A PROPOSED BISON JUMP SITE (41 SS 52)

IN SAN SABA COUNTY, TEXAS

by

KAREN DIANE KIMBRELL HOWELL, B.A.

A THESIS

IN

ANTHROPOLOGY

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS

Approved

May, 1999 ^^5 /Imf) ^%^ ' 7-^ ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

^j^,-y This research would not have been possible without the opportunity Grant Hall, my thesis advisor, has provided me. His mentorship in the realm of archaeological field methods has been invaluable to the collection of data for this study, as well as other pursuits in my career. In addition, I would like to thank the other member of my committee, William J. Mayer-Oakes for his guidance throughout graduate school and his patience during the thesis preparation.

I would particularly like to thank Sam Sloan, the landowner of the site studied here, for all he has enabled me to do. Without Sam's interest in the archaeological record of his property, this valuable resource might have been ignored. He not only allowed unlimited access, but also helped to mold the investigations with his thoughts on the site. He provided a wealth of oral and written family history data which served quite usefully in the following analysis. For all of this he is greatly appreciated. Part of the research for this study was funded by the Texas Tech University Summer Research Assistantship Grant, and the Dorothy Bagwell Travel Grant. I would like to thank the many students of the Texas Tech Archaeological Field School who volunteered their time to participate in field work at the site. Of this group I would especially like to thank Ellen Mayo and Bob Hockman for their additional volunteer time to field work; and Scott Malone for his help with field drawings and field work. Karl Kibler, of Prewitt and Associates, Inc. made particularly helpful observations and lent guidance in the performance of the pedological analysis. His time and effort are certainly recognized. My parents, Ray and Donna Kimbrell have been overwhelmingly supportive throughout the years, financially and emotionally. Without their support my work would not be possible. Cameron Inman, as well, has lent invaluable editing and formatting assistance and is, in every way appreciated. Finally, I would like to thank Todd L. Howell for all of his insight and experience, upon which I draw. Our discussions and his critiques of my work have helped to shape my arguments to form a critical study worthy of this valuable archaeological resource.

Ill TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i LIST OF TABLES vi LIST OF FIGURES \ vii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1

Investigation at the Site 4 Regional Environment 5 Location and Topography 5 Climate 6 Flora and Fauna 7 Regional Prehistory and History 10 Great Plains 10 Central Texas 13 San Saba County 15 Preview of Following Chapters 18 II. SUMMARY OF INFORMATION ON MODELS OF SITE FUNCTION 19 Topographic Setting 19 Feature Descriptions 19 Feature 1 21 Feature 2 23 Feature 3 25 Feature 4 27 Models of Possible Site Function 28

IV Summary of Historic Possibilities 28

Livestock Facility 28

Agricultural Facility 29 Water Control Feature 30 Test Implications for Historic Possibilities 30 Summary of Prehistoric Possibilities 31 Terminology 32 Paleo-lndian Period Evidence 34 Archaic Period Evidence 39 Late Prehistoric Period Evidence 44 Post-Contact Period Evidence 46 Test Implications for Prehistoric Possibilities 50 ASSESSING MODELS OF SITE FUNCTION FOR 41 SS 52..53 1992 Field Season 53 Test Excavation 55 1993 Field Season 60 Excavation 61 Block I Units A, B, and C 62 Block II Units A, B, C, and D 64 Feature 2 and Feature 3 66

Backhoe Trenching of the Floodplain 67 Assessing Possible Models of the Site's Function 69 Post-Contact Time Frame 70 Sloan Family History 70

Other Immigrant History 72 Assessing the Historic Models 77

Livestock Facility 77 Agricultural Facility 78 Remains of Dam Project 79

Prehistoric Time Frame 79 Absolute Dating 80 Relative Dating 82 Bison Presence and Absence 97 Assessing the Bison Jump Model 101 Topography 101 Features 102 Artifact Assemblage 106 IV. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 109 Contributions to the Study of Plains Archaeology 111 Suggestions for Future Research 112 REFERENCES CITED 114

VI LIST OF TABLES

3.1 Data Recovery from TP 1 55

3.2 Data Recovery from TP 2 58 3.3 Data Recovery from TP 3 59 3.4 Data Recovery from Block I 62 3.5 Data Recovery from Block II 65 3.6 Counts and Weights of Rocks Removed from Block III 67 3.7 Bison Presence or Absence Periods 98

VII LIST OF FIGURES

1.1 Site Location Map 2 2.1 Topographic Map Showing Site (41 SS 52) Location 20

2.2 Site Map Showing Features 22 2.3 Photograph of Portion of Feature 1, Looking Southeast 23 2.4 Photograph of Feature 2, Looking South 24 2.5 Cross Section Profile of Feature 2 24 2.6 Photograph of Portion of Feature 3, Looking East 25 2.7 Plan View Drawing of Feature 3 26 2.8 Photograph of Feature 4, Looking East 27 3.1 Test Pit Locations at 41 SS 52 (1992) and Backhoe Trenches (1993) 54 3.2 Illustration of Pedernales Point 57 3.3 Plan Map of Excavations and Features at 41 SS 52 61 3.4 Illustration of Flake Tool 64 3.5 Plan View of Units for Block III 66 3.6 Soil Profile of South Wall of Block I, 41 SS 52 85 3.7 Soil Profile of South Wall of Block II, 41 SS 52 86 3.8 Breakdown of Soil Components by Percentage Weight for Block I 90 3.9 Breakdown of Soil Components by Percentage Weight for Block II 90

VIII CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

Site 41 SS 52 in San Saba County, Texas consists of three piled rock features (Features 1, 2, and 3). The site is unique among known sites in this portion of Texas. This study deschbes site 41 SS 52 and attempts to determine its function. It was officially recorded by Joe Powell, then a graduate student at the University of Texas, in 1987. The site is situated atop a 21 m (70 ft) high cliff overlooking the San Saba River on the northeastern edge of the Edwards Plateau (Figure 1.1). Running along the east side of the site is Cedar Hollow, an intermittent stream which is a minor tributary feeding the San Saba River. The San Saba River is south of the site. On top of the bluff, west of Cedar Hollow is a substantial linear rock alignment, a small linear rock alignment, and a circular rock feature. Excavation blocks were placed near these features and test pits were placed on the floodplain below the features to investigate the nature of the deposits. Feature 1 is an arcuate rock alignment approximately 60 m in length. Feature 1 runs roughly parallel to Cedar Hollow and is perpendicular to the cliff. Near the cliff and west of Feature 1, is a circular, piled rock structure designated Feature 2 which is ring-shaped. Feature 3 is a small, linear piled rock alignment approximately 7 m long. Sam Sloan, the landowner who introduced Powell to the site, believes that the site had been used as a Native American bison jump. In the site record for 41 SS 52, Powell recorded a brief Sloan family history regarding the site (1987: State of Texas Archaeological Site Data Form). Sloan told Powell that his family OKLAHOMA

NEW MEXICO

MILES

ADAPTED FROM DIBBLE AND LORRAINE 1969

Figure 1.1: Site Location Map had owned the land since the 1840's and that the features were present when his family purchased the property. The Sloans had no definite knowledge of who had built these features. However, a few local legends exist regarding its construction. Among these reported by Sloan and documented in Powell's official site record, was that, in an attempt to attract settlers to the area, a dam project was begun. The story states that rocks were thrown off of the cliff into the 100 feet deep and one-half mile wide canyon. The features which remain at the site would be rock piles from this project.

In addition to local lore, Sam Sloan based his assessment that the site is a bison jump on several considerations. First, his family's oral history states that the features were in place when the property was purchased. Second, the great-grandfather of Sam Sloan, Thomas A. Sloan, reported that as a child he had noticed bison skulls and bones eroding out of a wide terrace deposit below the cliff a short distance downstream from the site. Third, Sam Sloan could think of no reason why either Spanish or Anglo-American settlers would have built these kinds of features at this location. Being a cattleman and farmer himself, he saw no way the features at the site could have functioned as a livestock corral or agricultural facility. Sam's father, Jack Sloan, believed the dam project story. He was convinced that a promoter had built the features in an attempt to lure potential land buyers with the promise that a dam was being built on the San Saba River. Not convinced of the dam hypothesis, Sam Sloan called the site to the attention of the Texas Tech University Archaeological Field School (TTU Field School).

In 1992, the TTU Field School, directed by Grant D. Hall, began investigating the general area containing site 41 SS 52. Sam Sloan showed the site to field school participants and again detailed his reasons for believing that it was a bison jump. In conjunction with the field school, 41 SS 52 was investigated during various phases of field work from 1992 to 1994, and independent of the field school in 1995. The purpose of this study is to explore the possible function of the site.

Investigation at the Site Preliminary archaeological investigations were conducted at site 41 SS 52 by the TTU Field School in June and July of 1992. Investigations were designed to test the hypothesis that the site functioned as a prehistoric bison jump. During the 1992 season extensive, systematic surface surveys were made of the area, and test pits were excavated in the area below the cliff. The TTU Field School returned to San Saba County in the summer of 1993. A crew of students, led by the author, conducted additional investigations at the site, including mapping of the site with a total data station, excavation of units on top of the cliff, and backhoe trenching at the base of the cliff. Analysis of the data began after the first field season in 1992 and continued through the spring of 1995 at the TTU Archaeology Laboratory. Although investigation at the site set out to test the Sloan hypothesis of a bison jump, this by no means precluded investigation into other possibilities. Among the other possibilities examined for the function of the features were: (1) a dam project left unfinished by promoters; (2) a stockholding or stockworking facility for livestock; and (3) an agricultural facility. All of these possibilities, focusing primarily on the original hypothesis, were examined by conducting archaeological investigations at and around the site, reviewing existing literature (archaeological and ethnohistorical) concerning other known bison jumps, and reviewing literature that might pinpoint a possible historic analog.

ii^^ Regional Environment

In order to assess the models of site function for 41 SS 52, a basic knowledge of the geographic and topographic settings is relevant. The environmental setting including the climate, flora, and fauna will be discussed.

Location and Topography

San Saba County is part of the Edwards Plateau which is the southernmost portion of the Great Plains. The area is a limestone tableland which differs a great deal from the rest of the Great Plains region. The interior landscape of the Edwards Plateau has been described as "undulating to slightly rolling landscape whose flattish aspects are broken here and there by stream grooves" (Johnson 1931:52-53). Specifically, the topography of San Saba

County has been described as "undulating to hilly and generally slopes to the southeast. Elevation ranges from 1,100 to 1,800 feet above sea level" (Bynum

1982:1).

Site 41 SS 52 is located in the west-central portion of San Saba County and is approximately 15 miles south of U.S. Highway 190. North of the site is a broad area of undulating upland which is cut by Cedar Hollow creating a small valley to the east. A kilometer (km) to the west is another intermittent stream which forms a small valley. Each of these intermittent streams feed the San

Saba River. The southern portion of the site is a steep, limestone cliff which drops 21 m to the San Saba River floodplain. The modern river channel is located approximately 30 m south of the cliff. Elevation of site features is approximately 1400 feet above sea level (U.S.G.S. Baker Spring 7.5 min. topographic quadrangle).

Climate

The climate of the Southern Plains, including the Edwards Plateau, has varied greatly during the period of human occupation. The Pleistocene (ending around 10,000 years BP) climate was cooler and more moist than the modern climate (Graham 1987:39). Although cooler, the winters did not have extreme cold spells during the Late Pleistocene as is seen today in the Southern Plains (Graham 1987:39). The Early Holocene (approximately 9,000 to 8,000 years BP) was more moist than the Pleistocene and had progressively more diversified seasons (Graham 1987:37-41). The Middle Holocene (8,000 to 3,000 years BP) was increasingly more xeric and is marked by an extended drought period known as the Altithermal (4,000 to 6.000 years BP)(Graham 1987:41). There is some evidence which suggests that this long desiccation period is interrupted by moister intervals (Graham 1987:41). Overall, the Middle Holocene on the Edwards Plateau was gradually drier and warmer with small-scale shifts to cooler and moister climates (Graham 1987:44). The Late Holocene through Historic times (3,000 years B P to Present) show a gradual trend from moist to dry climates with periodic droughts such as the drought of the 1930's (Graham 1987:43).

The modern climate of the Edwards Plateau has been described as "subtropical steppe with low summer humidity" (Natural Fibers Information Center 1987:10). The mean annual precipitation of the region is 25 inches, although variation is typical in this type of semiarid environment; the majority of the rain falls in April through June (Natural Fibers Information Center 1987:10). Seasonal temperatures vary in different parts of the region, but typically few days exceed 100 degrees F in the summer months and few days fall below freezing during the winter months, although extremes exist (Natural Fibers Information Center 1987:10). Southwesterly to southeasterly winds predominate throughout the year (Natural Fibers Information Center 1987:10).

Specifically, San Saba County's climate may be described as subtropical. The mean precipitation is 25.9 inches per year and the mean temperature is 64 degrees F. According to the climate report by the Natural Fibers Information Center (1987:437), precipitation occurs primarily in April through October, and usually in the form of thunderstorms, which are most frequent in May. Winds are predominantly south or southwesterly most of the year The summer months are consistently hot with the area averaging 100 days of temperatures over 90 degrees F and it is not uncommon for the temperature to exceed 100 degrees F (Natural Fibers Information Center 1987:437-438). The spring and fall months in San Saba County are described as fair and mild. The winter months are characterized by extreme changes in temperature. Winter days are usually fair and mild, although cold fronts come through, with the area averaging 54 days of freezing temperatures or below (Natural Fibers Information Center 1987:437-438).

Flora and Fauna

The floral and faunal communities of the Southern Plains, including the

Edwards Plateau, have varied from Pleistocene to modern times as the climate fluctuated. Pleistocene fauna of the Southern Plains included megafauna such as mammoths, camelids, horses, bison, peccaries, and antilocaprids which were supported by grassland and savanna environments (Graham 1987:39-40). These animals persisted through Clovis times, but rapid large scale extinction wiped out many of these large bodied herbivores as the transition to the warmer Holocene occurred (Graham 1987:40). The extinction of the Ice Age animals took place as "major vegetation changes were taking place" (Fagan 1991:120). As Pleistocene ice subsided, forests developed during the Early Holocene (Fagan 1991:120). Shorter, warmer winters and cooler summers allowed for mixed forests which, in turn, allowed for greater diversity in mammalian fauna (Fagan 1991:121). Eventually, forests gave way to grasslands, and on the Eastern Plains, some woodland environments survived until approximately 3,000 years ago (Fagan 1991:120). The Early to Middle Holocene faunal record shows continued warming and increased aridity which climaxed with the Altithermal (Graham 1987:40). The extensive xeric period, the Altithermal, had major ramifications for the development of grasslands able to support large populations of bigger mammals such as the bison. Graham (1987:42) suggests that the mammalian faunal record which implies this is oversimplified and that the record for the middle and late Holocene is sparse; however the mammalian communities were quite different than the modern ones (Graham 1987:44).

The late Holocene of the Southern Plains, including the Edwards Plateau, also has a sparse vertebrate faunal record (Graham 1987:42). By approximately 500 years ago, the southwestern Plains environment supported a dry grassland quite similar to the modern one (Graham 1987:43). Grassland fauna during the historic period on the Plains is dominated by human intervention; for instance, the loss of the large herds of bison through overhunting and habitat destruction (Graham 1987:43). Another example is the loss of burrowing species due to the overgrazing of domesticated livestock which contributed to large scale topsoil erosion (Graham 1987:43-44).

8 The modern ecology of the region varies due to different environmental settings. San Saba County itself shows variation in its plant and animal communities as settings change; for instance, this researcher observed two distinct ecotones in the transition from the bottomland riverine and riparian ecosystems, to the upland plateau ecosystems. Soils have formed predominately on limestone bearing chert and only specific plants are able to flourish under these conditions (Bynum 1982:5). It should also be noted that the plant communities have changed significantly during modern times due to the grazing of cattle; what was once open grassland is now covered with mesquite, weeds, and cactus (Bynum 1982:58). There is range land immediately north of the site which would have been this type of open grassland environment. A biotic study of the site was not performed, hence, exact percentages of plant categories are unknown; however, in a study by the Soil Conservation Service, approximately 2000 feet to the northwest of 41 SS 52 (a geologically, topographically, and climatically similar area) identified the following plants: grasses include little bluestem, sideoats gramma, Arizona cottontop, indiangrass, big bluestem, silver bluestem, Texas needlegrass, green sprangletop, buffalograss, and meadow dropseed (Bynum 1982:61). Identified forbs include orange zexmenia, Engelmann daisy, and bush sunflower (Bynum 1982:61). Woody plants include catclaw acacia and live oak (Bynum 1982:61). Keeping in mind that the vegetation is quite limited due to the predominately exposed bedrock surface or shallow, rocky soil, the following few, additional plants were noted by the author in the immediate vicinity of the site: various types of short to mid prairie grasses, live oak, cedar, mountain laurel, prickly pear, tasajillo, and Spanish dagger.

The faunal community in the general area, as described by the Soil Conservation Service (SCS), is made up of deer, turkey, dove, quail, and songbirds (Bynum 1982:44). Additional species observed by the author in the proximity of the site were javelina, rattlesnake, armadillo, jack rabbit, cottontail rabbit, raccoon, skunk and hawk. The SCS study (Bynum 1982:44) also proposes the idea that currently, fur bearing animals do not find the modern upland environment favorable due to the lack of ground cover.

Regional Prehistory and History The following section will present a broad overview of culture history in the region containing site 41 SS 52. The major culture area of the Great Plains will be defined and a brief discussion of developmental stages will be presented. Next, the focus will narrow to the Central Texas region and then specifically on San Saba County. Based primarily on archaeological and historical data, all time periods of human occupation will be briefly outlined for each.

Great Plains The Great Plains cover a large area of North America which spans east to the Mississippi River, west to the Rocky Mountains, north into Canada, and south to the Mexico border at the Rio Grande (Fagan 1991:120). Throughout human occupation of the Great Plains cultural area, the use of bison for food and other products is evident in the archaeological record. In the Great Plains, in general, and in the Southern Plains specifically, the chronology of cultures can be divided into Paleo-lndian, Archaic, Prehistoric, and Historic. Plains Indian subsistence focused primarily on hunting and gathering; however approximately 500 years before European contact, farming was practiced by Eastern Plains villages (Fagan 1991:123). From data recovered at archaeological sites throughout the Plains, aboriginal mass bison procurement is evidenced in all time periods with

10 this practice most common during the Late Prehistoric period (Fhson 1978:223). The heightened availability of large herds due to numerous environmental factors is most likely responsible for this rise in mass procurement. A conservative estimate, based on archaeological evidence, suggests that humans have inhabited the Great Plains culture area for approximately 10,000 years. These first inhabitants are referred to as Paleo-lndians. Limited archaeological evidence suggests that these people were mobile hunters who hunted large game with lanceolate-shaped spear points, and engaged in communal hunts and trapping of large game. The Quaternary (1.6 million years BP to present), particularly the late Quaternary in the Southern Plains, is characterized by environmental fluctuations which are reflected in the record of floral and faunal remains from paleontological and archaeological sites (Graham 1987:24). Shortly before, and contemporary with, the first evidence of human occupation in North America, megafauna such as Bison antiquus and mammoths were abundant; however, by the end of the Pleistocene (10,000 BP) these larger mammals became extinct, or nearly so. The Paleo-lndian culture ends at approximately 8000 BC (Fagan 1991:124). With the onset of the Altithermal (7,000 to 5,000 BP), an unprecedented drought period in North America, the climate was characterized by greater seasonal diversification (Toomey et al. 1993:309). Human subsistence activities also became more diversified. Paleodimatologists agree that during the Middle and Late Holocene on the Southern Plains the climate became progressively warmer and drier (Graham 1987:41-42). During the Middle to Late Holocene, the Southern Plains was affected by fluctuations between moist and dry intervals which contributed to the relative size of bison {Bison bison) herds (Dillehay 1974:180; Creel et al. 1990:55; and Huebner 1990:343). Based on faunal

11 remains found at archaeological and paleontological sites, Dillehay (1974:180) suggests that there were large numbers of bison during moister periods and a relative absence of bison during drier periods; these shifts affected the subsistence pursuits of the Archaic people of the Southern Plains. Archaic Plains Indian groups had access to quite different animals than Paleo-lndians. By the beginning of the Holocene (10,000 years BP), new species such as the Bison bison thrived after the extinction of the earlier megafauna. These new. smaller species of mammals had a significant effect on human adaptation, reflected in their stone tool industry which now included side-notched projectile points. Archaic hunters lived together in small, highly mobile bands, but they would frequently hunt communally (Fagan 1991:124-130). The relative absence of bison for hunting during dry intervals throughout the Archaic would force hunters to rely more heavily on food gathering activities. This culture prevailed from approximately 5600 BC to AD 500 (Fagan 1991:124).

The Prehistoric Period, AD 500-1500 (Fagan 1991:131), of the Great Plains is marked by the major technological advancement of the bow and arrow, vastly changing subsistence strategies. Communal bison hunting was still common; however, small animal hunting ventures were now adaptive as well. It is at this point in time that trade with cultures outside of the Plains is evidenced (Fagan 1991:131).

