The Invisible Industry Vs. the Game Wonder

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The Invisible Industry vs. The Game Wonder

A comparative study of the Norwegian and Swedish media coverage of the international and national video game industries

Anders Wiig Letnes

Master´s Thesis in Media Studies

Department of Media and Communication University of Oslo

June 15, 2020

II The Invisible Industry vs. The Game Wonder

A comparative study of the Norwegian and Swedish media coverage of the international and national video game industries

Anders Wiig Letnes

Master´s Thesis in Media Studies

Department of Media and Communication University of Oslo

June 15, 2020

III

2020

The Invisible Industry vs. The Game Wonder: A comparative study of the Norwegian and Swedish media coverage of the international and national video game industries

Anders Wiig Letnes http://www.duo.uio.no

IV Abstract

This thesis studies the differences in the Norwegian and Swedish media coverage of the international and national video game industries, and the possible consequences of said differences. It does so by using a theoretical framework mainly consisting of discourse theory, agenda-setting theory and framing, and by using the methods of content analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA). There were two key findings. First, the Norwegian video game industry is invisible, but “the Swedish game wonder”, which the Swedish industry is called, is not. This could make the Norwegian industry less important for the public, politicians and investors. Second, the Norwegian media tries to bust myths about the industry, games and players, while the Swedish media keeps the myth of the game wonder alive. This difference in coverage was influenced by the financial crisis, which changed the Norwegian coverage entirely, but did not alter the Swedish coverage as much. In general, the Swedish coverage is more positive and balanced than the Norwegian coverage, while the Norwegian coverage is more negative and sensationalist. This could lead to both little knowledge and to false knowledge about the video game industry, Norway´s biggest cultural export, which could both affect its potential future success, and the understanding of the industry, games, gaming and players in the public. Therefore, the infrequent and unbalanced coverage should be changed and improved.

V Foreword

It started with a mix of jealousy and fascination. Norway and Sweden are neighbors, have a shared culture and history, a similar language, political system, economy and media system. Yet, for some reason I could not fathom at the time, the Swedish video game industry was much more successful than the one of Norway, my home country. You could say, then, that this thesis was born out of a sense of broken national pride. Still, I would say it was more fascination than jealousy. So similar, yet so different – why? As an avid gamer I know that Norwegian developers produce great games – I have played them! – so why are they not as successful as Swedish titles? And why do the media ignore them? Frustration was also a key ingredient. Film, TV-series, literature and music are frequently featured in the Norwegian media, but video games? It is rare. And this, it turns out, is very strange, given the fact that video games are Norway´s biggest cultural export – bigger than literature and film combined. Where is the media coverage on this export? Such questions and observations led me to pursue this topic further, and – through jealousy and frustration, but mostly fascination – this thesis is the product of my pursuit. I have had a great time writing about a topic I care about, but it was hard work. It would not have been possible without my excellent supervisor Joakim Johansen Østby (Spring 2019-Spring 2020). His patience, feedback and encouragement has been vital, and has made it easier to know what works and what needs more work. I am still amazed at how he saw something in my project description two years ago, and how he has helped me step by step towards what the thesis is today. It has undergone many changes, and sure looks quite different from the outline I handed in during the fall of 2018. He has always given me just the right amount of feedback, so I never felt overwhelmed, but also given me enough to work on for the next supervision meeting. This balance between feedback and encouragement has helped me keep my motivation up all the way. Thank you very much! I also want to thank my fiancé Liv Roli Andersen from the bottom of my heart for her infinite patience, understanding and encouragement – not only in this, but in everything. She has let me focus on the thesis when I needed to, and she has helped me take my mind off of it afterwards. Talking to her about the thesis has also helped me keep all the concepts in order. Hopefully, these findings will find their way to a newsroom, where they might serve as eye-openers, or even warnings, to journalists, editors and media owners. Ignore them at your own peril.

VI Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Topic & research questions ...... 1 1.1.1 Topic ...... 1 1.1.2 Research questions ...... 4 1.2 Theoretical framework & methodology ...... 5 1.2.1 Theoretical framework ...... 5 1.2.2 Methodology: Research, data, analysis ...... 5 1.3 Reader instructions ...... 6 1.4 A note on translations ...... 7

Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework ...... 8 2.1 The Video Game Industry, media coverage and cultural journalism ...... 8 2.1.1 The Video Game Industry: Casual or hardcore? ...... 8 2.1.2 The Norwegian and Swedish Video Game Industry ...... 12 2.1.3 Media coverage and cultural journalism ...... 14 2.2 Discourse ...... 16 2.2.1 Discourse and CDA ...... 16 2.3 Media Effects: Agenda Setting Theory and Framing ...... 17 2.3.1 Media Effects ...... 17 2.3.2 Agenda-setting theory ...... 18 2.3.3 Framing or attribute agenda-setting? ...... 19 2.3.4 Framing ...... 19 2.4 Frames and discourses ...... 20 2.4.1 Theory, research and literature as sources for frames and discourses ...... 20 2.4.2 Frames: utopian & dystopian / opportunity & threat ...... 20 2.4.3 Gaming discourse and legitimation ...... 22 2.4.4 Infinite expansion & casual revolution vs. subculture & the return of the hardcore ...... 23 2.4.5 Media panic ...... 25 2.5 Conclusion & summary ...... 25

Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 27 3.1 Content Analysis ...... 28 3.1.1 Why content analysis? ...... 28 3.1.2 What is content analysis? ...... 28 3.1.3 Sources ...... 29 3.1.4 Search terms ...... 30 3.1.5 Timeframe ...... 31 3.1.6 Criteria ...... 32 3.1.7 Frames: emphasis framing vs. equivalence framing ...... 35 3.1.10 Other variables and coding ...... 39 3.2 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) ...... 39 3.2.1 What is CDA? ...... 39 3.2.2 How CDA will be used in this thesis ...... 44 3.2.3 Combining framing and CDA ...... 45 3.3 Summary ...... 46

Chapter 4: Content Analysis ...... 47 4.1 Results ...... 47 4.1.1 Frequency and framing ...... 47 4.1.2 Differences in framing in Norwegian and Swedish coverage ...... 49

VII 4.1.3 National industries, spokespersons, and how the national industries are framed ...... 50 4.1.4 Change in frame type over time ...... 53 4.2 Editorial processes ...... 54 4.2.1 Frequency ...... 54 4.2.2 Framing ...... 55 4.2.3 Spokespeople and national industry, international or both ...... 56 4.3 From content analysis to CDA ...... 57 4.3.1 Major events in 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2018 ...... 57 4.4 Discussion, summary and conclusions ...... 59 4.4.1 Discussion ...... 59 4.4.2 Conclusions from the content analysis ...... 61

Chapter 5: Critical Discourse Analysis ...... 63 5.1 The articles ...... 63 5.2 2004: Myth, legitimation and war ...... 65 5.2.1 2004: Themes ...... 65 5.2.2 Theme a) The Gamer-Myth ...... 65 5.2.3 Theme b) Legitimation through comparisons to other industries ...... 67 5.2.4 Theme c) Industry is war ...... 68 5.2.5 Theme d) Other ...... 69 5.2.6 2004: Summary of discourse practice ...... 69 5.2.7 2004: Sociocultural practice ...... 69 5.3 2009: Financial crisis ...... 71 5.3.1 2009: Themes ...... 71 5.3.2 Theme a) “The Economy is bad, but the Industry prevails” ...... 71 5.3.3 Theme b) “The Economy is bad, and the Industry suffers” ...... 73 5.3.4 Theme c) Other ...... 75 5.3.5 2009: Summary of discourse practice ...... 75 5.3.6 2009: Sociocultural practice ...... 76 5.4 2014: Gamergate ...... 77 5.4.1 2014: Themes ...... 77 5.4.2 Theme a) Gamergate and inequality ...... 77 5.4.3 Theme b) National industry ...... 81 5.4.4 Theme c) Other ...... 82 5.4.5 2014: Summary of discourse practice ...... 82 5.4.6 2014: Sociocultural practice ...... 82 5.5 2018: #MeToo & “the Game Wonder”, E-sport & “loot boxes” ...... 86 5.5.1 2018: Themes ...... 86 5.5.2 Theme a) “Loot boxes” ...... 86 5.5.3 Theme b) E-sport ...... 88 5.5.5 Theme d) #MeToo ...... 93 5.5.6 2018: Summary of discourse practice ...... 95 5.5.7 2018: Sociocultural practice ...... 95 5.6 Discussion, conclusion, summary ...... 95 5.6.1 Discussion ...... 95 5.6.2 Summary & conclusion ...... 96

Chapter 6: Conclusions & summary ...... 98 6.1 Topic, research questions, theoretical framework and methodology ...... 98 6.1.1 Topic and research questions ...... 98 6.1.2 Theoretical framework: The Industry, why it is not covered, and its consequences ...... 99 6.1.3 Methodology: Content analysis and CDA ...... 99 6.2 Discussion of findings ...... 101 6.2.1 Frequency of media coverage ...... 101

VIII 6.2.2 Type of media coverage, differences and their consequences ...... 103 6.3 Conclusion ...... 105 6.4 Future research ...... 106 6.5 The future of video game coverage ...... 106

References ...... 107 1) Books & book chapters ...... 107 2) Scientific articles ...... 108 3) Reports & white papers ...... 110 4) Newspapers & websites ...... 111

Appendix ...... 113 1) Variables in the content analysis ...... 113 2) Coding frame (did not include V12-V14 as they do not apply to every year) ...... 114 3) More examples of articles that were excluded or included ...... 131 4) NRK-articles from 2009 that was not available in ATEKST ...... 132

Figures Figure 1: Bar chart showing articles using terms meaning “the game industry”……………. 31

Tables Table 1: The top 10 free-to-play games by revenue (SuperData, 2020, p. 12) ...... 12 Table 2: The opportunity frame and the risk frame ...... 38 Table 3: Frame types ...... 38 Table 4: Number of articles per year per country ...... 47 Table 5: Was the industry the main topic of the article? If not, was it about video games? Did it include an explicit and/or implicit characterization? ...... 47 Table 6: Main topic and explicit/implicit characterization separated by country ...... 48 Table 7: Framing ...... 48 Table 8: Framing in percentages by year ...... 48 Table 9: Opportunity and risk framing in total by country ...... 49 Table 10: Framing over time ...... 49 Table 11: Which industry is covered? ...... 50 Table 12: Coverage of the national, international or both industries over time ...... 50 Table 13: Framing of the national industry by country ...... 52 Table 14: Framing of the national industry by country over time ...... 53 Table 15: Frame type over time ...... 53 Table 16: The frame types of economy and industry over time ...... 54 Table 17: Number of articles per source ...... 54 Table 18: Number of articles per source over time ...... 55 Table 19: Framing by source ...... 55 Table 20: Framing by source over time ...... 56 Table 21: Articles featuring a comment from a spokesperson ...... 56

IX Table 22: Coverage of the national, international and both industries by source ...... 57 Table 23: Major events per year ...... 58 Table 24: Framing in the spring coding session ...... 60 Table 25: The 48 articles analyzed in CDA ...... 64 Table 26: The articles from 2004 ...... 65 Table 27: The articles from 2009 ...... 71 Table 28: The articles from 2014 ...... 77 Table 29: The articles from 2018 ...... 86

X Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1 Topic & research questions

1.1.1 Topic For years, I have noticed that the Norwegian press rarely covers the video game industry, and when they do, the coverage tends to be unbalanced. Most of the articles are sensationalist or negative, and games/players are depicted as either strange or dangerous. After working with this thesis, this has only become more obvious. When most news was about Covid-19, the lead paragraph of an NRK-article on video games read: “Opinion: Stay inside. Have as little close contact with others as possible. Use the internet as community. Suddenly, the computer nerd is the ideal for how we should behave in society” (Oldeide, 2020). The journalist says that he is an “enthusiastic gamer”, but I still think it illustrates what type of coverage gets prioritized. As an enthusiastic gamer myself, I am tired of such coverage, and in this thesis, I want to illustrate how the video game industry is portrayed. Not to singlehandedly change the coverage, but to at least show the media, researchers and the public what it looks like. I have played games most my life, and my main academic interest in media studies is media effects. My thesis encompasses both, as I am interested in the consequences of the coverage. I have also observed that film, TV-series and music are covered frequently, despite the fact that video games have actually become Norway´s biggest cultural export – bigger than literature and film combined. One third of the Norwegian population plays video games daily (Kulturdepartementet, 2019, p. 15). There is thus a huge discrepancy between reality and the reality presented by the media, and I wanted to study this discrepancy and its consequences. A comparative study can show if this discrepancy is characteristic of Norway, or if it is similar elsewhere. Comparing Norway and Sweden is useful because they are often seen as similar – culturally, economically, but, more importantly, also in terms of their national media markets. Yet, their national video game industries are different in size and success. While video games are Norway´s biggest cultural export, Sweden has produced some of the most successful games of all time, for example Minecraft and Candy Crush Saga. Sweden has historically been more of an authority on video games than Norway. For instance, the Swedish company Bergsala AB has been the main importer of Nintendo in

1 Scandinavia, and has daughter companies in Norway, Denmark and Finland. Moreover, Sweden has always a bigger IT industry than Norway. According to Oslo Economics (2018), a Norwegian analytics firm, the Swedish video game industry´s growth correlates with how the IT industry developed. Platforms that made game development possible were established as the technology developed further, and at the same time the video game culture grew and got more accepted (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 53). One could argue, then, that a video game culture was established at an earlier time in Sweden than in Norway, and that it grew faster. Such circumstances have also affected the size of the industry today. Sweden is still an authority compared to Norway, not only when it comes to the size of the industry, and the success of its titles (like Minecraft), but also because Norwegian developers go to Sweden to get private funding for their projects. Jon Cato Lorentzen, a former Norwegian video game journalist, now CEO of the Norwegian developer Krillbite Studio, has said: “If a Norwegian Minecraft or Fortnite is published, then Swedes will be reaping the success. This is because Norwegian investors are unsure about what games are”1 (Letnes, 2020b). In other words, Sweden has been, and still is, ahead of Norway here. The Swedish video game industry is referred to as “the Swedish game wonder” by the Swedish media – a moniker that seems earned. Would a nation with a similar media system, but a different video game industry, have a similar or different coverage of the industry? The Norwegian video game industry is smaller, and there is little previous research on it, especially its depiction in the media. Kristine Jørgensen, a Norwegian video game scholar, is among the few who has studied it, and her work2 is vital for anyone wanting to understand its structure. Jørgensen has suggested policy changes, but they are mostly economic, like increasing public funding, and redirecting it towards publishing (2009, pp. 333-335). In 2018, Oslo Economics published the report “Den norske spillbransjen” (“The Norwegian video game industry”), on behalf of the Ministry of Culture. It looks at strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats to the Norwegian video game industry. Many of them are economic in nature. However, one major weakness is that the industry has low visibility, both in Norway and internationally, and one opportunity is to increase visibility, especially in Norway, but also abroad. Investors know little about the industry, and the industry gets little attention in the media, in both economy and culture sections. In its final section, the report recommends that the industry should be more “proactive”. In fact, it says there are tendencies

1 Original: “Hvis det kommer et norsk Minecraft eller Fortnite eller noe sånt, så vil det være svensker som sitter og høster inn suksessen av det. Det skyldes at norske investorer er usikre på hva spill er” 2 For instance, Jørgensen (2009) and Jørgensen (2013).

2 within it to not take the visibility issue seriously. Oslo Economics thus recommends a joint effort to increase visibility and build networks, and it adds that the government could help here (2018, p. 59-62). In sum, the Norwegian video game industry is invisible in the media, invisible abroad, invisible to investors and invisible to politicians. Yet, Oslo Economics does not study visibility itself, for instance media coverage. The policy documents which the report laid the groundwork for – the 2018 white paper Meld. St. 8 (2018-2019) Kulturens kraft. Kulturpolitikk for framtida3 and the 2019 strategy Spillerom – Dataspillstrategi 2020-20224 – made important changes, but they are not about visibility and media coverage either. In other words, scholars, reports and white papers have to varying degrees neglected the importance of media coverage on the video game industry. Not only an academic research gap, then, but also a lack of knowledge among politicians making video game policies. This missing piece of information is important to our understanding of the industry, and its public discussion. This is thus an important topic of research, and one goal here is to mend the gap. Many people have decried the media coverage. In 2019, the Norwegian game My Child Lebensborn won a BAFTA. Martin Bergesen, a Norwegian video game journalist and author, said in a blogpost that the game was only covered in Norwegian media after it won. Yet, he argues, as a game about the children of German soldiers and Norwegian women during WWII, cultural journalists could easily have written about it. In fact, international media like Der Spiegel and The Guardian did so, even before it had won (Bergesen, 2019). Norwegian journalists talk about video game coverage in two interviews with PRESSET., a magazine run by students at the University of Oslo5. Rune Fjeld Olsen, former VG-journalist, agrees with Oslo Economics´ claim that video games are not visible enough in the Norwegian media: “Yes, undoubtedly. All the big Norwegian media had good video game coverage before, but they do not anymore. So, what is covered now is mostly phenomena based” (Letnes, 2020a). Lorentzen says that when the media covers video games, “it is «screen time», «conflict» […], it is «millionaire through playing Fortnite»” (Letnes, 2020b). Their comments about the type of coverage matches my own experience. Studying this infrequent and unbalanced coverage is important for multiple reasons. As explained above, there is a research and knowledge gap related to the media coverage of the video game industry, which must be mended. Moreover, as my theoretical framework will

3 The power of culture. Cultural policies for the future. 4 Computer games strategy 2020-2022. The term “spillerom” is similar to “elbowroom”, but is a play in words, and directly translates to “room to play” or “gaming room”. 5 I am the Culture Editor of PRESSET., and I have written the interviews referred to. They were not conducted as a part of this thesis, but share its topic, which is interesting from a journalistic perspective as well.

3 make clear, such infrequent and unbalanced coverage can have many negative consequences. According to agenda-setting theory, infrequent coverage could make the video game industry seem unimportant to the public (Carroll & McCombs, 2003, p. 36-37). In both discourse theory and framing theory, the way people talk about something, and the way the media frames something, can influence our understanding of it (Entman, 1993, p. 52; Foucault, 1972, p. 49). Unbalanced coverage could lead to wrong perceptions of the industry. It could even influence investor interest and political interest, as well as the understanding of video games in the public and among players. Despite Oslo Economics´ recommendations, then, more visibility might not be positive in itself, if the industry is portrayed in a negative way.

1.1.2 Research questions Based on the above, I want to study and compare the Norwegian and Swedish media coverage of the international and national video game industries. I want to do this in order to mend the research gap, to find out if the Norwegian coverage really is as infrequent and unbalanced as claimed, and if the Norwegian industry is indeed invisible. I am comparing this to the Swedish coverage to find out if a nation with a similar media system, but a different video game industry, has a similar or different media coverage. As infrequent and unbalanced coverage could have multiple negative consequences, it is important to study these. The findings might serve as advice, inspiration and warnings, which might help change and improve coverage, which might in turn mitigate the consequences. I have thus two research questions for this thesis: 1. How often and in what ways are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media? 2. What differences are there in the media coverage, and what are their possible consequences?

In order to answer them, I am studying the media coverage of the video game industry in three Norwegian news sources (Aftenposten, VG, NRK) and three Swedish news sources (Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, SVT). I study articles from the years 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2018, both quantitively and qualitatively. After presenting the topic and research questions, I will briefly introduce my theoretical framework and methodology, as well as provide reading instructions for the rest of the thesis.

4 1.2 Theoretical framework & methodology

1.2.1 Theoretical framework My theoretical framework will be thoroughly described in Chapter 2. I am writing in the field of media studies, which has always used theories and methods from both the humanities and social sciences. I am working with the media effects theories of agenda-setting and framing, but I am also drawing on discourse theory, which comes from linguistics. My framework will first describe the industry, then how the media is covering this industry, and then describe the theories which can be used to discuss the consequences of this coverage. Firstly, I will describe the video game industry, both the international and national ones. This will establish what the media is covering when covering these industries, as well as differences between the Norwegian and Swedish industry. I will then discuss how the media covers these industries, and the type of journalism which usually does – cultural journalism. Secondly, I will be drawing on discourse as a theoretical concept. A discourse is “a representation of some area of social life from a particular perspective” (Fairclough, 2010, p. 289). Discourses are “practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak” (Foucault, 1972, p. 49). Media discourse on the industry will also form perceptions of it. Thirdly, I will be drawing on agenda-setting theory. Its main argument is that the prominence (or “salience”) of elements in the news becomes prominent in the public as well. Formal aspects and frequency communicate salience, and these are used by the public to decide which objects are the most important (Carroll & McCombs, 2003, p. 36-37). Thus, infrequent media coverage on the industry makes it seem unimportant to the public. Fourthly, I will be drawing on framing theory. According to Robert Entman (1993), framing involves making “some aspects of a perceived reality […] more salient” in a text, which then promotes “a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described” (1993, p. 52). In other words, framing involves highlighting some aspect of reality, in order to influence our understanding of something. An article highlighting either positive or negative aspects of the video game industry could influence our understanding of it in a positive or negative way.

1.2.2 Methodology: Research, data, analysis In this thesis, I will conduct both a content analysis and a critical discourse analysis. I will thus be studying articles about the video game industry both quantitatively and qualitatively.

5 According to John E. Richardson, a quantitative analysis can summarize “what newspapers write”, while CDA can analyze “how” (2007, p. 20). Such an approach, then, will enable me to answer both parts of my first research question: How often and in what ways are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media? In the content analysis, I will analyze data generated through coding a set of variables related to each article. For instance, one important variable is how the article frames the video game industry. In CDA, the data I will analyze will be the language of a set of articles. These will be selected through the content analysis. More on this selection in Chapter 3.

1.3 Reader instructions

After this brief introduction, the thesis will proceed as follows. Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework. In this chapter, I will describe and discuss the theories introduced above. As above, emphasis will be placed upon the relation between coverage and consequences. Differences and similarities between the theories and the theoretical concepts will be discussed. This is important, as for instance frames and discourses are often defined quite similarly, yet refer to different, albeit related, concepts. I will also establish which frames I want to study, and which discourses I expect to find in CDA. Chapter 3: Methodology. In this chapter, I will describe and discuss the methods introduced above. Emphasis will be placed on how I will conduct the content analysis, the version of CDA I want to use, and the connection between the two methods. Chapter 4: Content Analysis. In this chapter, I will present the results of the content analysis. I will analyze data coded from 500 articles, from four years (2004, 2009, 2014, 2018), and from six different sources (four newspapers, two public broadcaster websites) – three from Norway (Aftenposten, VG, NRK), and three from Sweden (Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, SVT). Findings will help me answer the research questions. The results will also be used in the CDA, and they will also help me select the articles for CDA. Chapter 5: Critical Discourse Analysis. In this chapter, I will analyze a total of 48 articles from the four years mentioned above. Each year will have its own section where Norwegian and Swedish articles will be analyzed together and compared. Each year will be divided in relevant themes, each with its own subsection. Analysis of textual features and discourse practices will be conducted simultaneously, and at the end of each year I will analyze social practices. Finally, in the last section, I will summarize the findings.

6 Chapter 6: Conclusions & Summary. In this chapter, findings from the thesis as a whole will be summarized and discussed. I will answer the research questions, and draw conclusions. Finally, I will point out directions for further research, and look at the future of media coverage on the video game industry. References. An alphabetical list of literature drawn upon in this thesis. The list is in four parts according to literature type: 1) Book & book chapters, 2) Scientific articles, 3) Reports & white papers and 4) Newspapers & websites. Appendix. In this final section, I will include an overview of the variables from the content analysis, my coding frame and more examples of articles that I either included or excluded in my sample – and my arguments for doing so.

1.4 A note on translations

Some places, translations will be provided for Norwegian and Swedish words and sentences, both from the literature I am drawing on and from the newspapers articles that I am analyzing. All translations were made by me. Some translations are supplemented with a footnote of the original quote in either Norwegian or Swedish. This was done in two cases: 1) When the quote contained Norwegian or Swedish words or concepts that were difficult to translate, or when multiple translations with different meanings were applicable. 2) When the quote included a strong statement, argument or claim, where it was important to maintain both its translated and original version, in case my readers want to read the original quote.

7 Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework

In the following chapter, I will present the theoretical framework of this thesis. It consists of a description and discussion of the video game industry, cultural journalism, discourse as a theoretical term, of agenda-setting theory, framing theory and literature on what frames and discourses other researchers have found in similar research. My framework will first describe the industry, then how the media is covering this industry, and then describe theories which can be used to discuss the consequences of this coverage.

2.1 The Video Game Industry, media coverage and cultural journalism

2.1.1 The Video Game Industry: Casual or hardcore? In this section, I will describe the video game industry, both the international and national ones. This will establish what the media is covering when covering these industries, as well as differences between the Norwegian and Swedish industries. I will then discuss how the media covers these industries, and the type of journalism which usually does – cultural journalism. The international video game industry has been growing steadily since its birth in the 1980s, and it has surpassed both the music and movie industry in revenue (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 15). The participants in the industry are “developers, publishers, distributors, retailers, customers, consumers, IP-owners, platform owners and hardware owners” (Zackariasson & Wilson, 2012, p. 3). Developers and publishers are the most important actors in the value chain (Kerr in Jørgensen, 2009, p. 319). Developers often lack the funds to develop and promote their games, and publishers thus have a crucial role in “bringing games to consumers”. The most successful ones are North American and Japanese (Zackariasson & Wilson, 2012, p. 3). The biggest console manufacturers are from the US (Microsoft) and Japan (Nintendo, Sony). Both these facts make the US and Japan powerful actors in the international video game industry. However, China is becoming an important actor. In 2016, the Chinese video game market was the biggest, and the Chinese company Tencent had the largest video game revenue of all public game companies (Newzoo, 2016). When the media is covering the international industry, then, it is often the American, Japanese or Chinese one. I will now discuss what games make the most revenue. People playing lucrative games must be an important target group for the industry, which it will try to reach via marketing, game design and communication. Like media coverage, this is a way of communicating with

8 the public. The rest of the section will thus try to establish who the industry is communicating with, and what industry the media is covering, as well as which games and which players. To find the most profitable target group, one can split the industry into segments. The entire industry had a revenue of 109 billion dollars in 2017. Differentiating in terms of which platform the game is for, gives the following pattern: smart phones (32 %), tablets (10 %), console (31 %), PC (23 %), browser (4 %) (Newzoo in Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 15). The mobile market, then, is the biggest single market within the industry. Differentiating between the segments of “hardcore” and “casual” games and gamers is also common. The concept of casual “became popular around the year 2000” as a contrast to “more traditional” games and gamers, now called “hardcore” (Juul, 2010, p. 8). In his book A casual revolution (2010), video game scholar Jesper Juul argues that the titular “casual revolution” is “a breakthrough moment” in video game history, where “[v]ideo games are being reinvented, and so is our image of those who play the games” (2010, p. 2). For Juul, this change is the result of an increase in so-called casual games, which are “easy to learn to play, fit well with a large number of players and work in many different situations” (2010, p. 5). Hardcore games, on the other hand, are more complex and requires the gamer to invest more time in order to have a meaningful experience: “a casual game is sufficiently flexible to be played with a hardcore time commitment, but a hardcore game is too inflexible to be played with a casual time commitment” (Juul, 2010, p. 8-10). Juul argues that early video games, like arcade games of the 1980s (Pac-Man, Tetris), were “made for a general audience because there was no separate audience of game experts at the time”. After that, video games “developed a large set of conventions, [grew] a specialized audience of fans … and alienated many players” (2010, p. 2). Now, he argues, the industry is targeting a different audience. A manager in publisher Electronic Arts said of the change: “I was surprised by how wired we were to a particular target audience of 18–34-year-old guys. It was a challenge to change the rule book of designing games for fraternity brothers” (Ryan in Juul, 2010, p. 7). In sum, casual games are becoming more popular than hardcore games, and casual gamers are now the industry´s target audience. Mikolaj Dymek (2012) argues against Juul, saying that despite its global and seemingly mainstream success, “the video game industry is a subcultural industry that produces subcultural content for a subcultural audience with a subcultural industry logic” (2012, p. 36). According to Dymek, the industry still caters to hardcore gamers, and in doing so, it alienates “the majority of society”, for instance women (2012, pp. 44-45).

9 Three of his arguments are important to this thesis. The subcultural industry-argument already mentioned is the first one. Dymek draws on different definitions of “subculture”, and for instance sees it as a minority “differentiated from the majority culture” (Dymek, 2012, p. 36-37). Dymek´s second important argument, is that the way the video game industry works, and the way games are produced and marketed, contributes to a “subculturalization of an increasingly esoteric subculture of hardcore gamers” (2012, pp. 41-44). Dymek´s third important argument, which is arguably a direct response to Juul, is that if video games are to become “a truly universal majority mass-culture medium”, the hardcore subculture must evolve. “If, and when” that happens – Dymek is positive that it will – we might see “the revolutionary potential” of video games (2012, p. 53). In sum, Juul argues that the industry has changed, while Dymek claims that “the expansion of the medium is impeded by subcultural mechanisms” (2012, p. 50). Juul discusses two trends in casual gaming. One is “mimetic interfaces” where player activity mimics the activity on the screen, making them easy to understand. Examples are Nintendo Wii games, where players hold the WiiMote6 and for instance move their arms to mimic golf. Another is “downloadable casual games” that are “purchased online, can be played in short time bursts, and generally do not require an intimate knowledge of video game history” (Juul, 2010, p. 5). Dymek agrees that smartphones, with their touchscreens (“mimetic interfaces”) and app marketplaces (“downloadable casual games”), indeed have led to a massive growth in players. Yet, he neither believes that this a “reinterpretation” of video games, or that the industry has left the hardcore subculture behind. He argues that while mobile games are dominated by the genres of puzzle and platform, three-dimensional games are still mostly hardcore genres like FPS and action. Dymek also argues that the revenues generated by typical hardcore gamers are still larger than that of casual gamers (2012, p. 52-54). Juul and Dymek expressed their opposing views in 2010 and 2012, respectively. The articles I am analyzing in this thesis are from the years of 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2018. Juul´s casual revolution is between 2000 and 2010, and smartphones (the first iPhone came in 2007) and Nintendo Wii (released in 2006) contributed to this revolution. One could thus argue that the industry was more hardcore than casual in 2004, then became more casual in 2009, and if the development has continued, more casual than hardcore in 2014 and 2018 too. I argue that both Juul´s and Dymek´s arguments have merit. Drawing on statistics, for example from the Entertainment Software Association (ESA), Juul claims that playing “video

6 The motion controller for Nintendo Wii. It tracks motions, and can be pointed at the screen like a cursor.

10 games has become the norm” [his emphasis] (2010, p. 8). Moreover, “[s]imple casual games are more popular than complex hardcore games” (Gartenberg in Juul, 2010, p. 8). Juul wrote the book in 2010, but the ESA´s report from 2019 still shows that 65 % of adult Americans play video games. There are not more (American) players than ten years ago, then, but one could still say that playing is the norm. According to ESA, casual is the most popular genre, but it is unclear on what the percentages mean: “71 % Casual”, “53 % Action” and “47 % Shooters” (2019, p. 6). It cannot mean that 71 % of all games played are casual, as the other two genres make up more than 29 %. It could mean that 71 % of all players play casual games, and that 53 % of all players play action games, i.e. that players play more genres than one. Thus, casual is the most popular, with action and shooters quite close. The same report includes a list of the best-selling games of 2018. Of these 20 titles, only four could be considered casual: Minecraft, Mario Kart 8, Rocket League and Super Mario Odyssey. After many updates, Minecraft has become increasingly complicated, and I am not sure if it could be considered casual anymore. The hardcore game Call of Duty: Black Ops 4 tops the list (Entertainment Software Association, 2019, p. 20). These numbers back up Dymek´s claim that hardcore gamers are still a valuable group. Better graphics have traditionally been a way to sell new consoles, and Juul uses the Nintendo Wii as an example of how this “is beginning to be outshone […] by more casual experiences aimed at more casual players” (2010, p. 16). Wii won the last console war7 by out-selling competitors Playstation 3 and Xbox 360. Yet, its follow-up, Wii U, was a huge flop. Nintendo moved away from the WiiMote, which enabled casual games with “mimetic interfaces”. This move and the flop could have impeded the casual revolution. Nintendo´s newest console, Nintendo Switch, is a success, but PS4 has still sold twice as much. The other trend Juul discusses, that casual games are downloadable, is not exclusive to casual games. Downloads, games that are free to play, mobile games – these have arguably also contributed to spreading hardcore content. Moreover, the last decade, the years after Juul wrote the book, have seen the rise of esports. I argue that esports has been a sort of comeback for hardcore games and gamers, and in many ways can be seen as the return of the hardcore. Many of the most popular esports games are very much hardcore: PUBG, League of Legends, Dota 2, CS:GO, Hearthstone, Overwatch. These are complicated strategy8 or FPS

7 Nintendo, Sony and Microsoft are competitors in the console market. They usually release consoles at the same time, and each cycle is called a generation. The competition in each generation is often called a console war. 8 Or one could say “strategic”, as the genre of League of Legends and Dota 2 is actually called multiplayer online battle arena (MOBA). Hearthstone is in the digital collectible card game (DCCG) genre.

11 games, which takes time to understand. Not only for the players, but also for the spectators – of which there are 495 million (Pannekeet, 2019). In fact, only Rocket League9 is casual among the biggest esports games. Even Fortnite, which is more directed towards a younger audience, is an FPS which also includes other complex mechanics, like building shelters. Esports do not negate the casual revolution. As mentioned, mobile is still the largest segment within the industry, but not every mobile game is casual – although they often are. Mobile versions of hardcore games, like Call of Duty Mobile, have also had success. To investigate Dymek´s claim that hardcore gamers generate more revenue, one could look at games by revenue. According to a report by SuperData (2020), free-to-play games10 earned more than premium games in 2019. Out of the top 10 free-to-play games by revenue, shown in the table below, only Candy Crush Saga and Pokémon GO are casual (2020, pp. 12-14).

Nr. Title Revenue Nr. Title Revenue 1 Fortnite $1.8B 6 Pokémon GO $1.4B 2 Dungeon Fighter Online $1.6B 7 Crossfire $1.4B 3 Honour of Kings / Arena of Valor $1.6B 8 Fate / Grand Order $1.2B 4 League of Legends $1.5B 9 Game for Peace $1.2B 5 Candy Crush Saga $1.5B 10 Last Shelter: Survival $1.1B Table 1: The top 10 free-to-play games by revenue (SuperData, 2020, p. 12) The casual revolution has indeed opened up video games to more than just hardcore gamers, but many popular and high-grossing games are still hardcore. Thus, it seems that gaming has not become truly mainstream yet. I believe we see Dymek´s subcultural mechanisms in the rise of esports. In other words, while playing has become the norm, as Juul puts it, when the media covers the industry, it might not necessarily be the casual games and gamers that is in focus. Popular and high-grossing games are likely to be covered, for instance Fortnite. When covering the industry, then, the media might often be covering the hardcore part of it.

