUCTURE OF INTERNAL SECURITY FORCES SOUTH AFRICA: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND By Greg Moran* The apartheid policies that characterised most of the period of colonial rule, both formally (after 1948) and informally before, left an indelible mark on the consciousness of South Africans, (and on the map of the country prior to 1994). The policy of creating separate homelands for each of the black ethnic groupings and pushing these to independence to ensure the survival of white South Africa, lead to the creation of numerous police and armed forces. The records of all of these are severely blemished and their histories steeped in blood. At present, moves are afoot to incorporate all of these security forces into unified bodies: the South African National Defense Force (SANDF) and the South African Police Services (SAPS).
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report
    VOLUME THREE Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction to Regional Profiles ........ 1 Appendix: National Chronology......................... 12 Chapter 2 REGIONAL PROFILE: Eastern Cape ..................................................... 34 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Eastern Cape........................................................... 150 Chapter 3 REGIONAL PROFILE: Natal and KwaZulu ........................................ 155 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in Natal, KwaZulu and the Orange Free State... 324 Chapter 4 REGIONAL PROFILE: Orange Free State.......................................... 329 Chapter 5 REGIONAL PROFILE: Western Cape.................................................... 390 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Western Cape ......................................................... 523 Chapter 6 REGIONAL PROFILE: Transvaal .............................................................. 528 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Transvaal ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Work in Progress, No. 79
    Work in progress, No. 79 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/. Page 1 of 54 Alternative title Work In Progress Author/Creator University of Witwatersrand (Johannesburg) Contributor Pillay, Devan Publisher University of Witwatersrand (Johannesburg) Date 1991-12 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language Afrikaans, English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1991 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Rights By kind permission of Hein Marais, Julian May, and the Southern Africa Report. Format extent 52 page(s) (length/size)
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid South Africa Xolela Mangcu 105 5 the State of Local Government: Third-Generation Issues Doreen Atkinson 118
    ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p State of the Nation South Africa 2003–2004 Free download from www.hsrc Edited by John Daniel, Adam Habib & Roger Southall ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p Free download from www.hsrc ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p Compiled by the Democracy & Governance Research Programme, Human Sciences Research Council Published by HSRC Press Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa HSRC Press is an imprint of the Human Sciences Research Council Free download from www.hsrc ©2003 Human Sciences Research Council First published 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. ISBN 0 7969 2024 9 Cover photograph by Yassir Booley Production by comPress Printed by Creda Communications Distributed in South Africa by Blue Weaver Marketing and Distribution, PO Box 30370, Tokai, Cape Town, South Africa, 7966. Tel/Fax: (021) 701-7302, email: [email protected]. Contents List of tables v List of figures vii ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p Acronyms ix Preface xiii Glenn Moss Introduction Adam Habib, John Daniel and Roger Southall 1 PART I: POLITICS 1 The state of the state: Contestation and race re-assertion in a neoliberal terrain Gerhard Maré 25 2 The state of party politics: Struggles within the Tripartite Alliance and the decline of opposition Free download from www.hsrc Roger Southall 53 3 An imperfect past:
    [Show full text]