The Prehistoric Period ends with the exploration of Spanish conquistadors onto the Plains. Beginning in AD 1540 Coronado led an expedition from Mexico through Arizona, New Mexico, and northwest Texas. During their journey eastward, the Spaniards encountered Plains Indian groups (Hickerson 1994:21-28). In 1598, Juan de Onate would also encounter Plains Indian groups from northern Texas; however, it is not until the 1750's that Spanish colonists

12

-^m would attempt to settle in the northern portion of the Central Texas area. This settlement was comprised of a failed missionary attempt, the Mission Santa Cruz de San Saba (Hindes et al. 1995:6-7) and accompanying presidio.

Relating to hunting strategies, native Plains people acquired the Spanish horse around 1650 (Fagan 1991:132-135). This acquisition had profound effects for Plains Indians. The addition of the horse to Plains' cultures completely altered hunting strategies, as the rifle would later. As European hunters gradually moved in, motivated by the growing bison hide industry, they almost completely eradicated large herds. The final slaughter of the bison herds began in the early 1870's. Aided by the American government, the industry employed as few as 10,000 to as many as 20,000 Euro-American hunters (Mayer and Roth 1958:27). The average hunter is said to have killed 25 to 40 bison in a day (Fehrenbach 1974:522). In 1872, 1,491,489 bison are recorded as being killed by the industry; in 1873, 1.508,668; and in 1874, only 158.583 (Mayer and Roth 1958:87). This dramatic decrease in the number of animals procured is not a reflection of a decline in interest, but rather the demise of the bison herds. With the extinction of the bison herds, the lifeways of the Plains Indian were forever changed.

Central Texas

Projectile points found at archaeological sites in the Central Texas region have traditionally served as chronological markers. Although in some regions of

North America point typology is not a consistent or reliable temporal marker, the data recovery from stratified archaeological sites in Central Texas has shown that

"projectile points are indeed sensitive and reliable chronological indicators"

(Prewitt 1981:65). Prewitt (1981:65-89) developed a model for the cultural chronology of the Central Texas region, based on previous chronologies as well

13 as new information, which was later refined with additional supporting data (Prewitt 1983:201-238).

Although this model is dated, it is the most comprehensive explication of Central Texas chronological markers. The age ranges given for distinct cultural phases were derived from the changing morphology of projectile points recovered from stratified sites supported by radiocarbon assays (dendrochronologically corrected) (Prewitt 1983:201). This model divides the chronology into Stages, Phases, and finally Components of these phases at given sites. A stage is defined as "a segment of cultural-historical development which, in a given area, may be characterized by a dominant economic pattern" (Prewitt 1981:68). A phase is defined as "a chronologically and spatially limited cultural manifestation which possess sufficient traits to distinguish it from all other similarly conceived units" (Prewitt 1981:68).

Prewitt defines the stages of development for the Central Texas region as Paleo-lndian, Archaic, Neoarchaic, and Historic (Prewitt 1981:71). In keeping with the definition of a stage, each is defined on the basis of primary economic patterns. During the Paleo-lndian Stage the primary subsistence pursuit was hunting game with little emphasis on food gathering. In Central Texas, the Paleo-lndian culture lasted from an unknown beginning date to approximately 8500 BP. Further segmentation of this stage into phases was not attempted due to the lack of data (Prewitt 1981:71).

Prewitt (1981:71-75) divides the subsequent Archaic Stage (8500-1250

BP) into eleven phases, each consisting of groups engaged in hunting and gathering. These phases are defined by certain distinguishing traits such as: specialization and diversity of tool industries, level of interaction between groups, appearance of burned rock middens, extent of mobility, and degree of reliance on

14 either food gathering or hunting activities. The next developmental stage is the Neoarchaic which lasts from approximately 1250 BP to 200 BP (Prewitt 1981:74-84). Although subsistence pursuits do not vary considerably from the Archaic, material culture does. It is in this stage that arrow points, ceramics, and formal cemeteries are found in the archaeological record. Two phases comprise the Neoarchaic stage, which vary primarily in that the latter phase contains ceramic artifacts (Prewitt 1981:74-84).

The Historic Stage is marked by the movement of Europeans into Central Texas, and their subsequent control of the land and resources (Prewitt 1981:74). Spanish colonists, soldiers, and priests were in the Central Texas region by approximately 1760. In 1847, Germans entered the San Saba area having purchased land from the Mexican government (Hamrick 1941:31-33).

San Saba County Little on the prehistory of San Saba County has been published, as little archaeological research has been conducted. L.M. Green, a local archaeologist and long time resident of Richland Springs, San Saba County, has published information about research in the western portion of the county (Green and Hester 1973, Green 1970. 1971). He primarily describes artifact assemblages from the area, providing insight into the occupation span and subsistence pursuits of inhabitants at sites geographically close to site 41 SS 52. Green investigated sites spanning the Paleo-lndian to the Neoarchaic Stages. Green (1970, 1971) investigated, through surface collection, four sites (41 SS 10, 11, 12, and 13) located along Richland Springs Creek on floodplains and low terraces. Paleo-lndian material is represented by infrequent Angostura dart points (Green 1970:9) which are typically found late in the Paleo-lndian

15 stage. The bulk of the artifacts described fall into the Archaic Stage, primarily in the middle and end of this developmental period; and the Neoarchaic Stage is represented as well (Green 1970:10). Inhabitants of the area were "a homogeneous people, living in small groups, with a subsistence pattern oriented toward hunting (deer, bison, rabbit, etc.) and food gathering in the floodplain and in the adjacent uplands" (Green 1970:9). Features at these sites include burned rock middens, mortar holes, and hearths (Green 1970:9). Artifacts from these sites consist of projectile points, unifaces, bifaces, drills, awls, knives, modified flakes, hammer stones, manos, metates, gorgets, mussel shells, bone fragments, bison teeth, and lithic debitage (Green 1970:6). Another article by L.M. Green (1971:319-333) provides an archaeological description of the Happy Patch Site. Lying twenty miles east of site 41 SS 52, this site is located on a low terrace along the Colorado River and has been heavily disturbed. This site differs from others in the area in that it contained large concentrations of mussel shell and lacked burned rock middens (Green 1971:332). In addition to this site, the Finis Frost Site (41 SS 20) has been described (Green and Hester 1973). It appears to date to the late Neoarchaic Stage (Green and Hester 1973:67) and, like the other sites investigated by Green, this site is on the floodplain and low terrace of a stream. The stone artifact assemblage consists of projectile points, bifaces, perforators, modified flakes, manos, and metates. Leon Plain pottery was found, as well as bison and deer bone fragments (Green and Hester 1973:67). Occupants of the Finis Frost site appear to have focused subsistence pursuits primarily on bison hunting (Green and Hester 1973:67). Subsequent archaeological investigations of the San Saba area have taken place by the TTU Field School. Several prehistoric

16 and historic sites have been recorded, although no interpretive analysis has yet been performed.

The Historic Period of the San Saba area is marked by unrest among the native people and contact period immigrants. San Saba was Comanche territory. Although the Comanche probably entered Central Texas on hunting and raiding parties, they did not begin to settle this area until the 1730's (Faulk 1970:11-12). The Comanche were expanding their territory southward, contemporaneous with the northward expansion of the Spanish colonists (Faulk 1970:13). The first contact between Spaniards and Comanche occurred in 1743 near San Antonio, Texas (Faulk 1970:12). Many areas of Texas were explored during the Spanish Colonial period, although there are no records of Spanish activity in the immediate area of site 41 SS 52. Approximately 80 miles upstream the San Saba River from the site, a mission and presidio were established in 1758 (Hindes et al. 1995:5-6). The mission, established by Franciscans to reach the Apache (aboriginal inhabitants of the Central Texas region) was destroyed within ten months by hostile local Indian groups including the Comanche, Tejas, Bidais and Tonkawas (Hindes et al. 1995:5-7). No further attempts were made to rebuild the mission; this act of hostility lead primarily by the Comanche inhibited the Spanish colonists from venturing further into known aboriginal territory (Faulk 1970:19), such as San Saba County. This was the first documented attack upon the Spanish by the Comanche, but reports of raids were frequent after this incident (Faulk 1970:18). By 1777, the Spanish reported that their only enemies among native groups were the Comanche (Faulk 1970:25). Faulk (1970:20-33) describes the situation as a desperate cycle of attacks and treaties during the 1780's. Even by the end of Spanish rule in Texas, 1836, the Comanche were still in control of the territory, in

17 fact, Faulk (1970:42) states that during the three hundred years of Spanish

sovereignty over Texas, Spaniards never subdued the Comanche.

Preview of Following Chapters Detailed descriptions of archaeological work conducted at 41 SS 52, archaeological methodologies employed at the site, data recovered from the site, ways in which attempts were made to put the site into a chronological context, and various models of site function are developed in subsequent chapters. Models of possible site function are presented in Chapter II, as well as test implications for each. Data used to test the models is presented in Chapter III, and the models are assessed in Chapter III as well. Conclusions and a discussion section constitute Chapter IV.

18 CHAPTER II SUMMARY OF INFORMATION ON MODELS OF SITE FUNCTION

This chapter begins a with description of the topography and site features at 41 SS 52. Models of possible site function are presented. Next, each model will be examined by searching the archaeological record and ethnohistorical data for sites similar to site 41 SS 52. This data will be used to formulate test implications for each model of site function.

Topographic Setting Site 41 SS 52 is located an a broad area of undulating upland as seen in Figure 2.1, a topographic map showing the location of Site 41 SS 52 (based upon the U.S.G.S. Baker Spring 7.5 minute quadrangle). A gradual incline from the north leads up to a 21 m cliff making the bluff virtually "blind." The cliff drops to the San Saba River floodplain and the modern channel is located approximately 30 m to the south. The western approach to the site is inclined, although only gradually. To the east, the upland plateau is cut by Cedar Hollow creating a small valley. While the eastern approach is steeper than the approach from the north and west, it is easily traversible on foot and moderately traversible on horseback. A little over a km to the west of the site is another intermittent stream which forms a small valley and also feeds the San Saba River. The elevation of the site is 1400 feet above mean sea level (U.S.G.S. Baker Spring 7.5 min. quadrangle).

Feature Descriptions

The following will detail specific qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the features found at site 41 SS 52. Each of the features detailed are

19 SCALE

rRUE NORTH

,N FEET ABOVE piEVATIONS ADAPTED FROM USCS MEAN SEA LEVEL 'BAKER SPRING QUAD SAN SABA COUNTY.TX

CONTOUR INTERVAL.. 20 FEET e,e (41 SS 52) LOCatiOH

20 constructed of the same material and in a similar manner. Figure 2.2 illustrates the layout of the site, as well as the size and location of features. Each feature was numbered arbitrarily 1 through 4, and each is deschbed below.

Feature 1

Feature 1 is an arcuate rock wall (shown in Figure 2.2). It is located on the eastern portion of the site at a topographic break in the landscape. To the west of Feature 1, the land surface is relatively level, but to the east the surface begins to slope down to become the Cedar Hollow drainage running roughly parallel. The highest point of Feature 1 is approximately 60 cm above the modern ground surface. Feature 1 is tallest at its northern end and gradually decreases in height southward toward the cliff. The feature is approximately 59 m in length, measured curvilinearly. The wall has been subject to tumbling, making the feature appear wider than its original base as many rocks occur on the sloped surface east of the feature. Large spaces and gaps exist between the rocks on the eastern slope toward Cedar Hollow; whereas the rocks on the western portion of the feature have little space between them and are aligned roughly vertically to slightly sloping. The maximum width of the feature is 15 m; however the intact, western portion appears to be 2 m wide. The locally procured limestone rocks are dry stacked, no mortar was used. The rocks used to construct Feature 1 are highly variable in size ranging from as large as 40 cm in length and 20 cm in width; to as small as 10 cm in length and 5 cm in width based on a random sample of 100 rocks from Feature 1, the average weight of the rocks is 13 kg.

21 '• 1 LU CO UJ (D or i_ ^— 3 D '< 1— ^-^ UJ

OQO \ ^ IM O C \ ''i

\ ^ SI CO ^\ ^ Q. "A\ ^- ^ CD ^\ ^ \>- \ ^ \ CD

A Si t 2 c\i trira CNi ur e CAL E o 1 i^^ O)

22 Figure 2.3: Photograph of Portion of Feature 1, Looking Southeast

Feature 2

Feature 2 is a circle of rock with a maximum diameter of 5.2 m. It is located 5.5 m from Feature 1 and 12.2 m from the edge of the bluff. Feature 2 was constructed of the same material (variable sized limestone), and technique

(dry-stacked) used at Feature 1. This feature exhibits an opening approximately

2 m across in the center. The feature stands slightly less than a meter tall at its highest point. The feature has been constructed on top of exposed bedrock with little or no sediment accumulation in the immediate area. In addition, sediment has not accumulated in the opening of the ring. A photograph of Feature 2 is presented in Figure 2.4 and Figure 2.5 is an east to west cross-section profile.

23 Figure 2.4: Photograph of Feature 2, Looking South

^ 'tta. y

t- ——

.5 1 M KEY SCALE

BEDROCK -W

Figure 2.5: Cross Section Profile of Feature 2

24 Feature 3

Feature 3 is a small, linear rock alignment. Feature 3 is shown in Figure 2.6. The southwest corner of this feature is 7 m from the edge of the cliff and the northeast corner is 3.5 m west of Feature 2. The feature is situated at a point where exposed bedrock has eroded in a stair-step fashion down toward the cliff. Against the steps in the bedrock, the limestone cobbles which constitute Feature 3, fill and meet the level of the bedrock. The rocks used for this feature were smaller than those of Features 1 and 2. The spacing between the rocks of the feature is relatively consistent. This feature is 7 m long and approximately 2 m wide. Figure 2.7 is a plan view drawing of Feature 3.

Figure 2.6: Photograph of Portion of Feature 3, Looking East

25 < V > < ' f^ V < > ', ^% < > .\> <^^ •V'^ '^ X > > S X <^ ^ ^ ^ 'N- . x'^''.

CO 0)

V^ <^^ ,^ -"-/• fV x^^ V ^^ » W V s,^ CO CD

c

CO Q

•> c CD . . < < < C'^«>.

1^

0

it: C_) r'l Qo: Q UJ UJ CQ cr 7 < UJ Q. UJ ll V 1— C_) 1/1 o o cr 00 cQc < u UJ (— o CD 00 cc

O m/,<^' ^

26 Feature 4

Feature 4 is a large upright slab shown in Figure 2.8. It is actually a part of Feature 1; however, because it is the only deviation in the relatively consistent construction of Feature 1 it has been assigned a separate feature number. It is located near the southern termination of Feature 1, almost to the point of the cliff. The feature is a single limestone slab. One meter of this large slab is exposed above the modern surface and is 90 cm wide at the base. This slab is roughly triangular with the apex of the triangle up.

Figure 2.8: Photograph of Feature 4, Looking East

27 Models of Possible Site Function The features at this site are unique among known sites in the Central Texas region and the southern Great Plains, however, they do bear a resemblance to features at archaeological sites in the northern Great Plains and surrounding culture areas as described by Agenbroad (1978b:215), Prison (1978:234), Schaeffer (1978:245), and Crow (1978:249-253). Similar rock alignments and rock rings have been found in association with prehistoric and historic mass bison procurement locales such as jumps, traps, and corrals. The topographical settings of these sites are important because they share many traits in common. Rock alignments are also commonly found associated with historic activities.

Summary of Historic Possibilities Although there was only a short period of time when these features could have been constructed and used historically, historic models for the rock features at site 41 SS 52 need to be examined. Rock features have been discovered at historic sites. Non-mortared rock walls were built by various European immigrants on the Great Plains and the Southwest. Rock walls were built to serve as livestock corrals, as agricultural facilities, and as water control devices. Each of these models is discussed below, followed by a discussion of test implications for these models. I ivestock Facility. Rock features have been documented in association with the ranching practices of Spanish settlers in Texas. At Tascosa, Texas, Spanish sheepherders were said to have grazed sheep along the creeks which feed the Canadian River (Archambeau and Romero 1946: 60). Sheepherders built stone corrals which were used as "sheep camps" when they were out on the

28 open range (Archambeau and Romero 1946:60; Carlson 1982:93). No other descriptions of these stone corrals are given. Other corrals used by sheepherders on the open range were said to be portable pens which served primarily as wind blocks (Carlson 1982:93-94). The pens were constructed of "sixteen foot panels of one-by-six boards spaced three inches apart" (Archambeau and Romero 1946:61). The corrals inside the town of Tascosa are said to be built of adobe or lumber (Archambeau and Romero 1946:50-61). In town, one such corral built by the Romero family around 1897 (Archambeau and Romero 1946:49-50), is described as abutting the family home. An adobe wall of the house formed a short side of the corral, and two long sod and adobe walls formed the long sides of the corral. The back of the corral was an open shed which also served to store hay (Archambeau and Romero 1946:50). Agricultural Facility. Although rock walls were constructed because of the cattle industry, they also served an agricultural need. Spanish and Anglo cattlemen openly grazed their cattle and would periodically drive them across the Texas plains (Myres 1969:27-29). During these drives, farmers along the rivers and creeks of the Plains complained of herds trampling their crops. As a result, farmers built fences, sometimes made of rock, around their fields to protect their crops from herds on drives (Myres 1969:28-29). I have noted stone fences in San Saba County which could be related to this type of feature. Some linear rock piles are thought to function as soil traps to aid agriculture. These dry-laid features were simple short fences. In one particular case, prehistoric farmers piled up rocks and attempted to trap sediments moved by wind action and later spread the sediment out with a rake (Woosley 1980:329). This agricultural method has been documented for historic times as well for Pueblo groups and Anglo farmers of the southwest (Sandor et al. 1990:71).

29 Although I have found no reference to this type of wall building in the historic record of farming in the San Saba region, it is possible that these features were used in the area.

Historic features consisting of rock piles may also be the result of land clearing for agricultural purposes (Woosley 1980:329). Removal of rocks from fields which are intended for planting will often have piles of rock along the margins of the planting area. These rocks will tend to have a haphazard placement as they are not a feature which is constructed for a purpose, but rather the remains of agricultural field clearing.

Water Control Feature. As previously mentioned as a possible explanation for the features at site 41 SS 52, Jack Sloan believed that their property was chosen as the site of a possible dam. The dam was supposedly proposed in an attempt to attract settlers to the San Saba River valley. He thought the rocks at site 41 SS 52 were the result of dam building activity which was never completed.

Test Implications for Historic Possibilities Several test implications can be formulated for determining whether or not the features at site 41 SS 52 are the remains of agricultural, livestock handling, or water control features. In order to examine these possibilities, I will establish a time frame in which any of the historic possibilities for site function could have taken place. To do this, I will look at the Sloans' family history to discern when they purchased the land. I am operating on the assumption that the features were in place when the land was purchased by the Sloan family. From this, I will establish the time frame in which Spanish or Anglo-European activities could have been possible. For instance, I will examine the literature which discusses

30 the boundaries (geographically and temporally) of the Spanish sheep and cattle industry during the possible time frame, then discern whether the features are a type of corral used by colonists in the area during the time constraints. The test questions and implications are as follows:

1. Are these features the remains of a livestock facility? To investigate this, I will look into whether or not corrals were used by sheepherders and cattlemen in the area, and I will look briefly at whether the features at site 41 SS 52 resemble those corrals. Could they feasibly have served the same function?. Were there sheep or cattle industries operating in the area of San Saba before the land was purchased by the Sloans?

2. Is it an agricultural artifact? I will examine this by looking at the lay of the land, and its agricultural suitability, and whether or not the features at site 41 SS 52 resemble agricultural features. 3. Are the features the remains of a dam project? I will investigate this question by looking at the Sloan family history and the San Saba County history for documentation of a proposed dam project.

Summary of Prehistoric Possibilities The best prehistoric model for site function is the bison jump. The practice of communal bison hunting has a long tradition among native groups of the Great Plains and peripheral cultural groups. Archaeological investigations have shown that this subsistence strategy dates back thousands of years (Wedel 1986:22). In the following sections I discuss these site types in general terms, then provide working definitions for cultural features. Next, I discuss the evidence for mass procurement sites from Paleo-lndian through Historic times.

31 The practice of mass procurement might have come about by accident (Prison 1978:148). Native Americans may have witnessed a natural stampede of animals over a cliff, or they may have observed animals clustered in an arroyo (Prison 1978:128). Native Americans may have observed such naturally occurring phenomena and improved upon it by manipulating herds and choosing more particular terrain (Prison, 1978:148). During human occupation of North America during the Pleistocene, native groups of the Great Plains used jumping and arroyo trapping to procure the large bodied, now extinct Bison antiquus and Bison occidentalis. The methods vary, but all are characterized by the procurement of several to hundreds of animals at once. Typically, bison jumping resulted in a larger number of kills; whereas arroyo traps and corrals facilitated the procurement of smaller numbers of animals (Prison 1978:229). All methods were designed to force animals into a localized area.