2.1.2 The Norwegian and Swedish Video Game Industry As mentioned in section 1.1, Jørgensen´s work is vital for understanding the Norwegian video game industry. I will focus on aspects which differentiates it from the Swedish industry. The relationship between Norwegian developers and (international and national) publishers is

9 A racing/soccer hybrid. 10 Games that are free to play, but often with unlockable features that cost money. With premium games, customers get all the content upon purchase, although these often feature unlockable content, as well.

12 “loose”, while it is “tighter” in Sweden. This has made Norwegian developers more independent, but also made it harder for them to succeed globally (Jørgensen, 2009, p. 337). The Swedish video game industry is bigger. Four Swedish studios have more than a hundred employees each: Massive Entertainment, Avalanche, Digital Illusions (DICE) and Starbreeze (Sandqvist, 2012, p. 144). In other words, Sweden has four companies roughly the same size as or bigger than Funcom, the biggest Norwegian studio. Swedish developers are more “vulnerable” to publishers. Most Swedish developers have given up their intellectual properties to publishers, which means giving up control over game development as well (Sandqvist, 2012, p. 149). Compared to Norwegian developers, then, Swedish ones have less freedom, but are bigger. International publishers have influenced the Swedish success, as they have invested and made bigger productions possible (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 53). One might argue that visibility is even more important for Swedish developers, as they are mostly funded by publishers, investors and private capital. Without publishers, Norwegian developers have also sought such funding. Yet, the Norwegian industry mainly consists of small companies with limited resources and low sales, making it hard to finance development and attract private capital (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 60). Unlike Swedish studios, Norwegian ones are able to apply for specific public funding for video game development, through the Norwegian Film Institute (NFI). In 2018, NFI granted a total of 446,6 million NOK to film, TV-series, documentaries and video games. The latter received 23,7 million NOK of this total (Norsk filminstitutt, 2018, p. 29). NFI has an obligation to fund the industry, but private investors are free to choose what they fund. Thus, one could say that visibility is even more important for Swedish developers, and this might also explain why Oslo Economics says that there are tendencies among Norwegian studios to not take visibility seriously (2018, p. 61). While the public funding works “relatively well” for “small game productions”, it is not sufficient for companies wanting to scale up (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 60). According to Jørgensen, this implies that the government either wants the industry to focus on small games that do not require publishers, or to find funding elsewhere. The government encourages development, but neglects distribution, which Jørgensen finds “problematic” (2009, pp. 332- 333). Many companies are very dependent on public funding (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 60). This creates a system where the industry is moving in circles, instead of forward. There seems to be more knowledge about the industry in Sweden, resulting in more private capital. According to Oslo Economics, it would be beneficial to start viewing games as industry more than culture. This is done in other Nordic countries. In Sweden and Finland studios can apply for grants at “sector neutral” funding agencies, which sends stronger signals

13 to investors than the NFI funding does (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 62). This understanding of video games could also be tied to visibility, and how the industry is portrayed in the media. Oslo Economics thinks that Norwegian developers can capitalize on their competence, and take part in the growing global game industry, but in order to do so, the industry should be formally organized. All the other Nordic countries have an organization fronting the industry. This can make the industry more visible (Oslo Economics, 2018, pp. 60-61). As mentioned, Oslo Economics (2018) laid the groundwork for two government white papers, but as pointed out, they do not deal with visibility or media coverage. Nonetheless, the government seems to want the video game industry to succeed. In a way, it already has, as it is Norway´s biggest cultural export. Yet, it is far behind other Nordic countries, and has the potential to grow. Why is the media not covering this industry?

2.1.3 Media coverage and cultural journalism As mentioned, two interviews in PRESSET. cover the issue of video games in the media. Jon Cato Lorentzen11 agreed with Oslo Economics´ claim that Norwegian games are not visible: “Yes, way too low visibility. The cultural parts in Norwegian media is worse than ever before”. He also claims that: “Norwegian media had the best video game coverage in Europe from 2000 to around 2010. Every Norwegian newspaper had solid journalists and reviewers who covered games as a cultural phenomenon. […]. Then everything was built down after the financial crisis” (Letnes, 2020b). As mentioned, Rune Fjeld Olsen12 also said the coverage has changed, claiming it is “phenomena based” now (Letnes, 2020a). Lorentzen calls the articles and stories “simple” (Letnes, 2020b). For some newspapers low readership was a factor. Cecilie Asker, Culture Editor in Aftenposten, says that Aftenposten has not reviewed video games for a few years, because of few readers, and because others “do it more thoroughly than us” (Letnes, 2020a). Yet, some articles about video games still get high readership. The most read article on nrk.no is called “Only after Mats´ death, did his parents understand the value of his gaming”13. Mats sat in a wheelchair because of a muscular disease, and died when he was 25. He played the online game World of Warcraft a lot, and his parents thought he was lonely, and that he died without having an impact on the world. When he died, many people he had played with reached out, and his parents understood that they were wrong (Schaubert, 2019). The article thus had many

11 Former Aftenposten-journalist who has written some of the articles analyzed in this thesis. 12 Former VG-journalist who has written many of the articles in this thesis. 13 Original: “Først da Mats var død, forsto foreldrene verdien av gamingen hans”

14 elements that resonated with readers, and was not just about video games, but at the same time explained how valuable video games are for many people. Asker does not agree with Lorentzen that culture journalism per se is worse than it used to be, and she says that Aftenposten focuses on other areas of culture (Letnes, 2020a). Lorentzen says that Aftenposten fired the specialists after the financial crisis, but kept “movies, because of celebrities, [and] music, because of celebrities, and everyone watches tv- series now, so we´ll focus on that” (Letnes, 2020b). In sum, video games had too few readers and did not sell, which in the post-crisis media economy meant that the newspapers had to let their video game journalists go. Yet, the Mats-article shows that video game articles are read. This is also an issue of cultural journalism. In the Nordic countries, cultural journalism is “news media’s coverage of art, culture, and lifestyle” (Kristensen & Riegert, 2017, p. 9). In Cultural Journalism in the Nordic Countries (2017), editors Nete Nørgaard Kristensen and Kristina Riegert say that one change in cultural journalism, has been a shift “towards the journalistic paradigm, lessening the importance of aesthetic expertise in specific cultural fields, as well as autonomy from the central news desk” (2017, p. 15). Another change is a broader set of subjects: “not only architecture, art and humanities, literature, dance, theatre, film, and music but also fashion, gaming, television and media industry analysis” (Kristensen & Riegert, 2017, p. 18). Why are some requesting more coverage, then? Is gaming still included in this definition of culture? And is cultural journalism in decline? The book is not clear on this. In one of the chapters, the authors write that “space devoted to arts and culture expanded up until the early 2000s, indicating an increased demand on both soft and interpretative journalism, which addressed the increasingly individualised interests of a fragmenting audience” (Knapskog, Iversen & Larsen in Hellman, Larsen, Riegert, Widholm & Nygaard, 2017, p. 119). Yet, it does not say what happened afterwards. The book does not conclude on the differences between Norwegian and Swedish cultural journalism. On the one hand, Kristensen & Riegert writes: “there are similarities to Norway regarding cultural journalism’s societal role; Swedish cultural desks also share the general Nordic trend of reduced editorial autonomy and specialisation” (2017, p. 17). Yet, later in the same chapter, Kristensen & Riegert explains that one main arguments in one of the chapters in the book, “is that the Swedish approach to coverage of, and debates about, culture in leading newspapers and public service includes a more pronounced societal/political aspect as well as significant international components compared to the other Nordic countries” (2017, p. 19). In other words, there might be some differences, but the book does not go into whether cultural journalism has a stronger position in Sweden than in Norway, for instance.

15 In their chapter on Norwegian cultural journalism, Jan Fredrik Hovden, Leif Ove Larsen and Silje Nygaard argue that “[f]rom the 1960s popular culture was given increased attention and space, and the fine arts lost its dominance in relative terms” (2017, p. 69). Thus, the general pattern of a broader subject matter is found in Norway as well. In the case of the newspaper VG, the authors say the change was a part of a popularization process, “and the stars of the movie and television screens were among the most marketable content” (Hovden et. al., 2017, p. 78). Oslo Economics points out that the video game industry does not have celebrities like film and music do, which could have made it more visible (2018, p. 26). Coverage on popular culture – which video games are – increased, in part because of its marketability. If one believes Lorentzen´s claims that film, music and tv-series were kept because of celebrities, i.e. marketability, it means that this development is still ongoing, and that cultural expressions without celebrities are avoided. Another change in Norwegian cultural journalism, which also coincides with the general patterns, is who the cultural journalist is. It used to be an “expert of literature and visual arts”, but now it is a “professional journalist” (Hovden et. al., 2017, p. 83). As the journalists that were experts on video games were fired, this change seems to be ongoing. In sum, former journalists and industry insiders are calling for more media coverage on games, and are claiming that cultural journalism is in decline. Research on the subject is not conclusive. Video games became a subject of cultural journalism as it moved more towards popular culture than traditional fine arts. Cultural editors are less autonomous than before, meaning that the central desk can control more of their coverage. Some scholars claim that Swedish cultural journalism might be more “societal/political” and “international” than its Nordic counterparts – which would include Norway (Kristensen & Riegert, 2017, p. 19). After describing claims about the media coverage, and research on cultural journalism, I am going to present theory dealing with the consequences of coverage frequency and type.

2.2 Discourse

2.2.1 Discourse and CDA As one of my methods is critical discourse analysis (CDA), of which Norman Fairclough is one of the founders, I will be drawing on his definition of discourse. The following will explain the term, while the method will be explained in Chapter 3. I will also explain how society influences texts, and vice-versa.

16 According to Fairclough, a discourse is “a representation of some area of social life from a particular perspective”, for example “neo-liberal discourse” (2010, pp. 289-290). For Michel Foucault, perhaps the most prominent of discourse scholars, discourses are “practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak” (1972, p. 49). Media discourse on the video game industry will also form perceptions of it. As Jørgensen and Phillips writes, discourse both “shapes” and “mirrors” social structures and processes (1999, p. 74). This social constructivist aspect of discourse is vital for this thesis, as it deals with the potentially socially constructive effects of the media coverage on the industry and the public. The “socially constructive effects of discourse” is central in CDA. Fairclough says that the world is “discursively construed (or represented)”, but which “construals” become “socially constructive […] depends upon a range of conditions” (2010, pp. 4-5). According to Jørgensen and Phillips, one thing that separates Fairclough from other discourse theorists is precisely his view of discourses as both constituted and constituting (1999, p. 77). If discourses do have socially constructive effects, “the dialectics of discourse takes effect: discourses may be enacted in ways of acting and interacting, and they may be inculcated in ways of being, i.e., identities” (2010, p. 292). Fairclough elaborates: “discourses are enacted in ways of acting (e.g., new way of managing, new procedures, routines etc.), inculcated in ways of being, in social identities (e.g., new management identities, such as new types of ´leader´), and materialised in new spatial, including architectural, forms” (2010, p. 77). Thus, for Fairclough, discourses are not just the ways we talk about things. They also influence the way we act, the way we are and even the way we build things.

2.3 Media Effects: Agenda Setting Theory and Framing

2.3.1 Media Effects Media effects theories can help answer both my research questions. Over the past forty years, the research on media effects has “turned full circle”, according to Shanto Iyengar. Early on, researchers studied persuasion, but found little evidence that media campaigns changed who people voted for. Researchers turned to agenda-setting, and found that “changes in the public agenda prompted changes in political attitudes”. The next phase includes research on framing, which “resembles persuasion, but rather than focusing on messages that might persuade, the causal factor is presentation”. Thus, “framing effects have morphed into persuasion effects”, and media effects research has, in a way, gone back to where it started (Iyengar, 2014, p. 63).

2.3.2 Agenda-setting theory The main argument of agenda-setting theory is that the prominence (or “salience”) of elements in the news becomes prominent in the public as well (Carroll & McCombs, 2003, p. 36-37). In other words, issues frequently featured in the media will also feature frequently in public discourse. Newspapers communicate salience through formal aspects (front page, length of article) and frequency (objects mentioned often), which are used by the public to decide which objects are the most important (Carroll & McCombs, 2003, p. 37). Infrequent media coverage on the video game industry makes it less salient. In other words, when it is invisible, it may seem unimportant to the public, to investors and to politicians. Maxwell McCombs explains that there are two conditions for agenda-setting to take place: “need for orientation” and “obtrusiveness/unobtrusiveness”. In the first, people are uncomfortable in unfamiliar situations, and might “turn to the news media for orientation and adopt its agenda”. People who do not need orientation are not as affected. In the second, people are influenced more easily if the issues are something they do not experience in their daily lives (McCombs, 1994, p. 14). This could help explain the lack of investments in the Norwegian video game industry. If investors and politicians are unfamiliar with the industry, they might adopt the media´s agenda. Lack of coverage might signify its lack of importance. Coverage focused on risks might make investors less interested in supporting the industry. Still, one could argue that everyone knows what video games are, and do not need orientation. Yet, knowledge of video games does not equal knowledge of the industry. While games themselves may be important to many people, or many people know someone who thinks that games are important, lack of media coverage might still signify that games and the industry are not seen as important topics for the public, neither in terms of culture nor economy. Infrequent coverage could thus influence how the public understands the industry. Such an influence could have huge consequences, for instance for the success of the industry. According to Steven L. Wartick, intense media exposure can change corporate reputation (1992, p. 46). Chi-Shiun Lai, Chih-Jen Chiu, Chin-Fang Yang and Da-Chang Pai found that corporate social responsibility and corporate reputation “have positive effects on industrial brand equity and brand performance” (2010, p. 465). Reviewing existing research on the subject, Juan Manuel de la Fuente Sabate and Esther de Quevedo Puente found evidence for corporate reputation influencing financial performance, but also the vice-versa (Fuente Sabate & Quevedo Puente, 2010, p. 176). As this literature shows, agenda-setting can influence corporate reputation, which then can influence financial performance. Infrequent

18 media coverage, in addition to political and industrial aspects, can thus be possible reasons for the small size of the Norwegian video game industry. I also believe that the type of coverage influences the understanding of the industry, which makes discourses and frames important.

2.3.3 Framing or attribute agenda-setting? I will be drawing on framing theory to show the consequences of the type and tone of coverage. At the end of the 1990s, agenda-setting scholars started incorporating framing into the theory, and as I am drawing on both theories, I should explain why I am not only drawing on agenda-setting. What I have referred to as agenda-setting so far is its first level, which covers the salience of objects, while the second level covers the “salience of the attributes of those objects” (Carroll & McCombs, 2003, p. 38). Some scholars, like McCombs and Salma Ghanem, argue that framing is equal to the second level (Reese, Gandy & Grant, 2001, p. 2). Others, like T. Michael Maher (2001), disagree, saying that “[a]genda-setting theorists are borrowing a limited subset from the overall concept of framing” (2001, p. 90). Despite McCombs and other agenda-setting scholars´ attempts to converge the two, an increasing amount of research is happening within framing studies, while agenda-setting is “leveling off”, as David H. Weaver (2007) puts it. Why is unclear, but Weaver suggests that “frame” is a more flexible and general term, which can apply to many aspects of messages, while attributes are more specific. The two are similar, though, but framing seems to “include a broader range of cognitive processes – such as moral evaluations, causal reasoning, appeals to principles, and recommendations for treatment of problems” (Weaver, 2007, pp. 142-146). I choose framing because: 1) Attribute agenda-setting and framing affect different cognitive processes. First and second level agenda-setting affect the same ones. Combining first level agenda-setting with framing would thus cover more processes. This might make for more persuasive media effects. 2) Framing is a popular research topic, and there will likely be other research and findings which support and/or supplement the findings of this thesis.

2.3.4 Framing Robert Entman´s (1993) definition is often cited by framing scholars, and will be followed in this thesis. For Entman, framing involves making “some aspects of a perceived reality […] more salient” in a text, which then promotes “a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described” (1993, p. 52). In other words, framing involves highlighting some aspect of reality, in order to

19 influence our understanding of something. An article could highlight positive aspects of video game sales – money is made, jobs are created – or it could highlight negative ones – kids play too much, games teach violence. This could then influence our understanding of the industry. While methodological issues will be discussed in Chapter 3, there are some theoretical issues on framing, as well. As both CDA and frame analysis will be used, the terms of frame and discourse must be distinguished. Some scholars have done research using both. Lauren R. Tucker (1998) analyzed media discourse through frame analysis. Tucker´s object was a jeans campaign, labeled “kiddie-porn” by the media. The “kiddie-porn frame” consists of the “discourses of Generational Equity, middle-class morality and patriarchy” (Tucker, 1998, p. 141). For Tucker, frames are structured by discourses (1998, p. 145). Said discourses “work together” to turn the campaign into “an archetype of child pornography”, and they articulate the interests of a social group, the Baby Boomers (Tucker, 1998, p. 153-154). Tucker, like Fairclough, is focusing on power relations, and she calls framing a “discursive strategy”, where the media “promote elite social discourses as the public discourse or the common sense of society” (Tucker, 1998, p. 143). She draws on Hall (1985) and Althusser (1969), both of whom are frequently cited in literature on CDA, as well. In this thesis, I am adopting Tucker´s view that discourses structure frames. This makes it possible to study both, and still keep the two separated, so they can be studied as different phenomena.

2.4 Frames and discourses

2.4.1 Theory, research and literature as sources for frames and discourses Tankard (2001) suggests theory as a source for frames, which gives the research “validity and coherence from the previous theoretical work” (2001, p. 105). Cacciatore, Scheufele & Iyengar (2016) laments that few framing studies “explore frames that previous research has shown to resonate well with culturally shared schemas among audiences” (2016, p. 14). I will now present literature, research and theory about media coverage, framing and discourse in relation to video games, which will be sources for frames and the discourses structuring them.

2.4.2 Frames: utopian & dystopian / opportunity & threat Dmitri Williams (2003) was the first to research media coverage of video games (McKernan, 2013, p. 307). He also used frame analysis, making his research a natural place to start. New media is often met with both utopian and dystopian reactions, Williams says (2003, p. 524).

20 From this notion, Williams develops what he calls utopian and dystopian frames. In utopian frames, games are “cathartic” and lead to “enjoyment, intelligence and familiarity with computers” (Williams, 2003, p. 537). Dystopian frames, in contrast, includes “bad displacement [of time], health risks, theft and drug use” (Williams, 2003, p. 540). Williams makes hypotheses on which pattern the media coverage will follow, based on theory. Drawing on Ofstein (1991), Williams´ first hypothesis is called “The ‘River City’ Hypothesis”: “The advent of a new medium will first give rise to fears of displacement of ‘constructive’ activities and of associations with deviant behaviour” (2003, p. 528). Williams´ second hypothesis, “The Fear Order Hypothesis”, is about which order news frames will occur in, which incorporates the first one, and also draws on Wartella and Reeves (1983, 1985): “[first] fears of destructive displacement of worthwhile activities (H1); fears of negative health effects; and, then, fears about the effects of content on values, attitudes and behaviour” (2003, p. 528). Williams´ findings support both hypotheses (2003, p. 543). The Norwegian and Swedish media coverage likely followed similar patterns. His hypotheses are related to the “advent” of video games, while my period is more recent. I will not research whether the coverage followed these patterns, but they will be seen as premises. Anna Sophie Kümpel and Alexander Haas (2016) also studied framing and gaming. Framing scholars “have generally focused on equivalency frames and emphasis or issue frames” (Kümpel & Haas, 2016, p. 722). According to James N. Druckman, equivalence frames consist of “different, but logically equivalent, words or phrases”, which “causes individuals to alter their preferences” (2001, p. 228). Emphasis frames, on the other hand, emphasize “a subset of potentially relevant considerations”, which can make people “focus on these considerations when constructing their opinions” (Druckman, 2001, p. 230). One type of emphasis frames are valence frames, which “describe issues or events in either positive or negative terms” (de Vreese & Boomgaarden in Kümpel & Haas, 2016, p. 722). According to Kümpel and Haas, research on the issue of expanding the EU, shows the effects of the valence frames of opportunity and risk frames. These frames have an effect upon the level of support, the amount of positive thoughts and attributions related to expansion (2016, p. 722-723). After reviewing earlier research on media coverage – for instance Williams (2003) – Kümpel and Haas summarize: “discourse about gaming is highly polarized and emphasizes either the benefits and opportunities or the threats and risks of gaming” (2016, p. 723). Following this earlier research on both valence frames and media coverage, Kümpel and Haas conduct their own study on opportunity and risk frames. They presented participants in different groups with articles that were framed differently. Participants who read news stories

21 with an opportunity frame had more positive attitudes towards both gamers and games than those who read one with a risk frame (Kümpel & Haas, 2016, p. 732). Based on their findings, “one could assume that attitudes toward games and gamers will shift to another direction if certain frames receive more or less emphasis in media coverage of video games” (Kümpel & Haas, 2016, p. 739). Kumpel & Haas conclude that the “persistent emphasis of negative outcomes in the media may lead people to perceive games as a threat” (2016, p. 739). This thesis will combine the frames of Kümpel & Haas (2016) and Williams (2003). The opportunity and risk frames are arguably similar to utopian and dystopian frames. Doing this also means following the suggestions of Tankard (2001) and Cacciatore et. al. (2016).

2.4.3 Gaming discourse and legitimation Theory on cultural legitimation might suggest discourses that are structuring the opportunity frame. Shyon Baumann has studied Hollywood films´ trajectory from entertainment to an art form. Baumann establishes what he calls “the legitimation framework”, which applies to other artistic media as well (2007, p. 18). It consists of three main factors, which can “explain the public acceptance of a cultural product as art”: “an opportunity space”, “institutionalized resources and activities” and “intellectualization through discourse” (Baumann, 2007, p. 14). For Baumann, then, discourse plays a prominent role in legitimation. Through content analysis of film reviews, Baumann finds that in the 1960s, “U.S. film discourse adopted some of the vocabulary and techniques of other art worlds” (2007, p. 162). Then “the vocabulary and techniques” in these reviews were adopted by the public. Baumann points out that film reviews did not invent the discourse of films as art. It was also the product of “academics, filmmakers, and other intellectuals” (2007, p. 172-173). If there is a “gaming discourse”, then, it should have been established by reviewers, academics and developers. It will most likely be found in some articles, and also in the industry´s own communication. Graeme Kirkpatrick (2016) studies the legitimation of video games in 1980s UK computer magazines. Kirkpatrick finds that “a gaming discourse emerges in the middle of the decade with the strategic goal of normalizing the activity” (2016, p. 1439). Like Baumann, he is drawing on Bourdieu, specifically the notion that acceptance of a new medium “requires the establishment of a determinate field of habits, dispositions and perceptions, which enables people to recognize and respond to a class of objects in the necessary way” (2016, p. 1440). This notion arguably resembles Baumann´s legitimation framework. In this thesis, Kirkpatrick´s and Baumann´s shared notion of a “gaming discourse” which legitimizes and normalizes gaming, will be adopted. Such a discourse will most likely

22 be a part of the opportunity/utopian frame. In this discourse, Kirkpatrick finds that games and gaming do not present themselves “as ‘normal leisure pursuits’ [but] as ‘normal in their abnormality’” (2016, p. 1440). In order to distance gaming from computers, gaming discourse established a difference between “gamers” and “nerds” (Kirkpatrick, 2016, p. 1442, 1451). Addiction, originally “used to stigmatize computer buffs”, becomes positive in gaming discourse, and gaming is appealing because it is transgressive (Kirkpatrick, 2016, p. 1452). However, gaming could not truly escape the negative portrayal of computers as “compulsive and strange […] without shedding the very thing that makes it appealing”. Gaming discourse is “hyperbolic”, and portrays “addiction and abnormality” as attractive (Kirkpatrick, 2016, p. 1441). It is thus subversive, and able to turn negative stigma into something positive.

2.4.4 Infinite expansion & casual revolution vs. subculture & the return of the hardcore Kirkpatrick also finds what he refers to as “the logic of gaming´s field”: there is a limit which gaming could overcome by improving, but when trying, it ends up in the middle. Gaming can therefore not escape being seen as childish, and is somewhere between “childishness and grown-upness”. That is also why gaming cannot truly escape being seen as “compulsive and strange” without losing its appeal (Kirkpatrick, 2016, p. 1441). There is an inherent dynamic in gaming, then, where it strives to be something more, but cannot without losing its appeal. Mikolaj Dymek (2012) finds a similar dynamic. As mentioned, Dymek argues against Jesper Juul, whom he sees as a proponent of the “infinite expansion narrative”, which he claims to be the prevalent view in the industry, academia and the press. In this narrative, video games´ journey from “obscurity to mainstream culture” is “inevitable”, and there is “an almost deterministic belief” in video games becoming mass media (Dymek, 2012, pp. 34). Dymek, on the other hand, argues that despite its global and seemingly mainstream success, the video game industry is a subcultural industry catering to hardcore gamers. They are often perceived “as “nerdy”, obsessive, socially inept and introverted”, but are themselves proud of being part of this “select group that understands the hidden beauty of the video game medium”. Moreover, “[m]ainstream society´s less favourable opinions only reinforce the romantic and self-proclaimed rebellious characteristics of this subculture” (Dymek, 2012, pp. 36-39). There is a considerable overlap between this group and the gaming discourse. I argue that hardcore gamers are using this gaming discourse – in a way, they embody it. For Juul, the casual revolution is “not about video games becoming cool, but about video games becoming normal”, because “these new games were not asking players to readjust their busy schedules”, because “one did not have to spend hours” and because they

23 “could fulfill the role of a board game, or any party game” (2010, p. 1). Compared to the gaming discourse, then, this is not about video games becoming normal in their abnormality. It is about them going “from obscurity to mainstream” (Dymek, 2012, p. 34). In summary, both Kirkpatrick and Dymek argue that there is something about video games, the culture and the industry, which resists normalcy and mainstream acceptance. For Kirkpatrick, this is the subversive gaming discourse described above. As mentioned, Dymek´s subcultural mechanisms share many similarities with this discourse. I argue that both hardcore gamers, and the industry catering to them, employ such a gaming discourse. Therefore, the language of games themselves, the language of the marketing of games and communication surrounding games, is influenced by Kirkpatrick´s gaming discourse and Dymek´s subcultural mechanisms. The industry keeps expanding, but this keeps it from going truly mainstream. One could argue that the subcultural mechanisms is a set of social practices which ensures the production and reproduction of the gaming discourse. Developers share the same “aesthetical preferences”. They are drawn to hardcore content, and compete with “like- minded competitors” (Dymek, 2012, p. 44). Thus, history repeats itself. Dymek argues that this process influences how society sees video game culture: “It is frequently in society and mass media seen as a antisocial, escapist, stereotypically masculine, violence-obsessed, aesthetically/culturally tasteless and narratively primitive medium”. This contributes to the “cultural codification” of video games as “a niche medium” (Dymek, 2012, p. 44). For Dymek, then, the industry itself influences how society and the media perceive video games. Dymek refers to infinite expansion as a narrative, but one could arguably call it a discourse, as well. Discourses are “practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak” (Foucault, 1972, p. 49). Infinite expansion is one way of speaking about the industry which might form perceptions of it, and which is different from gaming discourse. While gaming discourse subverts and emphasizes abnormal aspects, infinite expansion is about gaming becoming mainstream and normal. They are thus separate discourses, although they share a goal: legitimizing video games. How they do it, though, is different. The infinite expansion discourse could be a part of the opportunity/utopian frame, and should also be observable in the media. Especially in Sweden, apparently, as Ulf Sandqvist, a Swedish video game scholar, writes that in the Swedish media the industry is called “the Swedish game wonder” (2012, p. 134). However, says Sandqvist, its profits are small, and it has in fact produced substantial losses. There is thus a contrast between this and the “media discourse surrounding the game industry in Sweden”. According to Sandqvist there is little evidence to support the media portrayal, hence his subtitle “A True Success Story? [my

24 emphasis]” (2012, p. 149). Sandqvist wrote this in 2011, with data from 2009, and a lot could have changed. According to Dataspelbranschen, the profits were 4 billion in 2017, and they write that this means that the industry has been profitable for nine years (Dataspelbranschen, 2018, p. 9). This contradicts Sandqvist´s numbers, but their methods and numbers look similar. Dataspelbranschen might include more companies than Sandqvist, but this should not raise the total profits much. The difference between the two data sets might still make 2009 seem profitable in one report and not in the other. Either way, the industry is profitable today.

2.4.5 Media panic Media panic will likely be a discourse structuring the risk/dystopian frame. According to Kirsten Drotner (1999), media panics are media-driven, emotional and polarized discussions between adults, but focusing on children (1999, p. 596). They “speak in the name of reason, but their language is that of the emotions” (Drotner, 1999, p. 615). Drotner chronicles the history of media panics related to popular fiction and film: “the debates are strikingly similar”, still “[e]very new panic develops as if it was the first time such issues were debated in public”. Related to this “historical amnesia” is a “historical incorporation” where the preoccupation with the new medium “relegates older media to the shadows of acceptance” (Drotner, 1999, p. 610). In other words, when video games became the target, the negativity towards older media, like film, should have faded. These characteristics might be found in the Norwegian and Swedish media. Other characteristics are the three assumptions underlying all media panics. First, the media is seen as popular culture, which is seen as lacking compared to high culture. Second, it is assumed that there is a link between media and social action: “if we see violence on the screen, we become criminals” (Drotner, 1999, p. 610-611). Third, it is assumed that cultural and mental development are two parts of the same process: character formation. Cultural and pedagogical debates often conflate in media panics. The panics are really about adults redefining “the parameters of character formation”, like “what do our children need?” and “[w]hat should be the norms of a good life?” (Drotner, 1999, p. 611-613). This is why children are in focus.

2.5 Conclusion & summary

In this final section on theory, I will both summarize the theoretical framework and present some premises derived from the theory already presented.

25 I have argued the casual revolution opened up gaming to more than just hardcore gamers, but that many popular and high-grossing games are still hardcore – especially in esports. Thus, it seems that gaming has not become truly mainstream yet. The media might not cover casual games and gamers as much as hardcore games. Developers and publishers are the most important actors in the value chain of the video game industry. In Norway, the relationship between them is “loose”, while it is “tighter” in Sweden. This has made Norwegian developers more independent, but has also made it harder for them to succeed globally (Jørgensen, 2009, p. 337). Swedish developers, however, have often given up control to publishers (Sandqvist, 2012, p. 149). Compared to Norwegian developers, then, Swedish ones have less freedom, but are bigger in size. Moreover, there appears to be more knowledge about the industry in Sweden, which might result in more private capital. Oslo Economics says it would be beneficial to start viewing games as industry more than culture, which is practiced in other Nordic countries (2018, p. 62). One premise that can be derived from this, then, is that the Swedish coverage likely portrays video games as industry more than culture. According to Oslo Economics, the Norwegian video game industry has a low visibility both in Norway and abroad, and there is little media coverage both in business and culture news (2018, p. 60-61). This has to be seen in relation to Sandqvist´s comments about the Swedish media discourse surrounding the Swedish video game industry (2012, p. 149). The Swedish industry appears to be more visible than the Norwegian one. Another premise comes from agenda-setting. When video games are invisible, they may seem unimportant to the public. Infrequent media coverage might signify that games and the industry are not seen as important topics for the public, neither in terms of culture nor economy. Infrequent coverage could therefore influence how the public understands the video game industry. Agenda-setting could also explain how coverage influence corporate reputation, which then can influence financial performance. One could argue that lacking media coverage is one factor – in addition to economic and political aspects – which could help explain the Norwegian video game industry´s size compared to the Swedish industry. A fourth premise comes from both discourse theory and framing. Given the socially constructive powers of discourses, one can argue that the way people talk about something is both a result of change and can result in change. Framing has been shown to influence interpretation of issues. I believe that the way the Norwegian video game industry is depicted in the media has made it seem unimportant to parts of the media and to parts of the public, including investors and politicians, and thus unworthy of coverage, investment and support.

26 Chapter 3: Methodology

In this chapter, I will present the methodology of this thesis, consisting of two methods. First, a content analysis of media coverage on the video game industry, which studies both the frequency of the coverage, and the frames that are used. Second, a critical discourse analysis of a selected number of articles, in order to further analyze the frames and the discourses structuring them. Hence, I will be able to study media coverage at both the quantitative and qualitative level, reaping the benefits of both. This will strengthen my thesis, but also give us – society, the media, researchers, readers – a better understanding of the topic. I will get both detailed and less detailed (but more generalizable) findings. Richardson writes that a quantitative analysis can summarize “what newspapers write”, while CDA can analyze “how” (2007, p. 20). Such an approach, then, will enable me to answer both parts of my first research question: How often and in what ways are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media? My theoretical framework in combination with the methodology will help me answer my second research question: What differences are there in the media coverage, and what are their possible consequences? Comparing coverage from Norway to coverage from Sweden – where the industry is more visible and bigger in size – will also be helpful in this regard. Before going any further, I want to outline the contents of this chapter. After this introduction, section 3.1 is about content analysis. Section 3.2 is about CDA. Subsection 3.2.3 will cover the connection between content analysis and CDA. Section 3.3 will summarize. The content analysis will be conducted in Chapter 4, and the CDA in Chapter 5. I will also use the two methods to answer hypotheses derived from the theoretical framework presented in Chapter 2. They are mainly based on claims by Oslo Economics (2018), Sandqvist (2011) and former Norwegian journalists (Letnes, 2020a; Letnes 2020b). The Norwegian video game industry is seen as invisible. In contrast, the Swedish industry is called the “Swedish game wonder”, which Sandqvist claims to be a myth, saying the media portrayal is more positive than reality (2012, p. 149). The above has led to two hypotheses: 1. The Norwegian and Swedish media coverage on the international and national video game industries is different in both frequency and tone. 2. The Swedish coverage is more frequent, and more positive.

27 3.1 Content Analysis

3.1.1 Why content analysis? I am using content analysis to find out how frequent the media coverage is, i.e. to answer the how often-part of my first research question. This method is useful for studying frequency, as one counts the “occurrences of predefined entities in a media text” (Gunter, 2012, p. 248). According to agenda-setting, then, such a survey of media coverage could say something about the importance of the industry in the public too. By counting the frequency of frames, it will also say something about how the press views the video game industry. To frame is to present something in a particular way, and it is the way, not the content, which creates the media effect (Iyengar, 2014, p. 63). Counting the frames would thus enable me to answer the in what ways-part of my first research question.