Terminology In all methods of mass procurement, human-made features were often employed to manipulate herds into the desired area. In the literature on mass procurement, inconsistent usage of terminology for these methods and features is problematic, for instance drivelines and drivelanes are frequently used in varying ways. For clarity I have provided the terms frequently used and have given my terminological definitions which will be used in the subsequent sections. 1. Gathering Basin. This term describes large areas of range land with grasses and water sufficient for drawing large herds of bison. Gathering basins may be located several miles away from and up to the point of the kill.

2. Jump. Jumps were utilized by funneling a herd into a localized area and forcing a herd over a steep cliff or embankment; killing the animals upon impact.

32 3. Trap. A naturally occurring topographic formation used to catch animals in a small, confined area. Animals would be forcibly herded and, once caught in the formation, they would be killed with weapons made of chipped stone. Arroyo canyons are the most frequent form of these naturally occurring traps.

4. Corral. A man-made structure used to contain animals. Much like the natural trap, animals would be herded into a localized area and would be unable to avoid entrance into the structure, typically constructed of wood and brush. Once trapped, the animals would be killed with weapons. 5. Drive Path. The proposed corridor along which animals would be forcibly maneuvered toward a jump, trap, or corral. The drive path extends from the gathering basin to the point of the kill. 6. Driveline. A driveline is constructed to manipulate the movement of a herd over a great distance and can begin as many as five miles away from the point of capture or jump. Drivelines can be walls which are continuous, or periodically broken. Sometimes called hunter's blinds or deadmen, features along drivelines range from piles or cairns, to fences set in with posts along a postulated path to the kill. They can be constructed of perishable materials such as dung, brush, or logs; or they can be made from more lasting material such as rock. Methodology in some ethnographic data suggests that drivelines can also be made up of humans crouching down, holding blankets or skin robes, usually interspersed with piles of brush or rock (Haig 1991:25-39; Schaeffer 1978:247). The variability in construction of these features lies not only in material usage, but also in size. For instance, the use of rock to construct these features ranges from one or two boulders piled together, to small walls of rock (Crow 1978:250-252; Prison 1978:230-231).

33 7. Drivelanes. Drivelanes are utilized to insure final capture of animals, or as the final obstacle which forces animals over a jump. Drivelanes are situated at the terminus to the jump, trap, or corral. The features which make up drivelanes are as varied as drivelines in construction material used; however form is more consistent. Features associated with drivelanes tend to be wood and brush fences leading to a corral; rock cairns or walls leading to a trap; or rock walls (sometimes called breastworks or drivewalls), or cairns (hunter's blinds) before the point of a jump. Spacing between these features (if not a solid wall or fence) is also quite variable.

8. Ceremonial Features. Postulated ceremonial features are sometimes associated with mass procurement sites. Most frequently the proposed activities are associated with drivelanes near the end of the drive path. The features are often called shaman poles or medicine posts and are usually just a post hole found in association with perceived ceremonial artifacts and a drivelane. Other features considered ceremonial consist of circular rings of rock ranging in size from one or two meters, to several meters across; I will refer to these features as rock rings.

Paleo-lndian Period Evidence. The Paleo-lndian period shows several examples of mass bison procurement by the jump and trap methods; however some methods are unknown due to landform change over a protracted period of time. Examples of intact human-made features considered to be part of drivelines or drivelanes are not documented; however ceremonial features exist.

Plains groups during this period appear to have taken maximum advantage of natural formations to facilitate the kill, possibly rendering these features unnecessary, or perhaps features along drivelines and drivelanes are no longer recognizable in the archaeological record.

34 Among the earliest examples of systematic bison kill sites during the Clovis time of the Paleo-lndian Period comes from archaeological evidence found at the Murray Springs site in Cochise County, in Southern Arizona (Haynes and Hemming 1968:186; Prison 1978:149). This site is thought to be a single episode kill site (Prison 1978:149). Although it is primarily a mammoth kill site. Bison antiquus remains were recovered in a cultural context dating to approximately 11,200 BP (Haynes 1969:166). The method of the kill is unknown, but it establishes an early date for bison procurement activity. The Casper site is an example of Paleo-lndian utilization of a geomorphic feature for the procurement of bison (Prison 1978:168). Radiocarbon assays and stone tools date this site to approximately 10,000 BP (Prison 1978:23). The Casper Site is located along the North Platte River near Casper Mountain, part of the Laramie Range in Wyoming. The site is situated in an area of sand dunes. The dune that formed the actual trap is a parabolic sand dune, stabilized by heavy vegetation (Prison 1974:22). This dune is on a gravel terrace above the North Platte River and is currently about 100 ft. above the level of the river (Prison 1974:21). Acting as restraining walls, an opening into the dune allowed hunters to drive animals into an area where the bison would be vulnerable (Prison and Stanford 1982:266). The steep sides of the dune did not allow the animals to readily escape causing confusion in the herd. The bisons' hooves would sink in the sand and once trapped, the hunters could easily kill the animals (Prison 1974:24). The site is an excellent example of how the hunters utilized topography to their advantage (Prison 1974:110; Prison 1978:168). Close examination of geological features enabled archaeologists to postulate entrapment as the method of kill at this site (Prison 1974:243).

35 Later during the Paleo-lndian Period, there is a significant increase in evidence of mass bison procurement by Plains Indian groups. One example is the Agate Basin site which is located along the Wyoming/South Dakota border, near Moss Agate Creek on the edge of the Black Hills uplift (Prison and Stanford 1982:309). The physiography of the area is characterized by small, shallow stream valleys in conjunction with bedrock ridges. Most communal mass procurement kills during the Paleo-lndian Period occurred around streams which are now dry arroyos (Prison and Stanford 1982:3). Specifically, this site is located along Moss Agate Arroyo, a small tributary of Moss Agate Creek. This site shows at least three separate episodes of communal bison procurement during the Paleo-lndian period. The landform utilized was a wide, steep-sided arroyo which allowed hunters to trap bison in the tributary (Prison and Stanford 1982:269). A natural barrier may have existed or the group could have constructed a barrier to serve as the trap (Prison and Stanford 1982:269). It is possible that the trap itself was not able to completely restrain the animals, but rather caused a state of confusion in the herd, of which the hunters took advantage (Prison and Stanford 1982:266). Another bison kill site during the Paleo-lndian Period is the Hudson-Meng site, located in northwestern Nebraska (Prison 1978:23). The radiocarbon date places the site in the time range of 9820±160 BP (Prison 1978:177). The site appears to represent a single episode of mass procurement or possibly several small kills spaced over a short amount of time (Agenbroad 1978a: 128). The site is situated along Hat Creek which is a tributary of the Cheyenne River (Agenbroad 1978a: 128). The excavations at the site revealed evidence for a butchering area adjacent to a possible arroyo jump (Agenbroad 1978a: 128). The exact type of procurement has not been ascertained due to changes in the land

36 form since the utilization of the site. Prison (1978:177) believes a jump seems most probable.

Another site, Olsen-Chubbuck, located in the Central Plains is also an example of Paleo-lndian use of geomorphic features for mass procurement purposes. This site dates to 8,200 ± 500 BC (Prison 1978:177). Here the open terrain allowed hunters to herd bison freely until the point of the jump-off. This site exhibits the combination of a jump and a trap. The jump consists of a steep bank, over which bison were stampeded; the fall would land the herd in a narrow arroyo which created a trap (Prison and Stanford 1982:269). In addition, the chipped stone tool artifact assemblage from Olsen-Chubbock, as well as other Paleo-lndian Period trap sites led researchers to believe that the predominance of projectile points over butchering tools suggests that projectile points served a dual purpose, for killing, and later for hafting and using as butchering tools (Wheat 1978:84-86). The Jones-Miller Site in northeastern Colorado (near Wray, Colorado) is presumed to be a mass procurement site as well (Stanford 1974:29). The site is situated at the head of a small tributary that feeds the Aikaree River. There are no geomorphic features which distinguish this site as being a trap or a jump, and no post molds have been found which indicate a corral was constructed (Stanford 1974:30). The stone tool assemblage at the site indicates that it was a kill site. Tools expected for a butchering site were not found associated with the bison bone bed (Stanford 1975:34). The source material of the chipped stone artifacts at the site came from a vast geographic area. Of interest, Alibates chert, acquired from the Texas Panhandle region, was found at this site (Stanford 1974:35).

37 In addition, and similar to other known bison jumps in the Northern Plains, the Jones-Miller site has features suggesting ceremonial activities; however the nature of the jump is not known. A large post mold, which the investigators interpret to be a shaman pole, was found in the middle of the bone bed at the site (Stanford 1975:34). Associated with the remains of the post were an antler flute, a small projectile point, and the butchered remains of what may have been a dog (Wedel 1986:66). The projectile point appeared to be a miniature. Miniature points have been interpreted as ritualistic items used by shamans at mass bison kill sites (Prison and Stanford 1982:107). These artifacts and the post mold suggest that ceremonial activity has been a part of mass bison procurement for over 10,000 years (Stanford 1975:38). Although not considered mass procurement sites, the Rex Rodgers and the Lone Wolf Creek sites will be discussed because of their relatively close proximity to 41 SS 52. The Rex Rodgers site, located in the Texas Panhandle contains the remains of a few bison which are clearly associated with Paleo-lndian cultural remains. The site dates to approximately 9000 BP (Speer 1978:113) and consists of a bison bone bed which is located on a terrace near the base of a canyon wall near the mouth of an ancient gully (Speer 1978:114). Speer (1978:114) believes that this area could have easily served as a bison trap. Bones from at least six different animals have been identified; however, Speer (1978:114) notes that the kill could have consisted of more animals (some of the bones have washed over a steep cutbank near the southern extremity of the site). Projectile points found in the bone bed resemble those of Clovis and Plainview cultures, placing the site within the developmental stage of the Paleo-lndian Period (Speer 1978:127). Another Paleo-lndian bison bone deposit associated with human activity is located at Lone Wolf Creek in Mitchell County,

38 Texas. Although this find was documented before a true understanding had been reached of the extinction of megafauna in the late Pleistocene, it was noted that the specimens appeared to be from an extinct species (Figgins 1927:230). Piggins (1927:234) also mentions several other sites in the Southern Plains, primarily Texas, New Mexico, and Oklahoma, which have shown Folsom type projectile points in association with an extinct species of bison.

Whereas other sites in Southern Texas do not. Bonfire Shelter, a site located in Val Verde County, southern Texas, provides conclusive evidence that mass procurement by bison jumping occurred on the Southern Plains during the Paleo-lndian period (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:69). Radiocarbon assays of Bone Bed II at Bonfire Shelter establish a Clovis period date at approximately 10,000 BP; in addition, this context contained diagnostic Folsom and Plainview tool types (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:29). Within Bone Bed II there have been at least three separate occasions when Paleo-lndians utilized the favorable topography for jumping bison (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:75). The shelter is located about a mile from the mouth of Mile Canyon, which is a deep, steep-sided, tributary canyon of the Rio Grande (Dibble and Lorraine 1968:13). Hunters drove large herds of bison through vast grazing areas that were adjacent to the canyon. Near the approach to the drop-off, an erosional cleft has formed in the canyon's rim with steep, vertical sides which helped herd bison in the direction of a large rock shelter below. The majority of the animals fell over the cliff, hit the apex of a talus cone situated in front of Bonfire Shelter, and some rolled back into the shelter (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:69-70). Archaic Period Evidence. During the Early Plains Archaic Period, there is little evidence of mass bison procurement. There is however, some documentation which provides a bridge between the hunting activities of

39 Paleo-lndians and Middle Archaic groups (Prison 1978:201). Outside the Plains, two bison jumps have been recorded in extreme southwestern Idaho (Agenbroad 1978b:213). Although considered part of a different culture area, these sites show all the signs of a Plains mass procurement site (Agenbroad 1978b:214). The first jump described is the Five Fingers Jump. This site consists of five individual drivelines that "radiate from two intermittent lakes that served as gathering points for the bison," and the various jump off sites (Agenbroad 1978b:214). The features associated with this jump are 680 rock cairns, 13 rock rings, and 134 rock walls (Agenbroad 1978b:214). The rock cairns vary greatly from a couple of rocks piled together to large piles which stand at least four feet high (Agenbroad 1978b:215). In the drivelane, some of the rock walls, described as breastwork features, are curvilinear walls of rock 3 feet in height which were placed at the end of the drive path. Their size was variable, with the largest being 12 feet across (Agenbroad 1978b:215). Other rock walls varied in construction, but their usage appears to be consistent. The rock walls functioned in two ways at the Five Fingers Jump. First, like the rock cairns, they served to funnel the bison along the drivelane; and secondly, they functioned to keep the animals from approaching a drop-off which was not high enough to kill them (Agenbroad 1978b:215). The rock rings at this site are typically one rock high and anywhere from 9 to 12 feet in diameter. Agenbroad (1978b:216) interprets these features as either tipi rings or elaborations of the rock walls. Excavation was not attempted in the area below the cliff, hence, information regarding bison bone beds was unavailable.

The second of these sites is the "Y" Buffalo Jump. It is approximately 3 miles west of the Five Fingers Buffalo Jump (Agenbroad 1978b:217). This site consists of two different drive paths and has the same features found at the Five

40 Fingers Jump (Agenbroad 1978b:220). Projectile points found during excavation and from private collections from these two sites show a "temporal succession of styles" (Agenbroad 1978b:219) and have led researchers to believe that these sites were used over a long span of time. The data suggest that these two sites represent 7,000 years of animal jumping activities (Agenbroad 1978b:220). Although the site dates back 7,000 BP, this does not mean that all of the features associated with the site are that old. After the Altithermal, during the Middle Archaic Period, a resurgence of bison herds and bison hunters is evidenced in the paleontological and archaeological record for the Plains region. More sophisticated structures, utilization of topography, shamanistic activity, and knowledge of bison behavior is evidenced by mass bison procurement during the Middle Archaic period on the Plains (Prison 1978:201). Basically, a greater variety of mass procurement methods are evidenced during this period; however entrapment appears to be the most frequent method (Prison 1978: 201). Although less frequent, jumps are documented for this period. Head Smashed In, located in southwestern Alberta, shows bison jumping activities dating back to approximately 3500 BC continuing until approximately AD 1250 (Reeves 1978:151-162). The region, the Saskatchewan Plains, is known for bison jumping with sites such as Pincher Creek Jump, Schaeffer Jump, Boneyard Coulee, and Old Women's Jump (Reeves 1978:153). Head Smashed In consists of a jump, campsite below the jump, and gathering basin with numerous drivelines. The kill portion of the site consists of a cliff jump-off and deposits of bison bones beneath (Reeves 1978:153). The portion of the cliff which served as the jump-off is part of a long sandstone outcrop which forms a cliff ranging from 35 to 40 feet in height (Reeves 1978:153). The gathering basin consists of

41 approximately 20 square miles (Reeves 1978:154). The gathering basin is marked by a series of drivelines formed by rock cairns. Some 500 rock cairns, a few feet apart and each approximately 3 feet in diameter make up the driveline and drivelanes and have been subsequently covered with lichen growth (Reeves 1978:154).

The archaeological record of the Late Archaic on the Plains evidences a change in the technology of mass bison procurement in which complex corral building becomes more popular than the use of jumps and traps (Prison 1978:213). One well known bison jump is the Kobold site, located in southern Montana. The site is situated on Rosebud Creek, a tributary which feeds Yellowstone River (Prison 1978:208). The point of the drop-off is "a sandstone bluff about 25 feet high [which] overlooks a talus slope that terminates into a shallow arroyo" (Prison 1978:208). Drivelines have been documented at the site which consist of small rock cairns a few feet apart leading to a drivelane consisting of rock cairns as well. This site shows later components and it is possible that the rock cairns are not a component of the Middle Archaic use of the site as a jump (Prison 1978:208). The Ruby site, dated to approximately AD 280 (Prison 1971:77) is an example of a Late Archaic Period bison corral in the Central Plains. It is located in the southeastern portion of the Powder River Basin in Wyoming (Prison 1971:77). The corral utilized an arroyo wall for one side of the structure and the other sides were formed by wooden fences, evidenced by 40 feet of pestholes that also served as the drivelane. Prison (1971:78) believes that the drivelane could have been much longer although erosion may have depleted the area and destroyed the feature. Of particular interest, an apparent ceremonial structure was uncovered at the site. Pestholes formed a football-shaped structure

42 approximately 39 feet in length and 15 feet in width (Prison 1971:85). It proved not to be a habitation structure and hence was interpreted as ceremonial. This structure is located within a few feet of the drivelane. Bison skulls were placed around one end of the structure and three small pits containing bison vertebrae were recorded. Each of these contributed to its interpretation of ceremonial activities (Prison 1971:85).

Moving to the furthest extent of the Southern Plains, Bonfire Shelter, previously mentioned as a Paleo-lndian Period jump site also has a Late Archaic component. An accumulation of bison remains constitute Bone Bed III at Bonfire Shelter and dates several thousand years after the utilization of the jump by Paleo-lndians. Bone Bed III contained diagnostic stone artifacts which date to the Late Archaic and radiocarbon assays from this bone bed yielded an age of 2,645 ± 75 years BP (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:51). The species of bison represented in Bone Bed Hi was the modern form. Bison bison, which was present during the Late Archaic (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:49). Rock features such as hunters' blinds and drive walls are not noted at this site (Dibble and Lorrain 1968:73). Although no other confirmed mass procurement jump sites have been documented on the Southern Plains during the Late Archaic, there are a series of smaller bison kill sites in the Texas Panhandle. The predominant mode of procurement in this area is trap. Jumping activity is suspected, although not confirmed. Several sites were documented in the mid-20th century and later investigated. David Hughes synthesized available information on bison kill sites in the Panhandle and suggests that a representative sample is shown for the Archaic period (Hughes 1973). Among these sites are, the Twilla, Bell, Strong, Collier, Sitter, Finch, R.O. Ranch, Hoover, and the Buzzard's Roost site. In

43 Oklahoma, the Kenton site is also mentioned as being a possible jump site. (Hughes 1973).

Late Prehistoric Period Evidence. During the Late Archaic the most common method of mass bison procurement was corral building, however, this emphasis shifted during the Late Prehistoric to jumping methods (Prison 1971:90). The greatest number of bison were killed at mass procurement sites in the Late Prehistoric than any other period (Prison 1978:223). Many bison jumps have been documented for the Late Prehistoric Period and this time period can be marked by the extensive construction of features along drives (Prison 1978:230). As with previous periods, features along drive paths consist of markers along the driveline, and final drivelanes at the point of the drop-off (Prison 1978:230-231). Many times these features are constructed of rock. For instance, at the Big Goose Creek Site, located in Wyoming, Crow Indians constructed a driveline of rock cairns approximately 1050 m (3500 ft) before the jump off. Prison (1978:234) suggests that boulders were arranged in what was a continuous driveline, although gaps exist today. The bison were herded along range land behind this site for approximately 2 miles before the point of the jump-off. The range land has a gradual slope toward the approach and was bounded on one side by a steep scarp (Prison 1978:234). Along the edge of the scarp, features were constructed to keep bison from diverging from the drive path into frequent traversible arroyos (Prison 1978:234). The drivelines eventually begin to converge into a funnel, however the last few hundred feet of the proposed drivelane have been destroyed by recent human activity (Prison 1978:234). The actual jump-off is a 50 foot high drop over a scarp (Prison 1978: 235). The Piney Creek site is located approximately 30 miles from Big Goose

44 Creek and is also a jump site; however Prison (1978:237) suggests that it is not as complex and was probably not as successful. Here, the animals were driven over a 35 foot bank of Piney Creek onto what is now the modern floodplain. Many projectile points were found among the remains of the animals and not enough broken bones to expect that many of the animals died upon impact (Prison 1978:237). The Glenrock Site, also in Wyoming, is one of a series of possible jump sites situated along a scarp. Before the jump-off sites, there are open grasslands dotted with springs and streams sufficient to attract herds of bison (Prison 1978:231). A several mile long scarp cuts off this open range land and several possible jump sites exist, although only Glenrock has been investigated. Features at the Glenrock site include rock cairns along drivelines and rock circles near the drivelane (Prison 1978:231). Rock piles forming drivelines extend back from the jump for almost a mile. These lines end in a "V" shape at the termination of the drivelane within a narrow area (Prison 1978:232). The jump-off is a 40 foot perpendicular cliff which undoubtedly resulted in a fatal fall (Prison 1978:232). Single rock circles are associated with jump sites along the scarp in the Glenrock area. One of these circular rock features is positioned near the approach to the final jump and suggests possible shamanistic activity. There is no evidence of burning or other cultural remains in the immediate area of the circles which are smaller (9 and 10 feet in diameter) than typical tipi rings (Prison 1978:234). Also during the Late Prehistoric Period, is the Vore Site, among the largest of bison jump sites, located near Sundance, Wyoming. Technically it is a jump, but not over a cliff. The animals were stampeded into a large sinkhole from all directions (Prison 1978:241). Drivelines lead up to the sinkhole for approximately

45 1 mile, although most of the evidence of this has been destroyed by modern farming practices. The final approach to the jump is not readily visible, a characteristic of this location that is common to most jumps (Prison 1978:242). The bison bone bed in the bottom of the sinkhole had numerous projectile points diagnostic of the Late Prehistoric Period in addition to some butchering tools (Prison 1978:242). The evidence at the site supports 140 years of bison jumping activities beginning around AD 1550 (Prison 1978:243). Several different kill episodes are evidenced and are typically after periods of high precipitation (Prison 1978:243). Post-Contact Period Evidence. In addition to archaeological evidence for bison jumping, ethnohistoric records document the practice as well. Although the first non-Indian visitors to the Southern Plains, the Spanish, never saw (or documented) mass bison procurement first hand (Wedel 1986:63), other European immigrants visiting the Northern Plains did. For instance, Peter Fidler's account of his journey through southern Alberta describes the use of bison jumps by a native group in that area (Haig 1991:25-41). Fidler's account takes place in the years 1792-93. During this period, he encountered natives who were attempting to procure large numbers of bison by utilizing the natural terrain, constructing drivelines, and sometimes by building structures to impound the bison (Haig 1991:25-39). Fidler observed native groups, specifically the Blackfeet (Arthur 1978:237), driving herds of bison over steep cliffs with the intent of killing the animals upon impact. In addition, features constructed by the Blackfeet are described. Among these features are hunter's blinds or "deadmen," which were constructed of bison dung and wood, and stood approximately knee high (Haig 1991:39). The

46 features served to shelter the men from being seen by the herd, as well as masking human smell along the driveline (Haig 1991:41).