3.1.2 What is content analysis? According to Barrie Gunter, a content analysis provides a description of what a media text contains. First, it is systematic, as it uses a “principled form of media output sampling and content coding”. Second, it is objective, as operationalization is made explicit. Third, it is quantifiable, as it counts “occurrences of predefined entities in a media text” (Gunter, 2012, p. 248). In the following, I will show how I have sampled, operationalized, coded and quantified. Sampling relates to how I have chosen the newspaper articles in my set. The last three terms refer to how the theoretical opportunity and risk frames were made into “units of analysis”, i.e. the elements that are to be counted. I have used a “coding frame” to numerically catalogue this (Gunter, 2012, p. 249). The coding frame is available in the appendix. According to Kimberly A. Neuendorf, content analysis is “applicable to many areas of inquiry”, and one of them is “investigation of word usage in news”, which I will do (2002, p. 1). A content analysis has numerous usages, and the researcher must choose a design that fits their research questions. Content analyses differ depending on what type of media text(s) you want to analyze, what units you are counting, and how these units are operationalized. Neuendorf writes that the goal of a content analysis is to get “a numerically based summary of a chosen message set”, not a “fully detailed description”. This relates to the method´s quantitative nature. Neuendorf states that empirical qualitative analyses are also useful, as they can provide a “highly valid source of detailed or “deep” information about a text”. Content analysis is “broader” and thus more “generalizable”, but also less “in-depth”

28 and “detailed”. It “summarizes” in order to reach “generalizable conclusions” (Neuendorf, 2002, pp. 14-15). When following this approach, a researcher wants to get findings that can apply to the entire population from which the sample was drawn (Neuendorf, 2002, p. 12). My population is newspaper articles in Norway and Sweden, and I want my sample to be representative so that I can say something about the population. More on sampling later. By studying multiple articles, one can compare articles or groups of articles within the sample. This could reveal differences or similarities, for instance between texts, sources, countries and time periods. In this study, I am comparing Norway and Sweden, the sources, years and texts. I will explain how in the following sections.

3.1.3 Sources Three sources were chosen from each country: Aftenposten (paper), Aftenposten (web), VG (paper), VG Nett (web), NRK (web), Aftonbladet (paper), Aftonbladet (web), Svenska Dagbladet (paper), Svenska Dagbladet (web), SVT Nyheter (web) and SVT arkiv (web). The Norwegian newspapers VG and Aftenposten are circulated all over the country, and they have the highest readership in Norway. The prominence of elements and frames in their coverage will reach the most people. They are also considered “opposites”, with Aftenposten being less tabloid than VG, and the latter being the most tabloid of them all. NRK was chosen to have a non-commercial actor as well. NRK, or the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation, is the state-owned national broadcaster in Norway. Not only non- commercial, then, but also a public broadcaster. Its role (“allmennkringkasterrollen”) is different from commercial, non-state regulated broadcasters or newspapers. A document called “NRK-plakaten” has guidelines for how NRK should be managed, and its duties regarding what content to publish. It consists of what the government demands and expects from NRK. Together, these guidelines make out NRKs “samfunnsoppdrag” (“social responsibility”). For instance, § 14 says that NRK shall contribute to the Norwegian media diversity. NRK shall cover Norwegian culture and a variety of cultural expressions (§ 17). NRK shall offer material about culture, for both small and big groups (§ 41). The offer should reflect the diversity in the population (NRK, 2018). If NRK does not cover video games, it means something else than if VG neglects to do so. The Swedish sources were chosen to mirror the Norwegian ones. Aftonbladet is considered similar to VG, and Svenska Dagbladet (SvD) similar to Aftenposten. Moreover, Aftonbladet and SvD are national newspapers, and widely read in the Swedish public. SVT is the Swedish equivalent of NRK, and was chosen for the same reasons as NRK.

29 I found articles in ATEKST, a searchable archive containing articles from most Norwegian and Swedish newspapers. There are a few ATEKST-related issues regarding the sources. Aftenposten (paper) includes two editions: Morgen (morning) and Aften (evening). Subscribers can choose one or both, and the same articles are often published in both. In ATEKST, it is not possible to just choose one. Without manually filtering out the duplicates, it looks like the industry is quite prominent in Aftenposten´s coverage. It also makes the Norwegian coverage seem more invested in video games than it really is. Similarly, SvD Näringsliv is a part of SvD, but is sold separately in its paper version. It was formerly known as E24.se, owned by both SvD and Aftonbladet, but providing news to both. E24.se shut down in 2012, and became SvD Näringsliv. News from svd.se/naringsliv is featured on svd.se. Yet, in the set of articles written before 2012, E24-articles does not show up for the SvD-source in ATEKST. All of this might result in a surge after 2012. Another issue relates to how archives are updated. SVT Nyheter starts in 2002. For all sources to be represented, my analysis must start there. Aftenposten (web) is updated with a delay. In August 2019, ATEKST said it only went back to 2014. This ensures that researchers do not use ATEKST to bypass paywalls. This will affect my findings. Yet, I did get hits on Aftenposten-articles from 2018. Some NRK-articles from 2009 were gone. NRK´s gaming magazine (“Spiller”) shut down, but links were not updated and now lead to error messages. ATEKST only retrieved headlines and lead paragraphs. NRK sent me the texts, which can be found in the appendix. I will reflect more on reliability in section 4.4.1.

3.1.4 Search terms There are multiple words in Norwegian and Swedish for “the video game industry”. In Norwegian, “video games” could be “dataspill” (“computer games”) and “videospill” (“video games”), while “industry” can be both “industri” and “bransje”. To include all relevant terms, I chose the option “noen av ordene” (“some of the words”) when searching, with the Boolean search term “OR” between the terms, which makes ATEKST find articles using one or more of the terms. I also truncated at both sides of the words, to get every synonym and declension in both languages – including the two Norwegian written languages, bokmål and nynorsk. I thus searched for variations of “spillindustri” and “spelindustri” (“game industry”). This gave me hits for betting and internet casinos as well. Such articles were later filtered out manually. My first search: *spillbransje* OR *spillindustri* OR *spelbransje* OR *spelindustri* OR *spelsindustri* OR *spelbransche* OR *spelsbransche*.

30 After talking to my supervisor, it became apparent that terms for “company” would be relevant as well. My second search: *spillfirma* OR *spillstudio* OR *spillselskap* OR *spillutvikler* OR *spelfirma* OR *spelstudio* OR *spelselskap* OR *spelutviklar* OR *spelbolag* OR *spelstudio* OR *spelsföretag* OR *spelsutvecklare*. By adding these terms to the ones above, the number of articles became too great for this analysis. I solved this by utilizing the option “uten ordene” (“without the words”) in ATEKST, to exclude the industry-terms from search 1. While this returned different articles than the first search, the number was still too great. Most of the articles were about betting, so I decided to exclude different terms for lottery, betting and casinos. These were excluded: *lotteri* OR *kasino* OR *pengespill* OR *trav* OR *poker* OR *casino* OR *lotto* OR *V75* OR *ATG* OR *leo vegas* OR *cherry* OR *betsson* OR *unibet* OR *bet* OR *odds*. This lowered the number of articles, which made it possible to check if I had missed important articles by only searching for industry-terms. Some of these were added, others did not meet the criteria, which will be outlined in subsection 3.1.6. For some reason, combining the two searches – searching for terms for “industry” and for “company”, while excluding words for betting – returned significantly less articles. For instance, there were only 8 articles in 2018. The process therefore had to be done in two steps, and in the first step, as said, articles about betting were filtered out manually.

3.1.5 Timeframe In this section, I will present which years I am drawing articles from. First, I will present a bar chart based on search 1. This was before filtering out articles on betting, so the chart is not accurate, but still indicates a change in coverage over time.

Figure 2: Bar chart showing articles using terms meaning "the game industry"

31 The above bar chart shows media coverage on the search terms from 2002 to 2019. The blue bar shows that the coverage peaks in 2009, then drops, then rises towards 2014. By separating the two countries, a different pattern emerges. The yellow and dark grey bar shows that the Norwegian coverage has been declining since 2009, while the Swedish is steady. Still, these patterns might look different in the analysis proper. The Swedish sources might for instance write a lot about betting. It does lead to some questions, though. Why the discrepancy between the countries in 2014? What makes 2009, where the coverage looks similar, different from 2014? I want to focus on 2009 and 2014. These might be extraordinary years, though, and I should also include others. I will include 2018, the most recent year14, and 2004, as this is 10 years before 2014. As the SVT archive only dates back to 2002, an even 20-year timeframe would be impossible. With four individual years spanning from 2004 to 2018, I am able to study how the coverage has changed during the last 15 years. Another reason for choosing four years instead of every year between 2002-2019, is to make the sample manageable for one person. The number of articles was still quite big before filtering out ones that did not meet the criteria – more on them in the next subsection. I ended up with 83 from 2004, 185 from 2009, 165 from 2014, and 67 from 2018 – a total of 500 articles. My second search only returned articles from 2018 and 2014.

3.1.6 Criteria When deciding which articles to include or exclude, I had three criteria: 1) The article was about the video game industry, or 2) it contained a characterization of the industry, and 3) it was written by someone employed by the newspaper, or it was from a news agency. Not all articles that showed up in my searches were actually about the video game industry. In my thesis, this industry mainly consists of companies that develop or publish video games. Companies making apps and programs that are not video games were excluded. Articles on betting and lottery were also excluded. Scholars disagree on what a video game actually is, but such debates are not relevant here, so I follow what Zackariasson & Wilson call the “short answer”: “[a video game] is a specific kind of digital entertainment in which the gamer interacts with a digital interface and is faced with challenges of various kinds, depending on the plot of the game” (2012, p. 5). These are played on computers, consoles, mobile phones or in browsers. While one might argue that online “money games” – like

14 I conducted the content analysis in the fall of 2019.

32 betting, lottery, roulette, poker, slot machines – are similar to video games, they were still excluded. While similar, they belong to a different industry, i.e. the “money game industry”. In addition to developers, I included publishers, distributors, retailers and console manufacturers. I excluded the periphery of the industry, for instance companies making parts for consoles. Services such as “OnLive”, a video game streaming platform, were included. When I say about the video game industry, it means that the industry was the main topic. One example would be a story on how much money the industry makes, or an article exploring the public funding system for the industry. For example, “Computer game producers without nerd label”15 is both a feature on the Norwegian developer Funcom and about the conditions of the Norwegian video game industry. Articles where the industry was only mentioned in passing, but the main topic was something else, were excluded. For example, “Hacker group takes responsibility for Telia attack”16. The attack was directed at the game company Electronic Arts. The article says the group has targeted the video game industry before. Yet, most of it is about those who were affected – customers of the telephone company Telia. Hacking is the main topic. “Unemployment on the rise at St. Hanshaugen”17 has unemployment as its main topic, and the industry is mentioned because an interviewee, now unemployed, used to work in it. It was still included, because it contained an explicit and/or implicit characterization of the industry. In this regard, explicit means that the journalist or an interviewee gives a description which characterizes the industry. For example, “the industry is innovative”. Implicit means that one could draw out such a characterization, even if it is not explicit in the text. For instance, an article about how Swedish developer Markus Persson sold Minecraft to Microsoft and became a millionaire. Implicitly it says, “the video game industry = lucrative”, and does not need to explicitly state so to get this point across. Yet, implied meanings are highly dependent on the reader. Different people might see different things in the same text. For instance, another person might say that Minecraft is portrayed as the exception to the rule, which implies that the rest of the industry is not as successful. Then again, a counter argument could be that the article at least implies that “the video game industry = potentially lucrative” or “money could be made in this industry”. Had the article stated that Persson sold Minecraft and somehow lost millions, it would imply something else. While implied meanings depend on the reader, I tried to avoid making so-

15 “Dataspillprodusenter uten nerdstempel” (Aftenposten, 19.09.2004) 16 “Hackergrupp tar på sig Telia-attack” (Aftonbladet, 11.12.2014) 17 “Ledigheten øker mest på St. Hanshaugen” (Aftenposten, 16.03.2009)

33 called stretches. For example, one could argue that hackers must have targeted Electronic Arts and the video game industry because they are bad, which might imply “hackers do not like it = bad industry”, i.e. an implicit characterization. As the details do not support it, I would regard this as a stretch. The hackers could have done it for fun, because they do not like the industry, or something else. Neither side is presented as good or bad, and there are no causes or reasons. Thus, articles like this one were excluded. I am aware, though, that others might read it differently, and that this might affect the validity of my analysis. My second criterion, then, allowed me to include articles that mentioned the industry in passing, on the condition that they contained an explicit and/or implicit characterization of the industry. In the unemployment-article, Fredrik, the former employee, had been laid off to save the company from financial trouble. While this explicitly refers to his company, it does also imply that the video game industry is unstable. Moreover, Fredrik says: “Fall is always a good time for video game industry, and I hope that is true this year too”18. In other words, the article gives an explicit characterization of the industry as unstable. Some articles on VR-gear were included, while others were excluded. If the industry was merely mentioned in passing (“VR technology might be used in the video game industry”), the article was excluded. Yet, if Sony, a console manufacturer, was developing the VR-gear, it becomes an article about the video game industry, and could also include an implicit or explicit characterization of the industry as “innovative”. An article about another VR-company might also imply innovation, of course, but not by the video game industry. Another illustrative example: “Revealed sequel – on LinkedIn-profile”19. It is about an employee writing on his LinkedIn-resumé that he worked on the sequel, thus revealing the secret. Criterion 1) does not apply, as the story revolves around the reveal and the person. Criterion 2) does not apply either, as there are no explicit characterizations, and not enough details to draw out an implicit one. From just reading the title, one could expect an article about an immature industry, or an industry that is bad at keeping secrets. Yet, none of these terms are used, the industry is not even mentioned, and the focus is solely on the reveal and the person. Saying that it implies “reveal secret = immature industry” would be a stretch. Despite this, I included articles about specific game companies and specific games, if they were either about the industry, following Criterion 1), or included a characterization, following Criterion 2). However, if they did not meet these criteria – such as news about games that mentioned the industry but were more about specific games – they were excluded.

18 Original: “Spillbransjen har alltid gode tider om høsten, og det håper jeg slår til i år også” 19 “Avslöjade uppföljare – på LinkedIn-profil” (Aftonbladet, 22.12.2014)

34 For instance, “game X delayed”. A delayed game could make the industry look bad: poor planning, fans waiting, unforeseen circumstances. It could also make it look good: the industry is unwilling to crunch (working extreme hours to complete a game on time). When such interpretations were a stretch, the article was excluded. As this thesis is about the video game industry, I had to be careful when excluding articles on the basis that they were about games, not the industry. Many articles about specific video games could imply something about the industry. One could say that a review giving a game “100 %” implies that the industry is good. Yet, I would then have to include all reviews. Reviews that did not say anything about the industry were excluded, but were included if they had characterizations. For instance, an explicit one: “game X shows the industry´s lack of innovation”. Implied characterizations in such articles had to be called for: “this game is a work of art”, which implies that games are an artform, implying that the industry does not just sell products for kids, but elevating it to the world of art. Similar to the Minecraft-example, I included articles on companies being successful or unsuccessful on the stock market, thus implying that the industry is lucrative. As said, an article about a delay would not be enough, but an article about an upcoming release, claiming it would be a sure financial success, was included, as it implies that the industry is lucrative. Because of the interpretive and subjective nature of my second criterion, I cross- examined my exclusions in case I had excluded something out of habit because I did so when using the earlier version of the criteria. This showed that I indeed had excluded a few articles that should not have been excluded. However, the number was quite low, which strengthens my belief in the criteria. The articles I had wrongly excluded the first time were added. The third criterion was that the article was a journalistic article written by someone employed by the newspaper. This includes multiple genres: news, analysis, commentary, interviews and reviews. I excluded: “quarterly reports” (“delärsrapport”), press releases without any journalism, small updates on stocks, letters to the editor and opinions written by someone outside the newspaper. This should ensure that the articles are independent journalistic works, without external interference or personal interests. Nevertheless, I did include articles from news agencies such as TT and NTB, because these are not meant to provide an outside perspective, but are meant to be a part of the regular reporting.

3.1.7 Frames: emphasis framing vs. equivalence framing As stated in section 2.4.2, I have chosen to adopt and combine Williams´ (2003) utopian and dystopian frames and Kümpel & Haas´ (2016) opportunity and risk frames. In Williams´

35 utopian frame games lead to enjoyment, intelligence and computer-familiarity, while in the dystopian frame they lead to time waste, health risks, theft and drug use (2003, p. 537-540). For Kümpel & Haas, the opportunity frame focuses on “the benefits of video games and their ability to enhance problem-solving skills, strategic thinking, or promoting health and well- being”. The risk frame, on the other hand, focuses on “increasing aggressive behavior, leading to social exclusion or to a loss of reality” (Kümpel & Haas, 2016, p. 729). I will be looking for these frames in the content analysis, but I must first operationalize the term frame. As said, I am drawing on Entman´s (1993) definition. In texts, frames “are manifested by the presence or absence of certain keywords, stock phrases, stereotyped images, sources of information, and sentences that provide thematically reinforcing clusters of facts or judgments” (Entman, 1993, p. 52). One could say that these are the building blocks of frames. In Chapter 2, I adopted Lauren R. Tucker´s view that frames are structured by discourses (1998, p. 145). Thus, in this thesis discourses will also be seen as building blocks of frames. Opportunity and risk frames are examples of valence frames, a type of emphasis frames. Emphasis frames emphasize “a subset of potentially relevant considerations”, which can make people “focus on these considerations when constructing their opinions” (Druckman, 2001, p. 230). Valence frames “describe issues or events in either positive or negative terms” (de Vreese & Boomgaarden in Kümpel & Haas, 2016, p. 722). Michael A. Cacciatore, Dietram A. Scheufele & Shanto Iyengar (2016) argue for studying equivalence, as it is easier to differentiate from other media effects concepts (2016, p. 20). Such framing studies “variations in how […] information is presented to audiences, rather than differences in what is being communicated” (Cacciatore et. al, 2016, p. 9-10). Yet, I have chosen emphasis frames, because: 1) Scholars recommend drawing on frames found in other research and theory. This raises the validity and reliability of my own research. 2) Equivalence frames are hard to study in settings that are not experimental. They consist of “different, but logically equivalent, words or phrases”, which creates the framing effect (Druckman, 2010, p. 228). For instance, giving participants “different but logically equivalent” articles, then measure the effect. This level of control is impossible when studying actual newspaper articles. I will describe how I operationalize the frames in section 3.1.9. First, however, I will discuss my method for generating frames.

3.1.8 Frames: How to generate them? Jörg Matthes and Matthias Kohring (2008) want to improve reliability and validity in framing research. Reliability refers to “the dependability and consistency of the relationship between

36 two variables or in the score obtained on a single variable at more than one point in time” (Gunter, 2012, p. 240). In other words, if myself or another researcher were to code the same articles at another time, the coding should ideally be identical. The more similar the coding sessions are, the more reliable the study is. I am thus doing two coding sessions. Validity refers to “whether a measure properly captures the meaning of the concept or construct it represents”, and it is “more difficult to establish with certainty”. Internal validity refers to the study being free from theoretical or methodological errors. External validity refers to whether the results can be generalized (Gunter, 2012, p. 240). Validity can refer to methodological choices like sampling, or if my sources represent the Norwegian and Swedish media. More on the reliability and validity of my content analysis in Chapter 4. There are five approaches to finding frames in research on framing: hermeneutic, linguistic, manual holistic, computer-assisted and deductive. In the hermeneutic approach, frames are found by interpreting texts and connecting frames to cultural elements. The linguistic is similar, but the “linguistic elements that signify a frame” are clearly determined (Matthes and Kohring, 2008, p. 259-260). In the next subsection, I will explain which words and terms signify each of my frames. In the manual holistic approach, “frames are first generated by a qualitative analysis of some news texts and then are coded as holistic variables in a manual content analysis” (Matthes and Kohring, 2008, p. 260). By doing trial content analyses, I found smaller frame types within opportunity and risk. While the three already mentioned (I will skip the fourth), find frames inductively, the fifth, the deductive approach, “theoretically derive frames from the literature and code them in standard content analysis” (Matthes and Kohring, 2008, p. 262). I followed this approach as well, to adhere to the recommendations of Tankard (2001) and Cacciatore et. al. (2016, p. 14). My approach includes elements from both the linguistic, manual holistic and deductive approach. As Matthes and Kohring point out, reliability and validity “strongly depend upon the transparency in extracting the frames” (2008, p. 260). I have explained how I found the frames, and I will continue to follow their advice by explaining in detail how I extract them.

3.1.9 Frames: Opportunity and risk Williams and Kümpel & Haas studied words, phrases, quotes and headlines related to the opportunities and risks of video games. As I am studying the industry, the words and phrases must be adjusted. I draw on Schuck & De Vreese (2006), who used opportunity and risk in their study on EU enlargement (2006, p. 10-11). They looked for positive/negative emotional expressions, positive/negative quotes, future benefit/cost, rational argumentation as either

37 opportunity/risk, and positive/negative evaluation. They made two sets of five questions for each article. The answers were binarily coded (1 = yes, 0 = no), then added together and divided by the number of questions. If the score was higher on one side, the frame was present, but if it was high on both sides, it was considered balanced or neutral (Schuck & De Vreese, 2006, p. 13-14). My method is similar, but simpler in how it found frames. I asked one question to find the frame. Opportunity was one variable, and risk another, both binarily coded (1 = yes, 0 = no). I asked more questions per article than Schuck & De Vreese, though, but these were for other variables. More on them below. If an article focused on potential future benefits, using words like “success”, “potential” or “growth”, it was coded as opportunity. The risk frame included words like “unstable market”, “lay-offs”, “small” and “inequality”. The table below summarizes what words and concepts the frames included.

V4: Industry: Opportunity? V5: Industry: Risk? 1: Yes - Few jobs, lay-offs, no profit, stagnation, 1: Yes - Creates jobs, hiring, makes profit, is unstable market, failure, even big names fall, growing, has potential, success stories, industry too small compared to the world, instrumental, infinite expansion, comparisons to misogyny, few women, long hours, dependent established genres, celebrities, prices, innovation on funding, cynical, not creative, harmful games 0: No 0: No Table 2: The opportunity frame and the risk frame To find different types of opportunities and risks, I asked “Why?” after “Is the industry framed as opportunity/risk?”. The different reasons were found during my initial searches.

V4b: Opportunity. Why? V5b: Risk. Why? 1: Economy - Profit, sales, industry growing, 1: Economy - No profit, low sales, industry not expanding markets, hiring, immune to financial growing, no expansion, bankruptcy, lay-offs, crisis, stability, potential, avoid piracy financial crisis, no stability, no potential, piracy 2: Society - instrumental benefits like 2: Society - instrumental risks like taking talent technology, progress, jobs, export from other sectors, no contribution to technology 3: Industry - Non-cynical, better hours, equal, 3: Industry - Cynical, long hours, unequal, low high wages, comparisons to film, to music, wages, negative comparisons to film, to music, celebrity, innovative, “cool”, “big” celebrity, not innovative, “not cool”, “small” 4: Government - dependent on funding, low 4: Government - funding that works, policies to funding, policies that do not work, politicians enable growth, politicians embracing games being skeptical 5: Gaming community - intelligent, social, 5: Gaming community - angry, misogyny, dedicated, imaginative, cooperative unhealthy, not social 6: Games – “bad”, displaces time, not 6: Games - fun, educational, art, culture, “not educational, not art, low culture, leads to bad” aggression and murder Table 3: Frame types

3.1.10 Other variables and coding While frames were the most important entities, I included other variables as well. My coding frame had 12 variables, not counting title, date and source. I took a note of these three first, then the country, with 1 for Norway and 2 for Sweden. Everything except date and name were coded binarily. After a few preliminary searches, I noticed that many of the Swedish articles featured a comment from a developer or spokesperson, and started counting the frequency of this. I also noted whether the article was about the national industry, the international or both. I noted whether the article was on web or on paper. If it was on paper, and ATEKST included a PDF, I noted section, page location and space. I did this to study physical visibility, i.e. how much space is allotted to the industry, and how visible is it to readers. I also wanted to locate major events. Articles on major events from each year will be analyzed further in CDA. I did so because: 1) Major events might make the discourses and frames reach more people, as they are covered in many outlets and over a longer time. 2) Major events like Gamergate show what needs to occur for the industry to become news or seen as important enough to warrant media coverage. This is the link between my methods.

3.2 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

In this section, I will describe what type of CDA I am going to conduct. The analysis proper will be presented in Chapter 5. A critical discourse analysis is in simple – and admittedly banal – terms, about analyzing discourse critically. I will here explain what type of analysis CDA is, what discourse is in CDA and what makes CDA critical.

3.2.1 What is CDA? CDA is arguably most famous in its Faircloughian guise, and according to Fairclough, CDA researches “how discourse figures in (and often […] ´drives´) more general processes of social change” (2010, p. 381). I will look at how the media coverage changes, and how this connects to social change. The financial crisis and Gamergate are examples of such changes. For Fairclough, CDA analyzes the relationships between three dimensions of communicative events, for instance a newspaper article. These three are text, discourse practice and sociocultural practice. In a newspaper article, the text is literally the written text. Discourse practice refer to “text production and text consumption”. Sociocultural practice

39 refer to “the social and cultural goings-on which the communicative event is part of” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 57). My CDA will analyze the articles at all three levels. a) Stage 1: textual analysis The first stage in CDA, the textual analysis, studies vocabulary, semantics, grammar, phonology, textual organization and cohesion. In other words, both meaning and form. Importantly, both absences and presences are analyzed (Fairclough 1995, p. 58). For Richardson, this illustrates a difference between CDA and content analysis: CDA is more interpretative, in that it also studies “what could have been but is not present”. Aspects of texts are seen as choices – for example one way of representing someone or something instead of another – and are analyzed as such (Richardson, 2007, p. 38). By combining CDA and content analysis, I will study the articles from different angles, strengthening the thesis, and giving us – society, the media, researchers, readers – a better understanding of the topic. A textual analysis can be many things, depending on what aspect(s) of the text(s) the analyst wants to study. My CDA will draw heavily on tools provided by Richardson (2007), which I will map out below. According to him, most discourse analyses start by analyzing words. They “convey the imprint of society and of value judgements in particular – they convey connoted as well as denoted meanings” (Richardson, 2007, p. 47). Naming is an important aspect of word choice. It can have a huge impact on how the named are viewed, can show which groups the named are associated with, and the relationship between the named and the namer. The same person could be referred to as both “father” and “terrorist”. A group of people could be “us” or “them”. Predication is also important, and refers to word choices that more directly represent social actors´ values and characteristics (Richardson, 2007, pp. 49-52). For example, “the video game industry” (subject) “is cynical/successful” (predicate). I will also look at word choice and semantics, i.e. the meaning of words. After analyzing words, Richardson moves to sentences. An important aspect here is transitivity, which Richardson calls the “heart of representation”, because it describes “the relationships between participants and the roles they play in the processes described” (Richardson, 2007, p. 54). The latter part, the process, becomes important when considering that news articles often delete the agent, like in: “the sentence was written”. In this example, the writer of the sentence is deleted. Obscuring language in such a way can have a great impact on the understanding of relationships, roles, participants and processes (Richardson, 2007, p. 55). However, one must also take earlier sentences into account when studying agent deletion, and not overstate its significance. If the sentence above was preceded by “the writer,

40 John Doe, removed his fingers from the keyboard”, one could infer that he was the writer. Thus, Richardson argues, one should view the entire text as the unit of analysis, rather than analyze it on a sentence-by-sentence basis (2007, p. 58). There might also be instances where the sentence does not really need an agent. For instance, if one wants to emphasize the object. Another important aspect of sentences is called modality: “judgements, comment and attitude in text and talk”. Modality is indicated via modal verbs (may, could, should), their negations (may not, could not, should not), and adverbs (certainly), which are usually a part of “opinionated” journalism, like columns. There are two main types of modality: truth and obligation (or duty). The first refers to varying degrees of certainty about a statement: “The video game industry will succeed if…” or “The video game industry could succeed if…”. The second refers to future events, and what the author thinks should be done. Both categorical claims and more uncertain ones can affect our understanding. For example, articles stating that Iraq “could” have missiles, does not actually say that it does, but still “contributed to the growing sense that ´something should be done` about Iraq” (Richardson, 2007, pp. 59-61). Next, Richardson describes presuppositions, which are “taken-for-granted, implicit claim[s] embedded within the explicit meaning of a text or utterance” (2007, p. 63). Drawing on Reah (2002), Richardson lists four linguistic structures carrying presupposed meaning (Reah in Richardson, 2007, p. 63). First, words that invoke presupposed meaning when used, like “state verbs (stop, begin, continue) or implicative verbs (manage, forget)” (Richardson, 2007, p. 63). For instance, “the success of the video game industry continues” presupposes that it has been successful for a while. Second, “the definite article (´the ----`) and possessive articles (´his/her----`) trigger presuppositions” (Richardson, 2007, p. 63). In the above example, “the success” and “the industry” not only means that the industry is successful, it also means that it is indeed big enough to be called an industry. There is no direct Norwegian and Swedish equivalent to “the”. Rather, it becomes part of the word in noun declension, for example the singular definite form of industry: “industrien”. Third, “presuppositions are present in ´wh-questions`, like ´why` or ´when`”. For instance, “Who is responsible…” is both a request for a name, and implies that someone is responsible. Fourth, Richardson adds something which Reah omits, nominal presuppositions: “nouns and adjectives used to qualify (or modify) noun phrases”, like “new”, which presupposes “old or past” (2007, pp. 63-64). Richardson also discusses the rhetorical tropes of hyperbole, metaphor, metonymy, neologisms and puns. His descriptions are enlightening, but as the meaning of for instance metaphor is common knowledge, I will not spend time on it here. Moreover, metaphors were used in my sample, and it included one neologism, but the others were not present.

41 Richardson then studies narratives, the content of news stories and how it is presented. Hard news narratives rarely follow a regular narrative structure building towards a climax, because they cover “ever-unfolding social events”. News stories have simpler plots: setting, event and outcome. Hard news have a “climax-first” structure (Richardson, 2007, p. 71). To sum up, I will analyze words, paying attention to naming and predication. I will also study sentences, paying attention to syntax, transitivity and modality. I will study presupposition, look for rhetorical tropes and analyze the narratives. Not every linguistic feature might be applicable to every text, or it might not be interesting to discuss these for every text. Therefore, I will move between the features, but start with what seems to be standing out, or the most interesting aspect of the article. b) Stage 2: discourse practice The second stage studies discourse practice, or production and consumption. Fairclough refers to institutional “editorial procedures” and routines for media consumption, but also “the transformations which texts undergo in production and consumption” (1995, pp. 58-59). For Richardson, discursive practices (he uses the plural term) are similar to Hall´s (1980) concepts of encoding and decoding. The “producer and mode of production” encode meaning by for instance choosing one story over another, but the producer is also shaped by genres. While texts try to “shape the understandings of the reader”, the reader might also “resist, subtly counter or directly misunderstand the encoded meaning”. In addition, journalists always write for an imagined or target consumer (Richardson, 2007, pp. 40-41). According to Richardson, this aspect of CDA remains the most “under-developed” (2007, p. 39). Fairclough even points out that his focus is on text, not production and consumption (1995, p. 62). Jørgensen & Phillips also say that Fairclough rarely studies production and decoding, and that few discourse analysts do reception studies (1999, p. 93). For Fairclough, this stage involves studying the relationship between the text and “the order of discourse” (1995, p. 60). An order of discourse is “a particular articulation or configuration of genres, discourses and styles” (Fairclough, 2010, p. 291). One could for instance talk about the newspaper order of discourse, or the television order of discourse. The term discourse is used by Fairclough in two ways. On the one hand, as a concrete noun: “a representation of some area of social life from a particular perspective” (Fairclough, 2010, p. 289). This was the definition used in Chapter 2. On the other hand, Fairclough has used it as an abstract noun, often called “semiosis” instead (2010, p. 290, p. 381). Semiosis is the intersubjective production of meaning (Fairclough, Jessop & Sayer, 2010, p. 202).

42 The discourses that are a part of orders of discourse, are discourses as concrete nouns. Fairclough suggests that texts “hybridise [old] discourses in constituting [new] discourses”, as well as hybridizing genres and styles (2010, p. 290). Emphasis must be placed on “discoursal change”. Such changes involve “innovation” and “crossing boundaries”, using language in a way “which gives a sense of a struggle between different ways of signifying a particular domain of experience” (Fairclough, 2010, p. 64). When analyzing, the researcher must ask: How does the text draw on the order of discourse? Normatively or creatively? And what effect does this have on the order of discourse? Is it reproduced or restructured? In “creative discourse practice”, genres and discourses (and styles – which Fairclough added later) are mixed. All of this relates to the third stage – which I will describe below – sociocultural practice. According to Fairclough, one can expect creative discourse practice “where the sociocultural practice is fluid, unstable and shifting”, whereas for conventional practice it would be the other way around. For Fairclough, this is what makes change visible in texts: “the media play a significant role in reflecting and stimulating more general processes of change”. An important note is that “creative” does not refer to a creative individual or writer. Rather, “discourse creativity is an effect of social conditions” (Fairclough, 1995, pp. 60-61). By introducing this second stage, CDA becomes both textual analysis (the first stage), and intertextual analysis (the second stage). The researcher must ask: “what genres and discourses [and styles – which Fairclough added later] were drawn upon in producing the text, and what traces of them are there in the text?” While linguistic analysis is descriptive, the intertextual one is more interpretative (Fairclough, 1995, p. 61). c) Stage 3: Sociocultural practice The third stage of the analysis studies sociocultural practice. As said, they are “the social and cultural goings-on which the communicative event is part of” (Fairclough, 1995, p. 57). In CDA, the relationships between texts, discourse practices and social practices are dialectical, and they influence each other. Social practice influences both the production and consumption of texts. Richardson writes: “readers decode the meanings of texts using knowledge and beliefs of the world, and these texts go on to shape (through either transformation or reproduction) these same readers´ knowledge and beliefs” (2007, p. 45). The analysis may be at different levels of abstraction from the communicative event (i.e. text): “its more immediate situational context, the wider context of institutional practices the event is embedded within, or the yet wider frame of the society and the culture”.

43 Fairclough differentiates between three aspects: economic, political (concerned with issues of power and ideology), and cultural (concerned with questions of value and identity) (1995, p. 62). Richardson elaborates with some examples of questions to ask during analysis: What does this text say about the society it comes from? How will it influence social relations? Will it continue inequality, or break it? The knowledge from the textual analysis, and analysis of discourse practices are kept, “but now these insights are expanded and viewed in relation to the wider society” (Richardson, 2007, p. 42). It is important to note that using discourse analysis alone will not be sufficient when studying social practice, because social practice includes both discursive and non-discursive elements. Therefore, one should apply social theory and culture theory, as well (Jørgensen & Phillips, 1999, p. 82). For this stage of the CDA, then, I will be drawing on the theoretical framework presented in Chapter 2, and other relevant theory. While Fairclough presents his framework by going from text to sociocultural practice, one does not need to do the analysis stage by stage. Fairclough stresses that one could emphasize the dimensions differently, and that his own focus is on text, and that he is not concerned with production and consumption (1995, p. 62). As a researcher I am quite free, then, to conduct the CDA which is best suited to answer my research questions.

3.2.2 How CDA will be used in this thesis First, I will conduct a textual analysis focused on how the video game industry is portrayed in the journalistic discourse of the selected sample of newspaper articles. I will be drawing on Richardson´s (2007) tools. I will move between the linguistic features. Second, an analysis of discourse practice, i.e. the production and consumption of these newspaper articles. I will use the findings from the content analysis specifically about the sources to say something about the different editorial processes for the sources I have chosen. For instance, which of the six sources cover the industry the most? In addition, I will look at which discourses the texts draw upon, and whether they change or remain constant over time, i.e. I will put emphasis on discoursal change. Genres and styles will not be as important here, however, allowing me to fully focus on discourses. Third, and finally, an analysis of the sociocultural practices: What does this text say about the society it comes from? Using the findings from the first two levels of analysis, I will study the differences and similarities in the Norwegian and Swedish newspapers´ portrayal of the video game industry. Findings from the content analysis will be used actively, and CDA will be able to further study how the type of coverage changes.

44 My analysis will be critical. CDA “focuses on what is wrong with a society (an institution, an organisation etc.), and how ´wrongs´ might be ´righted´ or mitigated, from a particular normative standpoint” (Fairclough, 2010, p. 7). CDA, then, is not just used to analyze social change, but also to produce it. This is indeed my goal, mainly a change in how the video game industry is portrayed in the media. Infrequent and unbalanced coverage could have multiple negative consequences. According to agenda-setting theory, infrequent coverage could make the video game industry seem unimportant to the public (Carroll & McCombs, 2003, p. 36-37). In both discourse theory and framing theory, the way people talk about something, and the way the media frames something, can influence our understanding of it (Entman, 1993, p. 52; Foucault, 1972, p. 49). Unbalanced coverage could lead to false perceptions of the industry. Thus, I am critical of both how often and in what ways the Norwegian media cover the industry. Perhaps, by highlighting it, coverage might change. In the long-term, a change in coverage might even influence the understanding of the video game industry in the public, and in turn even the conditions for the Norwegian industry.

3.2.3 Combining framing and CDA I am drawing on Tucker´s (1998) theory and methodology. She does not explicitly combine frame analysis and CDA, but she conducts a frame analysis to locate discourses. Her version is a qualitative textual analysis. First, she locates the discourses structuring the “kiddie-porn frame” by analyzing news in terms of Entman´s four functions. Then, she finds four themes that each correspond to one of the functions. Tucker goes on to analyze these themes, for instance showing what language articles use to characterize Calvin Klein (1998, p. 145, 147). In her discussion, Tucker shows how a set of discourses “work together” to create the frame, and that they also articulate the interests of a certain social group (1998, pp. 153-154). Thus, Tucker´s analysis is able to analyze both frames and discourses. In the content analysis, I will find out which frames are present in the texts, and in CDA I will find which discourses are drawn upon when structuring those frames. By combining CDA and Tucker´s frame analysis of media discourse, I am able to both study discourses and social change, as well as how the discourses structure the frames that are applied to the video game industry. Other scholars have explicitly combined CDA and frame analysis, though. For Lauren Kogen (2015), frame analysis is more centered on political issues in the news, while CDA looks at social practices embedded in everyday discourse (2015, p. 7). Andrea L. Guzman (2016) used CDA to analyze the framing of participants in the Arab Spring (2016, p. 80). In

45 literature, Guzman found media frames that have been applied to the Middle East before. CDA is used to study words, their meaning and how this frames different actors in the Arab spring. Guzman for instance studies how the media “named and described” the actors and their actions (2016, pp. 86-88). As stated above, I will be looking at similar linguistic features. Both Guzman and Kogen use CDA to study frames, but do not mention specific discourses. They study discourse as in word choice and phrasing, i.e. they use CDA to study how word choices structure frames. In this thesis, I am essentially combining the above approaches. CDA will be used, like Guzman and Kogen do, to analyze word choices and phrasing. Unlike Guzman and Kogen, I will use this analysis to locate discourses, like Tucker. I will also, like Tucker, study which discourses are structuring the frames.

3.3 Summary

In this chapter, I have presented the two methods I will use: content analysis and CDA. The content analysis will be conducted in Chapter 4. It will analyze 500 articles from the years of 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2018, from three Norwegian news sources (Aftenposten, VG, NRK) and three Swedish news sources (Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, SVT). I will study frequency by counting articles from each country, and the type of coverage by counting frames (opportunity, risk, neither, balanced), frame types (economy, society, industry, government, gaming community, games), which industry was featured (international, national, both), if spokespersons were allowed to comment, physical visibility (paper/web, section, location on page, number of pages) and finally whether the industry was the main topic or not, and if it included an explicit or implicit characterization of the industry. I will do the CDA in Chapter 5. It will be used, like Fairclough (1995), Richardson (2007), Guzman (2016) and Kogen (2015), to analyze lexical features of texts. Yet, unlike Guzman and Kogen, I will use this analysis to locate discourses, like Tucker (1998). Then, also like Tucker, I will study the discourses structuring the frames applied to the industry. First, I will conduct a textual analysis, and will be drawing on Richardson´s (2007) tools. Secondly, while analyzing the texts, I will also analyze discourse practices. Third, and finally, I will analyze sociocultural practices. The analysis will be critical of the way the media covers the video game industry, with the intention of producing change in the coverage. In the long-term, a change in coverage might influence the understanding of the industry in the public, which might in turn even influence the industry´s conditions.

46 Chapter 4: Content Analysis

In this chapter, the content analysis will be conducted. Section 4.1 will present the main results, looking at frequency and framing, national industries, spokespeople and frame types. Section 4.2 will cover editorial processes. Section 4.3 will locate important events for each year, which will be studied in CDA, and thus works as a bridge between my two methods. Finally, section 4.4 will summarize the findings and conclude.

4.1 Results

4.1.1 Frequency and framing A total of 500 articles were analyzed. 83 from 2004, 185 from 2009, 165 from 2014, and 67 from 2018. 196 articles were Norwegian, and 304 were Swedish. When separating articles into both year and country, the pattern in the table below emerges.

2004 2009 2014 2018 Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden 53 30 103 82 31 134 9 58 Table 4: Number of articles per year per country Compared to the bar chart from Chapter 3, one can see the peaks in 2009 and 2014, and the decline in the Norwegian coverage from 2014. Yet, what the bar chart failed to show, was that Norwegian coverage was bigger than Swedish in 2004 and 2009. Thus, the drop from 2004, when it was 44,4 % bigger, to 2018, when the Swedish is 84,48 % bigger, is a significant one. As mentioned in Chapter 3, I included an article in my sample if it: 1) was about the video game industry, or 2) contained an explicit/implicit characterization. I included these as variables to find out how often the industry was the main topic, and how it was characterized. The table below shows the findings. There were more Not main-articles than Main, but most Not main-articles were about video games (Not + games). Only 33 articles were about something else than video games. These, however, included a characterization of the industry. One can also see that explicit characterizations were more frequent than implicit ones.

Main Not main Not + games Explicit Implicit 201 299 266 310 190 Table 5: Was the industry the main topic of the article? If not, was it about video games? Did it include an explicit and/or implicit characterization?

47 The table below compares the two countries in terms of topic and characterization. Percentages are quite similar, but there are more Swedish Not-main articles, and the Swedish articles more often include implicit characterizations. This might be because of the larger amount of Not main-articles, which for instance might be about a developer, and is implying something about the industry without stating it outright.

Sweden Norway Main Not main Explicit Implicit Main Not main Explicit Implicit 114 190 177 127 87 109 133 63 37,50 % 62,50 % 58,22 % 41,78 % 44,39 % 55,61 % 67, 86 % 32,14 % Table 6: Main topic and explicit/implicit characterization separated by country Most of the articles framed the industry as an opportunity. Thus, when the video game industry makes the news, it is usually because of its current or potential success. The risk frame slightly outweighs the balanced frame, but they are close. Together opportunity and risk are used in 375 articles, while balanced is used 101 times. Instead of analyzing from different sides, then, most articles in my sample frame the industry as either risk or opportunity. Few were coded as “neither”, i.e. not opportunity, risk or balanced. Thus, few articles were truly neutral or objective – which news journalism strives to be. While I did include some articles in the review and opinion genres, most were hard news.

Opportunity Risk Neither Balanced 247 125 27 101 Table 7: Framing In percent, the opportunity frame is used in 49,4 % of the articles, risk in 25 %, neither in 5,4 % and balanced in 20,2 %. Moreover, as shown below, this pattern has changed over time.

Opportunity Risk Neither Balanced 2004 57,83 % 16,87 % 8,43 % 16,87 % 2009 51,89 % 17,84 % 6,49 % 23,78 % 2014 43,64 % 38,18 % 2,42 % 15,76 % 2018 46,27 % 22,39 % 5,97 % 25,37 % Table 8: Framing in percentages by year Opportunity decreases over time, while risk increases. Yet, opportunity still outweighs risk in 2018. The neither frame is relatively stable. The balanced frame fluctuates between 15 % and 25 %, and 2004 is similar to 2014, while 2009 is similar to 2018. In 2014, opportunity, neither

48 and balanced are at their lowest, and risk is at its highest. It is possible that Gamergate was difficult to portray as positive, or that video games journalism is becoming more critical.

4.1.2 Differences in framing in Norwegian and Swedish coverage As shown, the Swedish sources cover the industry more frequently. In the table below, the Norwegian coverage is marginally more focused on opportunity than risk, compared to the Swedish. Yet, the total amount of Swedish opportunity-articles still outweighs the Norwegian one. Thus, it is hard to say that one country uses the opportunity frame more than the other.

Opportunity Risk Neither Balanced Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden 100 147 43 82 13 14 40 61 51,02 % 48,36 % 21,94 % 26,92 % 6,63 % 4,61 % 20,41 % 20,7 % Table 9: Opportunity and risk framing in total by country When looking at how framing changes over time, there are both similarities and differences between the two countries. For instance, 2014 is similar in both, where opportunity is low, and risk is high. Yet, the table below shows that 2014 is part of a pattern: the Norwegian coverage gradually turns away from the opportunity frame, and towards risk. It also gradually turns away from balanced coverage, which is at 0 % in 2018. With the low number of articles in 2018, a few more could have tipped the scales, but these findings are still interesting.

Opportunity Risk Neither Balanced Year Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden 2004 56,60 % 60 % 15,09 % 20 % 9,43 % 6,67 % 18,87 % 13,37 % 2009 51,46 % 52,54 % 16,50 % 19,51 % 5,83 % 7,32 % 26,21 % 20,73 % 2014 45,16 % 43,28 % 41,93 % 37,31 % 3,23 % 2,24 % 9,68 % 17,16 % 2018 33,33 % 48,28 % 55,56 % 17,24 % 11,11 % 5,17 % 0 % 29,31 % Table 10: Framing over time The Swedish coverage is more consistent, both in opportunity and risk. Opportunity is decreasing here as well, but slower, and risk is at its lowest in 2018. Balanced coverage is increasing, and at its highest in 2018. Thus, the Swedish coverage is more consistent in opportunity framing, and becoming more balanced. The Norwegian coverage, then, is becoming more risk-oriented at the expense of opportunity and balanced, while the Swedish coverage is becoming more balanced-oriented at the expense of both opportunity and risk. While the countries seemed similar when looking at all the years together, the numbers from

49 2018 show huge differences between them. One conclusion so far: The Norwegian and Swedish coverage on the video game industry used to be quite similar before, but now the Swedish coverage is much more opportunity- and balanced-oriented than the Norwegian.

4.1.3 National industries, spokespersons, and how the national industries are framed How often are the articles about the national industry, the international one or both? If the Swedish industry is more visible than the Norwegian one, it should be featured more often.

National International Both Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden 35 124 141 122 18 58 17,86 % 40,79 % 71,94 % 40,13 % 9,18 % 19,08 % Table 11: Which industry is covered?

As shown above, the differences are huge. The Norwegian industry is indeed invisible in the Norwegian press. It mainly covers the international industry, while the Swedish coverage is equally divided between the two. When combining the Swedish articles in the national and both categories, we see that 59,87 % of Swedish articles feature the national industry in some capacity. By combining international and both, we see that 81,12 % of Norwegian articles feature the international industry in some capacity. It is abundantly clear, then, that their focus is very different, and that the Norwegian industry is invisible in the Norwegian press. This invisibility should also make it seem less important for the public, politicians and investors. In terms of consequences, one could ask if there is a correlation between coverage and success. Of course, the above shows that there is a correlation, as the Swedish industry is both more visible in the media and more successful. One could also look at how coverage and success changes over time. My data is unable to indicate whether success follows coverage or vice-versa. The Swedish coverage of the national industry has been growing from 23,33 % in 2004 to a staggering 72,41 % in 2018. In other words, from some of its coverage to almost all of it. The Norwegian coverage of the national industry also grew, from 9,43 % in 2004 to 35,48 % in 2014, but then decreased significantly to 11,11 % in 2018.

National International Both Year Norway Sweden Norway Sweden Norway Sweden 2004 9,43 % 23,33 % 79,25 % 66,67 % 11,32 % 10 % 2009 17,48 % 31,71 % 71,84 % 42,68 % 8,74 % 25,61 % 2014 35,48 % 36,57 % 61,29 % 43,28 % 3,23 % 20,15 % 2018 11,11 % 72,41 % 66,67 % 15,52 % 22,22 % 12,07 % Table 12: Coverage of the national, international or both industries over time

50 As shown, general coverage has decreased in both countries, but the percentage dedicated to the national industries has increased – until 2018 in Norway. Meanwhile, the national industries are becoming more successful. In Norway, revenue decreased from 2008 to 2011, but then increased quickly from 2012 (184 million NOK) to 2016 (313 million NOK) (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 19). In Sweden, revenue is also growing, but the total result decreased from 2016 to 2017 (Dataspelsbranschen, 2018, p. III). This illustrates an important fact: General coverage decreases after 2014, but revenue does not. It seems, then, that the video game industry is becoming more successful, regardless of the amount of media coverage. At the same time, as shown above, the Swedish coverage focuses almost exclusively on the national industry in 2018. In Sweden, then, there is a correlation between national coverage and success, but whether coverage followed success or vice-versa, is unclear. As for Norway, revenue drops after 2008, which means that the industry was less successful in 2009 than in 2008, but both general and national increased between 2004 and 2009. As I do not have data on the coverage from 2008, it is unclear whether coverage decreased or increased between 2008 and 2009. Then revenue increases again after 2012, but general and national coverage decrease between 2014 and 2018. The Norwegian video game industry is thus becoming more successful, regardless of the amount of media coverage. This finding is important. In fact, reading Oslo Economics (2018), it seems that since the Norwegian video game industry is both smaller and less visible than its Nordic neighbors, these two factors, success and visibility, are tightly connected. In the case of Norway, at least in recent years, the two does not correlate. It could be different in Sweden, as the two do correlate, but my data is unable to determine whether one variable affects the other. There are also many unanswered questions. The Norwegian industry might have been affected by the increasing coverage up to 2014. Perhaps coverage helps when the industry is smaller, then becomes less important later. One could also ask – although the Norwegian revenue is increasing – if more coverage could have made it increase even further. As Oslo Economics points out, the turnover in the Norwegian industry increased 22 % between 2012 and 2016, while the Swedish turnover increased by 235 % in the same period (2018, p. 16). The Swedish industry has been growing much faster, and the more national-oriented coverage could have played a part. While more data and variables are needed, one can still make the following argument: General coverage is decreasing, but success is increasing, indicating that the amount of coverage does not affect success (much). As Swedish coverage is more national-oriented, however, and the industry´s success is growing faster than the Norwegian

51 one, the amount of national-oriented coverage could affect success. This would also mean that type of coverage is more important than amount of general coverage. Moreover, the above has two important implications: 1) If more coverage does not lead to more success, and the patterns of both industry revenue and media coverage continue in the same direction, then Norwegian society will end up in a situation where the industry keeps growing, but the media are not telling people about it. This could lead to little knowledge about a huge industry. It would also mean that the media is not picturing reality, which could for instance lead to distrust in the media. 2) It is important to get more knowledge about differences in type of coverage. Framing and discourses could still affect society´s understanding of the industry. I will study this below, but it will also be further analyzed in CDA in Chapter 5. I will now look at which frames are applied to the national industries. I will also look at how often the articles included a comment from a spokesperson, making the industry visible in two ways: covered by the journalist and allowed a voice. 29 Norwegian articles included comments, and 85 Swedish did – 14,80 % out of the total for Norway, and 27,96 % for Sweden. Out of the 35 articles covering the Norwegian industry, 14 included comments – which is 40 %. Articles in the international and both categories, had comments in 4 and 11, respectively. Out of the 124 articles covering the Swedish industry, 68 included comments – which is 54,84 %. Articles in the international and both categories, had comments in 1 and 16, respectively. Swedish coverage both includes more comments from spokespeople than the Norwegian ones in general, and when covering the national industry. As shown below, opportunity is the most prominent way to frame the national industry in both countries. Swedish coverage, however, uses opportunity more than the Norwegian coverage, risk less and is more balanced. Since this mirrors the findings in section 4.1.2, the press is not friendlier towards their national industry than the international one.

National industry Norway Sweden Opp Risk Neither Balanced Opp Risk Neither Balanced Amount 16 13 1 5 66 29 2 27 Percent 45,71 % 37,14 % 2,86 % 14,29 % 53,3 % 23,39 % 1,61 % 21,77 % Table 13: Framing of the national industry by country I tried to find out how this framing changed over time, and the findings are presented in the table below. Due to the small number of articles, the percentages in the table below go quite literally from 0 to a 100, and are very inconsistent, making it difficult to draw conclusions. I

52 can say that the Norwegian press rarely use neither or balanced when covering the national industry. It is either opportunity or risk. The Swedish press, on the other hand, use the balanced frame much more, although opportunity and risk are used as well.

National industry Norway Sweden Opportunity Risk Neither Balanced Opportunity Risk Neither Balanced 2004 60 % 0 % 0 % 40 % 71,43 % 28,57 % 0 % 0 % 2009 38,89 % 38,89 % 5,56 % 16,67 % 50 % 15,38 % 0 % 34,63 % 2014 45,45 % 54,55 % 0 % 0 % 45,76 % 23,73 % 1,69 % 11,86 % 2018 100 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 50 % 21,43 % 2,38 % 26,19 % Table 14: Framing of the national industry by country over time In terms of the above discussion on success, the Swedish industry is more visible because of interviews and comments, and generally framed more as opportunity and balanced, and less as risk, compared to the Norwegian coverage. This could have influenced the Swedish´ industry´s more rapid growth. Yet, as the Norwegian coverage is more risk-oriented in 2014, when the industry grew in success, such negative coverage at least does not harm the industry enough to stop its growth. Still, as the Swedish industry is more successful, and has been growing faster, its more opportunity-oriented coverage could have played a part.

4.1.4 Change in frame type over time In the table below, one can see that frame types change as well. There is a gradual increase in the opportunity-economy pair, and a decline in the risk-economy pair – except for 2009, the year of the financial crisis. There is also a gradual decline of the opportunity-industry pair, but an increase in the risk-industry pair. In other words, when the industry is framed as an opportunity, it is for economic reasons, and when framed as a risk, it is because the industry is bad or cynical. Moreover, this pattern has changed gradually from 2004 to 2018.

2004 2009 2014 2018 Opp Risk Opp Risk Opp Risk Opp Risk Eco 29,17 % 28,57 % 39,58 % 54,55 % 51,39 % 23,81 % 66,67 % 20 % Soc 6,25 % 0 % 2,08 % 3,03 % 1,39 % 0 % 0 % 0 % Ind 54,17 % 57,14 % 43,75 % 24,24 % 40,28 % 55,56 % 23,33 % 73,33 % Gov 0 % 0 % 2,08 % 6,06 % 1,39 % 0 % 6,67 % 0 % Com 0 % 0 % 5,21 % 3,03 % 1,39 % 12,70 % 0 % 0 % Gam 10,42% 14,29 % 7,29 % 9,09 % 4,17 % 7,94 % 6,67 % 6,67 % Table 15: Frame type over time

53 The table above also shows that economy and industry are the most common frame types. In the table below, I focus on these two. The percentages – like 50 % in 2004 / Opp(ortunity) / S(weden) / Eco(nomy) – refer back to the total amount of articles using the frame. Half of the Swedish articles using the opportunity frame in 2004 used the economy frame type.

2004 2009 2014 2018 Opp Risk Opp Risk Opp Risk Opp Risk Eco 50 % 25 % 46,51 % 68,75 % 55,17 % 22 % 67,86 % 30 % S Ind 22,22 % 75 % 39,53 % 12,50 % 39,66 % 56 % 21,43 % 70 % Eco 16,67 % 25 % 33,96 % 41,18 % 35,71 % 30,77 % 33,33 % 0 % N Ind 73,33 % 50 % 47,17 % 35,29 % 42,86 % 53,85 % 33,33 % 80 % Table 16: The frame types of economy and industry over time The table illustrates more than one pattern. Firstly, whenever Swedish articles use opportunity framing, the economy frame type outweighs the industry frame type. Secondly, except for 2009 (the year of the financial crisis), risk framing most often use the industry frame type. Thirdly, whenever Norwegian articles use opportunity, industry outweighs economy every year except 2018, when they are identical, and this change is gradual. Fourthly, except for 2009, risk framing most often use industry. It seems that, despite Oslo Economics saying that Sweden views video games as industry more than culture, the Norwegian press, at least, views it as an industry. The Swedish press emphasizes economic benefits more than industrial. A focus on economic benefits might inspire more investors to make investments. One could say that being a good industry looks good on paper, but might not be as important as a healthy bottom line. Thus, investors seeing that the industry is for instance innovative and not cynical might be tempted to invest, but seeing that the industry makes money is a better reason to.

4.2 Editorial processes

4.2.1 Frequency Findings in this section will be about editorial processes – a part of discourse practice – and will lay the groundwork for CDA. Both the source with the most and the one with the fewest articles, are in fact Swedish. Also, NRK is covering the industry more than SVT is.

Aftenposten VG NRK Aftonbladet Svenska Dagbladet SVT 88 69 40 118 157 28 Table 17: Number of articles per source

54 The table below depicts the same pattern as table 4, but illustrates that a huge decline in the coverage of Aftonbladet and SVT from 2014 to 2018 is responsible for the decline in Swedish coverage. SvD is more consistent, and it had the most articles of all the sources in 2018.

Aftenposten VG NRK Aftonbladet Svenska Dagbladet SVT

2004 17 33 3 6 24 0 2009 48 30 26 31 44 6 2014 21 3 7 70 50 14 2018 2 3 4 11 39 8 Table 18: Number of articles per source over time

4.2.2 Framing The below table shows how much each source uses each frame. VG uses opportunity the most, and risk the least. Aftonbladet has been called VG´s Swedish equivalent, but their framing is not that similar. Aftonbladet uses risk twice as much as VG. Both Aftonbladet and SVT use the risk frame more than any of the Norwegian sources. Especially SVT, which uses risk the most, while also – shown above – covering the industry the least. The balanced frame is used in similar amounts by every source, meaning that all are likely to frame in one way, rather than seeing both sides. VG and SvD are the most video game industry friendly, and SVT and Aftonbladet the least.

Aftenposten VG NRK Aftonbladet SvD SVT

Opportunity 47,73 % 55,07 % 50 % 45,76 % 52,87 % 35,71 % Risk 27,27 % 15,94 % 20 % 32,20 % 21,02 % 39,29 % Neither 3,41 % 8,70 % 10 % 5,93 % 3,82 % 3,57 % Balanced 21,59 % 20,29 % 20 % 16,10 % 22,29 % 21,43 % Total 88 69 40 118 157 28 Table 19: Framing by source The below table shows how framing has changed over time. 2004 had the most differences between the sources. Aftonbladet (AB) used risk in most of its articles, but is mainly using opportunity in 2018, and is not as hostile as it seemed in the above table. SVT seemed to be the most hostile source, but half of its coverage in 2018 is actually balanced. In 2009, the sources are more moderate than in 2004, and almost identical in their framing, with opportunity around 50 % and risk around 15 %. Coverage more than doubled from 2004. It seems that this was the period when the press started prioritizing writing about the industry, and started hiring video game journalists with a similar view on games.

55 2004 2009 2014 2018 2004 2009 2014 2018 Opp 52,94 % 50 % 38,10 % 50 % 16,67 % 58,06 % 41,43 % 54,55 % A Risk 23,53 % 18,75 % 47,62 % 50 % A 66,67 % 12,90 % 41,43 % 9,09 % P Nei 5,88 % 2,08 % 4,76 % 0 % B 0 % 12,90 % 2,86 % 9,09 % Bal 17,65 % 29,17 % 9,52 % 0 % 16,67 % 16,13 % 14,29 % 27,27 % Opp 60,61 % 50 % 66,67 % 33,33 % 70,83 % 50 % 46 % 53,85 % S V Risk 12,12 % 16,67 % 33,33 % 33,33 % 8,83 % 25 % 28 % 15,38 % v G Nei 9,09 % 6,67 % 0 % 33,33 % 8,83 % 2,27 % 2 % 5,13 % D Bal 18,18 % 26,67 % 0 % 0 % 12,50 % 22,73 % 24 % 25,64 % Opp 33,33 % 53,85 % 57,14 % 25 % 0 % 50 % 42,86 % 12,50 % N S Risk 0 % 11,54 % 28,57 % 75 % 0 % 16,67 % 50 % 37,50 % R V Nei 33,33 % 11,54 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 16,67 % 0 % 0 % K T Bal 33,33 % 23,08 % 14,29 % 0 % 0 % 16,67 % 7,14 % 50 % Table 20: Framing by source over time The general patterns from section 4.1.2 are seen above too, meaning that no individual editorial practice is so different that it obscures the findings. All three Swedish sources show a gradual increase in balanced coverage – except for in 2014, when there is a dip for SVT and Aftonbladet, and then a rise to an all-time high in 2018 for all three. Aftenposten and VG have very similar percentages in balanced coverage up to 2009. Afterwards, every Norwegian source drops dramatically, and none of the Norwegian articles from 2018 are balanced. We know that the Norwegian media does not prioritize video games, and has let their video game specialists go. Thus, the journalists with enough competence to write balanced articles were gone, and this is reflected in the coverage of 2014 and 2018. In other words, editorial practices have affected both the type and frequency of coverage.

4.2.3 Spokespeople and national industry, international or both The below table shows how many articles feature comments from a spokesperson. The Swedish coverage is much more likely to feature a spokesperson. However, as NRK is doing this more than Aftonbladet, and Aftenposten and VG is doing it the least of all sources, this seems to be a result of their editorial processes.

Aftenposten VG NRK Aftonbladet SvD SVT Spokesperson 12 8 9 19 53 13 Of total 13,64 % 11,59 % 22,50 % 16,10 % 33,76 % 46,43 % Total 88 69 40 118 157 28 Table 21: Articles featuring a comment from a spokesperson The table below shows how each source cover national industries, international and both. Aftenposten covers the national industry much more than VG and NRK. Local (or national)

56 seems to be a more important news value for Aftenposten. In Sweden, SvD and SVT are predominantly national, while Aftonbladet has a more international focus. In other words, these numbers are a strong indicator of how editorial processes have affected the coverage.

Aftenposten VG NRK Aftonbladet SvD SVT National 27,27 % 8,70% 12,50 % 22,03 % 50,32 % 67,86 % International 63,64 % 82,61 % 72,50 % 57,63 % 29,94 % 21,43 % Both 7,95 % 8,70 % 12,50 % 20,34 % 19,75 % 10,71 % Table 22: Coverage of the national, international and both industries by source Other numbers have shown less differences between tabloid (VG and Aftonbladet) and less tabloid (Aftenposten and SvD) newspapers. Here, however, the differences are huge. Tabloid newspapers in both Norway and Sweden are more likely to write about the international industry than the national one. Articles about the international industry might include more celebrities, either from the video game industry or other industries. There are also huge differences between NRK and SVT, which are both public broadcasters. SVT is the most hostile overall, but its 2018 coverage is mostly balanced. It features the national industry the most (out of its total), and much more than NRK. This means that NRK does not uphold its social responsibility of covering national cultural expressions to the same degree as SVT. NRK might cover Norwegian games without using my search terms, but that is unlikely. Yet, if SVT both feature the national industry a lot, and uses the risk frame the most, one has to wonder what good this coverage does to the industry. Out of SVT´s total of 28 articles, 19 are about national, and 3 about both. Out of the 22 about national or both, 9 is opportunity, and 7 risk. Most of SVT´s articles are about the national industry in some capacity, and these are equally framed as opportunity and risk.

4.3 From content analysis to CDA

4.3.1 Major events in 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2018 I wanted to locate the major events of each year for CDA. For numerous reasons, this was no simple task. First, not every year has one event that stands out. Second, the Norwegian and Swedish press do not always cover the same events. Third, not all articles are about ongoing events. Fourth, even if covered in both countries, it does not mean that all sources cover the event. I want the sources equally present in my CDA, so I do not analyze the language of just

57 one or a few of them. Fifth, to count occurrences, one needs to know which events to count. Thus, I could only start counting events after a few trial content analyses. As with frames I needed quantifiable categories, and to be able to ask: “Is this article about this event?” (Yes = 1, No = 0). One question per event would mean too many variables. Instead, I skimmed through the articles, and made hypotheses. The financial crisis (2009), Gamergate (2014) and #MeToo (2018) all seemed prominent. In the table below, one can see that articles featuring these events made up a substantial amount of the articles.

2004 2009 2014 2018 Total - Total Financial Total Gamergate Total #MeToo 83 - 185 24 165 33 67 8 Table 23: Major events per year There were issues with this method, though. First, 2004 did not have an event that stood out. Second, only 5 articles covered Gamergate in the Norwegian press. I had to supplement with articles about something else if I wanted more than five. Third, the Norwegian press only wrote 9 articles about the industry in 2018, and none were about #MeToo. I wanted to analyze the same number of articles from each year, and from each country. I decided on 6 articles. Ideally, 2 per source, 6 per country and 12 per year – a total of 48 articles. For 2004, I saw that the industry frame type was more prominent than economy, meaning that many articles frame the industry as innovative or compare it to other industries. Both countries cover the E3 Expo. There are 3 articles about it from Sweden. I selected 4 from Norway. Yet, this only makes 7 in total. Both had articles with similar titles: “The terrific revenge of the nerds”20 and “Computer game developers without nerd label”21. I chose them as well. This is only 9 articles, so I added one from each using the industry frame type, and which was about the national industry. The last Swedish article was selected because I only had one from Aftonbladet. SVT wrote no articles about the industry in 2004. In 2009, the financial crisis was the major event. Articles explicitly mentioning it were chosen. Most of the Swedish articles were from SvD. To ensure all sources were represented, I also had to include articles that did not explicitly use the term: 2 articles about Grin AB, a Swedish video game company which went bankrupt because of the crisis. In 2014, Gamergate was covered in both countries. Four articles, from Aftenposten and NRK, did so in Norway. I had to supplement with two articles. I chose one about the

20 Original: “Nördarnas våldsamma revansch” (SvD, 29.01.2004) 21 Original: “Dataspillprodusenter uten nerdstempel” (Aftenposten, 19.09.2004)

58 Norwegian company Funcom, both to match the Swedish Gamergate-articles about the national industry, and to have another from VG. To make sure every source was represented, I added another VG-article, about the new Playstation. VG had three articles about the industry in 2014, but the third was very short. The Playstation-article was longer, and thus more useful for CDA. I removed one article from Aftenposten, as it was very similar to another article, and added an NRK-article about the Norwegian industry, making it two articles from each source. To make sure the Swedish sources also had two articles, I exchanged one from SVT with one from SvD, which was about the Swedish industry, to match the NRK-article. For 2018, #MeToo was covered in Sweden, but not in Norway. I wanted to choose one article from each Swedish source about #MeToo, but this would make SvD overrepresented. I only chose two articles. The rest of the articles had to match the Norwegian ones, which were about esports, loot boxes and the national industry. The Swedish press did not write about loot boxes, but there were two articles about esports. I also chose two about the Swedish industry.

4.4 Discussion, summary and conclusions

4.4.1 Discussion I will now discuss the content analysis in terms of reliability and validity. As said, reliability is about “the dependability and consistency” (Gunter, 2012, p. 240). To check reliability, I did two coding sessions, one in fall and one in spring. The articles should ideally be coded with the same frame in both. Before the spring session, I found some inconsistencies in the coding in CDA. Articles were read numerous times in CDA. In the content analysis, I read articles once, but perhaps more if I was unsure about something. Some articles were found to portray the industry in a negative light in CDA, but were not coded as risk. In some cases, this illustrates a difference between the two; the more generalizable surface findings of content analysis, and the more detailed deep findings of CDA. In other cases, CDA revealed mistakes in coding, perhaps caused by me accidently pressing the wrong button on my keyboard. The below table shows the findings of the second session. Compared to the table at the start of this chapter, the numbers are very similar, which indicates that my categories are dependable and consistent. This raises the reliability of my content analysis. Risk was almost identical (fall = 125), neither was close (fall = 27). The biggest differences are in opportunity (fall = 247) and balanced (fall = 101). In fact, it seems the difference of 20 articles in opportunity have moved to balanced, and some to neither.

Opportunity Risk Neither Balanced 227 124 34 115 Table 24: Framing in the spring coding session As said, the coding of some articles was found to be wrong in CDA. Most of these were erroneously coded as neither, and were changed to opportunity. I thus expected more articles to be opportunity in spring, but the results show the opposite. My balanced category means that both opportunity and risk are present in equal amounts, or close to equal. While I am drawing on Schuck & De Vreese (2006), I did not include five questions to determine which frame was present. For them, the balanced category was the result of a mathematical balance, whereas I decided on my own, which made it more subjective. Some articles were one-dimensional, and clearly risk/opportunity, and thus easy to code. Others were mostly risk, for instance, but included one or a few opportunity statements. In such cases, it was sometimes hard to determine which frame was most prominent, or if they were similar. I believe this is the reason for the differences between the two sessions. As stated, I have seen framing as highlighting some aspects of reality, in order to influence our understanding of something. Some headlines and lead paragraphs were clearly risk, but a later paragraph was clearly opportunity. I read whole articles, but one could argue that headlines and lead paragraphs are important in setting the tone, and could thus have been given more weight. I did not include this in my design, though. It would have taken more time, and would have made it harder to study many articles. Validity is about the measure capturing “the meaning of the concept or construct”, and here external validity refers to whether the results can be generalized (Gunter, 2012, p. 240). I still stand by the sources I chose, because of their readership, and because they represent different types of media: tabloid, less tabloid, public broadcasters. Looking at more than just four years could have been beneficial, as one could have followed patterns more closely, but such an analysis would take more time. The ATEKST issues with Aftenposten not being fully updated, but still showing up with some articles, could also have changed some patterns. I operated with six different frame types within opportunity and risk, but found that most articles used the economy or industry types. This does not make the other frame types irrelevant, but I could perhaps have made more types within economy or industry, which might have been too broad. For instance, the industry type includes articles comparing the industry to other industries, but also articles about gender equality or inequality. As these concepts are somewhat far from each other, it makes the whole frame type less precise.