In both trapping and jumping situations, the features which served as drivelines extended out, sometimes up to a mile, from the jump-off or pound (Haig 1991:39). Fidler mentions that as the bison were herded through the driveline and approached the drop-off, men would stand up and shout at the bison to stampede the unsuspecting animals toward their imminent demise (Haig 1991:37). If the animals did break away from the drivelane, hunters would attempt to pursue them on horseback and kill them with bow and arrow (Haig 1991:37). In addition to the Fidler account, other ethnohistoric accounts of the Blackfeet and other groups' game drives have been gathered and synthesized by Claude Schaeffer (1978:243-248). Several specific hunting strategies have been documented. Roles, or divisions of labor, are described, including runners (disguised as animals, located and drove the herd), scouts (alerted the hunters that the herd was coming), and hunters (took positions behind rock piles when notified by the scout) (Schaeffer 1978:245). The physical components of the drive consist of two types of rock features: rock walls along the "point of concentration" and rock walls at the cliff or corral where animals were to be trapped or killed (Schaeffer 1978:245). Runners tried to pace the bison in an effort to have them exhausted by the time they reached the drop-off. Exhaustion prevented the leader of the herd from turning back when the cliff was apparent (Schaeffer 1978:247). Schaeffer (1978:246) mentions that hunters stayed clear of the stampeding herd near the point of the drop-off or risk death. Hunters' blinds were placed far enough away from the termination of the stampede to avoid risk.

47 In a discussion of Sioux bison hunting activities, similar techniques have been described (Hassrick 1964:176-177). The Sioux named a hunt leader, or "Caller" who, dressed as a bison, would entice a herd toward himself and ultimately over a cliff (Hassrick 1964:177). Approximately one mile back from the point of the jump, small piles of rock formed a "V" shape to serve as a driveline and drivelane; the apex of the "V" being at the cliff (Hassrick 1964:177). Along the piles of rock, hunters were stationed, and as the herd was driven past, the hunters would wave bison hide robes to encourage the bison to stampede toward the cliff (Hassrick 1964:177). The Caller, always in front of the herd, at the last moment would jump out of the way of the stampeding herd to the side to seek protection (Hassrick 1964:177). In another source, Joe Medicine Crow (1978:249-253) describes the oral traditions of the Crow Indians' game drives, as well as relying on written historical references. He mentions that before the commencement of the drive, the "Medicine Man" would stand at the edge of the cliff, singing. He would take a pair of bison hind quarters and point the feet towards an alignment of rocks near the cliff's edge (Crow 1978:250). Incense was used ceremonially by the Medicine Man and as a method of herding the bison to a cliff. "Hazers" or the hunters positioned near the end of the drive path, took their positions behind stone piles which were large and long enough to provide protection (Crow: 1978:250). There are said to be at least twenty jump sites in Crow territory, all of which exhibit great variability (Crow 1978:250). Although not investigated archaeologically, certain features and their variability are noted in addition to comments about artifacts. For instance, some drivelines constructed of rock piles are long, some are short. Some jumps have no bone deposits at the base of the cliff, and most jumps are associated with rock rings (Crow 1978:250). Crow oral tradition states that

48 barriers of hazers stretching bison robes between one another formed human fences along the drivelane and at the cliff, there would be "rather formidable piles of stones near the edge of the jump cliff so that the intrepid hazers stationed there would have some protection" (Crow 1978:252). Many of the sites in the complex he describes do not have bone deposits at the bottom. Crow (1978:253) suggests that the sites were used after the acquisition of the horse inabling hunters to quarter the carcasses and butcher them elsewhere.

Mandelbaum (1940:190) describes the Plains Cree mass procurement activities as being supervised by a shaman. In this historic account, a corral is described and an episode in which a jump kill failed. For the corral, a circular structure was erected from brush and wood. In addition, for approximately a mile, a driveline was constructed of intermittent, four foot high brush piles. Two drivelanes constructed a short distance apart approached the corral, a third lane of intermittent brush piles was put in the center. Directly before the corral a sharp turn was made. The sharp turn enabled the hunters to keep the impending trap a secret from the bison (Mandelbaum 1940:190-192). Another account of a bison kill site is documented for North Dakota. MR. Gilmore (1924) was engaged in ethnographic study among the Ankara and was taken by his informants to a jump site. This site was a bison kill which was utilized by the Assiniboin before horses were available (Gilmore 1924:210-211). The site is situated in an area of high plains, interrupted by a creek that feeds the Missouri River. A gorge is cut by the creek, creating drops ranging from eight to fifteen feet in height (Gilmore 1924:204-206). The geomorphic feature which the hunters used to kill the animals at this site was a gully cut into a scarp. In addition to taking advantage of the lay of the land, the hunters gathered boulders from the surrounding prairie and constructed several rock cairns to form a

49 drivelane. The rock piles were approximately 2 feet high and placed at a "uniform distance of five paces apart for a distance of about a mile and a half along the scarp of each side of a gap about two hundred feet wide which opens at the head of a gully leading into the creek gorge" (Gilmore 1924:205-207). Gilmore was told that the men laid down behind the cairns, draped in buffalo robes, and as the herd approached the point of the drop off they would wave the robes. The cairns have been suggested to be a source of protection for the hunters from the stampeding bison. As the herd approached the 200 foot gap in the scarp (and the cairns), they would fall down the steep slope of the gully and get bogged in the muddy sediments of the creek bottom. This enabled the hunters to kill any animals not killed by the fall (Gilmore 1924:209-210). Gilmore (1924:208) notes bison bones in the creek valley. Although he did not directly witness hunting activity, a Spaniard, Castaiio de Sosa, set out in 1590 on an illegal entrada into the Southern Plains of Texas (Hickerson 1994:45). As he and his group traveled near the Guadalupe Mountains of West Texas, they observed large corrals used by Apache Indians (Hickerson 1994:48). Hammond and Rey (1966:260-261) suggest this may have been a game corral constructed of rock used for capturing wild animals. Although the nature of the construction of the rock feature is not described, Hickerson (1994:48) notes that the structure appeared to be used as part of their hunting strategy.

Test Implications for Prehistoric Possibilities

From examination of the above cited literature about prehistoric and historic bison jumps, traps, and corrals, on or near the Great Plains several

50 identifying characteristics emerge. I use these characteristics to formulate specific test implications:

1. A jump site will have a significant cliff or drop of some kind. Specific topographic features are required to successfully manipulate herds of animals into a vulnerable position. A variety of locations were chosen for traps such as bogs, sand dunes, and arroyos; but when jumping was the intended method of the kill, one topographic feature is always present: a cliff. In addition, the terrain before the point of the jump-off must be such that a large herd of animals may be driven for quite a distance. The area before the point of the jump must also have provided sufficient grass lands and water to attract herds in the first place. To investigate these test implications, I will look at landforms and environments used for the jumping technique by prehistoric and historic groups and compare them to site 41 SS 52. 2. At most mass procurement sites at least one of the following features has been documented: rock cairns; rock fences or walls; molds from wooden posts; or rock circles. At sites where features are not documented it is suspected that perishable materials were used to construct the features which served the same functions (and are documented ethnohistorically). To test this implication, I will compare the features at site 41 SS 52 to features documented at other known bison kill sites. Because specific descriptive data on features at jump sites are limited, each site type (the trap, the corral, and the jump) will be included. 3. At bison jump sites, particular assemblages of cultural remains are documented. However, because jump sites are rarely found in close proximity to habitation areas, artifact collections are generally limited to items which are directly associated with the kill. Stone tool assemblages at each type of mass procurement site consists of projectile points; unifacially and bifacially chipped

51 stone artifacts; and lithic debitage. In addition, artifacts thought to be associated with ceremonial activities are also occasionally recovered. Bison bone beds, the most frequent features of jump sites, are also expected. I will compare the remains at other jump sites to the evidence at site 41 SS 52.

4. Bison herds must be present during a particular time frame and within a geographic area. There must be large numbers of bison to achieve a successful jump. I will examine this implication by looking at models of bison population distribution throughout the geographic region, as well as temporal placement. On the Southern Plains, there are certain time periods when jumping activities would have been possible under these constraints.

52 CHAPTER III ASSESSING MODELS OF SITE FUNCTION FOR 41 SS 52

In this chapter, archaeological data recovered from survey, test excavation, site excavation, and backhoe trenching are presented. The historic models of site function are assessed according to their plausibility in the culture history of the Central Texas region and according to their similarity to site 41 SS 52. Evidence supporting a prehistoric date for the features at site 41 SS 52 is presented, and the model of a bison jump will be assessed.

1992 Field Season In June, 1992, a crew comprised of TTU students surveyed the surface of site 41 SS 52. A systematic, pedestrian survey was conducted on the uplands to locate any cultural remains present on the surface. Shovel testing was not attempted in this area due to the absence or shallowness of sediments there. Other than the sediment that has been deposited against Feature 1, the surface in the immediate area of the site consists primarily of exposed bedrock making visibility around 90% in many places. A few small lithic scatters, were discovered within approximately 30 m of the features, but not collected. The lithic debris consisted of tested cobbles and debitage. There were no historic artifacts found in this area. On the floodplain below the location of the features, vegetation was quite thick making visibility only about 5%; however, directly against the cliff shallow rock shelters were present and visibility on the surface was near 90%. Figure 3.1 shows locations of test pits which were excavated during the 1992 field season.

53 •o CcD ^—V CN <7) G> T~

•—• CN IT)

CO CO CO (J) .,— CD '^ 3. *-• CD (/) CD C/) c 0 o C '-•—' 0 CD i_ y 1- O 0 _l •*-> 0 .x^: h..^_, 0 O) CD (D CQ

CO 0

"cD 0

< o o 00

<

54 Test Excavation

After a limited survey of the floodplain, it was decided that, due to the lack of visibility on the surface, test excavations would be necessary. Test Pit 1 (TP 1) was placed on the floodplain to the south and below the location of the features. TP 1 was 50 cm^ and was excavated in arbitrary 10 cm levels. A high point outside the unit was chosen for a vertical datum and a line level was attached in order to take relative elevation measurements. Due to the uneven ground surface, the depth of the first level of the unit was 30 cm below the modern ground surface. For clarity, the depth measurements from the datum have been calculated into cm below the ground surface. All matrix was screened through 1/4 inch wire mesh. Table 3.1 is a list of the artifactual as well as ecofactual materials recovered.

Table 3.1: Data Recovery from TP 1

LEVEL jTEM COUNT DEPTH WT/C3MS DESCRIPTION 1 NO RECOVERY 0 - 30CM 2 METAL 1 30 - 40CM *UNIDENTIFIED 3 BONE 1 40 - 50CM 0.02 UNIDENTIFIED SCALES 49 45.00 ARMADILLO 4 BONE 7 50 - 60CM 5.00 UNIDENTIFIED SCALES 2 0.01 ARMADILLO 5 NO RECOVERY 60 - 70CM 6 SHELL 1 7^ - 80CM 0.05 MUSSEL 7 NO RECOVERY 80 - 90CM 8 SHELL 1 90CM-1M 0.01 MUSSEL * lndic:ates missing data.

55 The metal fragment found in TP 1 appeared modern, but could not be identified. The bone was highly fragmentary and was not identifiable as to species. Other items recovered from TP 1 were modern faunal remains common to the project area (i.e. fresh water mussel shell and armadillo scales.) Charcoal recovered from the unit was in the form of small flecks throughout the levels and was not in an amount large enough for standard radiocarbon 14 dating techniques.

The soil profile of TP 1 provided some valuable information. For instance, the soil color throughout the unit was dark and homogeneous, with the exception of some mottling of sand at approximately 40 to 50 cm and at 70 to 80 cm where the soil color was lighter. The soil was throughout was predominately a clay loam, with the exception of the sand mottling. Although excavation did not reach bedrock, the unit was discontinued at 1 m below the modern surface due to the presence of the water table. The next area of testing was 36 m west of TP 1, in a shallow rockshelter at the base of the cliff. Charcoal, ashy soil, and modern graffiti were present, undoubtedly the remains of recent activity. This unit, TP 2, was excavated using the same techniques as described for TP 1. except this unit was 1 m^. At approximately 30 cm, the first diagnostic of the season was encountered. A Pedernales projectile point, diagnostic of the Middle Archaic period (Prewitt 1981:76), was recovered in the screen. A small number of fire-cracked rocks were also recovered at this depth. A modern wire nail was found underneath the Pedernales point at a depth of 50 cm. This Pedernales point is illustrated in Figure 3.2.

56 5 CM SCALE ACTUAL SIZE

Figure 3.2: Illustration of Pedernales Point

Throughout the unit there was clear evidence of heavy rodent burrowing activity. This type of bioturbation is most likely responsible for the lack of an intact stratigraphic sequence of artifacts. In addition to the heavy burrowing, this unit, much like TP 1, did not exhibit intact, stratified deposits. Rather, this unit exhibited evidence of natural disturbances including fluvial and animal encroachment. This unit exhibited some change in sediment texture and color, from a sandy silt in the upper levels changing over to a moist, clay loam; a soil similar to that which had been found in TP 1. Bedrock was reached at a depth of

1.40 m. The data recovery for this unit is summarized in Table 3.2.

57 Table 3.2: Data Recovery from TP 2

LEVEL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION 1 SCALES 3 0-20CM 0.90 ARMADILLO 2 METAL 1 20 - 30CM 0 04 GROMMET 3 BONE 5 30-40CM 230 UNIDENTIFIED PROJECTILE POINT 1 33CM 9 50 PEDERNALES 4 BONE 4 40-50CM 1126 UNIDENTIFIED NAIL 1 6.00 MODERN WIRE 5 BONE 13 50-60CM 251 UNIDENTIFIED BURNED BONE 1 0.01 UNIDENTIFIED SHELL 1 *LAND SNAIL 6 SHELL 1 60 - 70CM 0.01 MUSSEL 7 BONE 10 70 80CM 4 50 UNIDENTIFIED RIB BONE 1 5.30 WHITE TAIL DEE BURNED BONE 1 2 60 UNIDENTIFIED DEBITAGE 1 2.60 CHERT 8 BONE 2 80 - 90CM 1.00 UNIDENTIFIED 9 BONE 1 90CM-1M 0.45 UNIDENTIFIED SHELL 2 *L^ND SNAIL SHELL 1 1.00 MUSSEL 10 NO RECOVERY 1 1.10M 11 NO RECOVERY 1.10-1.20M 12 BONE 4 1.20-1.30M 0.50 UNIDENTIFIED SHELL 1 *SHELL Indicates missing data.

The third and final area which was tested during the 1992 field season was located to the east of the site features and Cedar Hollow, down on the floodplain. This particular spot was chosen because it was located at the apex of a small midden deposit which has been disturbed by a ranch road cutting through its western portion. Evidence of the midden was readily observable in the road cut and it was hoped that this deposit of cultural material might yield data which would shed light upon site function. The same excavation and screening methods were used for this test pit, TP 3 (1 x 1 m unit), as were in TP 1 and 2. The artifacts and ecofacts recovered are summarized in Table 3.3.

58 Table 3.3: Data Recovery from TP 3

LEVEL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION 1 UMBO 7 0 - 20CM 66.50 MUSSEL SHELL FRAGS * 30.00 MUSSEL DEBITAGE 1 1.50 CHERT 2 UMBO 34 20 - 30CM 277.00 MUSSEL SHELL FRAGS * 105.26 MUSSEL SHELL 2 *LAND SNAIL 3 UMBO 21 30 - 40CM 133.50 MUSSEL SHELL * 53.50 MUSSEL SHELL 1 0 50 LAND SNAIL SjHELL 1 0.50 UNIDENTIFIED 4 UMBO 6 40 - 50CM 53.65 MUSSEL SHELL 10 *LAND SNAIL DEBITAGE 10 13.70 CHERT 5 UMBO 3 50 - 60CM 36.60 MUSSEL DEBITAGE 1 2.80 CHERT GLASS 1 1.40 MODERN BOTTLE 6 UMBO 4 60 - 70CM 34.40 MUSSEL SHELL * 2,70 MUSSEL DEBITAGE 4 *CHERT 7 UMBO 1 70 - 80CM 10.60 MUSSEL SHELL 12 *LAND SNAIL DEBITAGE 3 *CHERT 8 UMBO 3 80 - 90CM 14.20 MUSSEL SHELL 5 *LAND SNAIL DEBITAGE 1 10^80 CHE^T 9 UMBO 2 90CM-1M *MUSSEL SHELL 22 *MUSSEL SHELL 16 *LAND SNAIL DEBITAGE 3 4.70 CHERT 10 SHELL * 1-1 10M 3.28 MUSSEL SHELL 8 *LAND SNAIL DEBITAGE 5 1,20 CHERT

*indicates missing data.

59 Although artifact density and diversity were low, this unit yielded information consistent with a midden deposit. The feature is mounded, but it did not contain fire cracked rock (rocks which were thermally altered by use in hearths and fire pits; hereafter referred to as FCR) which is typical of burned rock middens in this area. Freshwater mussel shells were abundant in this unit which would be expected, as mussels were easily procured in the San Saba River a short distance to the south. Notable is the disturbance (fluvial or animal) in this unit evidenced by modern bottle glass at 40 to 50 cm. This unit completed the testing season of the 1992 investigation of site 41 SS 52.

The artifacts were taken to the Archaeology Laboratory at TTU. The artifacts were washed, assigned lot numbers, labeled, and analyzed by students. During this season of testing, no conclusive evidence of site function was obtained, although findings did warrant further investigation. It is notable that the 1992 field season established that the floodplain below the site features showed heavy disturbance in all areas tested.

1993 Field Season Due to the lack of conclusive evidence from the survey and testing phases of 1992, it appeared as if more extensive excavations on the floodplain below the cliff would be necessary to insure that no undisturbed deposits existed. In addition, three excavation blocks were planned for the site on top of the plateau in the proximity of the rock features which had been noted, but not investigated in 1992. Finally, another goal of the 1993 season was to update the map from the previous year utilizing more recent technological advances in mapping.

60 Excavation The crew began by excavating block units west of and perpendicular to Feature 1. All excavated matrix was dry screened through 1/4" wire mesh to facilitate artifact recovery. The units were excavated in arbitrary 10 cm levels. Vertical depths were controlled by an arbitrary datum established at each excavation block. The elevations have been converted into depth below the modern surface for clarity. Figure 3.3 shows the location of units and features.

ip.OOoooOOpooOOo Op o o a Oo oQ ooo^^ - Z.0'

MAGNETIC NORTH

OoO" BLOCK FEATURE 3

5 M SCALE

^

Figure 3.3: Plan map of Excavations and Features at 41 SS 52

61 Block I Units A,B. and C. Block I was 1 x 3.25 m, divided into units A, B, and C. Units A and B were 1x1m; Unit C was a 1 x 1.25 m unit. Block II was 1 X 4 m and was perpendicular to a northern portion of Feature 1. The 1 x 1m units in Block II were designated A, B. C, and D. Artifacts and ecofacts recovered from these units is listed in Table 3.4.