4.4.2 Conclusions from the content analysis In this content analysis, I found that the Swedish coverage is bigger than the Norwegian one. 196 articles were Norwegian, and 304 were Swedish. Yet, I found that the Norwegian was bigger than the Swedish in 2004 and 2009. Thus, the drop from 2004, when it was 44,4 % bigger, to 2018, when the Swedish coverage is almost 84,48 % bigger, is a significant one. This has thus answered the first part of my first research question: How often and in what ways are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media? The rest of the content analysis provides answers to the second part. I found that only 33 articles mention the video game industry without the industry being the main topic, and without it being about video games. There are more Swedish Not- main articles, and the Swedish articles more often include implicit characterizations. This might be because some Not main-articles are about individual developers and is implying something about the industry without stating it outright. In terms of framing, both countries use the opportunity frame the most, but it is decreasing, while risk and balanced is increasing. The economy and industry frame types are by far the most prevalent. The Norwegian and Swedish coverage on the video game industry used to be quite similar, but now the Swedish coverage is much more opportunity- and balanced-oriented. Moreover, the Norwegian coverage is becoming more risk-oriented at the expense of opportunity and balanced, while the Swedish coverage is becoming more balanced at the expense of both opportunity and risk. The Swedish coverage of the national industry has been growing from some (23,33 % in 2004) of its coverage to almost all of it (72,41 % in 2018). The Norwegian coverage of the national industry also grew, from 9,43 % in 2004 to 35,48 % in 2014, but then decreased significantly to 11,11 % in 2018. In total, 59,87 % of the Swedish articles feature the national industry in some capacity, while 81,12 % of Norwegian articles feature the international industry in some capacity. It is abundantly clear, then, that their focus is very different, and that the Norwegian industry is invisible in the Norwegian press. This invisibility should make it seem less important for the public as well, including politicians and investors. General coverage is decreasing, but success is increasing, indicating that coverage does not affect success (much). In Sweden, national coverage and success correlates, but whether coverage followed success or vice-versa, is unclear. In Norway, revenue increased after 2012, but general and national coverage decrease between 2014 and 2018. Thus, the Norwegian industry is more successful, regardless of the amount of media coverage. As the

61 Swedish coverage is more national-oriented, and the industry´s success is growing faster than the Norwegian one, the amount of national coverage could still affect success. This would also mean that type of coverage is more important than the amount of general coverage. The Swedish industry is more visible in interviews, and generally framed more as opportunity and balanced, and less as risk, compared to the Norwegian coverage. This could have influenced the Swedish´ industry´s more rapid growth. Yet, as the Norwegian coverage is more risk-oriented in 2014, when the industry grew in success, such negative coverage at least does not stop its growth. Still, as the Swedish industry is more successful, and has been growing faster, its more opportunity-oriented coverage could have played a part. Which frame types are applied change over time. There is a gradual increase in the opportunity-economy pair, and a decline in the risk-economy pair – except for 2009, the year of the financial crisis. Moreover, there is a gradual decline of the opportunity-industry pair, but an increase in the risk-industry pair. In other words, when the industry is framed as an opportunity, it is for economic reasons, and when framed as a risk, it is because the industry is bad or cynical. This pattern has changed gradually from 2004 to 2018. I also looked at differences in how the most used frame types – economy and industry – changed over time. The Swedish press emphasizes economic benefits more than industrial. Many articles focusing on economic benefits may inspire investors to make investments. There were some key findings on editorial processes. The Norwegian and Swedish coverage is decreasing, but Aftonbladet and SVT is responsible for the decline in Sweden. SvD had the most articles in 2018. In general, VG and SvD are the most friendly sources, and SVT and Aftonbladet the most hostile. Yet, in 2018, Aftonbladet mainly use opportunity, and half of SVT´s coverage is balanced. The Swedish sources are friendlier than the Norwegian. In 2009, the coverage increased and the framing is similar. I argue that the press started prioritizing the industry, and hired video game journalists with similar views. None of the Norwegian articles from 2018 are balanced. The Norwegian media does not prioritize video games anymore. Video game specialists were fired after the financial crisis. The journalists able to write balanced articles are gone, and this is reflected in the coverage of 2014 and 2018. Editorial practices have thus affected both the type and frequency of coverage. The individual sources feature the national industry to different degrees. I made two key findings: 1) Tabloid newspapers in both Norway and Sweden are more likely to write about the international industry than the national one, the first of which might include more celebrities. 2) SVT features the national industry much more than NRK, meaning that NRK fails, compared to SVT, at its social responsibility of covering national cultural expressions.

62 Chapter 5: Critical Discourse Analysis

In this chapter, the CDA will be conducted. A quick recap of what I am going to do: CDA will be used, like Fairclough (1995), Richardson (2007), Guzman (2016) and Kogen (2015), to analyze lexical features of texts. However, unlike Guzman and Kogen, I will use this analysis to locate discourses, like Tucker (1998). Then, also like Tucker, I will study discourses structuring the frames applied to the video game industry. First, I will conduct a textual analysis of how the video game industry is portrayed in the journalistic discourse of the selected sample of newspaper articles. I will be drawing on Richardson´s (2007) tools, but I will start at the linguistic features that stand out. Secondly, while analyzing the texts, I will also analyze discourse practice, i.e. the production and consumption of these newspaper articles. Third, and finally, I will analyze the sociocultural practice: What do these texts say about the society they come from? The analysis will be critical of the way the media covers the industry. The content analysis has already found a steep decline in the frequency of the Norwegian coverage, as well as a change in the framing, i.e. the type of coverage. CDA will further study this change. By doing so, my goal is to produce change in the coverage. In the long-term, a change in coverage might influence the understanding of the video game industry in the public, which might in turn even influence the industry´s conditions for the better.

5.1 The articles

In Chapter 3, I explained how I selected articles for CDA. The table below shows the titles, the date of publishing, the sources and the discourses drawn upon. I decided against listing genres, as most are news articles, but genre will be mentioned when relevant to the analysis. Infinite expansion discourse (inf.), economy discourse (eco.) and feminist discourse (fem.) were all prominent. Less prominent were media panic discourse (pan.) and war discourse (war). Question marks signify that articles did not fit any of the discourses I operated with. Each year will have its own section. Articles will be grouped thematically, and Norwegian and Swedish articles will be analyzed together. Some might include more themes, but I will group them according to what theme is most prominent. Each theme will get a subsection. At the end of each year/section, a subsection will summarize findings on discourse practice, then the last subsection for each year will discuss sociocultural practice.

63 Date Article Source Disc. 10.05.2004 Spillbransjen viser muskler NRK inf., war 19.09.2004 Dataspillprodusenter uten nerdstempel AP inf. 11.05.2004 Ali, Ali, Ali! VG inf. 18.03.2004 Spillbransjens «Spellemann» VG inf. 13.05.2004 Nintendo klar til kamp NRK war, eco. 11.05.2004 Xbox samarbeider med EA AP inf., eco.

18.10.2004 Pan-vd mäktigast i Spel-Sverige SvD ? 03.04.2004 Hela 98 av de 100 mest säljande spelen 2003 i Japan var uppföljare. AB ? 14.04.2004 Ny version av Nokias utskällda spelmobil AB eco. 23.05.2004 Mässa som vuxit sig väl stor SvD inf. 28.05.2004 Nöjesjättar laddar upp för mobilt spelkrig SvD war, 29.01.2004 Nördarnas våldsamma revansch SvD inf.

17.08.2009 Spår dyster spillfremtid VG eco. 08.05.2009 Spillbransjen i medvind AP eco. 27.02.2009 Millioner til krig i nordområdene AP eco. 26.01.2009 Hodene ruller i spillbransjen VG eco. 08.07.2009 Nedgangstider bra for spillbransjen NRK inf., eco. 06.08.2009 Utsatt, utsatt og utsatt NRK eco.

12.08.2009 Grin AB går i konkurs SvD eco. 30.04.2009 Spelens framtid är gratis - nästan SvD inf., eco. 03.04.2009 SVT & Josefsson svek sina tittare AB inf. 31.05.2009 Reklamen tågar in i dataspelen SVT inf. 08.09.2009 Upp för svenska dataspelsbolag SVT eco. 23.08.2009 Vi vill pusha gränser AB ind., eco.

30.01.2014 ØKOKRIM SIKTET FUNCOM VG eco. 30.10.2014 Fenjima Manrique fikk drapstrussel skrevet i bæsj på døren NRK fem. 10.06.2014 Her er den nye mini-Playstation-en VG ? 25.10.2014 Kvinnelige spillskapere trues på livet AP fem. 11.03.2014 For mange menn AP fem. 22.01.2014 2014 blir et bannerår for norsk spillindustri NRK inf.

30.10.2014 Spelvärlden måste öppnas för alla SVT fem. 24.10.2014 Tid för självrannsakan i spelindustrin SvD inf., fem. 31.10.2014 Dödshoten blottlägger branschens fula tryne AB inf., fem. 18.09.2014 FBI utreder dödshot mot kritiker SVT fem. 01.09.2014 Branschorganisation fördömer hatattacker AB fem. 10.08.2014 Fortsatt boom för blågula dataspel SvD eco.

12.12.2018 Kan bli ulovlig pengespill - skal fortsatt være tilgjengelig for barn NRK pan., eco. 29.11.2018 Spillbransjens milliardbutikk kan bli regulert som pengespill NRK pan., eco. 23.11.2018 Ny strategi for dataspel NRK ? 25.10.2018 E-sportens gigantiske økonomi: Så mye er gamingindustrien verdt VG inf., eco. 25.10.2018 Spillbransjens store bekymring: «Loot boxes» kan bli forbudt i Norge VG pan. 18.07.2018 Sikter mot VM og 800 millioner i premiepotten AP inf., eco.

16.10.2018 Spelundret - "få investerare förstår branschen" SvD inf. 18.09.2018 Svenska dataspelsundret växer - får allt svårare att hitta rätt folk SvD inf. 25.04.2018 E-sport närmar sig OS - kan bli uppvisningsgren i Paris AB inf. Kvinnor i spelbranschen berättar: "Har blivit tafsad på och fem. 13.02.2018 tvångskysst" AB 19.02.2018 Spelförening får miljonstöd för att arbeta mot sexism SVT fem. 13.02.2018 Speljournalisten Paula Manrique: "De smetade bajs på min dörr" SVT fem. Table 25: The 48 articles analyzed in CDA

64 5.2 2004: Myth, legitimation and war

5.2.1 2004: Themes 2004 did not have one corresponding event, but the articles are still similar. Many of them try to explain what the industry is like, which indicates that there was not much knowledge about the industry in the public at this point in time. For 2004, three themes were found: a) The Gamer-Myth, b) Legitimation through comparisons to other industries, and c) Industry is war.

10.05.2004 Spillbransjen viser muskler NRK inf., war 19.09.2004 Dataspillprodusenter uten nerdstempel AP inf. 11.05.2004 Ali, Ali, Ali! VG inf. 18.03.2004 Spillbransjens «Spellemann» VG inf. 13.05.2004 Nintendo klar til kamp NRK war, eco. 11.05.2004 Xbox samarbeider med EA AP inf., eco.

5.2.2 Theme a) The Gamer-Myth “Dataspillprodusenter uten nerdstempel” (Aftenposten, 19.09.2004) opens with the lead paragraph: “Before, computer games were made by self-taught computer nerds in the boy bedroom. When Funcom is launching the million [kroner] commitment `Dreamfall` next year, there are 30 highly educated game enthusiasts behind it”22. Developers used to be “nerds”, now they are “enthusiasts”, and “self-taught” is contrasted with “highly educated”. I argue that these contrasts are examples of abnormal vs. normal, i.e. subculture vs. mainstream. Thus, the article employs the infinite expansion discourse. It does not legitimize gaming by emphasizing its abnormal aspects, like the gaming discourse would, but rather establishes a contrast between the abnormal past and the more normal future – or now. The article was coded as opportunity (industry). As I had thought, infinite expansion is present in an article coded as opportunity, and is thus one of the discourses structuring the frame. The article also establishes a contrast between myth – or prejudice – and reality. The journalist are “almost disappointed on behalf of their prejudices”. It is written by someone

22 Original: “Tidligere ble dataspill klekket ut av selvlærte datanerder på gutterommet. Når Funcom neste år lanserer millionsatsingen `Dreamfall`, står 30 høyt utdannede spillentusiaster bak.”

65 who has learnt something new and is sharing this knowledge. In fact, the article is written by a prejudiced writer for prejudiced readers. This becomes clear in the descriptions of Funcom´s offices: light and modern, with no “shy youth” with “thick glasses” and “milky white skin”. Of course, this is ironic and exaggerated, and the journalist is aware that such prejudice seems exaggerated in retrospect. Yet, this also indicates that such prejudices are so widespread that admitting to having them will be something readers can relate to. While the writer learns that some of their prejudices are not based on reality, others are never questioned. For instance, that games were made in bedrooms. While this might be true of some games, the industry has existed for quite some time in 2004. I also doubt that anyone could be hired at Funcom with nothing but “a genuine interest in computer games”. Jørgen Tharaldsen, product manager, is interviewed: “This is probably an unknown industry for most people. The myth is that we are a nerdy gang, which are sitting, sweaty, in dark basements far away from people.” He acknowledges the myths, and gives the journalist an alibi to write about them. The text is not just based on the writer´s prejudice, then. Next year is a point in time, but when paired with before, becomes a presupposition. The article does not specify what before means. Is it the period between the first game and 2004? Was the industry recently professionalized? I rather argue that before doing this feature on Funcom, the journalist was not aware that the industry was professional. “Nördarnas våldsamma revansch” (SvD, 29.01.2004) has an almost identical opening: “Computer games used to be the niche of pale teenage boys. Today, they are one of the entertainment industry´s heaviest branches and an arena for technological development at the forefront. The pioneers have become rich and almost have the status of movie stars.”23. Like above, word choices create a mythic past where games were abnormal and a future/now where games are normal and mainstream. It was coded as opportunity (economy), which means that the two are framing similarly, but that this one emphasizes economic benefits more. It shows again that infinite expansion structures opportunity – and can structure both frame types. Both articles try to bust myths, and they use infinite expansion discourse while doing so. Myth-busting, then, seems to be a part of the discourse. One might consider it a technique. If this technique is used again in later years, it must mean that myth-busting does not work, perhaps because the articles also keep the myths alive in a way, by reminding us of them.

23 Original: “Datorspelen var en gång bleka tonårspojkars nisch i tillvaron. I dag är de en av underhållningsindustrins tyngsta grenar och en arena för teknisk spjutspetsutveckling. Pionjärerna har blivit rika och har närmast filmtjärnestatus.”

66 5.2.3 Theme b) Legitimation through comparisons to other industries “Spillbransjens «Spellemann»” (VG, 18.03.2004) has an interesting title. The Gullstikka (a Norwegian video game award) is called the Spellemann (a Norwegian music award) of video games, and so the journalist compares the video game industry to the music industry. I argue that infinite expansion is present, but here it works through comparison, not contrast. This was coded as opportunity (industry), and the frame is structured by infinite expansion. There are multiple reasons for comparing. First, the journalist might want to legitimize video games, either as a player, or as a journalist legitimizing their topic. The journalist might think the music industry has some qualities the video game industry lacks, or that their readers think so. Myth-busting thus plays a part, too. The comparisons indicate that there are myths about the industry out there. For instance, that the two industries are less alike than they are. Second, the journalist might simply try to explain what the Gullstikka is by comparing it to something readers are more familiar with. This also involves legitimation to some degree, but makes informing the reader more important. Both aspects are present in the below articles. “Xbox samarbeider med EA” (Aftenposten, 11.05.2004), is about Xbox and EA, who disagreed on EA-games on Xbox Live, but have settled their differences, making it public at the E3 Expo. Muhammed Ali was there to promote the boxing game Fight Night, which was now online on Xbox. By drawing on celebrities from outside the industry, and borrowing their legitimacy, the industry is seen as legitimate and normal. Infinite expansion is thus present. I argue that the article employs an economy discourse, focusing on money and calling online gaming a “lucrative market”. It uses opportunity (industry), again with infinite expansion structuring the frame, but with help from the economy discourse. “Ali, Ali, Ali!” (VG, 11.05.2004) follows the same story, but the relationship between EA and Microsoft is called “the video game industry´s hottest marriage”. The title is solely focused on Ali, the article is fussier on the details, and Ali is called a “bridesmaid” in the “marriage”, but the Fight Night game is never mentioned. Infinite expansion is thus stronger here. The journalist must think that readers can infer what is going on, or that Ali´s celebrity is reason enough to center the whole article around him. It uses opportunity (industry). Infinite expansion is also present in “Spillbransjen viser muskler” (NRK, 10.05.2004). The lead paragraph is one big comparison: “The film industry has its festival in Cannes. Books have their big annual event in Berlin. In the world of computer games, it is the E3- expo which matters”24. It is very similar to the ones above, then, with its comparisons to the

24 Original: “Filmbransjen har sin festival i Cannes. Bøkene har sin årlige stormønstring i Berlin. I dataspillets verden er det E3-messen i Los Angeles som gjelder.”

67 established industries of film and literature. The article was coded as opportunity (industry), and the frame is structured by infinite expansion. On the surface, “Mässa som vuxit sig väl stor” (SvD, 23.05.2004), seems similar to the Norwegian articles covering E3, but the word “väl” (here: “too”) asks if the expo has become too big. A Swedish developer is interviewed, saying that it is hard to get attention. There is some negativity here, but infinite expansion is still present, as the size of E3 is compared to a rock concert: “Is this a rock gala in stadium format? No, it is the video game industry” and its annual E3-event. In that quote, and in the articles above, there is an inherent sense of surprise: Could this event really be hosted by that industry? It was coded as opportunity (industry).

5.2.4 Theme c) Industry is war In “Nintendo klar til kamp” (NRK, 13.05.2004), the video game industry is portrayed as hard and competitive, and thus a real industry. It frequently uses war-metaphors, starting in the title (“Nintendo is ready for battle”). I thus argue that it employs a war discourse, which enhances the notion that there are real stakes. Infinite expansion is not present, as it does not argue that games will become mainstream. Like in “Dataspillprodusenter…”, players are called “game enthusiasts”. While “enthusiast” is a positive label, it is arguably just another way of saying nerd. Why this special category? Most likely because the writer does not play. This creates a distance between writer and object. The industry is portrayed both as competitive and as distant or strange. It uses opportunity (industry), as the war discourse makes it seem as if something is at stake. I have thus located another discourse structuring the opportunity frame. The narrative is told in the wrong order. It says that “Nintendo takes up the fight with Microsoft and Sony”. As if Nintendo, a video game veteran, is a rookie. Nintendo is “living in the shadows” of the other two. Then a few paragraphs later, it is Sony who launches PSP to “take up the fight” with Nintendo´s Gameboy. Later, it says that Nintendo in fact dominates the handheld market. Evidently, the story follows the climax-first structure of hard news. By not telling the whole story, the journalist grabs the attention of the reader. Interestingly, the Swedish article below tells the same story the other way around. In its first paragraph,“Nöjesjättar laddar upp för mobilt spelkrig” (SvD, 28.05.2004) establishes Nintendo´s position as a veteran with a 115-year-old history. The same story, then, but told in the right order to provide a longer analysis, rather than just hard news. Like above, it uses terms like “mobile game war”, “strategies” and “attack” to describe the competition. All articles in Theme C) portrays an industry with real stakes. The article uses opportunity (industry), for the same reasons as above, plus its emphasis on Nintendo´s longevity.

68 5.2.5 Theme d) Other “Hela 98 av de 100 mest säljande spelen 2003 i Japan var uppföljare” (Aftonbladet, 03.04.2004), is a short article about the Japanese developer who created Pac-Man saying that the video game industry will suffer if new games are not developed. Interestingly, the short article does not explain which industry this refers to. It is most likely the Japanese industry, but the article does not say, and it could be the global one. It was coded as risk (industry). In “Pan-vd mäktigast i Spel-Sverige” (SvD, 18.10.2004), the title sums up the article. By calling the CEO of the company Pan “the most powerful”, it establishes that there is in fact power in the industry, and that it should thus be taken seriously. The neologism “Spel- Sverige” (“Game-Sweden”) would not be appropriate if the industry had not been of a considerable size. Because of this, it was coded as opportunity (industry). “Ny version av Nokias utskällda spelmobil” (Aftonbladet, 14.04.2004), also portrays the industry as tough, pointing out the difficulties phone manufacturer Nokia had when trying to make a handheld game console. Its focus is solely on “consumers”, “buyers” and “sales”. Thus, I argue that it employs an economy discourse, and I coded it as opportunity (economy).

5.2.6 2004: Summary of discourse practice In this sample, opportunity is more prominent than risk, which reflects the findings of the content analysis. Opportunity, both the economy and industry frame type, is structured by the discourses of infinite expansion and economy. Depending on which discourses are present in a given text, the opportunity frame can both be used to portray the industry as inevitably moving towards mainstream, or as a current or potential economic wonder.

5.2.7 2004: Sociocultural practice What do the above texts say about the society they come from? One cultural aspect visible in the texts is the obvious lack of knowledge about games, players and the industry in the public at the time. There was also an abundance of false knowledge, prejudice and myths. This is reflected in the myth-busting and comparisons. Had society known, there would be no use for “Dataspillprodusenter…”. Why does society not know? One reason could be that both the international and national industries were smaller. The global industry was still big, but 2004 was at the start of the casual revolution: the Nintendo Wii had not been released, indie games were not as big, and the iPhone was not out yet. Fewer games, fewer companies and fewer players is tantamount to less knowledge. Less people to know, and less people to inform.

69 I also argue that at this point, the industry mainly communicated through the gaming discourse with hardcore gamers, not casual gamers, and that it did not try to convert people who did not play. Despite mainstream being infinite expansion´s endgame for gaming, this might not have been the endgame for the industry and for gamers at the time. One could argue that Dymek´s (2012) subcultural mechanisms are a set of social practices which ensures the production and reproduction of the gaming discourse. As mentioned in section 2.4.4, Dymek argues that this process influences how society and the media sees video game culture, and contributes to the “cultural codification” of video games as “a niche medium” (2012, p. 44). By using the gaming discourse, the industry would try to make video games normal in their abnormality and emphasize subcultural aspects. By doing so, it would have kept the myths alive, both by playing on them (“addictive” gameplay), and by not busting them and trying to make gaming mainstream. In 2004, the industry would have no reason to go mainstream, as hardcore gamers was its most lucrative target group. It would lose its appeal. Politics are another important social practice influencing coverage. Many articles are involved in legitimation, either to legitimize gaming as a journalistic topic of cultural or societal interest, or to legitimize gaming itself. In Norway, there was a debate around violent video games at the start of the 2000s. The Minister of Children and Families, Laila Davøy, wanted to ban Grand Theft Auto 3 in 2002. The Minister of Culture, Valgerd Svarstad Haugland, wanted to report the game to the police. It was not banned, but that did not stop Davøy from wanting to report the sequel, Grand Theft Auto: Vice City, as well (Rasmussen, 2002). Moreover, the Norwegian Consumer Council and the Children´s Ombudsman, stated that the game was a “violation of society´s value norms” (Westerfjell, 2002). In 2003, the Government wanted to increase funding for Norwegian video games. The explicitly stated reason for this was to give kids access to non-violent games (Kultur- og kirkedepartementet, 2003). The policies were grounded in a “paternalistic view”, and a wish to “protect children and young against violent content” [my trans.] (Mangset in Jørgensen, 2013, p. 7). In other words, video games were not yet accepted by the government at this point, and were in fact under attack from different politicians, ministries and public organs. Although none of the articles explicitly refer to this debate, I believe there are traces of it in the will to legitimize that is present in so many of the articles. Thus, political aspects, i.e. social practice, have affected discourse practice and in turn the texts in this sample.

70 5.3 2009: Financial crisis

5.3.1 2009: Themes In 2009, the financial crisis was wreaking havoc on the global economy, and journalism on video games questions its impact on the industry. Two themes were found: a) “The Economy is bad, but the Industry prevails”, and b) “The Economy is bad, and the Industry suffers”.

5.3.2 Theme a) “The Economy is bad, but the Industry prevails” “Nedgangstider bra for spillbransjen” (NRK, 08.07.2009) says that according to a survey, “we” play more when the economy is bad. It does not explain who “we” are – although it is probably Americans, as the survey is from the US – which makes it apply to everyone. Thus, infinite expansion is present. The discourse is also seen in the sub-headlines: “Ahead of Hollywood” (comparison) and “Not invulnerable”. This implies that someone has called the industry “invulnerable” before, that it is believed to be, or that the statistics indicate that it is. The industry is thus both portrayed as almost invulnerable and not invulnerable at the same time. I coded the article as balanced, because both opportunity and risk are present. Infinite expansion in “we” might favor opportunity, but this was first revealed in CDA. The discourse can thus be present in balanced as well, but it structures the opportunity-part of the frame. “Spillbransjen i medvind” (Aftenposten, 08.05.2009) employs sailing metaphors: when the rest of the world sails in “headwind”, the industry has a “tailwind”. In other words, a similar statement to “Nedgangstider…”, but based on different statistics. The industry is portrayed as successful, though not really becoming mainstream, making it hard to argue for infinite expansion. Like many 2009-articles, this one is occupied with numbers, with “revenue growth”, “kroner og øre” (Norwegian money) and “amount of sold games”. The economy

71 discourse is thus present. While this is hardly surprising given the topic, it shows how games in some articles are products on a market, rather than cultural expressions or entertainment. Oslo Economics (2018) claimed that Sweden and Finland views games as industry more than culture, and that Norway should do this as well (2018, p. 62). Articles using the economy discourse shows that Norway already is. The article is using opportunity (economy). As found in the content analysis, when the industry is framed as an opportunity, it is for economic reasons, and when framed as a risk, it is because the industry is bad or cynical. In “Millioner til krig i nordområdene” (Aftenposten, 27.02.2009), the economy discourse is present in the title focusing on “millions”. It is about games getting millions in funding from the Norwegian Film Institute (NFI). NFI says positive things about the industry. Towards the end, a developer is interviewed: “We are in a financial crisis, like everyone else. It is difficult to get risk capital, but right now, the finance sector is actually considering the video game industry to be a safe investment.” The sentiment of the article becomes: despite the crisis, both the government and investors are interested. It therefore uses opportunity (government), showing that the economy discourse could structure this frame type, too. All three articles discussed so far include similar sentiments, which is theme a): The Economy is bad, but the Industry prevails. They share another trait too: While portraying the industry as successful despite the crisis, they do not give the industry itself credit for it. In “Nedgangstider…” it is “we” who play more, in “Spillbransjen…” expensive games lead to more revenue, and in “Millioner…” the government is the benefactor. As will be illustrated below, the industry is given a more active role in the Swedish press. “Spelens framtid är gratis - nästan” (SvD, 30.04.2009) opens with: “Economic crisis, piracy and a strained relationship to publishers – game developers have many occasions to look for new business models. Now, three Swedish developers are releasing games that are costly, downloadable – and free.” Problems the industry is facing are turned into opportunities for finding new business models, i.e. opportunities for change. The Swedish developers are thus portrayed as innovative, i.e. more active than in the Norwegian articles. By using “free – almost” in the title, the writer modifies the statement somewhat, making it less certain. The reason is that one interviewee claims that “blockbuster games” will still be around, but to a lesser degree than now. Because of its focus on business models, the economy discourse is present. It was coded as opportunity (industry) because of its emphasis on innovation. The economy discourse, then, does not only structure opportunity (economy). “Reklamen tågar in i dataspelen” (SVT, 31.05.2009) is about advertisements in games, which is a way for Swedish developers to earn money when “the low conjecture’s bitter wind

72 blows”. Ads are not seen as a bad thing here, and the developers are portrayed as innovative for using them, and as actively seeking solutions. In addition to economy discourse, I would say the article employs infinite expansion, as all of the ads are for mainstream products like Volvo and Diesel. In a way, the article says that players are also interested in those products, and that the demographic includes everyone. I still coded it as balanced, because it also discusses whether the ads might ruin immersion in games, which would be a risk. With its focus on numbers, “Upp för svenska dataspelsbolag” (SVT, 08.09.2009) uses the economy discourse. The crisis is not mentioned, but it looks at statistics from 2008, and says that “2009 seems to be a good year despite the company Grin recently going bankrupt”. Grin´s went bankrupt due to the crisis. Without being explicit it says: “despite the crisis, the industry is doing good”. Like the three Norwegian articles, then, this one is seeing something positive in the negative. It was coded as opportunity (economy), again structured by economy. “Vi vill pusha gränser” (Aftonbladet, 23.08.2009) is released after Grin´s bankruptcy, and is about Fatshark, a company that bought parts of Grin. Fatshark is portrayed as the ambitious heir. It uses grim metaphors: “Grin´s corpse has barely had the time to cool before the hype started swelling around neighbor studio Fatshark”. Despite the crisis, it is possible to make games – i.e. it is seeing the positive in the negative. It does ask whether Fatshark will succeed, though, or if Grin´s “resting place” will become a “family grave”. It was thus coded as balanced, and an emphasis on bankruptcy and business models means that the economy discourse is present. The metaphors ties bankruptcy to death, making the crisis something that is not only serious, but also lethal. One could say that while the narrative is mostly positive, the metaphors are not, which is a good transition to the next theme.

5.3.3 Theme b) “The Economy is bad, and the Industry suffers” The financial crisis rages in “Spår dyster spillfremtid” (VG, 17.08.2009). The financial crisis, costly development and expensive distribution are blamed for the titular “grim game future”. These problems “rammer” (“are hitting”) the video game industry, which is portrayed as passive – it is the problems that are “hitting”, not the industry who is “dealing with” them. Interestingly, the lead paragraph is similar to “Spelens framtid…”, but in the Swedish article problems were seen as challenges that the industry could overcome via innovation, which paints it as active. Knowing from the content analysis that the Norwegian coverage will gradually turn away from opportunity and towards risk, an interesting note is that “Spelens framtid…” turns risk into opportunity. Thus, unlike the articles found in a), “Spår…” does not see something positive in the negative.

73 Still, it does say that “the situation is not pitch black”, and the financial crisis should “take much of the blame”, i.e. things would be better without it. This article thus contradicts “Nedgangstider…”. It also says that the industry is “embracing” cheaper online distribution. Because of this, it was coded as balanced. When comparing it to “Spelens framtid…”, though, “Spår…” is definitely more “pitch black” than its final paragraphs claim. Like many 2009- articles, “Spår…” is occupied with numbers, with “costs”, “expenses”, “sales”, “failing results” and “sinking stock prices”. The economy discourse is used, both when describing the “pitch black” aspects of the crisis, and the not so “pitch black” ones. In “Hodene ruller i spillbransjen” (VG, 26.01.2009), the same grim picture is painted, and in a similar way too. Again the “financial crisis” is “hitting” the industry. It uses a metaphor where getting fired is referred to as “chopping heads off”. This makes the crisis´ impact seem worse. The hyperbolic title, “Heads are rolling in the video game industry”, enhances this. It is darker than “Spår…”, and it was hence coded as risk (economy). It does offer some hope: when big companies fire people, opportunities arise for indie developers. It does not, however, explain what these opportunities are. There is only one sentence about it, and the rest is risk. Because of its focus on financial loss, the economy discourse is present. The economy discourse can therefore structure both opportunity and risk. Both of the above articles are from VG, and they contradict the others, saying the opposite about the impact of the crisis. It seems that either VG or the journalist (the same one has written both) more readily uses the news value of conflict. Both involve a doomsday narrative where problems hit the industry, and it is unable to act. Yet, the content analysis showed that VG generally uses the opportunity frame more than the other sources. In 2009, 50 % of its articles were opportunity. Thus, these two articles are out of character for VG. “Utsatt, utsatt og utsatt” (NRK, 06.08.2009) is about how Starcraft 2 is delayed, adding to the number of delays this year. The headline´s use of repetition makes the situation seem hopeless. The article blames the delays on the problems the industry is “experiencing” in the bad economy. This might be more active than “hitting”, but also makes the industry look passive. Additionally, the article states that developers either have to launch unfinished games or delay them, implying that both options are common. With a focus on “the market”, “Christmas shopping” and “game sales”, the economy discourse is present. The article was coded as balanced, because despite the risk elements, Blizzard is portrayed as unwilling to compromise on quality, i.e. not a cynical company. The two NRK-articles from 2009 are published in July and August, but they say the opposite.

74 “Utsatt…” makes no mention of the positive numbers presented in “Nedgangstider…”. This indicates a lack of scope in the video game journalism at NRK. In “Grin AB går i konkurs” (SvD, 12.08.2009), the Swedish developer Grin has been declared bankrupt. Grin´s founders are twice referred to as brothers, which they are. Focusing on this relation might create sympathy. It is thus depicted as a family business, making the bankruptcy more tragic. Its focus on “economic support”, “taxes”, “one million kroners” and “bankruptcy” shows the economy discourse, and it was coded as risk (economy).

5.3.4 Theme c) Other “SVT & Josefsson svek sina tittare” (Aftonbladet, 03.04.2009) is in the opinion genre. Peter Ottsjö criticizes SVT, the channel´s debate program Debatt, and its host, Janne Josefsson. The show was about violent video games, and it was aired in relation to a recent school massacre. Ottsjö writes that shootings and suicide are “complicated”, and it is “easier” to show scenes from games “out of context”, rather than explaining “the unexplainable”. Josefsson showed “brutal scenes” from Manhunt 2, and she argued for banning such games. It thus seems that Josefsson used a media panic discourse, and assumed there is a link between media and social action: “if we see violence on the screen, we become criminals” (Drotner, 1999, p. 611). Ottsjö´s argument is both that such a view is wrong, and that SVT and Josefsson “betrayed” their viewers for not hosting a “modern and knowledgeable program about games”. He points out that a book, Grand Theft Childhood, busts many of the “myths that are demonizing game culture”. He then argues: “One wonders how Nazi-Germany learnt how to systematically eradicate an entire people without the games´ inspiring help?”. In other words, myth-busting is obviously present here, which means that myths were still around in 2009, at least in SVT. Ottsjö calls this a “betrayal”, pointing out how many games are sold, that “two million Swedes are playing” and that “like film and literature, this form of culture targets people at any age”. Ottsjö´s argument is infinite expansion: many people are playing, it is becoming more mainstream, and therefore, you should cover games without “demonizing”. By emphasizing players as a group, while also saying that players are not violent, despite Josefsson´s claims, Ottsjö uses opportunity (gaming community).

5.3.5 2009: Summary of discourse practice Opportunity is still more prominent than risk, which reflects the findings in section 4.1.2 of the content analysis. Despite there being four articles under theme b), only two were coded as

75 risk. Although present in 2004 as well, the economy discourse is more prominent in 2009. Of course, the topic makes this unsurprising. The economy discourse structures different frame types of both opportunity and risk, and is also in balanced. Infinite expansion, however, is only present in opportunity. Interestingly, there is little myth-busting and comparisons in 2009, and infinite expansion is less prominent. I would tie this to the industry´s growth, and my argument that the media was starting to prioritize video games coverage. Myth-busting is still present, like in “SVT…”, which makes it clear that there are still myths to bust out there.

5.3.6 2009: Sociocultural practice In section 5.2.7, I discussed how politics – a sociocultural practice – might have influenced media coverage. As shown, government officials and organs wanted to ban violent games. When a new government was elected in Norway, “the understanding of video games changed too [my trans.]” (Jørgensen, 2013, p. 7). Norwegian coverage increased in 2009, one year after the government released St.meld. nr. 14 (2007-2008) about video games. The Ministry of Culture stated that one of its goals was to have: “Good Norwegian computer games in different genres based on Norwegian language and content”25 (Kulturdepartementet, 2007- 2008, p. 6). St.meld. nr. 22 (2006–2007), which came before, said: “Computer games is a medium which has gone through a riveting technological and artistic development and has become a central cultural expression”26 (Kulturdepartementet, 2006-2007, p. 78). Thus, in 2006-2008, video games got acceptance from the government, which might have influenced the coverage. The government´s view would have sent a signal to the media and the public. As a result of these political developments, Norwegian developers can apply for public grants. Sweden does not have grants for video games only. The Swedish industry “bounced back” after a decline in 2003-2004 (Sandqvist, 2012, p. 144). It first grew because of access to private funding and venture capital, especially between 1998 and 2000. Also, international distributors made big productions possible. Yet, the presence of private capital and absence of public grants does not mean that politics have not affected the Swedish industry. Sweden had three educations in game development in 2001, but 46 in 2016. There have also been some government programs, like Nordic Game Program, where 65 million SEK was granted to Nordic game projects between 2006 and 2015 (Oslo Economics, 2018, pp. 53-54). Such political interest would also have influenced the view of games in society, and thus coverage.

25 Original: “Gode norske dataspill i ulike sjangre basert på norsk språk og innhold” 26 Original: “Dataspill er et medium som har gjennomgått en rivende teknologisk og kunstnerisk utvikling og har blitt et sentralt kulturuttrykk”

76 In addition to government acceptance, the video game industries in both countries were growing more successful. In 2009, the sources were almost identical in their framing, with opportunity around 50 % and risk around 15 %. Because of this, I want to argue that between 2004 and 2009, the sources started prioritizing video games coverage. As mentioned in section 2.1.3, “space devoted to arts and culture expanded up until the early 2000s” (Knapskog et. al. in Hellman et. al., 2017, p. 119). It seems, then, according to my data, that this continued until 2009, then decreased sometime before 2014. Most of the articles above feature the financial crisis. Interestingly, it influenced the content of the articles, i.e. it was their topic. However, this economic aspect of sociocultural practice had not yet influenced coverage by affecting the media economy and editorial processes, i.e. shaping discourse practice. This will be an important topic for 2014 and 2018.

5.4 2014: Gamergate

5.4.1 2014: Themes In 2014, two themes were found: a) Gamergate and inequality, and b) National industries. The Gamergate-term is contested. For some, it was a movement protesting unethical video games journalism. Others, however, argue that it was a misogynistic movement of angry gamers who harassed and threatened female developers and journalists.

5.4.2 Theme a) Gamergate and inequality “Fenjima Manrique fikk drapstrussel skrevet i bæsj på døren” (NRK, 30.10.2014) opens with: “Being a woman in the video game industry is no joke. Female game developers and writers are being exposed to hate, death threats and hacking.” The rest of the article is about the angry

77 gamers who are responsible for it. It uses risk (industry) because of the gender inequality in the industry, and the threats to women working in it. Yet, the bad guys are gamers, not male co-workers or executives. I want to argue that a feminist discourse is present. Not because the article outright states that Gamergaters are wrong, and the victims are right, but because of the space each faction is given. Only one interviewee defends Gamergate – not the harassment, but the press ethics aspect. The article also ends with a quote opposing the Gamergaters. It was coded as risk, but is using a feminist discourse, meaning that this discourse is structuring the risk frame here. This does not mean that feminist discourse is itself risky. As shown, the economy discourse can structure both opportunity and risk. Here it means that the industry is framed as a risk, because of the conditions of women within it, but that the writer implicitly argues that such conditions are wrong and should be changed. “Kvinnelige spillskapere trues på livet” (Aftenposten, 25.10.2014) is similar, but focuses on developer Zoe Quinn. Threats from an “armada of anonymous internet warriors” make female developers and writers go into hiding. The writer contrasts Quinn´s game about depression to “the action packed and goal-oriented entertainment games one usually relates to gaming”. In an article where we get sympathy for Quinn, because she is being harassed, her game is contrasted to other games. In a way, this positions the rest of the industry on the side of the “internet warriors”. Because of this, and the space given to each faction, I argue that a feminist discourse is present. It was coded as risk (gaming community) because gamers are portrayed as the bad guys, and because there is less industry-focus than in “Fenjima…”. “For mange menn” (Aftenposten, 11.03.2014) is about how male-dominated the industry is. Gamergate had not started, but the column tackles similar issues. It was written for the International Women´s Day. The language is more opinionated than in hard news. The writer´s opinion is evident from the title: The adverb “too” is used to make a statement about the industry. The writer calls the industry a “gutteklubb” (“boys club”). Despite being in the opinion-genre, the writer is more subtle than the Swedish articles below, and merely states that women and men play equally much, but that women are underrepresented in the industry. This creates a “boys club feeling” that “limits” games. There is also a “female-hostile environment”. It was thus coded as risk (industry). Yet, the writer does not explicitly say: This must change. One could of course argue that this is strongly implied, but it is not explicit. The same is true of “Fenjima…” and “Kvinnelige…”. The feminist discourse is still present in all three, as the writers are clearly on the women’s side. Infinite expansion – which would have stated that everyone plays, or everyone will play in the future – is not present in any of them. Feminist discourse, however, would state that everyone should be able to play if they want to.

78 “Spelvärlden måste öppnas för alla” (SVT, 30.10.2014) has a discrepancy between title, lead paragraph, and the rest of the article. “The video game world must be opened for everyone”, the title says, but this is not explicitly stated by either interviewee. The first one says that there might have been societal norms stopping women from playing before, but now these are breaking down. The second interviewee is a game design student. She imagines that women going into the business ask why there are so few women in it, and whether it might be because women are not happy there. This is not the same as the title. Thus, through the modal verb “must”, the journalist´s own opinion shines through. Using “must” (or “should”) shows the feminist discourse. Because the industry is not open yet, I coded it as risk (industry). The meaning of the title is not immediately clear. The article covers both developers and players, and it uses the term “spelvärlden” (“the video game world”), which then seems to refer to both, i.e. both industry and audience. In other words, the journalist says that both the industry and gaming itself should be open for everyone. “Spelvärlden…” illustrates a pattern in the Swedish articles. As said, many of the articles from 2004 and 2009, from both countries, see something positive in the negative. Of course, the topic here is not positive, but there is still something positive. The lead paragraph: “The video game industry is growing and the gender division among players is already more even, but female players are often exposed to harassment and discrimination.” Or: it is more equal now, but still bad, and here is an article about it. Thus, the background for writing the article is growth and improvement – positive qualities. While framed as risk, it uses infinite expansion, as inequality is improving, indicating that games will inevitably be mainstream. “Tid för självrannsakan i spelindustrin” (SvD, 24.10.2014) mostly paints “the Gamergate activists” as the enemy, but also says that “male chauvinistic ideals” have been “thriving” in “the video game world” for decades. The journalist says that indie games like Quinn´s Depression Quest, and mobile games, have “opened the video game world to a wider public”, and that “traditional gamers” are not in charge anymore, which has made them angry. Gamergate is here a result of some gamers feeling like outsiders have taken over gaming. In the final paragraph, it says that Gamergate might make the industry think about the messages they send out, not just to women, but also to young men. Unlike “Fenjima…” and “Kvinnelige…”, then, this article says that the industry is part of the problem. It suggests that the industry should try to solve it, i.e. use it as an opportunity for change. The journalist says that “Gamergate is not consumer activism”, but “a perfect storm of misogyny, conservatism and territoriality”. In other words, a feminist discourse is present. Despite the opportunity for change-part, most of the article is negative, and was coded as risk (industry).

79 A similar statement can be found in “Dödshoten blottlägger branschens fula tryne” (Aftonbladet, 31.10.2014). The writer says that Gamergate has damaged both the industry´s reputation, and games´ reputation as a “serious cultural expression”. Gamergate exposes the industry to the public, says the writer. This makes the public react in disgust, which might change the industry, because the only way it can survive is by discussing women´s conditions in it. This is why the lead paragraph states that the threats “might have been, in the long-term, the best thing that could have happened to” the industry. Both this article and “Tid för…”, argue that Gamergate could be turned into something good. Infinite expansion is visible in that Gamergate “had to happen”. It was a “response to a system in development”, where “new voices” spoke, and “old voices” tried to keep order. The old voices then revealed their “disgusting sides; massacre threats, bullying, stalking”. The “public” will then react in disgust, and the industry will change in order to survive. It was inevitable, and another step towards video games´ mainstream acceptance. The article is using risk (industry), because it says that the public will see the industry and react in disgust. “FBI utreder dödshot mot kritiker” (SVT, 18.09.2014) is about the FBI investigating the threats against Anita Sarkeesian, a video game scholar and YouTuber, and one of the main targets of Gamergate. The writer says that she became famous for her videos criticizing “the sexism which marks many video games”. She received an award at the Game Developers Choice Awards, “[b]ut while Anita Sarkeesian gets acclaim in the video game industry, she is often exposed to threats and harassment”. The industry is not portrayed as bad here – as it has given her an award – but as a dangerous place for women. Gamergaters are not explicitly seen as the enemy, but it is implied, as the article states that her latest video argued that female bodies are used to “tickle heterosexual, male players”. It was thus coded as risk (gaming community), structured by the feminist discourse. The “But…”-sentence is also part of a pattern. All of the Swedish articles above have a but-sentence. “Spelvärlden…”: The industry is more equal, but not enough. “Tid…”: Gamergate was bad, but now the industry must reflect. “Dödshotet…”: Gamergate was bad, but it will make the industry change. “FBI…”: Feminists are applauded in the industry, but harassed by gamers. In comparison, the three Norwegian ones have one mode: negativity. “Branschorganisation fördömer hatattacker” (Aftonbladet, 01.09.2014) is also about supporters of Sarkeesian in the industry. While many of the above articles have something positive in them, many are silent on industry-support, as if the victims are alone against the harassment. As this is the topic of this entire article, it was coded as opportunity (industry).

80 5.4.3 Theme b) National industry “ØKOKRIM SIKTET FUNCOM” (VG, 30.01.2014) is not long. Funcom was charged for breaking a law, because of information the company gave to the market about The Secret World. The article does not say what this entails, but Funcom is portrayed as criminal. As the article is short, it is not clear if breaking the law was intentional or not. With “Økokrim” (Norwegian organ fighting economical crime), “value papers”, “stocks” and “the market”, an economy discourse is present. As Funcom is seen as criminal, it was coded as risk (industry). “– 2014 blir et bannerår for norsk spillindustri” (NRK, 22.01.2014) is about new Norwegian indie developers. It opens with a lead paragraph reminiscent of “Spillbransjen …”, stating that “Nordic noir, Jo Nesbø and Norwegian storytelling” has garnered interest internationally. “Now video games are about to become an export of Norwegian culture”. Thus, 10 years later, the video game industry is still compared to other industries. In 2019, video games were Norway´s biggest culture export – bigger than film and literature together. It must either have grown rapidly since 2014, or had been a big export for quite some time at that point. Yet another article establishing contrasts between a vague before and a vague now. It is important to note that once more, an interviewee legitimizes the lead paragraph´s claim (by essentially saying the same): there is a “tradition of storytelling here in the Nordic countries, but we have not had the opportunity to spread our stories much until now”. Then: “It is exciting to see it happening with both Jo Nesbø […][and so on], and now also with games at the same time”. The interviewee seems to both say all these cultural expressions are spreading at the same time, but by adding “now”, he might mean that the others came before. 2014 is called a “banner year” in the title, because of the new studios that are a part of “the indie wave”. One interviewee says the market has expanded because of mobile games: “games are not just for us “nerds” anymore. It is for everyone now”. This means that “the indie wave” is connected to the rise of casual and mobile gaming. This, in turn, means that infinite expansion is present. Infinite expansion is, of course, also present in the comparison and myth-busting. It was coded as opportunity (economy) for its emphasis on export. In “Fortsatt boom för blågula dataspel” (SvD, 10.08.2014) the title´s “Still boom” uses the state word “still” to presuppose that this boom has been going on for a while. The term “boom” means an increase, often rapid, in something. Either the word is used by mistake, or the success of the Swedish industry is still actually growing rapidly – or the writer wants it to seem like that. The continuing boom is tied to Minecraft and Candy Crush, both casual games, and to indie developers. The article is occupied with “revenue” and “the New York stock market”, signaling the economy discourse. It was coded as opportunity (economy).

5.4.4 Theme c) Other “Her er den nye mini-Playstation-en” (VG, 10.06.2014) is interesting in its extreme neutrality and objectivity. This shows that VG in 2014 was still able to produce neutral hard news about video games. The story is simple: Sony is launching Playstation TV. It is not revolutionary tech, and it is not stated that this will give Sony the upper hand on Microsoft and Nintendo. The article´s sentiment, quite simply, is: Here is something new. It was written in relation to the E3 expo. The journalist says that developers were showcasing “new games and exciting hardware”. From this, one would have to believe that Playstation TV is one of these pieces of “exciting hardware”, thus implying innovation. It was hence coded as opportunity (industry).

5.4.5 2014: Summary of discourse practice Most Gamergate-articles use risk framing, most often structured by the feminist discourse. Some articles, like “Dödshoten…”, use infinite expansion as well. The difference, in my view, is that infinite expansion would state that everyone plays, or everyone will play in the future. Feminist discourse would state that everyone should be able to play if they want to. “Spelvärlden…” includes both: feminist when the journalist argues that the game world “must” or “should” be open to everyone, and infinite expansion when saying that the industry is becoming more equal, but is not all the way there (yet). The risk frame is structured by feminist and infinite expansion, showing that the latter can be drawn upon in risk framing.

5.4.6 2014: Sociocultural practice Gamergate is an example of a cultural aspect of social practice. It was about revolution and evolution – and the response to such changes. On the one hand, Gamergate responded to the casual revolution, which had attracted a more diverse audience. On the other, Gamergate responded to how society has been evolving towards greater diversity. Said evolution has been and still is the result of movements challenging a (white) male-dominated society, and demanding diversity and equality, not only in cultural industries, but in society in general. Gamergate is thus an example of how two changes in social practice have influenced texts. Andrea Braithwaite (2016) has conducted a CDA of the language of the Gamergaters. Her arguments are quite similar to the ones found in “Tid…” and “Dödshoten…”. While the movement claims to be rooted in protesting press ethics, Braithwaite writes, Gamergaters actually “produce and reproduce reactionary narratives about gender, technology, privilege,

82 and power”, and is “reinforcing the premise that women are not welcome—in gaming, or online”. Gamergate was in many ways “Internet business as usual”, but it made “this kind of “ordinary” harassment newsworthy”. Braithwaite also writes: “By bringing “gamer” out of the basement and into the light, we can see more clearly the challenges we face as we work toward more inclusive communities” (2016, p. 7). Gamergate thus brought attention to the video game industry, perhaps not because it was interesting in itself, but because it touched upon something else in culture. This something else, I argue, was the systemic discrimination of women, and the movement trying to stop it, i.e. the evolution towards greater diversity. I have already discussed the casual revolution, and the opposing views of Juul (2010) and Dymek (2012). Gamergate made the hardcore vs. casual-debate visible in the media, not only in academia. It also shows how this industry evolution had in some ways fused with the debate on discrimination and diversity. In “Tid…”, Gamergaters felt like outsiders were taking over gaming. I argue that most Gamergaters were hardcore gamers. Braithwaite writes that “[f]or Gamergaters, more diverse and inclusive games can only come at the expense of their own sense of identity. This feels less like an industry’s evolution and more like an attack” (2016, p. 6). Like “Tid…”, Braithwaite links the industry´s growth to casual games, and says that “such games are associated with women and feminity” (Anable; Juul; Taylor in Braithwaite, 2016, p. 3). This is reminiscent of the developer in “–2014…”: with mobile games gaming is for “everyone”, not just “nerds”. Gamergaters responded to the casual revolution, which is the future of gaming in infinite expansion, and because of the dialectical relationship between discourses, social practice and texts: the very future it tries to create. I have already discussed the lack of knowledge in 2004. Drawing on Dymek (2012), I argued that the industry´s own communication with hardcore gamers via gaming discourse would have kept myths alive, thus influencing the view of games, players and the industry in society. By 2014, the casual revolution should have pushed this view in a different direction. In a way, a new view is visible in the frequent use of infinite expansion and feminist discourse in the media, which are used to counter the Gamergaters´ gaming discourse. For Braithwaite, Gamergater is a “gendered identity, tied to the popular perception of a gamer as a socially inept young White male” (2016, p. 1). Moreover, “[t]he lack of portrayals of marginalized groups in video games is often tied to the fact that the industry rarely recognizes members of these groups as gamers” (Shaw, 2011, p. 28). Gamergate-language, then, would be an infusion of gaming discourse and sexist or anti-diversity discourse. In other words, a language which both opposes diversity, and which tries to legitimize gaming by emphasizing its abnormal aspects, which is not about diversity (“normal”), but rather about honing the

83 opposite (“abnormal”). The above illustrates how the social changes has both influenced the texts I have analyzed, and had its effect on the video game industry – or world. Interestingly, gamers, games and the industry are mostly on the wrong side here. The industry is not diverse. Gamergate showed (some) gamers living up to the stereotypes of white, male, misogynistic and asocial. The industry also has to take some of the blame for its own lack of diversity, the lack of diversity in games and the messages it communicates. This again reflects a key finding from the content analysis: When the industry is framed as an opportunity, it is for economic reasons, and when framed as a risk, it is because the industry is bad or cynical. This pattern has changed gradually from 2004 to 2018. The social change above could be summarized as new voices vs. old voices – which is how “Dödshoten…” puts it. In many of the texts, journalists are in different ways supporting the new voices. As shown, in the Norwegian coverage this involves condemning the bad guys. The Swedish coverage also condemns, but tries to see the positive in the negative, and it identifies the incidents as opportunities for change. In terms of consequences, for instance the connection between coverage and success, one can argue that the Swedish coverage would inspire more solutions than the Norwegian coverage does, which could in turn affect success. Why is the Swedish coverage more positive and more solution-oriented? My data cannot establish a clear reason, and that was not the intent either. Additionally, as with all things culture and society, clear connections are often not possible to find. My findings still indicate cultural differences in how the two cultures deal with problems, or how their press deals with problems. As mentioned in section 2.1.3, Swedish cultural journalism might be more “societal/political” than its Nordic counterparts (Kristensen & Riegert, 2017, p. 19). My CDA indicates that – at least in coverage on the video game industry – the Swedish press is focused on analysis, while the Norwegian press is focused on information. This does not mean that the Swedish press is less informative than the Norwegian one – i.e. includes less information – but that information is discussed from different angles, i.e. analyzed. Above I have discussed cultural aspects, but economic ones are also important. As discussed in Chapter 2, the financial crisis altered the media economy, which resulted in video game journalists losing their jobs, and made Norwegian newspapers focus on other areas of culture (Letnes 2020a; Letnes 2020b). I argue that this is reflected in both the frequency and type of coverage after the crisis. As shown in the content analysis, there is a huge drop in the Norwegian coverage from 2009 (103 articles) to 2014 (31 articles), and risk is increasing at the expense of opportunity and balanced. The Swedish coverage, however, is becoming more

84 balanced-oriented at the expense of both opportunity and risk. This reflects changes in editorial processes, i.e. discourse practice, as a result of the crisis, i.e. social practice. It seems that a positive view of video games, and an ability to balance opportunity and risk, are characteristics of video game journalists. As the Norwegian coverage is losing these characteristics, while the Swedish coverage is not, it seems that the Swedish press were better at dealing with the crisis. It seems that they kept on more video game journalists, and kept on prioritizing video games. In other words, the Swedish press seems more resilient. Again, the data can indicate possible reasons. When combining the Swedish articles in the national and both categories, we see that 59,87 % of them feature the national industry in some capacity. 71,94 % of the Norwegian articles feature the international industry. Their focus, then, is very different. This indicates that the Swedish press favors the news value of “local” (or perhaps “national” here) more than the Norwegian press. Yet, the Swedish video game industry is more successful than the Norwegian one. It might have been easier to defend keeping on more journalists to cover the industry in Sweden. This means that the Swedish press might not favor the “local” news value more than the Norwegian at all, but that they in fact had more to write about. One could also say that the Norwegian press writes more about the international industry because it has more space to do so, because there is less to write about the Norwegian industry. This would perhaps not make the Swedish press more resilient per se, but one could argue that the sections covering the industry were. At least in Norway, there was seemingly a competition among culture journalists after the financial crisis. Jon Cato Lorentzen said: “over a few years, you started thinking that the other critics are my competitors, instead of my colleagues”, and that you had to write more commercial articles, “[b]ecause that increased the chances of keeping your subject” (Letnes, 2020a). Norwegian video game journalists were not able to keep their subject. Either because of the success of the Swedish industry, or something else, it seems that Swedish video game journalists were better at standing their ground. Perhaps this could even explain the traits of seeing opportunities for change and the positive in the negative – they believe in their topic. Norwegian journalists covering games after 2009 do not seem invested, perhaps because they do not need to save their topic, because games are not in fact their topic. Interestingly, this situation with culture journalists losing their jobs, and the perceived resilience of Swedish culture journalism, might explain why myth-busting keeps occurring in the Norwegian coverage, but not as much in the Swedish. Firstly, Swedish journalists might be more knowledgeable about the industry, thus able to find the right framing, and not be as one-dimensional as the Norwegian. It would also make them less surprised when researching,

85 making them less likely to use a “sensationalist” and “myth-busting” angle. Secondly, having a more balanced coverage makes for a more balanced readership. By keeping the public informed about the video game industry, the journalists are less likely to try to bust myths, because they do not think that people believe in these myths.

5.5 2018: #MeToo & “the Game Wonder”, E-sport & “loot boxes”

5.5.1 2018: Themes In 2018, there were two corresponding themes: esports and national industry. The Norwegian press also writes about “loot boxes”. The Swedish press covers #MeToo heavily. I will do this section differently, with the discussions on social practice inside each theme´s section. I kept these at the end because there were many themes and articles, and it was easier to discuss at the end. Now, however, discussions start repeating themselves. In a way, 2018 sums up the analysis thus far, and is the culmination of all the findings from the previous years.

5.5.2 Theme a) “Loot boxes” In “Spillbransjens store bekymring: «Loot boxes» kan bli forbudt i Norge” (VG, 25.10.2018), the industry is painted as the bad guy. First, the title makes it seem as if the entire industry is pushing loot boxes. The companies that do become representatives for the rest. Second, the title (“The video game industry´s big concern”) says that the industry is concerned, as if it made a statement. No one in the industry is interviewed saying that “we hope loot boxes are not banned”. Some companies would surely lose revenue, and it is safe to assume that they worry. Yet, this is inferred by the writer, who makes the industry seem even more cynical.

86 The article is longer than the two I will analyze below. It includes two references to studies on loot boxes. The first found that “loot boxes psychologically speaking is the same as gambling”. In the second study, Rune Mentzoni, a Norwegian scientist, spent 36 500 NOK on loot boxes in FIFA 18, but did not get any of the nine best players. The other articles do not have such facts. Thus, this article does not use media panic discourse, but the two below do, as they just assume that loot boxes are dangerous. The above was still coded risk (industry). In “Kan bli ulovlig pengespill – skal fortsatt være tilgjengelig for barn” (NRK, 12.12.2018), the confusing title grabs attention: “May become illegal money game” and “is still going to be available for kids” are connected by a long hyphen, but the two statements are mutually exclusive. If it is illegal, it should not be available to anyone. The start of the lead paragraph – “The video game industry´s new billion business” – makes it seem as if this contradiction is the industry´s fault. Then it explains that loot boxes might be regulated like money games, but that the Pan European Game Information (PEGI), which rates a game´s age suitability, does not think that the ratings should be higher. It is not the industry who wants these games to be available for kids, but PEGI. A PEGI spokesperson says that “the main content” of a game could be for kids, while it also has loot boxes. Content seems more decisive than payment methods when the game is rated. The article, however, portrays the issue as if it is the industry´s fault. It could instead have criticized PEGI´s ratings. The state word “new” and the expression “billion business” are interesting. Loot boxes are – arguably – a cynical way to make money. Yet, saying this “billion business” is “new”, makes it seem as if there was an old one, as if this is the next big thing, as if there have been many “billion businesses” in the industry before. This makes the industry seem more cynical. As said, no studies are presented in this article. Instead, both PEGI and Medietilsynet (The Norwegian Media Authority27) say that there is no proof that loot boxes are harmful to children. It seems that both got the same question. The journalist does not say it explicitly, but through such unstated questions it is implied that loot boxes are harmful. I am not arguing that loot boxes are a good thing. Yet, when there is no evidence, just an assumption connecting media and gambling, I would say the media panic discourse is present. It was coded as risk (industry), showing that media panic is one of the discourses structuring this frame. The term “billion business” also appears in “Spillbransjens milliardbutikk kan bli regulert som pengespill” (NRK, 29.11.2018). In fact, the article is almost identical, but

27 Which “works to ensure that everyone has access to a diversity of television, radio and newspapers across the country. [It] conduct[s] audits under the current legislation for broadcasting, film and media ownership. [It] also [has] the task to guide all sectors of the population to increase media literacy” (Medietilsynet, n.d.).

87 features the popular game Fortnite, although its microtransactions are not really loot boxes, which the article makes clear. By tying the issue to a popular game, the article is more likely to be read. “Kan bli…” has more information, but this one, from one month earlier, started off the campaign, and did so by including a trending topic. The term campaign is warranted: NRK has two full-length articles about the industry in 2018, both on loot boxes. This article features kids playing Fortnite, and the other features kids in the title. Media panics focus on protecting kids. Both articles assume there is a link between loot boxes and gambling, like in other media panics with screen violence and real violence. Media panic is thus present in both texts, and this one was also coded as risk (industry). Both articles are one-dimensional, which is fine because loot boxes are cynical, but they also mention in-game purchases. New costumes or animations are almost sidelined with loot boxes, where the price is the same, but the prize is random. This also indicates media panic. Adults see something they are not familiar with, and question whether or not it is good for children. Yet, when the climate is suffering because of over-production of material things, no one says anything about digital purchases perhaps being better than having a room filled with toys that kids quickly outgrow. One aspect to criticize here, is this one-dimensionality. When both full-length NRK-articles from 2018 are one-dimensional, much of its video game industry coverage becomes one-dimensional. When one of two VG-articles are similar, it affects the entire Norwegian coverage from 2018. As argued, coverage after the financial crisis was influenced by a strained media economy, which shaped editorial processes, and led to video game journalists losing their jobs. Journalists writing now lack the knowledge to see the big picture, and are more likely to be one-dimensional, as illustrated in the above articles. As with the Norwegian Gamergate-articles, there is none of the opportunities for change, no seeing the positive in the negative and no but-sentences. Instead, these imply: “the industry is successful, because it is cynical”. My data indicates that such risk-orientation is the result of changing editorial processes (discourse practice) after the crisis (social practice). Again, this illustrates the pattern: When the industry is framed as an opportunity, it is for economic reasons, and when framed as a risk, it is because the industry is bad or cynical.

5.5.3 Theme b) E-sport The esports industry is seen as successful and popular in “E-sportens gigantiske økonomi: Så mye er gamingindustrien verdt” (VG, 25.10.2018). Early on, it says: “Video- and computer games have recently crushed the myth saying that this is something one only “does in the boy’s room”.” The very same myths “Dataspillprodusenter…” tried to bust in 2004. What

88 “recently” refers to is not specified, which means that vague time words are used just like in the Aftenposten-article from 2004, and “–2014…”, the NRK-article from 2014. All refer to a before when the myths were true, and to a now when gaming has evolved beyond the myths. By comparing esports to regular sports, “E-sportens…” uses the same techniques as seen before in this sample. It compares the “market value” of the industry before and after esports, and it credits the growth to the latter. It says that “traditional sports” still have the upper hand, both in economy and viewers, but esports is gaining. In addition to myth-busting, there is comparison to other industries – another sign of infinite expansion. The economy discourse is present in its focus on numbers. It was coded as opportunity (economy), again showing that this frame and type can be structured by both infinite expansion and economy. “Sikter mot VM og 800 millioner i premiepotten” (Aftenposten, 18.07.2018) follows a similar pattern. It says that when an esports team gets ready for the World Championship in Fortnite, they use personal trainers and professional instructors. Also, like football players, esports players can earn a lot from sponsors. Because of the comparisons and myth-busting, the article uses infinite expansion, and was coded as opportunity (industry). This article is yet another example of Norwegian myth-busting. Preparations for the WC are not what “many believe. Prejudice against “gamers” – a classic image of soft skin28 and overweight – is busted when Haraldsen explains how the athletes prepare”29. Even when framed as an opportunity, the industry is seen as exceeding expectations. Journalists keep rediscovering that the recurring myths are wrong. Once again, this indicates little knowledge in the public and among journalists about the industry, and a lot of false knowledge. As argued, the video game specialists lost their jobs after the financial crisis, and the journalists covering video games now do not know enough about the topic. They also assume that their readers do not know either. “E-sportens…” and “Sikter…” illustrate this change. When researching, then, what they find surprise them, and this surprise is visible in the texts. However, this is not the only reason for why the myths are still alive in 2018 – despite numerous attempts at myth-busting, which were clearly unsuccessful. Rephrasing the question from section 5.2.7, one can ask: Why does society still not know? As discussed, something about gaming itself will always – no matter how mainstream it becomes – be abnormal. Still, the industry is evolving from subculture to mainstream, from hardcore to casual, and is closer to infinite expansion´s endgame. Indie development, mobile games and the casual revolution

28 Original: “innehud”. A rare Norwegian word perhaps referring to delicate skin rarely touched by weather. 29 Original: “[...] mange tror. Fordommene mot «gamere» - et klassisk bilde av innehud og overvekt - blir motbevist når Haraldsen forteller hvordan utøverne forbereder seg [...]”

89 made the industry more diverse, in terms of games, developers and players. I have argued that hardcore gamers, Gamergaters and some parts of the industry might have opposed this. Such factions should have had more power over the industry´s communication, game design and marketing in 2004 and 2009 than in 2014 and 2018. This would have helped keeping the myths alive. Yet, as said, casual is now the most popular genre, and “playing is the norm” (Juul, 2010, p. 8). If most people play, if women play almost as much as men, if most players are adults, why do journalists still refer to myths about teenage boys? As evident from “–2014…”, developers seem happy that gaming is not just for “nerds” anymore, but for “everyone”. The industry has evolved. It would thus be wrong, at least in 2018, to say that it still mostly caters to hardcore gamers. Yet, as said, there is still merit to Dymek´s arguments. Most esports games are hardcore. They are explained in difficult terms, have complex mechanics and require a lot of time to understand – and even more to master. I am not saying that esports should become more casual. I do argue, however, that esports are neither “for everyone”, nor tries to be. Esports cater to hardcore gamers, both in game design and how the games are communicated, for instance through spectator games and tournaments with commentators who are also using complex terms. I argue that esports draw on some elements of the gamer-myth, and by doing so, it helps keeping it alive. The games require specialized knowledge to understand. Also, like any sport, esports are highly specialized. The athletes use special gear, like gaming chairs, mice, keyboards and headsets. I thus argue that just an image from an esports competition, whether it shows athletes and their gear, or screens with complex interfaces, will make many recall the gamer-myth. One reason for the myth staying alive, then, is that some parts of the industry keeps it alive. This also makes journalists recall the myths when covering it. A second reason is that journalists do not make the complex games simpler when they cover esports. These articles rather focus on sensationalist or phenomena-based angles – like how much money can be made or won. This might be to get more clicks, while myth-busting can be attributed to journalists not knowing enough about the industry. What the readers get, then, are these angles coupled with complex images, which they are unlikely to understand, and which are likely to make them recall myths. The articles do not really add much to the public understanding of video games. By reminding readers of the same myths year after year, I argue that the articles are actually helping to keep the myths alive, instead of busting them. This, then, shows that myth-busting does not work. This also shows what type of coverage gets prioritized. The repeated use of myth- busting indicates that the industry only becomes newsworthy when it follows the myths, or

90 does the opposite. I wrote about Gamergate: “Gamergate thus brought attention to the video game industry, perhaps not because it was interesting in itself, but because it touched upon something else in culture”. Of course, this something else was the changes in social practice. Yet, with both Gamergate and esports, there is another something else making it newsworthy. The coverage seems to get more newsworthy when it can bring up the myths. Gamergate- coverage was able to play on the stereotypes of asocial, angry, white, male gamers. Esports- coverage plays on the stereotypes of teenage boys. I argue that this coverage gets prioritized because it fits editors´ and journalists´ beliefs about games, players and the industry, which they believe many people share, and which will thus resonate with their readers. I would even say that the proliferation of these myths makes it possible to keep the video game industry, despite all its success and growth, at a distance as a coping mechanism. As reflected in the frequency and type of coverage, journalists and editors neither understand the industry, nor find it important. Only covering the industry when it follows or busts myths, might reveal a cognitive dissonance here. This psychological phenomenon occurs when there is a conflict between knowledge/belief (“the video game industry is bigger than the music and film industry”) and behavior (“I do not cover the video game industry”). A person will then strive to resolve this dissonance, either by changing the knowledge/belief (“the video game industry is not really that important”) or the behavior (“start covering the industry”) (Svartdal, 2020). Only covering the industry when myths can be mentioned, might stem from a change in belief/knowledge (“the industry has recently crushed the myths and is now important”). The media can then justify their infrequent and unbalanced coverage. “E-sport närmar sig OS - kan bli uppvisningsgren i Paris” (Aftonbladet, 25.04.2018) is about esports trying to become a part of the Olympic Games. The article says the question of whether esports should be considered a sport (“idrott”) has been a “hot potato” in Sweden. Yet, the article immediately moves on to discuss this in terms of the statutes of the National Sports Foundation (“Riksidrottsförbundet”). There is no myth-busting about esports players preparing like other athletes. This indicates that the way people talk about esports in Sweden is more mature than in Norway – that the discussion on whether esports is a sport or not is done, and is now more technical in terms of admittance into foundations. The article does not focus on industry, except for this paragraph: “IOK seems to be interested in lifting the sport which is said to make tens of billions each year but is hesitant to let esports in after discussions around discrimination in the video game industry and the fact

91 that violence ridden games are dominating”30. Without any commas, this both frames the esports part of the industry as successful, then the general industry as full of discrimination and then both (perhaps) as dominated by violence. It is unclear whether IOK has stated this, or if it is the journalist. Still, the so-called facts are never disputed or discussed. As said, many esports games are hardcore, but not all are violent, and most casual games are not. This article is from the Sports section of Aftonbladet, not Entertainment, which has its own Video Game section, of which most of the other Aftonbladet-articles in this analysis are from. I believe this further strengthens my argument that unknowledgeable journalists write unbalanced articles. It also shows that myths surrounding violent video games were not dead in Sweden in 2018, despite few articles using myth-busting. It was coded as balanced because it includes both opportunity and risk. It uses infinite expansion because the Olympic Games is another step towards mainstream, and the article says “esports is on its way to the Olympic family”. “Spelförening får miljonstöd för att arbeta mot sexism” (SVT, 19.02.2018) is about an organization fighting sexism in esports. The organization got funding “only one week after” the #MeToo-petition about discrimination in the video game industry. More on #MeToo in section 5.5.5. The article is not clear on whether the timing is convenient, or a direct result of the petition. It was coded as opportunity (industry), because it shows someone trying to improve the issue, but one could also argue that opportunity (government) is applicable, because the funding is from “allmänna arvsfonden” (“the Swedish Inheritance Fund”), which is a state fund. It does have risk elements too, but the opportunity elements outweigh them. It uses a feminist discourse, because it takes sides through how much space is given.