Table 3.4: Data Recovery from Block I

UNIT A LEVEL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION 1 NO RECOVERY 0 7CM 2 COBBLES 3 7- 17CM 113.20 UNMODIFIED SHELL * 65.70 MUSSEL SHELL 13 *LAND SNAIL 3 FOSSIL 1 17- 27CM *UNIDENTIFIED CORE 3 *CHERT DEBITAGE 3 9,20 CHERT 4 NO RECOVERY 27- 37CM UNIT B LEVEL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION 1 FCR * 0 7CM 43 20 LIMESTONE UMBO 1 0,30 MUSSEL SHELL * *LAND SNAIL 2 DEBITAGE 1 7- 17CM 0,90 CHERT 3 NO RECOVERY 17- 27CM 4 NO RECOVERY .^ 27 - 37CM 5 FOSSIL 37- 47CM 405,96 UNIDENTIFIED 6 DEBITAGE 1 47- 57CM 0,30 CHERT UNIT C LEVEL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION 1 DEBITAGE 2 0- 6CM 0,26 CHERT 2 DEBITAGE 2 6- 16CM 20.70 CHERT 3 COBBLE 2 16- 26CM 23.90 UNMODIFIED SHELL 1 *LAND SNAIL 4 COBBLE 1 26- 36CM 109,00 UNMODIFIED DEBITAGE 1 7.00 CHERT 5 FCR 1 36- 46CM 2.50 LIMESTONE UMBO 1 0 05 MUSSEL C M SHELL *LAND SNAIL 6 NO RECOVERY 46- 56CM 7 DEBITAGE 1 56- 66CM 0.40 CHERT 8 DEBITAGE 1 66 - 72 CM 14.10 CHERT SHELL 7 *LAND SNAIL

indicates missing data.

62 As seen in Table 3.4, no significant diagnostic matenals were recovered in these units. The data recovery consisted of ecofactual and artifactual materials which appeared to be aboriginal. In Unit A, the rocks appeared to be fire cracked, however the soil was not discolored and contained no ash or charcoal. The first level of the unit contained no artifacts, but the second level of Unit A yielded chert debitage and core fragments which were collected at 17 to 27 cm. This unit, being the furthest one in the block from Feature 1, consisted of approximately 35 cm of soil with a high density of rock inclusions; bedrock was exposed in level 4. In Unit B, charcoal flecks were observed throughout the level, although limestone cobbles exhibited no evidence of thermal alteration. In units A and B, most levels contained small, tertiary chert flakes. Bedrock was reached at 50 cm below the modern ground surface. The profile of Block I is wedge-shaped, becoming deeper toward Feature 1 (Figure 3.6). In Unit C much of the same matrix was encountered as it continued deeper than the previous units. Artifacts were recovered all the way to the bedrock in Unit C. One artifact immediately above bedrock was a large chert flake tool which shows a striking platform and a large bulb of percussion. The material of the flake is a black chert, which is locally available. The flake tool was found in the far northeast corner of Block I, Unit C, in level 8, at a depth of 72 cm, directly above bedrock. The sheer size of the artifact as well as the absence of any rodent burrowing in the immediate area, discount the possibility of its having migrated post-depositionally. This flake is shown in Figure 3.4. Differential weathering on the artifact's surface makes it appear as if two separate occasions of tool manufacture took place. Originally it was worked into a bifacial scraper which was broken and heavily weathered. Retouch is apparent on one face of

63 the tool, but the intent of the modification is not known. These, the most recent flake scars, do not exhibit any weathering or patina.

5 CM SCALE ACTUAL SIZE

Figure 3.4: Illustration of Flake Tool

Block II. Units A.B.C. and D. Block II, also perpendicular to Feature 1, consisted of four *1 x 1 m units: A, B, C, and D (Figure 3.3). Each unit was excavated in arbitrary 10 cm levels and screened through 1/4" mesh. As with

Block I, Block II consisted of a soil with a high density of stone inclusions. There was no evidence of burning aside from a few scattered charcoal flecks. No diagnostic materials were recovered, although chert debitage consistent with prehistoric lithics in the area were found in all units and in 9 out of 24 levels.

Artifacts recovered and provenience information are shown in Table 3.5.

64 Table 3.5: Data Recovery from Block II

UNIT A^ LEVEL ITEM COUNT ^EPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION A COBBLE 3 0 -_9CM 16.70 UNMODIFIED 2 DEBITAGE 2 9- 19CM 15.40 CHERT DEBITAGE 1 1^- 29CM 0.20 CHERT UNIT B LEVEL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION 1 NO RECOVERY 0- lOCM 2 DEBITAGE 10 20CM 26.80 CHERT 3 NO RECOVERY 20^ 35CM UNIT C LEVEL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION ± NO RECOVERY 0 - 10CM 2 NO RECOVERY 10- 20CM 3 DEBITAGE 20- 30CM *CHERT FOSSIL 14.10 LIMESTONE A NO RECOVERY 30- 40CM NO RECOVERY 40 - 50CM 3 DEBITAGE 3 50 - 60CM *CHERT 7 DEBITAGE 1 60- 70CM 6.60 CHERT 8 DEBITAGE 6 70- sqcM 3.90 CHERT UNIT DJ.E\/EL ITEM COUNT DEPTH WT/GMS DESCRIPTION 1 DEBITAGE 1 0- 6CM 0.20 CHERT FCR 1 0.50 LIMESTONE 2 COBBLE 1 6- 16CM _M-2gL_yN|yLQDiFiED 3 UTILIZED FLAKE 1 16- 26CM 4.50 CHERT COBBLE 1 46.20 UNMODIFIED 4 NO RECOVERY 26- 360/1 5 NO RECOVERY 36- 46CM 6 NO RECOVERY 46- 56CM 7 NO RECOVERY 56- 66CM 8 NO RECOVERY 66- 76CM 9 NO RECOVERY 76- 86CM 10 NO RECOVERY 86- 1M

* indicates missing data.

65 Feature 2 and Feature 3. In addition to excavation of Blocks I and II, Feature 2, the rock ring, and part of Feature 3, the small, linear rock alignment, were also investigated during the 1993 field season (Figure 3.3). The features were mapped and portions were excavated in order to obtain a more complete record of the site. The matrix from the center 6f the Feature 2 was removed without regard for vertical provenience. Being built on top of bedrock and due to its enclosed nature, little sediment had accumulated in the center opening. The fill which had accumulated was quite loose and of a mulchy texture, consisting mostly of decayed vegetal materials. The only items recovered were 61 land snail shells, and three unidentifiable, small bone fragments. Feature 3, the small alignment of cobbles, was set up as Block III, which included 6, 1 x 1 m units which covered the alignment of cobbles and included some of the surrounding bedrock. A plan view of the orientation of the units is shown in Figure 3.5.

L£C£M2;

BEDROCK

STAIR-STEP IN BEDROC",

Figure 3.5: Plan View of Units for Block

66 No cultural materials, either prehistoric or historic, were recovered from units A, B, C, and D, of Block III. As there was little soil, the investigations involved the mapping and removal of rocks. After the excavation of Unit A, it was decided to keep a count and weight of the rocks removed per unit. The counts and weights of rock removed from Block III, Units B, C, and D are in Table 3.6. Depths listed reflect the maximum depth to bedrock for each unit.

Table 3.6: Counts and Weights of Rocks Removed from Block III

UNIT_ DEPTHS ROCK COUNT ROCK WEIGHT IN KILOGRAM^ A 0- 35 CM B 0 - 30 CM 27 36 KG C 0^ 45 CM 88 197 KG D 0-28 CM 63 112 KG

All of the rocks removed from these units were limestone cobbles having approximate average dimensions of 5 to 15 cm in length 5 to 10 cm in width. As with Feature 2, they showed no signs of having been thermally altered and there was little sediment accumulation. Loosely packed mulch was present due to a large juniper growing through the far western portion of the feature (its root system extended eastward throughout the excavated units). The rocks of this feature appeared to have been dry-stacked against the erosional steps in the bedrock, and may have experienced a little movement since placement, as evidenced by the appearance of tumbling. Due to the fact that the excavation of the first four units of Feature 3 yielded no buried cultural materials, excavation of the easternmost units was abandoned. Rackhoe Trenching on the Floodplain. Given the large area beneath the cliff face below the features and because 1992 excavations showed heavy disturbance, in 1993 it was decided that backhoe trenching would be necessary

67 to determine if any remaining archaeological evidence of site function could be found intact, particulariy to test for a bison bone bed. An experienced backhoe operator was retained to excavate the trenches. Three large trenches were excavated on the floodplain beneath the site (Figure 3.1). The first trench was located approximately 30 m upstream (west) from the location of the site features. The placement was intended to cover the area thoroughly; however in many areas, large boulders prevented investigation immediately adjacent to the cliff. The first trench (BHT 1) was begun approximately 7 m from the base of the cliff and extended 16.5 m out toward the modern river channel. The trench was 60 cm wide and 2.60 m at its deepest point. No intact cultural deposits were detected. Materials recovered from trench backdirt consisted of charcoal, mussel shell, and chert debitage. The second trench (BHT 2) was placed directly beneath the position of Feature 3 and was a few meters west of TP 1. BHT 2 was approximately 7 m long and did not begin at the base of the cliff due to the presence of several large boulders which had fallen from the cliff and were immovable. BHT 2 was 48 cm wide and 2.60 m deep. Materials collected from the backdirt consisted of mussel shell, charcoal, snail shell, a chipped stone uniface, unidentifiable bone fragments, modern bottle glass and modern wire nails. No stratigraphic sequence of artifacts was observed and no intact cultural features were observable. The final trench (BHT 3) was placed 250 m downstream (east), in order to test a higher portion of the floodplain. BHT 3 was 8.10 m long, 50 cm wide, and 1.4 m at its deepest point. Mussel shells were the only items found in this trench. At this point, in pursuit of evidence supporting the bison jump hypothesis, it was decided to investigate the area in which Sam Sloan reported that bison bones had been found in the past. This area was approximately 1.5 km

68 downstream and appeared to be a terrace deposit out of the river's active floodplain. This would test the hypothesis that bison bones from beneath site 41 SS 52 had washed downstream and been subsequently deposited and protected on the terrace. Although no association can be made with the site encountered at this point, it will be discussed as a matter of documentation. On the northeast side of a small tributary which feeds the San Saba River, a backhoe trench was excavated in what proved to be a stratified prehistoric midden deposit, previously recorded as 41 SS 51. In the backdirt of this trench, several stone tools were recovered. Among these were chipped stone unifaces and bifaces, a Martindale projectile point, a Castroville point, a mano fragment, and bone fragments. The walls of this trench were profiled and the site was mapped. In addition to this trench, another trench was excavated approximately 30 m to the east in a large wheat field contained within the floodplain on the north side of the San Saba River. In the backdirt of this trench, a chipped stone tool, chert flakes, mussel shells, and snail shells were recovered. In the west wall profile of this trench a highly fragmented and curved bone, the intact portion of which was 22 cm in length, and 2 cm in width was observed. In an attempt to excavate the bone, which appeared to be a portion of a rib from a large mammal, it immediately fell apart due to its highly decayed state and poor preservation. No further attempts were made to record data from this trench because of its unstable nature. The sediment in this trench was primarily a clay loam which was mottled with sand deposits in a highly irregular and uneven manner.

Assessing Possible Models of the Site's Function

Although the aforementioned investigations were based upon the presupposition that site 41 SS 52 was of prehistoric origin, this does not preclude

69 the need for evaluating the possibility of the site having been constructed during historic times. In order to determine whether or not the features at site 41 SS 52 fit any of the possible prehistoric or historic models for site function, a temporal framework will be constructed. First, the post-contact time frame will be examined to determine which Europeans could have been in the immediate region of site 41 SS 52. The prehistoric model of site function, the bison jump, will also be assessed in the succeeding section. There will be a discussion as to why it is warranted to assert that the features are prehistoric and then the model will be assessed according to site features and topographic setting.

Post-Contact Time Frame

The question of when the Sloans acquired the land in question is relevant. A specific period of time for historic activities must be established. The Central Texas area and San Saba County have a rich prehistoric background, as well as an intriguing historic record. From the records of early Spanish explorers such as Castano de Sosa, the lives of historic Native American tribes in the Southwest and Texas were recorded along with the Spanish activities (Hammond and Rey 1966:269-262). Native American activities were also recorded by German explorers such as Ferdinand Roemer (Roemer 1935:215-287 [1847]). Other early Anglo settlers, such as the Sloan family, have kept records and have a rich oral history amongst themselves. Sloan Family History. What is known specifically about the parcel of land in question is scant, but the property owners have traced and recorded their family history. There are several gaps in the record and no specific references to the features at site 41 SS 52 exist; however, Sam Sloan maintains that the rock features were in place when their ancestor settled the property. That ancestor,

70 Thomas Allen Sloan, born in 1801 in South Carolina, first made his home in the region shortly after the formation of the county in 1856 (Hamrick 1941:181). Many German settlers who purchased land from the Fisher and Miller Immigration company remained permanently in the surrounding region, however they did settle permanently in San Saba County, hence much of the land was still available for sale (Hamrick 1941:33). This must have been the avenue by which Thomas Allen Sloan acquired the land before his death in 1857. The Sloan family history states that the ranch land was purchased from German settlers who found the natives too hostile (Sloan 1959). Through the years, additional lands were purchased, although the deed records of these purchases cannot be located. The loss of the documents could be the result of, as J.A. Sloan mentions in the recorded family history, "Some of our [their] early day officials were more expert with the gun than with the pen" (Sloan 1959). Sloan also mentions that many of the old records were written so poorly that they were illegible. At one point in time, the county attempted to re-record many of the old documents. However, the ones which were in particularly bad condition were left in a "heap on the floor of the Clerk's vault" (Sloan 1959). James Allen Sloan, while writing the family history, attempted to sort through the pile, but did not make any mention of having located deed records for the property in question. I was unable to locate the records at the County Clerk's Office. Without the official documents, one can only conjecture as to how long ago the property on which the site is located was purchased. The Sloan family owned approximately 100,000 acres in the immediate area of the site by 1870. This is evidenced by the documentation that members of the family had worked cattle near (and to the east of) Chalk Bluff on Brady Creek (Sloan 1959) which feeds

71 the San Saba River on the north side and is positioned immediately upstream from site 41 SS 52.

More recently, Peter Calvin Sloan, born in 1878, was said to have willed the property in question to one of his sons. Jack Henry Sloan, who was born in 1907. The family history (Sloan 1959) states, "Jack is a cattle rancher by occupation, owns and operates his own ranch being partly his inheritance from his father, out of original Doran ranch." The Doran family had sold off most of their land near site 41 SS 52 and moved to "just north of the city" in the early 1870's Hamrick 1941:111). Regardless of the precise date of purchase, it is reasonable to assume that the family has owned the property for approximately 120 years, the late 1870's being the latest possible date of purchase. These dates, and Sam Sloan's belief that the features were in place when the property was purchased by the Sloan family result in a minimum construction date for the features of 110±30 years BP.

Other Immigrant History. Assuming that Sam Sloan is correct about the rock features have been in place approximately since the formation of the county in 1856 when his great grandfather, Thomas Allen Sloan, settled there, a recent date of construction need not be examined. Delving into earlier accounts of historic activities in the area may prove helpful in finding a possible function of the features, and perhaps rule out other possible functions. Although there are not records of the early Spanish explorers/colonists in the immediate area of the site, the Central Texas region was explored in post-contact times.

The first Spanish exploration of Texas took place when Alonso Alvarez de Pineda mapped the Gulf coast in 1519 (Graham 1994:7). The first exploration of the interior of Texas did not occur until the Panfilo de Narvaez expedition shipwrecked on the coast; survivors of this wreck, among them Cabeza de Vaca,

72 would travel west and south Texas for eight years (Graham 1994:7). Cabeza de Vaca recorded information about his travels in a diary written in 1542 (Graham 1994:7). Although descriptions of his travels through Texas may have been provocative to other Spaniards, Graham (1994:7) states that it would be several decades until other explorations are recorded. Three primary goals brought the Spanish back to Texas: to missionize, to militarize, and to ranch (Graham 1994:7).

In reference to Spanish activity near 41 SS 52, mission and military activity can be ruled out because no written records or remains of mission or presidio buildings have been located nearby. Geographically, the closest mission/military activity is approximately 80 miles southwest of site 41 SS 52, consisting of the remains of the Mission Santa Cruz de San Saba, and its presidio. If there was Spanish activity near site 41 SS 52, it would have been ranching. Early Spanish ranching activity is a possibility for the function of the features; however, these ranching settlements were typically located near the presidios and missions (Faulk 1970:10). It is doubtful that colonial Spaniards settled, even temporarily, near 41 SS 52. The typical Spanish settlement associated with the livestock industry was almost always in conjunction with other Spanish activities in the area (Brand 1961:135). As the missionaries, miners, and soldiers of Spain moved their frontier northward into Texas, the stock raisers and cattle ranchers moved as well (Brand 1961:139); although, by 1820, the Spanish frontier's northern boundary of range and wild cattle had not yet come close to the San Saba area (Brand 1961:137). In the eariy 19th century, settlers from the United States and Europe did not quickly colonize Texas. Although expeditions were led into Texas, no true settlements by Americans were established in the Central Texas region. As the

73 United States expanded westward, settlers encountered two obstacles. The first obstacle was political and the second obstacle was formidable geography (Fugate 1961:155). Although expeditions were lead into Texas by the 1820's, settlers, coming from forested environments to the east, did not have the knowledge or the inclination to make their living from this land (Fugate 1961:156). It was not until the middle of the 19th century that the Texas Land Grant Office began to receive requests for headright grants land in Texas (Fugate 1961:156).

Where the environment inhibited the spread of American settlers, the threat of Indian raids halted the northern expansion of the Spanish frontier. The northern boundary of the Spanish frontier was constantly threatened by Indian attacks and raids. Prior to the 1730's, the Apache had given Spaniards trouble with their settlements; however this threat did not persist, unlike the threat they would later face at the hands of the Comanche (Faulk 1970:11). In 1733, it is believed that the Comanche began to occupy Texas on a permanent basis although hunting and raiding parties had probably crossed into Texas from New Mexico before that date (Faulk 1970:11-12). The first documented contact in Central Texas between the Spanish and Comanches was in 1743, in which Comanches were reported in San Antonio on a scouting party (Faulk 1970:12). The first real attack on the Spanish by the Comanche was at the Mission Santa Cruz de San Saba in 1758, and raids were reported frequently after this time (Faulk 1970:18). The San Saba mission was said to have been built to fulfill the Apaches' request to live farther north in their traditional territory, but the ill-fated mission and nearby presidio were clearly not enough to protect such a vast area of the northern frontier (Faulk 1970:16). The mission was not rebuilt as it had become clear to the Spanish that it was too close to Comanche territory, marking a retreat

74 of the Spanish mission effort southward, away from the threat of the Comanche (Faulk 1970:19). From 1758 to 1779 the Comanches remained a threat to the Spanish frontier (Faulk 1970:22). By 1780 the frequent raids of the Comanche created a desperate situation for the Spanish (Faulk 1970:28). By 1785 the Comanche agreed to a peace treaty with the Spanish; however it was not honored and gave forth to a vicious cycle of raids and subsequent "pleas for peace and forgiveness" by the Comanche (Faulk 1970:30). By 1807, the raids of the Comanche into Spanish territory had begun to decline, probably because there was little left to steal, and by the end of the Spanish colonial period (1821), there were only three Spanish settlements left in Texas (Faulk 1970:34). It was at this point, the beginning of the 19th century, that the Comanche refocused their attention on Anglo settlements. At first, the relationship between American settlers or traders and the Comanche was amicable; however this did not last (Faulk 1970:38-39). The Spanish as well as the Anglos from the United States realized that the territory of the Comanche, particularly the area between the Llano and Colorado rivers could not be settled (Faulk 1970:38-41). In fact, the territory could not be traveled through safely until Anglos acquired repeating rifles, imported for the first time into Texas in 1839 (Fischer 1978:26). Repeating weapons not only provided personal protection for ambitious settlers, but also allowed them to clear the range of the Comanches' primary food resource, the bison (Fischer 1978:28). The slaughter of the huge bison herds on the Plains enabled Americans to finally weaken the Comanche and ultimately force them onto reservations in Oklahoma in 1874 (Fischer 1978:27). Throughout the duration of their colonial period, the Spanish never subdued the Comanche and it is clear that they would not have held any of the Comanche territory (Faulk 1970:41), including the land where site 41 SS 52 is located.

75 Realizing this, the Mexican government quickly welcomed German requests for this land and gave it to them in the Fisher and Miller land grants (Faulk 1970:41). The Fisher and Miller land grants were classified as third-class headright grants which were granted to those who arrived after 1837 (Hamrick 1941:31). Fisher and Miller, an immigration company, agreed to settle families in the Central Texas area. Fisher in turn, sold the property to Germans, among them was Baron Ottfried von Meusebach (later changed to John O. Meusebach). Meusebach had eighteen months to begin settlement of the area, however this time period expired and German immigrants had to insist that Meusebach take action (Roemer 1935:215-219 [1847]). Meusebach in 1846 took a group of men to the San Saba River Valley. On the first of February. 1847, Meusebach's party came to an area, now known as the Sloan Community, approximately 3 miles east of site 41 SS 52 where a treaty was signed between Comanches and German settlers (Hamrick 1941:31). The peace treaty allowed Germans to begin settling the area. Many German settlers remained in the area, but much of the land was still for sale (Hamrick 1941:31-33). Soon after, the land which contains the site 41 SS 52 was purchased by the Sloan family. The Sloan family history states that some of the ranch land was purchased from German settlers who found the natives too hostile (Sloan 1959). In summary, although unlikely, the features could have been built in post-contact times by Spanish, German, or Native American groups. The Spanish were in the Central Texas region from the 1750's to 1821, however they avoided Comanche territory. German immigrants came to settle the San Saba area in 1845. Supposedly honored, the peace treaty between Germans and Comanches could have allowed Germans to have built the features between 1845 and 1870. Sam Sloan contends that the features were in place when the

76 Sloans purchased the property around 1870 from Germans who found the Comanche territory hostile. The features could have been built by historic Comanche from the 1730's (when they entered Texas) to 1874 (when they were put on reservations). There is no record of historic Comanche building such features, in fact, they are noted as hunting on horseback with bow and arrow during this time.

Assessing the Historic Models Although the time frame in which the features could have been constructed historically is quite limited, possible models of site function for this time will be examined. I will examine models by looking at analogous features from activities of historic settlers to see if the features at 41 SS 52 could have served the same function. These activities include stockworking, agriculture, and dam construction.

Livestock Facility Although it is highly doubtful that the Spanish would have built the features at site 41 SS 52, livestock corrals of Spanish colonists will be examined. Rock features are documented as being used by Spanish sheepherders (Archambeau and Romero 1946:60; Carlson 1982:93). Some literature on the history of the Spanish colonial sheep industry briefly mention the use and construction of corrals. The corrals are described simply as "crude" stone corrals. Due to this lack of data, one must turn to the function of these corrals to determine whether or not Feature 1 at 41 SS 52 might serve the same purpose. The corrals of the pastores, or Spanish sheepmen are said to have functioned primarily as wind blocks for sheep (Carison 1982:93-94). Feature 1 at 41 SS 52 could not have

77 served as a wind block for a flock of sheep. The winds on top of the plateau blow primarily from the southwest in a northeasteriy direction. As previously described. Feature 1 lies on the easternmost portion of an upland plateau, and therefore would not have provided any protection from the wind. In addition, the upland plateau areas would not have been chosen to serve this function. The area is far too windy and there is little to no protection from storms, which can be quite violent at the site. Further, the rock features do not form an enclosure.

Agricultural Facility

The possible models for site function which come from agricultural activities are: land clearing piles, fences to keep livestock away from crops, and soil trapping. Linear rock alignments which are the result of land clearing are always adjacent to, or around the perimeters of planted fields. The features are located on an upland plateau as it nears a cliff. This area is clearly unsuitable for planting. The area has a thin, rocky soil mantle or bare bedrock and has been that way throughout post-contact times (Toomey et al. 1993:315). This area would not be sufficient for any type of crop. This fact also dismisses the possibility that Feature 1 was a fence built by German settlers in an attempt to keep herds from trampling their crops. In addition. Features 2 and 3 would serve no function in this model. The question remains however, is this an agricultural feature specifically designed to trap sediment for later use in planting crops? Once again, it must be mentioned that this area is unsuitable for growing crops. Not only is there little soil, but also the terrain is highly undulating and there would be no way of utilizing the nearby water sources (Cedar Hollow and San Saba River) in an efficient manner. In addition, there are many acres of floodplain and low terrace land in

78 the immediate valley which would be most suitable for farming activities (and are used for this purpose today). Although Feature 1 has clearly trapped sediment, and subsequently developed soils, it is not reasonable to think that it served this function, and again. Features 2 and 3 would serve no function in this model of site function.

Remains of Dam Project

Are these features the result of a dam project? A dam was proposed for San Saba, but Hamrick (1941:111) states that this was at the turn of century (19th to 20th), at least 30 years after the land was purchased by the Sloan family. The dam was a part of an irrigation project and was put to a popular vote, however the bond issue did not pass (Hamrick 1941:111). In addition, the history says that the Doran property was the site of the proposed dam. By the turn of the century, the Doran family had sold off most of the land near site 41 SS 52 and moved north of the city in the early 1870's. The land purchased to the north of the city was the site of the proposed dam project (Hamrick 1941:111). Site 41 SS 52 is west of the city. There is no evidence that supports the claims that the proposed dam would have been on Sloan property, and there is no evidence that any work had begun on the proposed dam before it failed a bond issue vote. If rocks were piled there so that a dam could be built later, the features at 41 SS 52 would not already be constructed, and Features 2 and 3 cannot be explained by this model.

Prehistoric Time Frame

As with the historic models of site function, the prehistoric model, the bison jump, must be put into a temporal framework. Absolute and relative dating

79 techniques have been employed to establish whether or not a prehistoric date for the features at site 41 SS 52 can be asserted. In addition to a date for construction of the features, I have assessed when this particular model of site function would have been possible. The activity of bison jumping requires that large herds be available, hence the availability of herds in prehistoric times will be examined.

Absolute Dating

One inconclusive absolute date was obtained. A sample (Beta-81541) was taken for humate dating. It was taken from the north wall of Block II, Unit C, Stratum 2, at a depth of 40 to 50 cm. The result was reported by Beta Analytic as "100.6% of the modern reference standard" (Beta-81541). When questioning Darden Hood (personal communication, 1999) at Beta Analytic, about the result, he said "the calculation of an age would have given a negative value." Rather than provide an age, the result was reported as a percentage of the emissions made by a modern sample. This means that the carbon 14 present in the sample was consistent with a modern reference sample; 100.6% consistent, in other words, within the last 50 years. The methodology employed for the processing of the sample is as follows. The organic sediment sample was pretreated with an "acid/alkali/acid" process. This process was performed due to the low amount of carbon in the sediment sample, although a sufficient amount of carbon was obtained for measurement. The methodology appears to be sound in the pretreatment of the sample, although the dating technique itself cannot assure accuracy without reservation. Several problems exist when dating soil organic matter (Matthews 1993:84). Among these problems are a lack of understanding of soil organic components,

80 effects of root penetration on shallowly buried soils, bioturbation of the soil, and other problems concerning the precision and calibration of the test itself (Matthews 1993:86).

The result appears to be marred by translocation of later carbon materials into the matrix of the sample taken from Stratum 2. This was also the reason that standard carbon dates on charcoal samples were not obtained because of the risk of contamination through bioturbation and leaching, as well as limited financial resources. Radiocarbon assays for the floodplain below the bluff were not attempted because the area was found to be unsuitable. Several factors influenced this decision. First, the floodplain in tested areas proved to be only 1 m above the modern channel of the San Saba River. The river appears to be actively eroding the floodplain with every flood. The flood waters of the San Saba have been measured and recorded since 1899. A station for the measuring of discharge data is set up within a few miles of 41 SS 52 (Schroeder et al. 1978:12). During this recorded history of flood events along the San Saba River, three significant, high magnitude floods have been recorded: in 1899 a rise of 11.01 m (36.7 ft); in 1938 a rise of 11.8 m (39.3 ft); and in 1978 a rise of 8.51 m (28.38 ft) was recorded (Schroeder et al. 1978). Karl Kibler (personal communication, 1995) commented that the floodplain appeared to have been scoured which might only leave protected deposits under large boulders that have fallen from the limestone cliff. For scouring to bedrock, chronic, low magnitude floods and high magnitude floods (those mentioned previously) need to work in conjunction with one another. Low magnitude floods carry the majority of sediment or do the most "work" as compared to high magnitude and relatively infrequent floods (Wolman and Miller 1960:55-56).

81 However, scouhng to bedrock is accomplished only by high magnitude floods at relatively infrequent intervals (Wolman and Miller 1960:72). Frequent, low magnitude floods, have moved a great deal of sediment and have prepared it for large scale erosion by "pre-wetting of the soil" (Wolman and Miller 1960: 72-73). The sediments deposited on the floodplain beneath the features at site 41 SS 52 are subject to the pre-wetting by low magnitude floods, which in turn prepared them for large scale erosion.

In addition to the historical data on the flooding of this channel, during the 1992 field season, the crew personally witnessed the significant rise of the river's level onto the floodplain which halted access to the site for several days. This being the case, the sediment having been flushed out and replaced by sediment deposits from floods, the process of humate dating or obtaining radiocarbon assays from items collected would have been inappropriate.

Relative Dating Due to the lack of a conclusive, absolute date for the construction of

Feature 1, an effort was made to determine the age by studying the character and structure of the sediments that had accumulated along its west side. Determining whether the sediments represent a buried, intact soil sequence, and a rough estimate of time since deposition would provide a means of dating the features.

Through field observation of sediments in Blocks I and II, the bottom two strata of sediments do, in fact represent intact buried soils. The stratigraphy is labeled as stratum 1, 2, and 3; or horizons 0, A, and B respectively, illustrated in Figures 3.6 and 3.7.

Field observation revealed that the bottom stratum of the excavation blocks possessed a higher clay content than overlying strata; it was designated a

82 Bt horizon. It was suggested by geomorphologist Kibler that this might represent translocation of clay size particles and that a grain size analysis might shed light on the antiquity of the soil sequence. The clay component of soils have a tendency to leach down into the lower horizons after lengthy periods of time, forming a Bt horizon (Birkeland 1984:204-208).

Seven samples were collected from the soil profiles of Blocks I and II in order to obtain component percentages of each stratum. One sample was taken from each of the 3 stratum in Blocks I and II. An additional sample was taken from Block II, Stratum 2 due to its relative thickness. Figures 3.6 and 3.7 illustrate the soil profiles of Blocks I and II, respectively. Since both blocks had been excavated 18 months earlier, plastic sheets had been used to protect them. Ten cm of matrix was removed from the wall profile before samples were taken in order to prevent contamination. Measurements were taken by cm below the modern ground surface and depths were recorded for each sample. Each sample weighed approximately 300 gms. Both blocks revealed an upper stratum, designated Stratum 1, which is the O horizon. This designation was chosen due to the presence of dark sediment with a high level of organic material, typical of O horizons (Birkeland 1984:7). This level contained a large number of grass roots and twigs. The layers were dry and loosely compacted. Many large rocks were embedded in Stratum 1. This layer is modern, probably deposited by colluvial slope wash. The original sediment structures (i.e., organics, gravels, etc.) are still highly visible identifying this as a sediment accumulation and not a buried, intact soil.

The Stratum 2 was designated the A horizon due to a dominance of mineral composition over the amount of organic material, and its placement under the O horizon (Birkeland 1984:7). The layers contained little visible organic

83 material and seemed to contain more moisture than the overlying O horizon. It was the thickest stratum in Blocks I and II.

As outlined by Birkeland (1984:7), Stratum 3 was labeled the B horizon. This designation was the result of the lack of evidence of original sediment structures and its placement under the A horizon (Birkeland 1984:7). Stratum 3 was noticeably a different color than the A horizon (Stratum 2). The B horizon contained little organic material and an even higher amount of moisture. Below the B horizon in both excavation blocks was bedrock. The bedrock is gray limestone and is exposed in most areas around the site.

After field observations and a consultation with geomorphologist Kibler, it was deemed necessary to divide the samples into mud (clay and silt), sand and gravel size particles in accordance with the methods described by Folk (1980). US Standard Sieve Mesh sizes of #10 and #200 were employed for this process. These sizes were chosen in order to maintain consistency with other analyses on soils from the area (Bynum 1982:75). Weights were obtained to determine the relative percentages of each of the three components. The B horizons of both excavation blocks were similar in percentage weight distribution. The A horizons had comparable mud content, but different sand and gravel percentages. Block I, which recorded the higher gravel content in the A horizon, is downslope from Block II; hence, the gravel component may have washed downslope, accounting for the difference. The O horizons showed similar gravel contents, but varied in the amounts of sand and mud. Once again, the slope may be responsible for this variation. Block II is also approximately 30 cm deeper than Block I. Deposits accumulated up against linear rock features will form a wedge shape and the deposits will show variation in thickness depending upon the height of the feature (Sandor et al. 1990:79). Because

84 US un o

CN LO C/5 CO CO UJ

N

en o "TO

3 o (/) CO 2 o I i^ o O CL LU O CO cb -J z z z 1 CO o r> o

O) HORI Z HORI Z HORIZ ( LJ- DROC K O < CQ LU

^' c\i CO LmU S S ^ z D 3 3 o J- 1- 1- r— CO 2 ? P LU h- 1- \- S > co W co -J UJ l^3 S M tffi

85 LU w^ O CO

CO CNJ LU CO CO

o

CO

CD

CO < LU z o o CO

o oi X LU o LJ- CL O O I- CO r^ o o O CO N N N o (D DC CC CC o O U oc X oX _L a < CQ LU o CQ •- csi CO LLi Z ^ ^ S 3 Z) 3 o H h- 1- 1- < co ^ s OC LU K- h- h- IE CO co co LLI

86 Feature 1 is significantly taller at the point of Block II as compared with Block I, the difference in sediment accumulation is not surprising.

After consulting the SCS soil study (Bynum 1982:75) it was apparent that the mud size particles should be further separated into silt and clay components. It was thought that the relative amount of clay in the sediment samples would provide more definitive evidence of time since deposition. The clay particles were separated from the silt particles with the pipette method. The pipette method was chosen due to its relatively low cost and accuracy (Folk 1980). The method is based on settling velocities of different sized particles as based on Stoke's Law (Folk 1980).

Sand, gravel and mud were separated through US Standard Sieve Mesh sizes #10 and #200. Mud was washed through and collected; water was evaporated through the use of conventional ovens. The samples were not allowed to boil in order to avoid destruction of the integrity of the particles (Folk 1980). After the initial separation was accomplished, 15 gm samples of mud were placed into 2,000 ml beakers. Based on procedure outlined by Folk (1984) a group of fourteen 150 ml beakers was weighed to the 1.000th decimal point to prepare them for the samples. The 2,000 ml beakers were then filled with 1,000 ml of distilled water. The samples were vigorously stirred to provide for sediment saturation and were allowed to sit for approximately 24 hours. After 24 hours, the samples were stirred vigorously again. After 20 seconds, a pipette was used to withdraw 20 ml at a depth of 20 cm for each sample. These samples provided the exact weight of each before settling began. After 4 hours and 6 minutes, a second sample was withdrawn; these samples were also 20 ml, but at a depth of 5 cm. At this time and depth, all particles were clay sized. All samples were placed in 150 ml beakers and allowed to dry for 25 hours, in an oven, at a

87 temperature of 100 degrees C. The samples were subsequently weighed to an accuracy of 1,000th of a gram and converted into percentages.

The results from Block I showed a much higher percentage of clay in Stratum 3. the B horizon. This layer was 12.5% clay, while Stratum 2, the A horizon was 3.9%; and Stratum 1, the O horizon was 5.4% as shown in Figure 3.8. The results from Block 11 showed more subtle variations in clay percentages as seen in Figure 3.9. Although the B horizon was still higher in clay amounts than the other horizons, the difference was not as notable as with Block I. The B horizon contained 3.2% clay, the A and A" horizons contained 2.7% and 2.4% clay respectively, and the O horizon contained 2.1%. The 12.5% found in the B horizon of Block I was significantly higher than in any other layer. Block 1 results of the grain size analysis show a substantially higher percentage of clay than the overiying horizons. The Block II results show a higher percentage of clay in the B horizon, but the difference was not as large as Block 1. The pedological analysis revealed that the sediment accumulation was indeed a soil sequence containing two, buried, intact soils (Stratum 2 and Stratum 3). The aim of this analysis was to deduce the relative age of the soils that had formed against Feature 1. Before interpretation of the results from the grain size analysis is performed, the soil genesis should be briefly examined. The questions of how the sediments were deposited and what might have modified them over time will be addressed. The sediments are a combination of aeolian and colluvial deposition. This assertion is based on two primary factors. First, the northwest southeast orientation of Feature 1 makes it an excellent trap for wind blown particles due to prevailing southwesterly to southeasterly winds. Second, the gradual slope down to the east toward Feature 1, and the lack of any type of deposition along this slope make it apparent that the deposition is partly

88 the result of colluvial slope wash. To exclude the possibility of an alluvial deposit, one must consider the sheer height of the cliff, 21 m, which makes it highly unlikely that flood waters could have risen enough to affect the area. There has not been a flood of large enough magnitude to have filled the valley up to Feature 1's level.

With the soil deposition determined to be colluvial and aeolian deposits, the environment in which they began to be deposited must be explored. Feature 1 was built on top of bedrock; the lowest rocks rest on bedrock. There is no evidence of trench excavation into in situ soils. If a builders' trench was used it would be observable. Feature 1 was constructed during a time when the upland plateau area was without intact, buried soils. In fact, if Feature 1 were not in place, sediment accumulation would not have occurred at all. The colluvial and aeolian sediments would have continued down slope and been deposited and subsequently eroded out of Cedar Hollow, the adjacent drainage. In studies of cave fill sediments and the fossil vertebrates found within, interpretations of prehistoric environments have been made which can be used to develop a chronological framework. Toomey, Blum, and Valastro (1993:299) have examined Late Pleistocene and Holocene changes in temperature and moisture; in conjunction with changes in vegetation and soils on the Edwards Plateau. The study of cave sediments and inclusive fossils provide insight into upland soil mantles because, over time, upland materials will erode into caves by the process of sheet wash (Toomey et al. 1993:303). Analysis of cave sediments from the end of the Pleistocene proved that substantial changes in flora and fauna took place. Megafauna disappeared and smaller fauna adapted and became more like modern taxa (Toomey et al. 1993:308). Up to 10,000 years

89 80 68,6 70,1 67.5 60- / I * 40 20 18 16 10 12.5 15 5,4 - fSmM 8 3,9' 0 1__^_.. 0 A Bt HORIZON CLAY SILT SAND GRAVEL

Figure 3.8: Breakdown of Soil Components by Percentage Weight for Block I

77.9 77.8 80- 72.3 70.6 60- 40- \ ::i9 ^ 20 13 17 2.1 32 O ^A(l) A(2) Bt HORIZON CLAY SILT SAND GRAVEL

Figure 3.9: Breakdown of Soil Components

by Percentage Weight for Block II

90 BP, the presence of burrowing animals in the paleontological record of cave sediments indicates that the upland areas of the Edwards Plateau exhibited deep soil mantles (Toomey et al. 1993:307). Early to middle Holocene conditions on the Edwards Plateau were becoming much dryer. This period is commonly known as the Altithermal (Toomey et al. 1993:309). Furthermore, conditions were becoming particularly dry around 5000 to 7000 years BP (Toomey et al. 1993:309). Toomey. Blum, and Valastro (1993:309) indicate that during this time upland surfaces began to erode and soil mantles became dark, thin, and stonier. From 5000 to 2500 years BP these upland soils continued to be depleted, and by 2500 years BP these soils had mostly disappeared (Toomey et al. 1993:310). At this time of 2500 years BP the climate became more mesic which is evidenced by floral and faunal communities better adapted to moist environments (Toomey et al. 1993:311). By 1000 years BP, another shift in the moisture levels of the Edwards Plateau occurred; this time to more xeric conditions (Toomey et al. 1993:311). Toomey. Blum and Valastro (1993:309) note that aeolian sedimentation occurs as a response to a decrease in moisture levels. It is during this xeric period that aeolian sedimentation that occurred against Feature 1 would have been possible.

The question of how long it has taken this soil to form against Feature 1 is of the upmost importance. Sediments can be deposited at vastly different rates depending upon climate, terrain, vegetation, and other factors. Even after deposition, many processes can mask the true age of a soil. Among these are chemical weathering, bioturbation, erosion, and human disturbance. The fact that sedimentation has occurred and a soil sequence has formed up against a linear rock alignment is evidence that it is quite old (Doolittle et al. 1993:21). In addition, the presence of calcium carbonate nodules, or caliche, (noted in field

91 observation) is another indicator of a great length of time since deposition (Gene Meers, personal communication, 1993). In addition, the fact that the B horizons of Blocks I and II have a significantly higher percentage of clay than their overiying horizons is indicative of a great deal of time since deposition.