5.5.4 Theme c) “The Game Wonder” / National industry “Ny strategi for dataspel” (NRK, 23.11.2018) is just three sentences long, and is about the government working on a new strategy for computer games. The Minister of Culture says that Norway is behind its neighbor countries, and it is important to do something about it. “New” presupposes an old strategy, and “spelpolitikken” (“the video game policies”) presupposes that there are policies for video games already. Yet, even this short article makes it clear that these are not enough. It was coded as opportunity (government), as the government embraces the industry, but none of the discourses I am operating with seems to fit. One could argue that

30 Original: “IOK ska vara intresserade av att lyfta sporten som sägs omsätta tiotalet miljarder per år men är tveksamma till att släppa in e-sporten efter diskussioner kring diskriminering i spelbranschen och det faktum att våldsbejakande spel är dominerande.”

92 it uses a political discourse where the government is saving the day, so to speak. While the article is positive, the use of such a political discourse portrays the industry as passive. “Spelundret - "få investerare förstår branschen"” (SvD, 16.10.2018) uses the term “spelundret” (“the game wonder”). As said, Ulf Sandqvist claims it is a myth (2012, p. 149). The industry is framed as successful when referred to as a wonder, but the article also states that “few investors understand” it. Despite this, the industry is not portrayed as struggling. The phrase used is “lider av växtvärk” (“suffering from growing pains”). This is the wonder suffering because of its success. It was thus coded as balanced. Infinite expansion is clearly present in a sentence where video games have gone from “nerd hobby” to “mainstream”, and “det märks” (here: “it shows” or “you can feel it”). Right after, the article says that revenue is up, and that more people are hired. Thus, “mainstream” is tied to economic success and more jobs. Still, like “E-sport närmer…”, this shows that the myths are not dead in Sweden. That there is less myth-busting still indicates that the Swedish press is more knowledgeable than the Norwegian one, or that the gamer-myth is less common in Sweden. The pattern continues in “Svenska dataspelsundret växer - får allt svårare att hitta rätt folk” (SvD, 18.09.2018). The wonder has grown so much that it is “running out of people to hire”. The video game industry is compared to the music industry, and video games are said to be more profitable. Like above, the article is positive and negative at the same time, and the problems are seen as the result of success. This one was also coded as balanced. Both of these Swedish articles share traits with the Gamergate-articles. They include but-sentences, and they can be interpreted in two ways. First, like the Gamergate-articles: “The industry is successful, but there are problems”. There is something positive in the negative here, too. A second interpretation might be more suitable: “There are problems because the industry is successful” – i.e. because-sentences. Both articles deal with the so- called luxury problem of being too successful, which does not really seem to be a problem. It might make expansion slower, but the articles do not say that it will make the industry fall. In a way, these articles are the opposite of the Norwegian loot box-articles. They are also the opposite of the myth-busting in the Norwegian esports-articles. Instead of busting myths, these keep a myth alive – the Swedish game wonder. While the term has been debated, and Sandqvist claimed it was a myth, in 2018 the myth has become reality.

5.5.5 Theme d) #MeToo While the above articles are mostly positive, “Kvinnor i spelbranschen berättar: "Har blivit tafsad på och tvångskysst"” (Aftonbladet, 13.02.2018) is a rather stark contrast. Many women

93 in the Swedish industry have experienced harassment, and “have had enough.” There are 70 #MeToo-stories, and 300 signatures, and some of the stories are being shown at an exhibition at a museum. Some stories are featured in the article. Unlike the Gamergate-articles, #MeToo is not seen as an opportunity for change. However, it does state that there will be a talk on the issues, and that the group will talk about “which demands that should” be directed at video game companies and education programs. The women is thus active in this process, and since the industry will attend, it seemingly wants to solve the problems. The modal verb “should” seems to stem from the women, but might be the writer´s opinion. Either way, a feminist discourse is present here. It was coded as risk (industry), because of the harassment in it. “Speljournalisten Paula Manrique: "De smetade bajs på min dörr"” (SVT, 13.02.2018) is essentially the same title as the Norwegian article from 2014: “Fenjima Manrique fikk drapstrussel skrevet i bæsj på døren” (NRK, 30.10.2014). The lead paragraph states that Paula “Fenjima” Manrique works in the industry, but she is a journalist, and not part of the industry as I have defined it. Thus, the sub-headline “Many women are leaving the industry” could refer to both journalists and developers. Fenjima says the sexual harassment happens because “the video game world is so male dominated and competitive”. As discussed, the term “video game world” applies to “video game culture” as a whole – developers, journalists and players. Although the term “industry” is used, it is not the sole focus here. The issue is much bigger. Still, by using the term, the industry is portrayed as unequal and misogynistic. A feminist discourse is present, as the article interviews Fenjima and a female player. Yet, it would be difficult to include different views. What would that entail? Interviewing a harasser? The article could have interviewed a developer from the industry. It was coded as risk (industry). In the video game world, #MeToo was a continuation of Gamergate. In society, these were two moments of the same struggle, the movement challenging a (white) male-dominated society. While Gamergate was more focused on the misogyny of angry gamers, #MeToo focused on the industry itself. Again, the industry is on the “wrong side”. The industry is not diverse, and the #MeToo-stories told of horrors that were a result of both a lack of diversity, and of the male culture pervading so many of the industries, which #MeToo was opposing. Again, the journalists are condemning the bad guys, but this time without the positive in the negative, and the opportunities for change. This might mean that coverage is becoming more risk-oriented. Perhaps a strained media economy has finally caught up with the Swedish video game journalists. At the same time, this might also be because Gamergate was seen as an opportunity for change, and that we see defeat in these articles. Gamergate, then, becomes a missed opportunity for change, meaning that is difficult to view #MeToo as opportunity too.

5.5.6 2018: Summary of discourse practice In 2018, the risk frame is structured by the feminist discourse in #MeToo-articles, and by media panic discourse in loot box-articles. The opportunity frame is structured by the economy discourse and infinite expansion. Some game wonder-articles are balanced, but the industry struggles because of its success, i.e. risk elements are present because of opportunity elements. One can then discuss if the articles are actually balanced, of if they are extremely opportunity framed. I chose balanced, but as seen in CDA, they are mostly positive.

5.5.7 2018: Sociocultural practice In the four preceding sections, I have already discussed social practice. This will merely summarize. In 2018, the Swedish press keeps writing about the game wonder, and uses the optimistic tone I find characteristic of the Swedish coverage in this CDA: positive in the negative, and the opportunities for change. However, the #MeToo coverage, which is essentially a continuation of Gamergate, shows that this tone is not always used. In Norway, the coverage on loot boxes is as negative as the game wonder coverage is positive. It is also one-dimensional, whereas the Swedish coverage includes both sides: successful, but there are problems. The Norwegian coverage continues with myth-busting. The journalists writing about the industry do not know their topic well enough. Moreover, it seems that this leads to an uneducated public, which then are fine with uneducated articles.

5.6 Discussion, conclusion, summary

5.6.1 Discussion Before summarizing and concluding, I will use this subsection to discuss some differences between my two methods that I noticed when working with them. This will be similar to the discussion at the end of the content analysis, but as CDA is qualitative, and does not operate with validity and reliability in the same way, I will not assess this here. Yet, as mentioned, CDA revealed some coding errors. In some cases, the error must have been a typing error, as it was difficult to argue for why for instance “Xbox…” was erroneously coded as Neither. In other cases, I found more details about an article during CDA, which then changed my view. I read articles one time for content analysis, looking for words and concepts present to determine frames. When doing such a reading of 500 articles, one is bound to miss some

95 details. For instance, “Millioner…” was erroneously coded as opportunity (gaming community) in the first coding session, because it states that the real time strategy (RTS) players are “loyal”, but in CDA I saw that the emphasis is on government funding, and that it should have been coded as opportunity (government). This shows that the content analysis, a quantitative method, does not always get the full extent of meaning potential. As shown in my discussion of the content analysis, the two coding sessions were very similar, and most often the framing was correct. Thus, for most of the articles in CDA, the method just revealed more details, for instance the linguistic features which made me code an article as risk. There were also instances of discrepancies between the findings from the content analysis and CDA, but which was not the result of errors. For instance, many of the Norwegian articles that included myth-busting were opportunity-articles. Yet, as discussed above, such myth-busting does not seem to work, and rather keeps the myths alive. Myth- busting is also the result of a trend I am critical of in this thesis: the decline of Norwegian media coverage on the video game industry after the financial crisis. One can thus argue that while it is framed as an opportunity, these articles might not necessarily benefit the industry. Because of the differences between the methods, I stand by the decision to combine them. Only reading the CDA-articles would have given a wrong picture of the coverage, and it would be more difficult to see patterns. Only doing the content analysis would mean missing out on important details, like the myth-busting in the Norwegian coverage and the positive traits in the Swedish coverage.

5.6.2 Summary & conclusion In this CDA, I have shown in what ways the Norwegian and Swedish media coverage has depicted the video game industry, and how this coverage has changed over time. I am thus able to answer my first research question: How often and in what ways are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media? In 2004, coverage dealt with myth-busting, explanation and comparison, both in order to enlighten a readership unknowledgeable about the video game industry, and as a response to attacks made by the government. One important finding was how some articles established a contrast between an abnormal/mythic past and a normal future/now. Myth-busting is a technique of infinite expansion, the discourse emphasizing video game´s journey from subculture to mainstream, from abnormality to normality. Yet, as this pattern is seen again in 2009, 2014 and 2018, myth-busting was not successful. Moreover, infinite expansion was wrong. Video games are still not something which everyone plays and knows about in 2018.

96 In 2004, knowledgeable journalists tried to explain, but in 2018, unknowledgeable journalists are surprised, resulting in sensationalist framing. While subcultural mechanisms and gaming discourse seems to have affected society´s view of video games, and thus the video game industry, their grip seems to have lessened after the casual revolution. I have still argued that some of the biggest games are hardcore instead of casual, and the recurrence of myths also shows that their grip is still there. While the Norwegian coverage´s defining characteristic is this myth-busting, the Swedish coverage is defined by other traits. Many of the Swedish articles see problems as opportunities for change, and see the positive in the negative. These were found first in 2009, but keep recurring in 2014 and 2018. Even Gamergate is seen as an opportunity for change. #MeToo, however, is not, and I argued that this is because there is defeat in these articles. Because of #MeToo, Gamergate became a missed opportunity, and this would make it difficult to portray #MeToo as an opportunity too. While 2009 saw an increase in the coverage of all sources, and all had a similar framing, I argued that my sources started prioritizing video game coverage more between 2004 and 2009. It seems like they all hired like-minded individuals, perhaps journalists from video game media. However, after the financial crisis, this changes again. Both the content analysis and CDA show a difference between coverage in 2004/2009 and 2014/2018. It seems that a positive view of video games, and an ability to balance opportunity and risk, are the characteristics of video game journalists. The Norwegian coverage is losing these, but the Swedish coverage is not, or is losing them more slowly. Therefore, it seems that the Swedish press was more resilient, and better at dealing with the crisis. I argued that this could explain the positivity in the Swedish coverage, and the myth- busting in the Norwegian coverage. Nowadays, Norwegian journalists covering video games are not invested, because they do not need to save their topic, because video games are not actually their topic. Swedish journalists, on the other hand, are more knowledgeable about the industry, making them less likely to bust myths, and which over time makes their readership more educated. Thus, Swedish journalists know that their readers do not believe in the myths. Swedish cultural journalism is seen as more “societal/political” than its Nordic counterparts (Kristensen & Riegert, 2017, p. 19). My CDA indicates that the Swedish press is focused on analysis, while the Norwegian press is focused on information. This does not mean that the Swedish press is less informative than the Norwegian one – i.e. includes less information – but that information is discussed from different angles, i.e. analyzed.

97 Chapter 6: Conclusions & summary

In this chapter, I am going to summarize what I have done, compare and discuss the findings from my content analysis and CDA, and answer the research questions. I will also point out directions future research on the topic could take.

6.1 Topic, research questions, theoretical framework and methodology

6.1.1 Topic and research questions In this thesis, I have studied the differences in the Norwegian and Swedish media coverage of the international and national video game industries. I have done so by using a theoretical framework mainly consisting of discourse theory, agenda-setting theory and framing, and by using the methods of content analysis and CDA. Before working on this thesis, I had noticed that the Norwegian press rarely covered the video game industry, and when they did, the coverage tended to be sensationalist or negative. This is now only more obvious to me. I decided to compare Norway and Sweden because they share many similarities, but their video game industries are different in size, success and visibility. While video games are Norway´s biggest cultural export, the Swedish video game industry has produced some of the most successful games of all time. Between 2012-2016, the Swedish industry´s turnover increased by 235 %, while the Norwegian increased by 22 % (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 16). Scholars like Kristine Jørgensen, analytics firms like Oslo Economics and government white papers, have made suggestions and actual policy changes to help Norway catch up with its Nordic neighbors, but most are economic in nature. Yet, one major weakness of the Norwegian video game industry is that is invisible in the media, invisible abroad, invisible to investors and invisible to politicians (Oslo Economics, 2018, p. 59-62). The importance of media coverage on the video game industry has thus to varying degrees been neglected. One goal of this thesis was to mend this knowledge and research gap. I had two research questions: 1. How often and in what ways are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media? 2. What differences are there in the media coverage, and what are their possible consequences?

98 6.1.2 Theoretical framework: The Industry, why it is not covered, and its consequences Chapter 2 was about my theoretical framework. The chapter´s first subsection described the video game industry, and how it has gone from casual to hardcore, what Jesper Juul (2010) calls “the casual revolution”. Mikolaj Dymek (2012) argues against Juul, and their opposing views were discussed. I found that while the industry has indeed become more casual, many popular and high-grossing games, especially within esports, are still hardcore. The chapter´s second subsection discussed differences between the Norwegian and Swedish industry, and I found that the industry is more visible in Sweden, and that there is more knowledge about it, resulting in more private capital (Oslo Economcis, 2018, p. 61-62). In Norway, the relationship between developers and publishers is “loose”, while it is “tighter” in Sweden. This has made Norwegian developers more independent, but also made it harder for them to succeed globally (Jørgensen, 2009, p. 337). The chapter´s third subsection discussed claims made by former Norwegian journalists about media coverage on the video game industry in Norway. The coverage changed after the financial crisis, as it altered the media economy, which lead to video game journalists losing their jobs, and the topic not getting prioritized (Letnes 2020a, Letnes 2020b). I discussed cultural journalism, and found that some scholars see the Swedish cultural journalism as more “societal/political” than its Nordic counterparts (Kristensen & Riegert, 2017, p. 19). The rest of the theoretical framework consists of theories which can be used to discuss the consequences of media coverage. First, discourse theory was used to argue that media discourse on the industry will also form perceptions of it. Second, agenda-setting theory was used to argue that when the industry is invisible in the media, it may seem unimportant to the public, investors and politicians. Thirdly, framing theory was used to show how framing could highlight some aspect of reality, in order to influence our understanding of something. This could then influence how people see the industry. I also adopted Lauren Tucker´s (1998) view that frames are structured by discourses (1998, p. 145). Another objective of this thesis was to answer the following hypotheses: 1. The Norwegian and Swedish media coverage on the international and national video game industries is different in both frequency and tone. 2. The Swedish coverage is more frequent, and more positive.

6.1.3 Methodology: Content analysis and CDA To answer the research questions and hypotheses, I used two methods. First, a content analysis of media coverage on the international and national video game industries, which

99 studied both the frequency of the coverage, and the frames that are used. Second, a critical discourse analysis of a selected number of articles, further analyzing the frames and the discourses structuring them. I was thus able to study media coverage at both the quantitative and qualitative level, reaping the benefits of both. This strengthens my thesis, but also gives us – society, the media, researchers, readers – a better understanding of the topic. This approach led to both detailed and less detailed (but more generalizable) findings. John E. Richardson writes that a quantitative analysis can summarize “what newspapers write”, while CDA can analyze “how” (2007, p. 20). Such an approach, then, enabled me to answer both parts of my first research question. My theoretical framework in combination with the methodology helped me answer my second research question. In Chapter 4, I conducted a content analysis of 500 articles from 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2018, from three Norwegian news sources (Aftenposten, VG, NRK) and three Swedish ones (Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, SVT). I studied frequency by counting the amount of articles written, and studied type of coverage by counting frames (opportunity, risk, neither, balanced), frame types (economy, society, industry, government, gaming community, games), which industry was featured (international, national, both), spokesperson comments, physical visibility (paper/web, section, location on page, number of pages) and if the industry was the main topic or not, and if it included an explicit or implicit characterization of the industry. In chapter 5, I conducted a CDA of 48 articles. They were analyzed in sections based on year of publishing. Norwegian and Swedish articles were analyzed together. Each year was divided in relevant themes. At the end of each year/section, a subsection summarized findings on discourse practice, then a subsection discussed sociocultural practice. Articles for CDA were selected in the content analysis, by locating big events (the financial crisis, Gamergate, #MeToo) from those years, and then finding articles was about them. My CDA was influenced by Fairclough (1995), Richardson (2007), Guzman (2016), Kogen (2015) and Tucker (1998). First, I conducted a textual analysis of how the video game industry is portrayed in the journalistic discourse of the selected sample of newspaper articles. I drew on Richardson´s (2007) tools. Second, while analyzing the texts, I also analyzed discourse practice, i.e. the production and consumption of the articles. Third, and finally, I analyzed sociocultural practice: What do these texts say about the society they come from? The analysis was critical of the way the media covers the video game industry, with the goal of producing a change in the coverage. In the long-term, a change in coverage might influence the understanding of the video game industry in the public, which might in turn even influence the industry´s conditions.

100

6.2 Discussion of findings

6.2.1 Frequency of media coverage I will now compare and discuss my findings, and through this answer my research questions. There are two key findings, which are strengthened by other findings from both methods. The first relates to the first part of my first research question: How often (…) are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media?

Finding 1: The Norwegian video game industry is invisible, the Swedish Game Wonder is not In the content analysis, I found that the Swedish coverage is bigger than the Norwegian one – 196 articles were Norwegian, and 304 were Swedish – but that the Norwegian coverage was bigger in 2004 and 2009. The drop from 2004, when it was 44,4 % bigger, to 2018, when the Swedish coverage is almost 84,48 % bigger, is a significant one. Thus, the Swedish sources cover the industry, both the national and international, more than the Norwegian ones. This shows that the frequency-parts of both my hypotheses were correct. The Swedish sources also cover the national industry more. National coverage grew from some (23,33 % in 2004) of its coverage to almost all of it (72,41 % in 2018). The Norwegian coverage of the national industry also grew, from 9,43 % in 2004 to 35,48 % in 2014, but then decreased significantly to 11,11 % in 2018. In total, 59,87 % of the Swedish articles feature the national industry in some capacity, while 81,12 % of the Norwegian ones feature the international industry in some capacity. It is abundantly clear, then, that their focus is very different, and that the Norwegian industry is invisible in the Norwegian press. A consequence of this invisibility, according to agenda-setting, is that the industry becomes less important for the public as well, including politicians and investors. One could interject that after the casual revolution, games have become more mainstream, and playing has become the norm. Many people would have video games in their lives to some degree. This, however, does not mean that they know much about the industry producing video games. The lack of media coverage also signifies that the industry is not important enough to warrant the media´s attention, which also signifies that it is not an important topic for the public, neither in terms of culture nor economy. Gaming matters to many people, but because of the infrequent media coverage, it does not seem to matter to the public. I also found that the Norwegian coverage is becoming more

101 risk-oriented. Infrequent and negative coverage could make people feel that the public does not only not care about their hobby/passion/sport, but also that it is against it. Both of these could lead to an understanding of one´s own gaming as something abnormal and subcultural. This would be a misconception, as one third of Norwegians play every day, making it a very normal thing to do. In turn, such a misconception could strengthen the subcultural aspects of the industry. Players might seek out specialized media, using a specialized language – perhaps using the gaming discourse – which could create a bigger divide between those who play and those who do not. It could also enhance the casual vs. hardcore-dynamic. If specialized media cater to hardcore gamers, this group could come to focus on the differences between them and other gamers, not the similarities. Many hardcore gamers might feel that casual gamers are not true gamers. This, of course, would make history repeat itself, hampering video game´s journey towards infinite expansion. Another consequence of infrequent media coverage is industry success. My findings were not conclusive on this matter. General coverage is decreasing, but success is increasing, indicating that the amount of coverage does not affect success (much). In Sweden, there is a correlation between national coverage and success, but whether coverage followed success or vice-versa, is unclear. In Norway, revenue increases after 2012, but general and national coverage decrease between 2014 and 2018. The Norwegian video game industry is thus becoming more successful, regardless of the amount of media coverage. One explanation might be the public funding available for Norwegian video game developers. As Oslo Economics argued, there are tendencies within the industry to not take the visibility issue seriously (2018, p. 61). The developers might not think they need to be visible as long as they have the public funding. Yet, my data does not show if the Norwegian industry could have grown more if it was more visible. As the Swedish coverage is more national-oriented, however, and the industry´s success is growing faster than the Norwegian one, the amount of national-oriented coverage could still affect success. This would also mean that type of coverage is more important than amount of general coverage. The Swedish industry is more visible because of interviews with spokespersons, and it is generally framed more as opportunity and balanced, and less as risk, compared to the Norwegian industry. This could have influenced the Swedish´ industry´s more rapid growth. Yet, as the Norwegian coverage is more risk-oriented in 2014, when the industry grew in success, such negative coverage at least does not harm the industry enough to stop its growth. Still, as the Swedish industry is more successful, and has been growing faster, its more opportunity-oriented coverage could have played a part.

102 Another point is that the Norwegian government makes policies to help the national industry, but are, so to speak, sabotaged by the media. Of course, the media is not supposed to speak on behalf of the government, not even the public broadcasters. NRK is still supposed to cover Norwegian culture, and this has been decided by the government. As my findings show, SVT features the national industry more than NRK, meaning that NRK fails, compared to SVT, at its social responsibility of covering national cultural expressions.

6.2.2 Type of media coverage, differences and their consequences The rest of the content analysis, and the CDA, answered the second part of my first research question: (…) in what ways are the international and national video game industries depicted in the Norwegian and Swedish media? I will compare these findings below, and point out differences, while also discussing their consequences. The rest of this section will thus answer the second part of my first research question, and my second research question: What differences are there in the media coverage, and what are their possible consequences?

Finding 2: The Norwegian media tries to bust myths, the Swedish media keeps a myth alive The second key finding, is a difference in coverage which was influenced by the financial crisis, which changed the Norwegian coverage, but did not alter the Swedish coverage as much. In general, the Swedish coverage is more positive and balanced than the Norwegian coverage, while the Norwegian coverage is more negative and sensationalist. Both the second part of my first hypothesis and my second hypothesis was thus correct. In the content analysis, I found that the framing in the coverage on the industry used to be quite similar, but now Swedish coverage is much more opportunity- and balanced-oriented. Moreover, Norwegian coverage is becoming more risk-oriented at the expense of opportunity and balanced, while Swedish coverage is becoming more balanced at the expense of both opportunity and risk. In CDA, I found that the Norwegian coverage´s defining characteristic is myth-busting, while the Swedish coverage sees problems as opportunities for change, and sees the positive in the negative. Even Gamergate is seen as an opportunity for change. The Swedish coverage is thus more positive and balanced than the Norwegian coverage, while the Norwegian coverage is more negative and sensationalist. Myth-busting in itself is not necessarily negative, but it reflects a lack of knowledge, and an abundance of false knowledge – i.e. myths – both among the journalists, and in the public. Former journalists and people currently in the media say that Norwegian newspapers

103 stopped covering video games after the financial crisis. Such coverage had few readers, and so the specialists were let go. Both the content analysis and CDA found that this change in social practice have affected discourse practice and in turn the texts analyzed in this thesis. In addition to the myth-busting found in CDA, the content analysis found that in 2009, the coverage increased, and the framing was similar in every source. I argued that my sources had hired video game journalists with a similar view on games. After the financial crisis, this changes – especially in the Norwegian coverage. None of the Norwegian articles from 2018 are balanced, indicating that the journalists with enough competence to write balanced articles were gone. Both my methods shows a difference between the coverage in 2004/2009 and in 2014/2018. A positive view of video games, and an ability to balance opportunity and risk, are the characteristics of video game journalists. The Norwegian coverage is losing these characteristics, but the Swedish coverage is not, or is losing them slower. Therefore, it seems that the Swedish press were better at dealing with the crisis. In 2004, knowledgeable Norwegian journalists tried to explain through myth-busting and sensational comparisons to other cultural industries, but in 2018, unknowledgeable journalists believe in the myths, and are surprised by their own research, resulting in sensationalist framing. I argue that the above can explain the differences in the coverage. Norwegian journalists covering video games now are not invested, because they do not need to save their topic, because video games are not actually their topic. Swedish journalists, on the other hand, know more, making them less likely to bust myths, which over time makes the readers more educated. Swedish journalists, then, know that their readers do not believe in the myths. The above has many consequences. It creates a spiral of no information, which the infrequent coverage makes stronger. The Norwegian video game industry is Norway´s biggest cultural export, but the public is not informed about it. If the current pattern continues, it will keep growing, and the coverage will keep decreasing. Norway will then have a sort of shadow industry only the most interested know about. Rune Fjeld Olsen has argued that the infrequent coverage leads to a weakening of the “the conversation around video games´ meaning”31 in society. Jon Cato Lorentzen has argued that when critics and commentators do not help people put the cultural expression in perspective, it becomes “untamed”32. Both of these are important insights. When the public conversation is weakened, there are fewer perspectives out there, and people who have less knowledge about games and the

31 Original: “diskusjonen om spillenes betydning” 32 Original: “Så du får et litt sånn utemma kulturuttrykk som ingen passer på”

104 industry, are likely to adopt the media´s agenda. If most articles are negative, people are more likely to have negative knee-jerk reactions to things happening in the industry. In relation to the infrequent coverage, I discussed how some people might feel like their gaming is not important to the public. If most articles are about the money you can make from esports, or about loot boxes, it could also make people understand video games less as cultural expressions, and more like sports or products made by cynical profiteers. Myth-busting also creates a spiral of disinformation. The technique does not work. By repeating the myths, they are kept alive. The journalists show readers both what gaming and players are and are not at the same time. Some parts of the industry also keep them alive, and I have argued that Dymek´s subcultural mechanisms and Kirkpatrick´s gaming discourse are still prevalent in esports. Moreover, as argued above, subcultural mechanism are strengthened when there is infrequent coverage in the mainstream media, making people seek out more specialized media, and thus contributing to a sort of conversion from casual to hardcore. Sensationalism and myth-busting can influence our understanding of the video game industry. When myths are repeated, and gaming is constantly seen as something which exceeds expectations, it becomes something of an underdog. Something which is worth writing about, and worth applauding, when it is about victories in awards and championships, but not at other times. This also leads to a diminishing of games´ standing in the public.

6.3 Conclusion

I want to conclude by saying that the infrequent and unbalanced Norwegian media coverage on the video game industry can have many negative consequences, and it should therefore be changed and improved. Also, as the industry keeps growing, and video games are becoming more and more mainstream, the longer the media waits, the less in touch with their readership they become. By ostensibly ignoring Norway´s biggest cultural export, and ignoring a cultural expression, medium, hobby and sport that is important to so many people, the media obscures reality. In the long run, this could even influence how much trust people place in the media. As said in the foreword, I hope that these findings find their way to a newsroom, where they might serve as advice, inspiration and warnings to journalists, editors and media owners. Ignore them at your own peril.

105 6.4 Future research

In this next to last section, I will discuss directions for future research. First, one could try to repeat the findings, or use a similar approach, but on different or more years. This could give more detailed knowledge, and would make it easier to follow the patterns closely over time. Second, one could try to conduct similar research in different countries, perhaps outside the Nordic region. As the Norwegian and Swedish media systems are seen as similar, such research could reveal differences and/or similarities in the media coverage. Although different, perhaps the Norwegian and Swedish coverage is more similar than that of the US and Japan, for instance, or that of France and Germany. Third, one could look at other types of media than the news media. Views of the video game industry are communicated in other media as well. Future research could analyze and compare the marketing and public relations of video game publishers and developers located in Norway and Sweden. For instance, such research could look for the same frames and discourses in the video game companies´ own communication. Fourth, one could focus future research on the audience. For instance, one could interview players, and ask how they experience the video game coverage. Such a study could then focus on the consumption aspect of discourse practice, which would be an important addition to the findings of this thesis, and also to the method of critical discourse analysis.

6.5 The future of video game coverage

In this last section, I will take a glimpse at the future of video game coverage in Norway. In this thesis, I have been critical of the coverage. I have argued that infrequent and unbalanced coverage can have many negative consequences, and if the current pattern continues, these may be even more severe. While it looks like we have a “grim game future” ahead of us, to quote the VG-article33, it may not be all “pitch black”. In fact, NRK is aware of their lacking video game coverage, and recently hired a video game expert to review games. This expert is none other than Rune Fjeld Olsen, the former VG-journalist who has written many of the articles studied here, and the man behind the quotes above. It remains to be seen if NRK and Olsen are able to inspire other Norwegian media and newspapers to follow their example. Hopefully, the future is not so grim after all.

33 “Spår dyster spillfremtid” (VG, 17.08.2009)

106 References

References are listed alphabetically, and after literature type: 1) Books & book chapters, 2) Scientific articles, 3) Reports & white papers and 4) Newspapers & websites.

1) Books & book chapters

Baumann, S. (2007). Hollywood Highbrow: From Entertainment to Art. New Jersey: Princeton University Press Dymek, M. (2012). 2: Video Games: A Subcultural Industry. In P. Zackariasson & T.L. Wilson (Ed.), The Video Game Industry: Formation, Present State, and Future (pp. 34-56). New York and London: Routledge Fairclough, N. (2010). Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language (2nd ed.) Harlow: Pearson Education Limited Fairclough, N., Jessop, B. & Sayer, A. (2010). Critical Realism and Semiosis. In N. Fairclough (Ed.), Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language (2nd ed.) (pp. 202-222). Harlow: Pearson Education Limited Fairclough, N. (1995). Media Discourse. London: Edward Arnold. Foucault, M. (1972 [1969]). The Archeology of Knowledge. Frome & London: Tavistock Gunter, B. (2012). The quantitative research process. In K. B. Jensen (Ed.), A Handbook of Media and Communication Research: Qualitive and quantitive methodologies (pp. 237-264). New York: Routledge Hellman, H., Larsen, L. O., Riegert, K., Widholm, A. & Nygaard, S. (2017). 6. What Is Cultural News Good For? Finnish, Norwegian, and Swedish cultural journalism in public service organisations. In N. N. Kristensen & K. Riegert (Ed.), Cultural Journalism in the Nordic Countries (pp. 111-133). Gothenburg: Nordicom. Hovden, J. F., Larsen, L. O. & Nygaard, S. (2017). 4. Cultural Rebels, Popular Journalism and Niche Journalism in Norway. In N. N. Kristensen & K. Riegert (Ed.), Cultural Journalism in the Nordic Countries (pp. 69-88). Gothenburg: Nordicom. Juul, J. (2010). A casual revolution: reinventing video games and their players. Cambridge & London: The MIT Press Jørgensen, M.W. & Phillips, L. (1999). Diskursanalyse som teori og metode. Frederiksberg: Roskilde Universitetsforlag.