In Blocks I and II, a Bt horizon has formed. A Bt horizon is a qualitative assessment made in the field by noting the predominance of clay in a B horizon compared to the overlying horizon (Ciolkosz et al. 1996:24). An argillic horizon, which is a quantitative assessment of the percentage of clay in the B horizon compared to the overlying horizon (Ciolkosz et al 1996:24) is present in Block I. To be considered an argillic horizon, the soil must have 3% more clay than the overiying horizon (Ciolkosz et al 1996:23). In addition the horizon must be at least 7.5 cm thick if the soil is loamy or clayey (Ciolkosz et al. 1996:24); which is the case with Block I. Three things must occur for the formation of a Bt horizon (and argillic horizon). Clay particles must be dispersed, translocated, and accumulated (Ciolkosz et al. 1996:25). Clay can be dispersed by several means, although in areas such as site 41 SS 52 with sparse vegetation, rain drop impact would be the most likely means (Ciolkosz et al. 1996:25). With the soil aggregates dispersed, the clay particles are then translocated, or leached through soil horizons and accumulated, forming the Bt horizon or argillic horizon (Ciolkosz et al. 1996:25-26). Ciolkosz and colleagues (1996:36) state that, key to the formation of an argillic horizon is the necessity of a greater amount of evaportranspiration than precipitation. This is certainly the case in the modern climate of the Edwards Plateau where "evaportranspiration rates for all months are higher than the average precipitation, and moisture deficits characterize much of the summer" (Toomey et al. 1993:301). Ciolkosz and colleagues (1996:41) note that "parent material and time are important to argillic horizon formation."

92 Parent materials like the limestone bedrock at 41 SS 52 have more clay available because clay is released as limestone decays. High temperatures, like those found in the Edwards Plateau, also effect the rate of Bt or argillic soil formation by producing a greater rate of clay formation (Ciolkosz et al. 1996:36).

In summary. Bt horizon formation is indicative of a great length of time as the translocation of clay is a slow process (Birkeland 1984:205). Rates of formation of Bt horizons are highly variable from region to region, so factors such as climate and parent material must be examined to determine the relative age of the soil. No studies of Bt horizon formation have been done for the Edwards Plateau, but formation rates from other areas should shed light on the relative age of the soils in Blocks I and II. Among the most rapidly formed Bt horizons ever recorded is in the Lubbock, Texas area. This Bt horizon is said to have formed in only 350 years; however mud rains are listed as a contributing factor (Birkeland 1984:209). The environment at 41 SS 52 is not the same as the Lubbock area; however, several factors indicate rapid (but not as rapid as Lubbock) formation of Bt horizon there, such as the high amount of clay in limestone and the relatively high temperatures on the Edwards Plateau. It is notable that 350 years is considered extremely rapid formation of these soil horizons. Hence, it has taken at the very least, 350 years for the Bt horizon to form, which certainly disputes the possibility of an historic date of construction for the features at site 41 SS 52.

In summary, the features at site 41 SS 52, resting on exposed bedrock, must have been constructed sometime after 2500 years BP. The dryer climate which followed this time period would have been ideal for aeolian sedimentation against Feature 1. The soils that have formed in the profile of the wedge-shaped deposit certainly indicate a great deal of time since deposition, as seen primarily

93 in the formation of an argillic or Bt horizon. All of this points to a prehistoric date of construction for the features.

In addition to the pedological evidence which strongly suggests the antiquity of Feature 1, a model confirming its common characteristics with other generalized prehistoric, linear rock alignments will be examined. Doolittle, Neely. and Pool (1993:7-25) put forth a model which can help determine whether rock alignments, thought to be water or soil control features, are of prehistoric or recent construction. By examining several different morphological characteristics, chronological context can be attempted in the absence of other evidence (Doolittle et al. 1993:7). The model was designed to examine features in the American Southwest, but the methodology is appropriate for looking at features on the Southern Plains as well. This model focuses on check dams and soil traps, but its primary premise is to determine whether a feature is prehistoric. The form of feature examined in this model is the linear rock alignment. The alignments examined in the Doolittle, Neely, and Pool (1993) study are typically found "on gentle slopes or in association with shallow, ephemeral streams - either across them in higher elevations or on the floodplains of arroyos in lower elevations" (Doolittle et al. 1993:7). This model uses 13 characteristics to judge linear rock alignments based on modes of construction and current conditions of the feature; only the characteristics which seem appropriate for Feature 1 will be discussed. An important characteristic is whether rocks were locally procured; historic features, but not prehistoric features may be constructed with non-local stone (Doolittle et al. 1993:9). The materials used to construct all of the features at 41 SS 52 were locally procured from the surrounding limestone bedrock. Specifically, Cedar Hollow is likely to be the procurement source for rock

94 materials. Another way of making an assessment as to the age of a rock alignment feature is whether the rocks are of variegated or uniform sizes (Doolittle et al. 1993:10-11). The rocks that were used in the construction of Feature 1 are highly variable in size which indicates, according to this model, that the alignment is probably of prehistoric construction.

Another characteristic is whether or not rocks of a linear alignment were stacked, or appear to have been dumped (Doolittle et al. 1993:11-12). Feature 1 has clearly been stacked, evidenced by the vertical to slightly sloping profile of the intact portion (western edge) of the alignment. Stacking indicates a prehistoric or a historic date; whereas dumping is only accomplished by recent technological advancements (Doolittle et al. 1993:12), for example, dump trucks. With regard to the current conditions, one characteristic helpful in determining the age of a feature is integrity (Doolittle et al. 1993:17). Feature 1 has obviously deteriorated since the time of construction. The linear alignment has undergone significant deterioration as the result of time and gravity which is evidenced by the condition of Feature 1 on the eastern, downhill slope. What is a compactly stacked, vertical, to slightly sloping wall on the western side of the alignment, is a loosely, unstacked array of rocks on the eastern extent of the feature. Contributing to the deteriorated appearance of the eastern side of Feature 1, the interstitial spaces between rocks are much larger on the eastern edge than the western side. This is strong evidence for a feature that has not been recently built, as recent structures are mostly intact (Doolittle et al. 1993:18). Also in reference to interstices, ones which are sediment filled usually indicate a prehistoric construction date (Doolittle et al. 1993:18-19). The intersticies on the bottom of the western portion of the feature are completely sediment filled as the feature arbitrarily functioned as a sediment trap. From its

95 northern to southern end, the entire western side of Feature 1 trapped sediments which have subsequently formed a buried, intact soil. In addition, this model supports the use of pedological analysis of sediments which have accumulated against linear rock features stating, "clearly, if soil formation is evident in the sediment, the age of the retaining alignment would have to be quite old" (Doolittle et al. 1993:21). The pedological analysis of soils from Blocks I and II support a date that is quite old.

Another tool for determining the age of linear rock alignments is observing trees, and tree growth. If trees are absent from the feature, or small trees have recently sprouted up through a feature, this tool is not helpful; however, if large trees are growing through a feature, it can only be quite old (Doolittle et al. 1993:19). There are no trees growing through Feature 1; however, on the eastern slope where the feature has deteriorated, there is a stump of a dead juniper tree. This clearly is not diagnostic, but may lend some evidence to antiquity. In addition. Feature 3 contained a large stump of a juniper tree, over 30 cm in diameter. The tree has grown up on the western extent of Feature 3 and its root system extends throughout excavated units. Although no data is available for dendrochronolgical dating of this tree, moderate consideration should be given to the fact that a tree of this size with an extensive root system invades this feature. Finally with regard to current conditions of linear rock features, lichens may be helpful in determining age; although several fundamental problems exist. Among these problems are the fact that lichen growth rates are species specific; lichen growth depends upon a number of environmental factors such as moisture, temperature and sun exposure; the lichen growth may have existed on rocks prior to construction (Doolittle et al. 1993:20). Features 1, 2, 3, and 4 all have lichen growth. Seeing the problematic nature of lichen studies, they were not conducted

96 at site 41 SS 52, but it is worth mentioning that the presence of lichens is an indicator that the features may not be of modern, or even historic construction. In all cases, the features at site 41 SS 52, particularly Feature 1, do not exhibit any of the characteristics associated with recently built structures. In fact, all of the characteristics point to a prehistoric, rather than historic or recent age, most significant, the soil formation which has occurred against Feature 1.

Bison Presence and Absence

If the prehistoric bison jump model for site function is to be assessed, the examination of bison populations in the prehistoric Plains archaeological and paleontological record is necessary. Examining a time frame from approximately 10,000 BC to AD 1550, Dillehay (1974:180-196) studied fluctuations in climate and environment which affect grassland development. Dillehay (1974:180) suggests that there were large numbers of bison during moister periods and a relative absence of bison during drier periods. Dillehay's argument is based on faunal remains found at archaeological and paleontological sites. Seriation was performed on data from over 160 sites which revealed "successive long term periods of presence and absence of bison on the Southern Plains" (Dillehay 1974:181) as seen in Table 3.7. Dillehay (1974:181) notes the presence period ranges from the first Paleo-lndian cultural activity in association with the genus Bison and the last period terminates with historic contact on the Southern presents.

Although not found in abundance, remains from sites in Presence Period I

confirm the presence of extinct species of the genus Bison in association with human activity. Among these sites are Bonfire Shelter in the southernmost extent

97 Table 3.7: Bison Presence or Absence Periods

Presence/Absence ^Time Period Presence 10000 BC to 6000-5000 BC Absence 6000-5000 BC to 2500 BC Presence 2500 BC to AD 500 Absence AD 500 to AD 1200-1300 Presence AD 1200-1300 to AD 1550

Adapted from Dillehay 1974:181 of the Plains, Kincaid Rock Shelter, Uvalde County in Central Texas; and several sites along the western periphery of the Southern Plains region (Dillehay 1974:182). When bison reappear in the archaeological record of the Southern Plains, a new species of bison has developed. Bison bison (Dillehay 1974:182). Dillehay (1974:183) has suggested that large scale bison hunting during Presence Period II was probably limited to the Llano Estacado and Lower Pecos Region of Texas. This is not to say that bison hunting is not evidenced in this time period for Central Texas; however, only small numbers of bison bones are found in association with Archaic cultural remains, primarily the Late Archaic of Central Texas (Dillehay 1974:183). Presence Period III (AD 1200-1300 to AD 1550) in the Southern Plains is marked by an increase in bison bones found in association with human cultural remains (Dillehay 1974:184-185). Dillehay (1974:185-186) suspected that climatic conditions, occurring around the 13th century AD promoted a progressive shift of bison populations from the western peripheral regions of the Plains into the Southern Plains regions. In addition, the increase of bison bones found in association with human cultural activity during this time appears to be the result of herds migrating into the area rather than a preferential subsistence shift to bison as a food resource (Dillehay 1974:186).

98 Dillehay's model has been tested and found to be inappropriate for certain regions, but applicable for others. The model has been criticized for making too many assumptions and using too large of a study area (Lynott 1979:90), although Huebner (1990:346) suggested that the model is most appropriate for regions which constitute "marginal" areas of bison population distribution. The Edwards Plateau, included in Huebner's (1990:3443-346) study is a "marginal" area. In Huebner's study, Dillehay's model is tested for Absence Period II and Presence Period III (Huebner 1990:346). Operating under the assumption that evidence of bison bones within an archaeological context indicates an increase in bison populations, Huebner (1990:347) asserts that the animals appear to be abundant and widespread during the Late Prehistoric Period in Southern Texas (including the Edward's Plateau) and relatively "absent" before 750 BP, although he admits that possible subsistence preferences may be a factor (Huebner 1990:350). Huebner (1990:353) cites drought conditions on the Southern Plains as responsible for the expansion of bison herds into Central and South Texas around 600 to 700 BP. After this time, Huebner (1990:353) notes that bison herds migrated from the Llano Estacado into the Middle Pecos Valley to the southwest, and into Central and Southern Texas to the southeast. Huebner (1990:353) also suggests that bison migrated from the Texas Panhandle through a corridor formed by the Brazos and Colorado Rivers toward the Coastal Prairies of South Texas. He offers this as being the "path of least resistance" indicating that herds would avoid the rough terrain of the Balcones Escarpment south of the Colorado River (Huebner 1990:353). Site 41 SS 52 is located approximately 20 miles west of the confluence of the San Saba River with the Colorado River; making it 20 miles to the west of this proposed corridor However, Huebner

99 (1990:354) allows for bison migration to have reached beyond the proposed corridor to the east and west.

Other researchers have attempted to dispute or confirm the accuracy of Dillehay's model; some attempts question his climatic reconstructions, and some test the presence or absence of bison based on faunal data collected from archaeological sites. With regard to climatic conditions, which Dillehay suggests as being a determining factor for bison herd vitality, it appears that Absence Period I (6000-5000 BC to 2500 BC) corresponds with the widespread drought of the Great Plains, the Altithermal. Some sites are recorded for this time; however, if decreased "visibility" in the archaeological record indicates a decrease in bison herds, then Dillehay's assertion holds true. In addition, the Holocene has been described as a period of increasing aridity which is "punctuated by mesic intervals" (Graham 1987:41). From a study of sediments of the Colorado River, the climate of Central Texas during the period of 2,000-3,000 BP is one such interval of a mesic period (Graham 1987:41-42). If one uses Dillehay's model to look at the bone beds at Bonfire Shelter, it holds firm. The earliest bone bed dates to Presence Period I and the later Bone Beds date to Presence Period II. In Central Texas, Creel, Scott, and Collins (1990:55) examined Holocene bison population dynamics at a site in Tom Green County approximately 100 miles east of site 41 SS 52. The materials "occur in stratified overbank flood deposits along the South Concho River" (Creel et al. 1990:55). Creel, Scott, and Collins (1990:66) found that bison were common in the Late Archaic, but not as common as in the Late Prehistoric. In this study, Dillehay's terminology of "presence and absence" is rejected for what they find more appropriate: "high frequency and low frequency" (Creel et al. 1990:55). In general, they suggest that the frequency of bison bones in the prehistoric faunal record reflects the

100 frequency of bison in the area at a given time (Creel et al 1990:64). The remains from this deposit span a range of dates from 600 BC to AD 1650-1700, with the highest frequency of bison bone occurring in the record after AD 1300. Interestingly, there is a very low frequency of bison bone from 900 AD to 1300 AD In addition end scrapers, which typically correspond with the occurrence of bison bone in Central Texas, were not found during this time (Creel et al. 1990:65). These data generally support Dillehay's model. Presence Period II is supported. Absence Period II is heavily supported, and so is Presence Period III. On another note, this deposit falls outside of Huebner's proposed bison corridor for the migration of bison prior to the Late Prehistoric Period. It is apparent that bison did migrate beyond the southern border of the Colorado River.

Assessing the Bison Jump Model Based on the geomorphological data, the likelihood that site 41 SS 52 is of great antiquity makes it necessary to examine a model of site function which falls within the prehistoric time period. I will examine the bison jump model as a possibility of site function. I will compare site 41 SS 52's topography, features, and artifact assemblage to other known bison jump sites.

Topography The topography at 41 SS 52 is cleariy commensurate with other known bison jump sites. Spanning over 10,000 years of mass procurement activities on the Plains, numerous and variable locations were chosen for bison kills. There is great variability in the locations chosen for traps and corrals; however, this variability is not present for jumps. Obviously jumps had to make use of a steep cliff or embankment in order to kill bison upon impact. Jump sites are most often

101 set along a steep cliff of a tributary or river canyon. To meet the needs of a bison herd, a gathering basin of broad grassy range land interrupted by suitable water sources always leads to the drive path. Often, other geomorphic features, such as erosional clefts, were utilized in forming drive paths, and when these were not > available as a sufficient guide, human-made obstacles were used in conjunction with the topography. The proposed gathering basin leading to the drive path for site 41 SS 52 consists of open range land with sources of water sufficient for bison herds. The range land is bounded on the east and west by two small tributary canyons. Cedar Hollow to the east and a smaller, unnamed tributary canyon to the west. Each of these streams begin approximately 2 k north of the cliff and each follow a course due south until they empty into the San Saba River. There are no other natural obstacles between these two streams which could have impeded the path of bison being herded. At times, the streams themselves have fairly steep (20-30 feet) marginal stone embankments perceptible and thus could have been avoided by bison herds. However, at some points. Cedar Hollow becomes less steep and traversible, at one such point Feature 1 begins. Feature 1 begins where range land terminates into a slightly elevated area. As with other bison kill sites, the approach to the presumed jump-off is not readily visible. In all successful jump sites, hunters made use of a blind bluff or a sharp turn in order to keep the herd leader unaware of the impending drop. The approach to the cliff at site 41 SS 52 is virtually blind to humans from a few meters back and certainly would have been to a shaggy-headed bison with poor visual acuity. This characteristic of a jump-off point was necessary to keep the herd leader from turning and the jump failing.

102 At site 41 SS 52, the termination of the drivelane elevation gradually increases, but erosion of the limestone bedrock in a stair-step fashion may have presented an obstacle to the continuing advancement of the herd. The "steps" range from approximately 20 to 40 cm in height and could have caused the lead animal to stumble and fall, significantly reducing the number of animals which would have fallen over the cliff. The cliff is approximately 21 m in height which is sufficient for killing the animals upon impact.

Features

The features at site 41 SS 52 consist of a linear rock alignment (Feature 1), rock nng (Feature 2), small linear rock alignment (Feature 3), and an upright slab (Feature 4). Features 1, 2, and 4 are comparable to features found at known bison kill sites; however. Feature 3 has no readily identifiable analog. In its construction and placement. Feature 1 strongly resembles drivelane features at Northern and Central Plains bison kill sites, as well as sites along the periphery of the Plains. For instance. Feature 1 most closely resembles the descriptions of rock alignments and fences at the Five Fingers Jump and the "Y" Jump (Agenbroad 1978b:215) in southwestern Idaho; in particular, the features described as curved, linear walls of rock placed at the end of the drive, before the jump-off. The general descriptions and dimensions of these Idaho features match Feature 1. The perpendicular placement of these features with regard to a cliff is also comparable. Feature 1 could serve the same function as the rock walls at these two sites. The rock alignments were constructed at Five Fingers and "Y" in order to keep the animals away from a traversible "get away" at the termination of the drivelane. Feature 1 at 41 SS 52 would have served this same function by enabling the hunters to keep the bison from escaping across a section of Cedar

103 Hollow which is passable. Rock alignments in the Plains similar to Feature 1 are found at sites dating to the Late Prehistoric Period. For instance Big Goose Creek and Glenrock in Wyoming (Prison 1978); and a number of bison jumps documented in the ethnohistoric literature (Crow 1978).

Another function that Feature 1, including Feature 4 seem to serve is that of protection for hunters. At many Northern and Central Plains bison jump sites, rock cairns near the jump-off afforded hunters protection from the stampeding herd. This is a different function than the rock cairns which formed the driveline. The cairns along the driveline served to herd the animals in the right direction and are said to have been markers for hunters (Prison 1978:230-231); whereas the final cairns were hunter's blinds as described throughout the ethnohistoric literature (Haig 1991; Schaeffer 1978; Crow 1978; and Gilmore 1924). Rock rings, such as Feature 2 are found at bison jump sites as well. Commonly, they are interpreted as being associated with ceremonial activities which have been ethnohistorically documented. The types of features which are considered ceremonial are circular rock rings, isolated post molds, and in one instance a large oval structure. Artifacts presumed to be ceremonial have been found in association with these features. Feature 2 could have served some ceremonial purpose, but artifacts were not found in association to support this. Stone circles recorded at the Glenrock and Ruby Sites were said to have no evidence of fire or habitation items in association (Prison 1978:234) as is the case with Feature 2. Another possible function of Feature 2 is that of a hunters' blind or point of protection for a hunter. As described in the enthnohistoric literature, a hunt leader would entice a herd to follow him to the point of the jump, but at the end of the drivelane, he had to seek protection. Jumping behind rock cairns and walls

104 positioned on the perimeter of the drivelane is documented. I propose that Feature 2, being as large as it is, would have afforded one hunter sufficient protection from a stampeding herd; much as a barrel protects a rodeo clown from a bull.

Feature 3 is clearly the most enigmatic feature at the site. It lends support to the model of a bison jump only on a conjectural level. I propose that Feature 3 functioned to compensate for the stair steps in the exposed bedrock immediately before the point of the alleged jump-off. I believe that the herd leader could have been slowed by the obstacle Feature 3 prevents. Positioned parallel and located approximately 6 meters from the cliff's edge. Feature 3 provides a more level surface which is much more traversible. This would have provided for continuous movement through the drivelane and over the cliff. Although no analogous features have been described from other bison jump sites, the ethnohistoric literature on bison behavior in the jump situation shows that extensive precautions were taken to keep the herd from slowing down or turning out of the stampede away from the jump-off. From this, I believe that it is not unreasonable to conjecture that this is the function of Feature 3.

Grant Hall (personal communication, 1994) feels that Feature 3 resembles a hunters' blind which is found at many bison jump sites. If using the bison jump model for site function, he suggests that Feature 3 could have been used to provide hunters protection at the end of the drivelane. Currently the feature is roughly level with the ground surface; however, it could have originally been a small wall of rock which has fallen down. Although small, linear stone piles are documented to serve this function, their placement is inconsistent with the placement of Feature 3. If the proposed drive path is accurate, the position of Feature 3 would be quite dangerous for a human in the path of a stampeding

105 herd. Hunters sought protection away from the point of the jump-off to the sides of the corridor formed by drivelanes. Feature 3 is perpendicular to the path created by Feature 1, and parallel with the cliff. In addition, documented features which provided hunters protection are always on the perimeters of the drivelane, not directly in the path of a stampeding herd. If Feature 3 served this function, the proposed drivelane would need to be several meters to the west which would negate the necessity of Features 1 and 2. If perhaps the drive path was to the east of Feature 3, the animals would need to have been driven in between Features 2 and 3 which is a 3.5 meter opening, or in between Features 1 and 2 which is a 5 m opening. Both of these possible pathways do not seem to provide adequate space for a large number of animals to pass. In addition. Hall recalls other steps in the bedrock which were not filled in which would have been along the terminal drive path (personal communication, 1999).

Artifact Assemblage

The lack of any historic artifactual recovery is notable. If site features were of historic construction, it is conspicuously lacking any evidence of this. No artifacts diagnostic of post-contact times, such as glass, metal, or varieties of Spanish and other European ceramic types were recovered. The site does, however yield a small number of artifacts associated with the activities of prehistoric inhabitants of the area.

Looking at the bison jump model, artifacts and ecofacts usually associated are chipped stone tools; including projectile points, unifacial and bifacial stone tools, and bison bone beds. The proposed functions of the stone artifacts are for killing and butchering bison. The artifact assemblage recovered from site 41 SS 52 is insufficient to assess the bison jump model of site function. The Pedernales

106 dart point found in TP 2 is a weapon associated with bison hunting techniques in the Central Plains area, but the fact that it was found in a disturbed stratified sequence (above a modern nail) discounts it as supporting data. The chert chipping debris collected from the site does not directly support the model either. The artifacts found within strata accumulated against Feature 1 show lithic manufacture was taking place in and around the site at some point in time; however, it cannot be known with any certainty whether these artifacts were made after the construction of the features and are In situ , or were made either before or after the construction of the features and were deposited colluvially. The only artifact which suggests that lithic manufacture was taking place at the site concurrently with the use of the features, is the retouched flake tool shown in Figure 3.4. The flake tool was found at the level of bedrock, did not migrate postdepositionally, and was located within a few centimeters of Feature 1. It is reasonable to assert that the flake tool which has been resharpened is associated with the features. In addition, the retouch or resharpening of an existing tool would be consistent with activities taking place on a bison jump site. For instance, as bison hunters waited for the approaching herd to be driven to the kill site, sharpening of tools for the upcoming butchering activities would be necessary as well as make use of the waiting time. Bison bone beds are typically documented with known bison jump sites. Site 41 SS 52 does not have a bone bed. I propose, and the geomorphological data support, that any associated intact cultural deposit has been eliminated from the floodplain at the base of the cliff, beneath the site's features. The floodplain appears to have been scoured to bedrock during historic times which is supported by the frequency of disturbance found in test excavations and backhoe trenches. The magnitude and nature of the flooding beneath the site is consistent

107 with this assertion. Although anecdotal, the report that bison bones were found eroding out of upper terraces downstream also supports the model of the bison jump for site function.

The fact that a bison bone bed does not exist at site 41 SS 52 should not rule out a bison jump as the site's function. In fact. Dibble and Lorraine (1968:70) mention that many bison jump sites may not be recxDgnizable in the archaeological record; referring to canyons which have been heavily eroded, erasing all traces of bison bone deposits. In addition, other sites such as those at the Five Fingers Jump complex have been recorded as bison jumps without the identification of a bone bed (Agenbroad 1978b:216). These sites were documented as bison jumps because of the topography and features; the topography and features which site 41 SS 52 possesses.

108 CHAPTER IV

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Many lines of evidence lend support to the assertion that site 41 SS 52 is a prehistoric bison jump. Climatic and paleontological data show that bison herds were present prehistorically in the Central Texas region, and that herds were large enough for mass procurement exploitation. The pedological analysis of sediments which have accumulated up against Feature 1 proves that the site's features are indeed of enough antiquity to be considered prehistoric, perhaps thousands of years old. In addition, the features and topography resemble known bison jump sites on the Great Plains and peripheral areas; for instance the features at 41 SS 52 most closely resemble the features at the Five Fingers Jump (Agenbroad 1978b:215), the Glenrock Site (Prison 1979:234), and several Crow Indian game drives (Crow 1978:249-253). The topography of 41 SS 52 closely matches the topography of known bison jump sites including the Head Smashed In Site (Reeves 1978:153), the Kobold Site (Prison 1978:208), the Big Goose Creek Site (Prison 1978:234), and the Glenrock Site (Prison 1978:231). The artifact assemblage from the site provides evidence for cultural activity taking place prehistorically as well.

To assign a narrow time of use for the features would not only be problematic, but also inappropriate. Given the current evidence, there are two generalized time periods to which the site may date. First, falling within the Late

Prehistoric time period, the site may date to approximately 1200 AD to 1550 AD.

According to Dillehay's model (1974:184-5), the Central Texas area would have had large numbers of herds to exploit during this time (his Presence Period III) due to climatic conditions, supported by the frequency of bison remains found in

109 association with human activity. Huebner's (1990:350) work as well supports Dillehay's model for Presence Period III on the Edward's Plateau. Others, (Creel et al. 1990:55) support Dillehay's assertion that bison herds appear to be more frequent during this time period as evidenced by the abundance of faunal remains of bison in the Central Texas archaeological record. Bison hunting activity is also more visible in the archaeological record during this time as evidenced by tools associated with bison butchering (Creel et al. 1990:55).

In addition to the evidence on the availability of bison herds, the formation of the argillic/Bt horizon is important when considering a time frame for the use of this site. The Presence Period III time frame of 1200 to 1550 AD would be possible within the time necessary for this type of soil horizon to form; although it would require a rather quick formation. A Bt horizon is said to have formed in 350 years in the Lubbock, Texas area and is among the most rapid formations ever recorded (Birkeland 1984:209). With this in mind, the rapid formation of the Bt horizon at 41 SS 52 is possible, but not geologically probable. In light of this, a second time period during the Archaic, within Presence Period II (2500 BC to AD 500) cannot be ruled out. Although jumping activities are less frequent during the Great Plains Archaic, several other considerations make this time plausible. For instance, bison herds are abundant (Presence Period II), and the upland soil mantles would have been depleted making construction of the site's features on top of bedrock possible. The subsequent, xeric periods would have been ideal for aeolian sedimentation to have accumulated up against Feature 1. This earlier date would provide a more standard amount of time for argillic horizon formation, as opposed to the rather exceptional, rapid formation with a later date.

110 Contributions to the Study of Plains Archaeology The lack of an absolute prehistoric date is unfortunate, but it does not discount the site's contribution to the archaeological record of the Southern Plains. If the assertion is made that site 41 SS 52 is in fact a bison jump, several contributions to the study of subsistence strategies on the Plains are added. Although not the southernmost manifestation of bison jumping, the location of a bison jumping site in Central Texas would provide a geographic continuum of jumping activities across the Great Plains. Currently, Bonfire Shelter over 200 miles south of San Saba is the only recorded occurrence of the practice in Southern Plains prehistory. The closest sites of its kind are located in Colorado. The study of site 41 SS 52 as a bison jump would provide further insight into the kinds of features located at such sites. Making research problematic, detailed descriptions of features found at bison jump sites are rare. For example many publications by Prison, an expert regarding bison procurement by Plains populations, include no illustrations, clear photographs, or detailed verbal descriptions for stone features found at the multitude of sites investigated (Prison 1978). Another example of this problem is the publication dealing with the Five Fingers and "Y" Jump Sites (Agenbroad 1978b). Although minimal descriptions and enumeration of features are included in the site description, Agenbroad chose to illustrate only the "overall master plan" for the sites (Agenbroad 1978b:214) excluding any illustrations or pictures of stone features. There is a bias towards analysis of bone beds at bison jump sites, virtually overiooking the significance of construction and placement of features. This study may also shed light upon a bias against sites which do not feature bone beds. Seeing that most bison jump sites are located along river, or tributary canyons, it is highly probable that erosion has destroyed many bone beds,

111 erasing all evidence. If other bison jump sites receive adequate treatment of feature construction and topographic setting, perhaps site function will be more easily identifiable in the archaeological record. Hopefully future researchers will be able to abandon the bone bed bias.

Site 41 SS 52 also would provide new information into the variability of features found at bison jump sites. Feature 3, the small linear rock alignment is the first of its kind to be documented, and Feature 1 is much larger than most features of its type. This study is also notable in that it is among few to use pedological analysis of a sediment accumulation to "date" a feature. Geomorphological data gathering is becoming more common and should be used as a regular part of any archaeological investigation, here it proved quite useful in excluding an historic date of construction when other evidence was not forthcoming.

Suggestions for Future Research Future studies at this site specifically, and in the region generally are certainly warranted. At site 41 SS 52 more absolute age determinations would be useful. An assay of several radiocarbon dates should be obtained to pinpoint a minimum date of construction of the features. Carbon samples from future excavations of the sediment accumulation along Feature 1 would be necessary; however a large sample size is important to avoid the problems presented by a soil sequence in which the components are highly mobile. Also relevant to dating the features, a lichen study might prove useful. Some lichen growth has accumulated on each of the features which could be used for this type of analysis. When attempting to "date" a bison jump, it should be taken under advisement that bison jumps were often used by different generations of hunters

112 with sometimes thousands of years separating jumping episodes. Without a bison bone bed, as is the case at 41 SS 52, knowing when the site was used initially and perhaps subsequently may not be possible.

The lithic scatters observed, but not collected in the surface survey should be studied. Information into the type of stone tool manufacture would be beneficial in confirming site function. For instance if the lithic assemblage showed activities including final bifacial reduction; retouch and resharpening, it would be consistent with activities associated with bison jumps. As hunters stationed near the site's features waited for a herd to be driven toward them, resharpening tools for the butchering process would be expected. In addition to future data collection, the lithic artifact assemblage obtained from this research could be further analyzed for function, as this was not performed. The research potential for the floodplain beneath the site's features has been exhausted. The area has been extensively tested with test pit excavation and backhoe trenching. Each excavation showed modern sedimentation with heavy disturbance and a lack of any intact stratified cultural deposits. Future research should include additional survey of the San Saba Region, and the Central Texas area for sites of this kind. San Saba has had little investigation into its culture history. To obtain an accurate assessment of the practice of bison jumping in the Southern Plains, it needs to be determined how prevalent these types of sites are. If these sites are more prevalent than previously thought, their place in the overall subsistence strategy needs to be reevaluated. If however, they are not frequent, they may be considered a failed experiment. Why this practice was attempted and why it failed would be interesting questions to ask.

113 REFERENCES CITED

Agenbroad, Larry, D. 1978a The Hudson-Meng Site: An Alberta Bison Kill in the Nebraska High Plains. Plains Anthropologist: Bison Procurement and Utilization: Symposium. Memoir14. ^23(82-2):128-131.

1978b Buffalo Jump Complexes in Owyhee County. Idaho. Plains Anthropologist: Bison Procurement and Utilization: A Symposium. Memoir 14. 23(82-2):213-221. pages 213-221.

Archambeau, Ernest, and Jose Ynocencio Romero 1946 Spanish Sheepmen on the Canadian at Old Tascosa. The Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 19:49-63.

Arthur, George W. 1978 A Re-Analysis of the Early Historic Plains Indian Bison Drives. Plains Anthropologist: Bison Procurement and Utilization: A Symposium. Memoir 14. 23(82-2):236-242.

Birkeland, Peter W. 1984 So/7s and Geomorphology. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Brand, Donald D. 1961 The Eariy History of the Range Cattle Industry in Northern Mexico. Agricultural History 35(3): 132-139. Agricultural History Society, University of Illinois.

Bynum, Otto W. 1982 The Soil Survey of San Saba County, Texas. United States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, Washington D.C.

Carison, Paul H. 1982 Texas Woollybacks: The Range Sheep and Goat Industry. Texas A & M University Press, College Station, Texas.

Ciolkosz, Edward J. and William J. Waltman, Nelson C. Thurman, David L. Cremeens, Mark D. Svoboda 1996 Argillic Horizons in Pennsylvania Soils. So/7 Survey Horizons 37:20-44.

114 Creel, Darrell, Robert F. Scott IV, and Michael Collins 1990 A Faunal Record From West Central Texas and its Bearing on Late Holocene Bison Population Changes in the Southern Plains. Plains Anthropologist 35(1):55-69.

Crow, Joe Medicine 1978 Notes on Crow Indian Buffalo Jump Traditions. Plains Anthropologist Bison Procurement and Utilization: A Symposium. Memoir 14. 23(82-2):249-253.

Dibble, David and D. Lorraine 1968 Bonfire Shelter: A Stratified Bison Kill Site In Verde County Texas. A Publication of Texas Memorial Museum, Austin, Texas.

Dillehay, Tom D. 1974 Late Quaternary Bison Population Changes on the Southern Plains. Plains Anthropologist 19(65): 180-196.

Doolittle, William, James Neely, and Michael Pool 1993 A Method for Distinguishing Between Prehistoric and Recent Water and Soil Control Features. Klva 59(1):7-25.

Fagan, Brian M. 1991 Ancient North America: The Archaeology of a Continent. Thames and Hudson Ltd., London.

Faulk, Odie B. 1970 The Comanche Invasion of Texas, 1743-1836. Great Plains Jotyma/9(1): 10-43.

Fehrenbach, T.R. 1974 Comanches: The Destruction of a People. Knopf (Distributed by Random House), New York, New York.

Figgens, Jesse 1927 The Antiquity of Man in America. Natural History 27(3):229-239.

Fischer, John 1978 From the High Plains. Harper and Row Publishers, New York.

Polk, Robert 1980 Petrology of Sedimentary Rocks.

115 Prison, George 1971 The Buffalo Pound in Northwestern Prehistory. American Antiquity 36{^)•.77-9^.

1978 Prehistoric Hunters of the High Plains. Academic Press, New York.

Prison, George, editor 1974 The Casper Site: A Hell Gap Bison Kill on the High Plains. Academic Press, New York.

Prison, George, and Dennis Stanford 1982 The Agate Basin Site: A Record of the Paleolndlan Occupation of the Northwestern Plains. Academic Press. New York.

Fugate, Francis L. 1961 Origins of the Range Cattle Era in South Texas. Agricultural H/s/OAy 35(3): 155-158.

Gilmore, M.R. 1924 Old Assiniboine Buffalo Drive in North Dakota. Indian Notes. Volume 1. Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York, New York.

Graham, Joe S. 1994 El Rancho In South Texas: Continuity and Change from 1750. John E. Conner Museum, Texas A&M University, Kingsville, University of North Texas Press.

Graham, Russell, editor 1987 Late Quartenary Mammalian Blogeography and Environments of The Great Plains and Prairies. Illinois State Museum. Scientific Papers 22:24-45.

Green, L.M. 1970 An Introduction to the Archaeology of the Richland Springs Creek Area, Western San Saba County. Texas. Lower Plains Archaeological Society 1:1-11.

1971 Notes on the Archaeology of the Happy Patch Site, San Saba County, Texas. Bulletin of the Texas Archaeological Society 42:319-333.

116 Green L.M. and Thomas R. Hester 1973 The Finis Frost Site: A Toyah Phase Occupation in San Saba County, Central Texas. Bulletin of the Texas Archaeological Soc/efy 44:69-88.

Haig, Bruce, editor 1991 Peter Fidler's Journal of a Journey Over Land from Buckingham House to the Rocky Mountains. Reprinted in 1991, 100 copies. Historical Research Center, Lethbridge, Alberta.

Hammond, George P., and Agapito Rey 1966 The Rediscover/ of New Mexico 1580-1594: The Explorations of Chamuscado, Espejo, Castano de Sosa, Morlete, and Leyva de Bonllla and Humana. The University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

Hamrick, Alma Ward 1941 Call of the San Saba: A History of San Saba County. The Naylor Company, San Antonio, Texas.

Hassrick, Royal B. 1964 The Sioux, Life and Customs of a Warrior Society. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma.

Haynes, Vance 1969 The Eariiest Americans. Sc/ence 166:709-715.

Haynes, Vance and E. Thomas Hemmings 1968 Mammoth-Bone Shaft Wrench from Murray Springs, Arizona. Sc/ence 159(3811): 186-187.

Hickerson, Nancy Parrott 1994 The Jumanos: Hunters and Traders of the South Plains. University of Austin Press, Austin, Texas.

Hindes, Kay V. and Mark R. Wolf Grant D. Hall, Kathleen Kirk Gilmore 1995 The Rediscovery of Santa Cruz de San Saba, A Mission for the Apache In Spanish Texas. San Saba Regional Survey Report 1. Archaeological Laboratory Texas Tech University. Texas Historical Foundation and Texas Tech University.

Huebner, Jeffery A. 1990 Late Prehistoric Bison Populations in Central and Southern Texas. Plains Anthropologist 36(137):343-358.

117 Hughes, David 1973 Analysis of Certain Prehistoric Bison Kills In the Texas Panhandle and Adjacent Areas. Unpublished Master's Thesis. University of Arkansas, Payetteville.

Johnson, Elmer H. 1931 The Natural Regions of Texas. The University of Texas Bulletin. Number 3113. Bureau of Business Research, Austin, Texas.

Lynott, Mark L. 1979 Prehistoric Bison Populations of North-Central Texas. Bullentin of the Texas Archaeological Society 50:89-101.

Mandelbaum, D. 1940 The Plains Cree. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 37:155-316. New York, New York.

Matthews, John A. 1993 Radiocarbon dating of arctic-alpine paleosols and the reconstruction of Holocene paleoenvironmental change. In Climatic Change and Human Impact on the Landscape: Studies In paleoecology and environmental archaeology, edited by F.M. Chambers, pp. 82-96. Chapman & Hall, London.

Mayer, Frank and Charles Roth 1958 The Buffalo Harvest. Sage Books, Denver, Colorado.

Myres, Sandra L. 1969 The Ranch In Spanish Texas 1691-1800. Texas Western Press, University of Texas at El Paso.

Natural Fibers Information Center, The University of Texas at Austin 1987 The Climates of Texas Counties. Office of the State Climatologist, Texas A&M University.

Prewitt, Elton R. 1981 Cultural Chronology in Central Texas. Bulletin of the Texas Archaeological Society 52:65-89.

1983 From Circleville to Toyah: Comments on Central Texas Chronology. Bulletin of the Texas Archaeological Society 54:201-238.

118 Reeves, Brian O.K. 1978 Head Smashed ln:5500 Years of Bison Jumping in the Alberta Plains. Plains Anthropologist: Bison Procurement and Utilization: A Symposium Memoir ^4. 23(82-2): 151-174.

Roemer, Ferdinand 1935 [1847] Texas with Particular Reference to German Immigration and the Physical Apperance of the Country. Translated by Oswald Mueller. Standard Printing Company, San Antonio, Texas.

Sandor, J.A. and P.L. Gersper, and J.W. Hawley 1990 Prehistoric agricultural terraces and soils in the Mimbres area. New Mexico. World Archaeology Soils and Early Agriculture 22(1 ):70-86.

Schaeffer, Claude E. 1978 The Bison Drive of the Blackfeet Indians. Plains Anthropologist: Bison Procurement and Utilization: A Symposium. Memoir 14 22(82-2):243-248.

Schroeder. E.E., B.C. Massey, and K.M. Waddell 1979 The Floods of Central Texas: August 1978. Open File Report #79-682. U.S. Geological Survey.

Sloan, James Allen 1959 House of Sloan. Unpublished manuscript. Copy on file at Archaeological Laboratory, Texas Tech University.

Speer, Roberta 1978 Bison Remains From the Rex Rodgers Site. Plains Anthropologist: Bison Procurement and Utilization: A Symposium. Memoir 14. 23(82-2): 113-127.

Stanford, Dennis J. 1974 Preliminary report of the excavation of the Jones-Miller Hell Gap site, Yuma County, Colorado. Southwestern Lore 40(3-4):29-36.

1975 The 1975 excavations at the Jones-Miller site, Yuma County, Colorado. Southwestern Lore 41 (4):34-38.

Toomey III, Rickard, Michael D. Blum, and Salvatore Valastro Jr. 1993 Late Quarternary Climates and Environments of the Edwards Plateau, Texas. Global and Planetary Change 7:299-320.

119 Wedel, Waldo 1986 Central Plains Prehistory: Holocene Environments and Cultural Change In the Republican River Basin. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, Nebraska.

Wheat, Joe Ben 1978 Olsen-Chubbock and Jurgens Sites: Four Aspects of Paleo-lndian Bison Economy. Plains Anthropologist: Bison Procurement and Utilization: A Symposium. Memoir 14. 23(82-2):84-89.

Wolman, G.M. and J.P. Miller 1960 Magnitude and Frequency of Forces in Geomorphic Processes. Journal of Geology 68:54-74.

Woosley, Anne I. 1980 Agricultural Diversity in the Prehistoric Southwest. Klva 45:317-335.

120 PERMISSION TO COPY

In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a master's degree at Texas Tech University or Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, I agree that the Library and my major department shall make it freely available for research purposes. Permission to copy this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Director of the Library or my major professor. It is understood that any copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my further written permission and that any user may be liable for copyright infringement.

Agree (Permission is granted.)

ident's Signatu Date

Disagree (Permission is not granted.)

Student's Signature Date