107 Kristensen, N. N. & Riegert, K. (2017). 1. Why Cultural Journalism in the Nordic Countries? In N. N. Kristensen & K. Riegert (Ed.), Cultural Journalism in the Nordic Countries (pp. 9-26). Gothenburg: Nordicom. Maher, T. M. (2001). Chapter 3: Framing: An Emerging Paradigm or a Phase of Agenda Setting? In S. D. Reese, O. H. Gandy, Jr. & A. E. Grant (Ed.), Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World (p. 83-94). New Jersey & London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. McCombs, M. (1994). News Influence on Our Pictures of the World. In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann (Ed.), Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research (p. 1-15). New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Neuendorf, K. A. (2002). The Content Analysis Guidebook. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications Reese, S. D., Gandy, Jr., O.H. & Grant, A. E. (2001). Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World. New Jersey & London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Richardson, J. E. (2007). Analysing Newspapers: An Approach from Critical Discourse Analysis. Hampshire & New York: Palgrave Macmillan Sandqvist, U. (2012). 7: The Development of the Swedish Game Industry: A True Success Story?. In P. Zackariasson & T.L. Wilson (Ed.), The Video Game Industry: Formation, Present State, and Future (p. 134-153). New York and London: Routledge Tankard, J. W. (2001). Chapter 4: The Empirical Approach to the Study of Media Framing. In S. D. Reese, O. H. Gandy, Jr. & A. E. Grant (Ed.), Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World (p. 95-106). New Jersey & London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Zackariasson, P. & Wilson, T. L. (2012). Introduction. In P. Zackariasson & T.L. Wilson (Ed.), The Video Game Industry: Formation, Present State, and Future (pp. 1-14). New York and London: Routledge

2) Scientific articles

Braithwaite, A. (2016). It’s About Ethics in Games Journalism? Gamergaters and Geek Masculinity. Social Media + Society. https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305116672484 Cacciatore, M. A., Scheufele, D.A. & Iyengar, S. (2016). The End of Framing as we Know it

108 … and the Future of Media Effects. Mass Communication and Society, Vol. 19(1), 7- 23. DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2015.1068811 Carroll, C. & McCombs, M. (2003). Agenda-setting effects of business news on the public's images and opinions about major corporations. Corporate Reputation Review, Vol. 6(1), p. 36-46. Drotner, K. (1999). Dangerous Media? Panic Discourses and Dilemmas of Modernity. Paedagogica Historica, Vol. 35(3), 593-619. DOI: 10.1080/0030923990350303 Druckman, J. N. (2001). The implications of Framing Effects for Citizen Competence. Political Behavior, Vol. 23 (3), 225-256. Entman, R. B. (1993). Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm. Journal of Communication, Vol. 43(4), p. 51-58. Fuente Sabate, J. M. & Quevedo Puente, E. (2003). Empirical analysis of the relationship between corporate reputation and financial performance: A survey of the literature. Corporate Reputation Review, Vol. 6(2), 161-177. Guzman, A. L. (2016). Evolution of News Frames During the 2011 Egyptian Revolution: Critical Discourse Analysis of Fox News’s and CNN’s Framing of Protesters, Mubarak, and the Muslim Brotherhood. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, Vol. 93(1), 80–98. DOI: 10.1177/1077699015606677 Iyengar, S. (2014). A Typology of Media Effects. In K. Kenski & K. H. Jamieson (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Communication (p. 59-68). DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.49 Iyengar, S. & Simon, A. (1993). News Coverage of the Gulf Crisis and Public Opinion: A Study of Agenda-Setting, Priming, and Framing. Communication Reseach, Vol. 20(3), 365-383. Jørgensen, K. (2013). Mellom næring og kultur: en studie av norsk spillpolitikk. Norsk Medietidsskrift, 20(1), 5-28. Jørgensen, K. (2009). Conan eller Josefine? ; politikk og økonomi i den norske spillbransjen. Norsk Medietidsskrift, 16(4), 317-343. Kirkpatrick, G. (2016). Making Games Normal: Computer Gaming Discourse in the 1980s. New Media & Society, 18(8), 1439-1454. DOI: 10.1177/1461444814558905 Kogen, R. (2015). Not up for debate: U.S. news coverage of hunger in Africa. The International Communication Gazette, Vol. 77(1), 3–23. DOI: 10.1177/1748048514556973 Kümpel, A. S. & Haas, A. (2016). Framing Gaming: The Effects of Media Frames on

109 Perceptions of Game(r)s. Games and Culture, Vol. 11(7-8), pp. 720-744. Lai, C.-S., Chiu, C.-J., Yang, C.-F., & Pai, D.-C. (2010). The Effects of Corporate Social Responsibility on Brand Performance: The Mediating Effect of Industrial Brand Equity and Corporate Reputation. Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 95, 457–469. DOI: 10.1007/s10551-010-0433-1 Matthes, J. & Kohring, M. (2008). The Content Analysis of Media Frames: Toward Improving Reliability and Validity. Journal of Communication, Vol. 58(2008), 258– 279. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.00384.x McKernan, B. (2013). The Morality of Play: Video Game Coverage in The New York Times From 1980 to 2010. Games and Culture, 8(5), 307-329. DOI: 10.1177/1555412013493133 Schuck, A., & De Vreese, C. (2006). Between Risk and Opportunity: News Framing and its Effects on Public Support for EU Enlargement. European Journal of Communication, 21(1), 5-32. DOI: 10.1177/0267323106060987 Shaw, A. (2012). Do you identify as a gamer? Gender, race, sexuality, and gamer identity. New Media & Society, 14(1), 28–44. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444811410394 Tucker, L. R. (1998). The framing of Calvin Klein: A frame analysis of media discourse about the August 1995 Calvin Klein Jeans advertising campaign. Critical Studies in Media Communication, Vol. 15(2), 141-157. DOI: 10.1080/15295039809367039 Wartella, E., & Reeves, B. (1983). Recurring Issues in Research on Children and Media. Educational Technology, 23(6), 5-9. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/44425050 Wartick, S. (1992). The Relationship between Intense Media Exposure and Change in Corporate Reputation. Business & Society, Vol. 31(1), 33-49. Weaver, D. H. (2007). Thoughts on Agenda Setting, Framing, and Priming. Journal of Communication, Vol. 57(1), 142–147. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00333.x Williams, D. (2003). The Video Game Lightning Rod. Information Communication & Society, Vol. 6(4), 523-550. DOI: 10.1080/1369118032000163240

3) Reports & white papers

Dataspelbranschen. (2018). Spellutveklarindex 2018 (No report number). Stockholm: Dataspelbranschen

110 Entertainment Software Association. (2019). 2019 Essential Facts About the Computer and Video Game Industry (no report nr.). Retrieved from https://www.theesa.com/esa- research/2019-essential-facts-about-the-computer-and-video-game-industry/ Kulturdepartementet. (2019). Spillerom – Dataspillstrategi 2020-2022. Retrieved from https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumenter/spillerom---dataspillstrategi-2020- 2022/id2667467/ Kulturdepartementet. (2018). Kulturens kraft: Kulturpolitikk for framtida (Meld. St. 8 (2018–2019)). From https://www.regjeringen.no/contentassets/9778c28ab1014b789bbb3de0e25e0d85/nn- no/pdfs/stm201820190008000dddpdfs.pdf Kulturdepartementet. (2006-2007). Veiviseren. For det norske filmløftet (St.meld. nr. 22 (2006–2007)). From https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumenter/Stmeld-nr-22-2006- 2007-/id460716/?ch=1 Kulturdepartementet. (2007-2008). Dataspill. (St.meld. nr. 14 (2007-2008)). From https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumenter/stmeld-nr-14-2007-2008-/id502808/?ch=1 Kultur- og kirkedepartmentet. (2003, September 10). Tiltak mot voldelige spill. Retrieved 24.03.20 from https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumentarkiv/Regjeringen-Bondevik- II/kkd/Nyheter-og-pressemeldinger/2003/tiltak_mot_voldelige_spill/id249576/ Newzoo. (2016, July 28). Digital Games Market Reaches $83.2Bn in 2016; China Takes More Than One Quarter. Retrieved 04.07.19 from https://newzoo.com/insights/articles/digital-games-market-worth-83-2-billion-2016/ Norsk filminstitutt. (2018). Årsrapport 2018. Retrieved from https://www.nfi.no/statistikk/statistikk-analyse-og-rapporter Oslo Economics. (2018). Den norske spillbransjen (No. 2018-3). Oslo: Oslo Economics SuperData. (2020). 2019 YEAR IN REVIEW: DIGITAL GAMES AND INTERACTIVE MEDIA (no report nr.). Retrieved from https://www.superdataresearch.com/2019-year-in- review

4) Newspapers & websites

Bergesen, M. (2019, April 4). Nordmenn vant spill-Oscar i all hemmelighet. Hvor ble det av kulturstoffet om dataspill? Retrieved 02.04.20 from https://www.allekanspillebok.com/blogg/2019/4/4/pgjnm53p2bm2guu9x89vht4ygcng

111 5f Letnes, A. (2020a, March 11). Spill i media: Hvorfor dekkes ikke Norges største kultureksport? PRESSET. Retrieved 13.03.20 from https://www.presset.no/kultur/2020/3/11/spill-i-media-hvorfor-dekkes-ikke-norges- strste-kultureksport Letnes, A. (2020b, February 7). – Hvis det kommer et norsk Minecraft eller Fortnite, så vil det være svensker som høster suksessen. PRESSET. Retrieved 26.03.20 from https://www.presset.no/kultur/2020/2/6/-hvis-det-kommer-et-norsk-minecraft-eller- fortnite-s-vil-det-vre-svensker-som-hster-suksessen Medietilsynet. (n.d.). About Medietilsynet. Retrieved 07.05.20 from https://medietilsynet.no/en/about-medietilsynet/ NRK. (2018). NRK-plakaten. Retrieved 03.12.19 from https://www.nrk.no/informasjon/nrk- plakaten-1.12253428 Oldeide, E. B. (2020, March 17). Nerdanes hemn – slik kjempar gamerar mot korona. NRKbeta. Retrieved 02.04.20 from https://nrkbeta.no/2020/03/17/nerdanes-hemn-slik- kjempar-gamerar-mot-korona/ Pannekeet, J. (2019, February 12). Newzoo: Global Esports Economy Will Top $1 Billion for the First Time in 2019. Newzoo. Retrieved 05.05.20 from https://newzoo.com/insights/articles/newzoo-global-esports-economy-will-top-1- billion-for-the-first-time-in-2019/ Rasmussen, J. (2002, November 15). Bekymret over voldssuksess. Dagbladet. Retrieved 24.03.20 from https://www.dagbladet.no/kultur/bekymret-over- voldssuksess/65849298 Schaubert, V. (2019, January 27). Først da Mats var død, forsto foreldrene verdien av gamingen hans. NRK. Retrieved 27.05.19 from https://www.nrk.no/dokumentar/xl/forst-da-mats-var-dod_-forsto-foreldrene-verdien- av-gamingen-hans-1.14197198 Svartdal, F. (2020). Kognitiv dissonans. Store Norske Leksikon. Retrieved 02.06.20 from https://snl.no/kognitiv_dissonans Westerfjell, T.P. (2002, January 17). TV-spill politianmeldt. NRK. Retrieved 24.03.20 from https://www.nrk.no/kultur/tv-spill-politianmeldt-1.527299

112 Appendix

1) Variables in the content analysis

Date Article Source V1: V2: National industries V3: National spokesperson Country Date Title 1: Aftenposten 1: Norway 1: Yes - national industry 1: Yes - developer or spokesperson in focus makes comment 2: VG 2: Sweden 2: International 0: No 3: NRK 3: Both 4: Aftonbladet 5: SvD 6: SVT Nyheter

7: SVT (arkiv)

V4: Industry: Benefit? V4b: Why? V5: Industry: Risk? V5b: Why?

1: Yes - Creates jobs, 1: Economy - Profit, 1: Yes - Few jobs, lay-offs, 1: Economy - No profit, hiring, makes profit, is sales, industry growth, no profit, stagnation, low sales, industry not growing, has potential, expanding markets, uncertain market, failure, growing, no expanding success stories, hiring, immune to even big names fall, industry markets, bankruptcy, instrumental, infinite financial crisis, stability, too small compared to the lay-offs, financial expansion, comparisons to potential, avoid piracy world, mysoginy, few crisis, no stability, no established genres, females, long hours, potential, piracy celebrities, prices, dependent on funding, innovation cynical, not creative, harmful games 0: No 2: Society - instrumental 0: No 2: Society - benefits like technology, instrumental risks like progress, jobs, export taking talent from other sectors, not contributing to techology 3: Industry - Non- 3: Industry - Cynical, cynical, better hours, long hours, low better equality, high equality, low wages, wages, comparisons to negative comparisons film, to music, celebrity, to film, to music, innovative, "cool", "big" celebrity, not many people and innovative, not cool, companies "small" 4: Government - funding 4: Government - that works, policies to dependent on funding, enable growth, low funding, policies politicians embracing that do not work, games politicians being sceptical 5: Gaming community - 5: Gaming community - intelligent, social, angry, misogyny, dedicated, imaginative, unhealthy, not social cooperative

113

6: Games - i.e. the 6: Games - i.e. the product is fun, product is bad, harmful, educational, art, culture, displaces time, not "not bad" educational, not art, low culture, leads to aggression and murder

V6: Neither opportunity or risk V7: Balanced (both sides) 1: Yes - i.e. so objective and neutral that the industry is not portrayed 1: Yes - presents both sides, and both as either opportunity or risk have equal space 0: No 0: No

V8: Paper V9: Section V10: Where on V11: How V12: #metoo V13: V14: School or web? page? many pages? / Gamergate Loot- massacres / Financial boxes 1: Paper 1: News 1: Whole page 1: One> 1: Yes 1: Yes 1: Yes 2: Web 2: Culture 2: Up 2: One 2: No 2: No 2: No 3: Gaming 3: Middle 3: Two

4: Economy 4: Down 4: Three< 5: Film 5: Right 6: Sport 6: Left 7: Politics 8: National 9: International 10: Entertainment

V15: Industry = main topic? V16: If not, is it about games? V17: Explicit characterization? 1: Yes 1: Yes 1: Yes 2: No - : No 2: Implicit

2) Coding frame (did not include V12-V14 as they do not apply to every year)

V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V Date Article S 4 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 b b 0 1 5 6 7 31.12. Årets hotteste spill 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2004 16.12. Hollywood HYLLET spillbransjen 2 1 2 1 3 1 5 1 1 1 2004 15.12. Her er spill-vinnerne 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2004 15.12. Hollywood hyllet spillbransjen 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2004 14.12. Spillenes Oscar-utdeling 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2004 26.11. Årets beste spill! 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 2004 26.11. Årets beste spill! 1 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2004 17.11. Frelseren Freeman 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2004 17.11. Spill-FRELSEREN 2 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 2004

114 04.11. Grand Spill-feber 2 1 2 1 1 1 5 6 1 2 1 1 2004 03.11. Større enn Harry Potter 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2004 21.10. Kvinnor ska vinnas för dataspel 5 2 3 1 1 2 1 1 2004 18.10. Pan-vd mäktigast i Spel-Sverige 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 2 2004 17.10. Pan-vd mäktigast i Spel-Sverige 5 2 1 1 1 3 1 1 2 2004 14.10. I harnisk over «Halo 2»-tyveri 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2004 06.10. Opplev 11. september 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2004 03.10. The Sims 2 slår försäljningsrekord 5 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2004 01.10. Svensk militærsimulator 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2004 21.09. Kraftigt ras för it-utbildningar 5 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 2004 21.09. Kraftigt ras för it-utbildningar 5 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2004 19.09. Dataspillprodusenter uten nerdstempel 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 2004 19.09. Dataspillprodusenter uten nerdstempel 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2004 08.09. Atari utgir nostalgi-konsoll 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2004 03.09. Vietnam-gjesp 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2004 03.09. Vietnam-gjesp 2 1 2 1 3 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 2004 01.09. Spillmarkedet vokser i Norge 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2004 27.08. Høstens hotteste spill 2 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 2004 27.08. Drukner i toppspill 2 1 3 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 2004 23.08. Tv-spel utbildar soldater 5 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2004 23.08. Tv-spel utbildar soldater 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2004 20.08. Fra film til videospill 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2004 18.08. Testpilot i kampen mot de onde 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2004 18.08. Testpilot i kampen mot de onde 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2004 13.08. 11 år med «Doom» 2 1 2 1 6 2 2 1 2 2004 13.08. 11 år med «Doom» 2 1 2 1 6 1 3 1 1 2 1 2 2004 'Jeg føler ikke at det er min jobb å måle 10.08. antall liter blod og justere karakteren 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2004 ned 06.08. Skaperen av Doom: Id Software 1 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2004 05.08. Nytt drömjobb för Levin 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2004

115 03.08. Pirat-kaos for «Doom 3» 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2004 18.07. Doom 3 kommer 3. august 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2004 05.07. Stempler dataspill som onde 1 1 2 1 6 1 2 1 2 2004 05.07. Stempler dataspill som onde 1 1 2 1 6 2 2 1 2 2004 04.06. Spår massiv vekst 2 1 2 1 1 1 3 5 1 1 1 2004 28.05. Nöjesjättar laddar upp för mobilt 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2004 spelkrig 28.05. Nöjesjättar laddar upp för mobilt 5 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2004 spelkrig 26.05. Til kamp mot dårlige film-spill 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2004 23.05. Mässa som vuxit sig väl stor 5 2 3 1 3 2 1 2 2004 23.05. Mässa som vuxit sig väl stor 5 2 3 1 3 1 1 2 2004 11.05. Xbox samarbeider med EA 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2004 11.05. Ali, Ali, Ali! 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2004 10.05. Spillbransjen viser muskler 3 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 1 2004 10.05. Spillbransjen viser muskler 1 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 1 2004 10.05. Årets spillfest er i gang 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2004 06.05. Spillnyheter i kø på E3 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 2 2004 06.05. Spillnyheter i kø på E3 1 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2004 19.04. Harde påstander mot Nintendo 1 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2004 19.04. Bitter Lara Croft-skaper 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2004 14.04. Ny version av Nokias utskällda 4 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2004 spelmobil 09.04. Nästan som på film men inget kul spel 4 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2004 03.04. Hela 98 av de 100 mest säljande spelen 4 2 2 1 3 1 1 1 2004 2003 i Japan var uppföljare. 18.03. Spillbransjens «Spellemann» 2 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 1 2004 05.03. Från pong till platina 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2004 05.03. Från pong till platina 5 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2004 03.03. Våldsamma tv-spel orsakar moralpanik 5 2 2 1 6 1 2 1 2 2004 igen 03.03. Våldsamma tv-spel orsakar moralpanik 5 2 2 1 6 2 2 1 2 2004 igen 02.03. Våldsamma tv-spel orsakar moralpanik 5 2 2 1 6 2 2 1 2 2004 igen 23.02. Superstjerner i Bond-spill 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2004 23.02. Norsk spill-«Oscar» 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 2 2004

116 17.02. Nytt program gjør det enkelt å kopiere 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2004 PC-spill 29.01. Nördarnas våldsamma revansch 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2004 29.01. Nördarnas våldsamma revansch 5 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2004 18.01. Krig & spel 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2004 18.01. Krig & spel 4 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 2 2004 02.01. Random Hollywood trademark 4 2 2 1 3 1 1 1 2004 20.10. Dataspill- den nye reklamekanalen 3 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2004 13.05. Nintendo klar til kamp 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2004 22.07. Spillpirat fikk tre års fengsel 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2004 05.04. Heikensten varnar för bubbla 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2004 05.04. Heikensten varnar för bubbla 5 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2004 04.04. Hemlig agent har fått nytt liv 5 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2004 04.04. Hemlig agent har fått nytt liv 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2004 06.10. Duket til formatkrig 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2004 30.12. Alle dataspill merkes 1 1 3 1 1 3 1 1 1 2 2004 13.12. Her er spillpiratenes favoritter i 2009 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 2009 30.11. Tiårets viktigste spill 2 1 2 1 6 1 1 3 2 1 1 2009 30.11. Tiårets viktigste spill 2 1 2 1 6 2 2 1 1 2009 29.11. Spelkonsolen död inom tio år 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 27.11. GTA-distrubutør legges ned 2 1 3 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 27.11. "Konsollspillene kan være borte om ti år 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 24.11. Ikke noe Diablo III i 2010 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 15.11. Den blågula actionhjälten 4 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 15.11. `Fånigt att prata om svensk spelunder` 4 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 15.11. `Fånigt att prata om svensk spelunder` 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2009 11.11. Norske nerder blir Facebook- 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 3 2 1 2 2009 millionærer 11.11. Tynt bak Funcom 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 4 1 1 1 2009 30.10. Du hårda nya värld 5 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 30.10. Du hårda nya värld 5 2 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2009 22.10. Slik er Onlive 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009

117 13.10. Øker støtten til norske dataspill 2 1 1 1 1 4 2 1 1 2009 11.10. Spelvärlden tar plats i finfåtöljen 4 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 2009 02.10. Japansk fallitterklæring 1 1 2 1 2 2 4 1 1 1 2009 29.09. Sämre spelförsäljning första halvåret 5 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 29.09. Minskad försäljning av dataspel 5 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 28.09. Japansk spillindustri er over 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 25.09. Sonys gambling med konsollen 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 25.09. Sonys gambling med konsollen 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 2009 08.09. Upp för svenska dataspelsbolag 6 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 07.09. Valde hellre spel än iTunes 4 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 05.09. Valde hellre spel än iTunes 4 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2009 28.08. Priskrig på tv-spelskonsoller 6 2 2 1 2 1 1 2009 28.08. Microsoft sänker priset på Xbox 5 2 2 1 2 1 1 2009 27.08. Maxis skär ner 5 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 23.08. Vi vill pusha gränser 4 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 23.08. Vi vill pusha gränser 4 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 17.08. Spår dyster spillfremtid 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 16.08. No title 4 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2009 13.08. Spelsutvecklaren Grin i graven 6 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 12.08. Grin AB går i konkurs 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 29.07. 70.000 underskrifter stanset lov mot 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 voldelige dataspill 29.07. Ny era för spelutvecklarna 5 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 20.06. När tränaren ler - då lyder man 4 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 23.07. FITNESSTYRANNI - SOM MAN 4 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2009 LYDER 18.06. Nytt blod - gamla idéer 5 2 1 1 1 3 1 2 2 1 2 2009 18.06. Nytt blod - gamla idéer 5 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 11.06. Nu kan du tala med ditt eget spel 5 2 3 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2009 11.06. Nu kan du tala med ditt eget spel 5 2 3 1 1 3 1 3 1 2 2 1 2 2009 08.06. Festen er over, nå begynner moroa 1 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2009 08.06. Advarer foreldre mot mobilspill 1 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009

118 08.06. Advarer foreldre mot mobilspill 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2009 08.06. Festen er over, nå begynner moroa 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 4 1 1 1 2009 08.06. De gjør jo barn til kjeltringer 1 1 3 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 04.06. The Beatles: Rock Band vil ta verden 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 med storm 03.06. Film blir spill 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 3 1 1 1 2009 03.06. Bevegelig revolusjon 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 3 1 1 2 2009 03.06. Film blir spill 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 3 1 1 1 2009 03.06. Full kontroll 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 3 1 1 2 2009 03.06. Film blir spill 1 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2009 03.06. Spill-galore! 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 02.06. Fremtiden på spill 1 1 2 1 1 2 6 1 1 1 2009 02.06. Fremtiden på spill 1 1 2 1 1 2 6 1 1 1 2009 01.06. Fremtiden på spill 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 31.05. Reklamen tågar in i dataspelen 6 2 3 1 1 2 1 1 2009 19.05. Hollywood-topp med tung spillsatsning 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2009 08.05. Rekordoverskudd for Nintendo 1 1 2 1 1 1 4 2 1 2 1 1 2009 08.05. Spillbransjen i medvind 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 2 6 1 1 1 2009 03.05. Mognare dataspel för äldre 6 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 30.04. Spelens framtid är gratis - nästan 5 2 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 2009 19.04. Vänder stor- spelen ryggen 4 2 3 1 6 1 1 1 2009 19.04. Vänder stor- spelen ryggen 4 2 3 1 6 2 1 1 2009 30.04. Spelens framtid är gratis - nästan 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2009 29.03. SVT & Josefsson svek sina tittare 4 2 2 1 5 1 2 1 2 2009 03.04. SVT & Josefsson svek sina tittare 4 2 2 1 5 2 2 1 2 2009 05.04. En ensam mans krig mot Nintendo 4 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2009 05.04. En ensam mans krig mot Nintendo 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2009 03.04. Flom av nye gratisspill 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 03.04. Flom av nye gratisspill 1 1 2 1 1 2 3 1 1 1 2009 01.04. Provocerande analys bekräftas 5 2 2 1 2 1 1 2009 01.04. Provocerande analys bekräftas 5 2 2 1 1 1 1 2009

119 31.03. Sony ser mot skyene 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 30.03. OnLive ingen bløff 1 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 30.03. OnLive ingen bløff 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 5 1 2 1 1 2009 31.03. Jomfrudommen blir spillkonsept 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 26.03. Spillskapere hedret seg selv 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2009 26.03. Åpner spill for flere 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 26.03. Åpner spill for flere 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 6 1 2 1 1 2009 25.03. PC-spill uten PC 1 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 25.03. Er OnLive spillfremtiden? 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 25.03. iPhone inntar mobilspillene 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2009 25.03. Konsoll for fattige 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 2009 24.03. iPhone inntar mobilspillene 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 24.03. Konsoll for fattige 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 20.03. Resident Evil 5 slår alle rekorder 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 18.03. Big Huge säljs eller läggs ner 5 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 10.03. Interaktiv kunstlek 1 1 2 1 5 1 2 1 1 2009 10.03. Interaktiv kunstlek 1 1 2 1 5 2 2 1 1 2009 07.03. Savner helhetlig tenkning 1 1 1 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 2009 07.03. Dystre utsikter for spillutviklerne 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 2 1 3 1 1 2009 06.03. Dystre utsikter for spillutviklerne 1 1 1 1 1 4 2 1 1 2009 05.03. GTA4 ble årets spill 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 05.03. Branschen räds inte pirater 5 2 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 2009 04.03. Branschen räds inte pirater 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2009 04.03. Så tycker spelutvecklare om 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2009 piratkopiering 27.02. Millioner til krig i nordområdene 1 1 1 1 5 2 1 1 2009 21.02. Billige spill selger bedre 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 20.02. Alfred Holmgren VS Kristofer 4 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 Ahlström 16.03. Fildelning kan gynna ekonomin 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2009 16.03. Fildelning kan gynna ekonomin 5 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2009 14.02. Nintendo taper 1 1 1 1 1 2 6 1 1 1 2009

120 12.02. 1 Mobilspill med i «Gullstikka» 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 0 08.02. Träffar rätt in i hjärtat 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 08.02. Träffar rätt in i hjärtat 4 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 2009 06.02. Spelförsäljningen satte rekord 5 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 06.02. Dataspel för tre miljarder i fjol 5 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 2 2009 05.02. Smala spel en god nätaffär 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 05.02. Smala spel en god nätaffär 5 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2009 02.02. Gullstikka streames 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 6 1 2 1 2 2009 26.01. Hodene ruller i spillbransjen 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 25.01. No title 4 2 2 1 1 1 1 2009 20.01. Stem på fjorårets beste spill 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2009 20.01. Norske dataspill kjemper mot giganter 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 2009 20.01. Kopibeskyttet og vital 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 3 1 1 2009 19.01. Rekordår for spillbransjen 2 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 18.01. Nya steg 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2009 13.01. Steenberg hyllar interaktiviteten 6 2 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 19.01. Norske dataspill kjemper mot giganter 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 19.01. Kopibeskyttet og vital 1 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2009 19.01. Rekordår for spillbransjen 3 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2009 18.01. Nya steg 5 2 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 2009 28.12. De hotteste spillene i 2010 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 2009 19.12. Det brede spillåret 2009 1 1 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 2009 23.11. Visst kan livet bli ett spännande spel 5 2 2 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 2009 23.11. Visst kan livet bli ett spännande spel 5 2 2 1 2 1 1 2009 10.11. Spillanmeldelse: En actionfest uten 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 sidestykke 09.09. Rockgiganter inte förtjusta i Rockband 4 2 2 1 5 2 2 1 2 2009 09.09. "1100 5 2 2 1 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2009 05.08. Sippete superstjerner 1 1 2 1 6 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 2009 15.01. World of warcraft årets mest sålda spel 4 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 28.11. Hva kan videospill formidle? 3 1 2 1 6 2 2 1 1 2009

121 13.11. Rekordsalg av Modern Warfare 2 3 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 02.11. Nintendo taper konsollkrigen 3 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 13.10. 13 millioner til spillutvikling 3 1 1 1 1 4 2 1 1 2009 09.09. "Dataspill dreper planeten vår! 3 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2009 08.09. Salgssuksess for Sony 3 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2009 13.08. "For mye fokus på beskyttelse 3 1 2 1 6 2 1 1 2009 20.07. "Spill må fenge flere 3 1 2 1 6 2 1 1 2009 06.08. Utsatt, utsatt og utsatt 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 26.05. "Vanskelig å simulere 3 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2009 21.05. Anmeldelse: inFamous 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 13.05. De beste spillutviklerne 3 1 3 1 3 2 1 1 2009 07.05. Spill mer og mer pop 3 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 2009 31.03. Sony kutter prisen på Playstation 2 3 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 28.03. Leverandørene bør trø varsomt 3 1 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 21.03. "Spillbransjen er ikke moden nok for 3 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 sex 11.03. Trier gjør spill 3 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2009 08.07. Nedgangstider bra for spillbransjen 3 1 2 1 2 1 1 2009 10.03. Lanserer nytt `Pac-Man`-spill 3 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 17.02. Tissemann i GTA IV 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2009 30.11. Sniktitt: Umami 3 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 20.08. Fable 3 på vei / Det beste fra 3 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2009 GamesCom 09 30.05. De største snakkisene 3 1 2 1 3 2 1 2 2009 13.06. Tramsiga dialoger 4 2 2 1 6 2 2 1 1 2009 14.06. Tramsiga dialoger 4 2 2 1 6 1 2 1 1 2009 09.05. Spel snabbar på Volvobeslut 5 2 3 1 2 1 2 1 2009 08.05. Datorspel snabbar på Volvos beslut 5 2 3 1 2 2 2 1 2009 16.03. Ledighetsboom på St. Hanshaugen 1 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 2009 16.03. Ledigheten øker mest på St. 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 5 1 2 1 2009 Hanshaugen 19.02. Killzone 2 - (Guerilla Games/Sony) 5 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 19.02. Killzone 2 vilse i bunkrarna 5 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 2009

122 16.02. 15 miljoner är symboliskt 5 2 3 1 1 1 2 2 2 2009 16.10. Spelet inte över för spelmedierna 5 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 15.10. Spelet inte över för spelmedierna 5 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 2009 17.04. "Fildelning kommer alltid att finnas 5 2 3 1 1 1 2 2 2009 kvar" 12.04. Piratkopior iskallt efter Ipredlagen 4 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 2009 12.04. Piratkopior iskallt - efter Ipredlagen 4 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 2009 09.04. Adrenalinet får flöda fritt 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2009 10.03. Hevder dataspillere dør tidligere 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 22.02. Det mest intressanta spelåret någonsin 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 04.03. Så tycker spelutvecklare om 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2009 piratkopiering 05.02. På gränsen till provocerande / Chrono 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 Trigger 23.01. Isle of Man vil gjøre piratkopiering 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2009 lovlig 27.12. Halo banade väg för 2000-talet 4 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 2 2009 25.12. Läsarna eniga: WoW är hetast 4 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 2 2009 14.12. Årets beste spill 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2009 07.12. De beste spill-julegavene 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 02.08. Sam Fisher på hevntokt 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 16.04. Fildelning kommer alltid att finnas kvar 5 2 3 1 1 2 2 2 2009 09.04. Adrenalinet får flöda fritt 5 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 10.08. Dragon Age: Origins utsatt 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2009 29.12. Ännu få kvinnor i spelbranschen 5 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 29.12. Avalanche söker febrilt efter personal 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 till New York 22.12. Dataspelsbranschen vill ha riktat stöd 6 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 20.12. Ett litet steg mot jämställdhet 5 2 2 1 1 2 3 2 1 1 2014 20.12. Gamergate nådde riktigt otäcka nivåer 5 2 2 1 2 1 1 2014 12.12. Förföriskt finurligt i jämlikt Croftspel 4 2 2 1 1 3 1 2 2 1 1 2014 09.12. Äntligen är Lara Croft sig själv igen 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2014 07.12. Fra nerd til hipster 1 1 2 1 5 1 2 2 1 1 1 2014 05.12. Nu är det dags att kasta glasögonen 4 2 2 1 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2014 04.12. De skrev 'dö' i bajs på ytterdörren 4 2 3 1 1 3 1 1 3 1 2 2014

123 29.11. Fick våldtäktshot på Facebook - 4 2 2 1 5 3 1 1 2014 berättade för mammorna 29.11. Datorspelen som dominerat genom åren 5 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 27.11. Fler tjejer måste spela 6 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 31.10. Spelvänner möts på mässa 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2014 05.11. Därför behövde vi gamergate 4 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2014 14.11. Spel kan komma att få sexismstämpel 4 2 3 1 1 3 2 1 2 2014 13.11. Jämställdhetsmärkning av dataspel 6 2 3 1 1 3 2 1 1 2014 03.11. Speldesigner vill försvara hotade 6 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 kvinnor 30.10. Spelvärlden måste öppnas för alla 6 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 2014 24.10. Tid för självrannsakan i spelindustrin 5 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 2014 31.10. Dödshoten blottlägger branschens fula 4 2 2 1 1 1 3 5 1 1 1 2014 tryne 30.10. Fenjima Manrique fikk drapstrussel 3 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2014 skrevet i bæsj på døren 26.10. Kvinnelige dataspillere skjuler sitt kjønn 1 1 2 1 5 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2014 online 25.10. Kvinnelige spillskapere trues på livet 1 1 2 1 5 1 2 1 3 1 1 2014 24.10. Datorspelföretag saknar kvinnor 6 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 24.10. Datorspelföretag saknar kvinnor 4 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 24.10. Datorspelföretag saknar kvinnor 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 20.10. Tid för självrannsakan i spelindustrin 5 2 2 1 3 1 2 6 1 1 1 2014 23.10. De kämpar mot sexismen i spelvärlden 6 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2014 23.10. Kommentarer som hora och slyna är 6 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 2014 inte ovanliga 22.10. Kardashian-spelet har dragit in 365 4 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 miljoner 18.10. Våg av hat mot kvinnor i spelvärlden 6 2 2 1 5 2 1 2 2014 18.10. Våg av hat mot kvinnor i spelvärlden 4 2 2 1 5 2 1 2 2014 18.10. Våg av hat mot kvinnor i spelvärlden 5 2 2 1 5 2 1 2 2014 12.10. Pewdiepies jargong stänger ute kvinnor 4 2 3 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 12.09. Sarkeesian backas upp 4 2 2 1 3 1 3 3 1 2 1 1 2014 11.10. Call of duty större än Star wars 4 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 09.10. Myndigheter får ett uppsving i oroliga 5 2 1 1 1 1 4 1 3 2 1 2014 tider 07.10. Det stora tappet: Spelbolagen 5 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 Avalanche och Starbreeze 02.10. Angry birds-tillverkare drar ner 5 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014

124 18.09. FBI utreder dödshot mot kritiker 6 2 2 1 5 2 2 1 2 2014 17.09. SVT:s recensent: 18 miljarder ett rea- 6 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 pris för Minecraft 16.09. 1 Sålde sitt livsverk lika dyrt som Volvo 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 2 2014 0 15.09. Svenskarna som blir superrika på 4 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 dataspel 11.09. Rekordår för svenska spelutvecklare 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 11.09. Microsoft vill köpa Mojang 5 2 3 1 1 1 9 5 1 2 1 1 2014 04.09. Tv-spelen hyllas - av kulturministern 4 2 3 1 4 2 1 1 2014 01.09. Branschorganisation fördömer 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 hatattacker 23.08. Kim Kardashian krossar King 5 2 3 1 1 4 1 2 1 1 2014 21.08. Hotet mot King: Kim Kardashian 5 2 3 1 2 1 1 2014 20.08. "Den svenska passiviteten äcklar mig" 4 2 2 1 6 2 2 1 1 2014 10.08. Fortsatt boom för blågula dataspel 6 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 10.08. Fortsatt boom för blågula dataspel 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 08.08. Hårt klimat för hbtq- gamers i 4 2 2 1 6 2 1 2 2014 spelvärlden 24.07. Hotades med våldtäkt - på grund av sitt 4 2 2 1 5 2 1 2 2014 spel 02.07. Kojima hyllas av Hollywood 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 27.06. Fansen betalar miljoner för att han ska 4 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 skapa deras drömspel 13.06. UPPFÖLJARE, UPPFÖLJARE, 1 4 2 2 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 2014 UPPFÖLJARE 0 12.06. Den mest intensiva spelupplevelsen - i 4 2 3 1 3 2 1 1 2014 mitt liv 06.06. Ska man inte få skämta lite om bögar 1 4 2 2 1 3 1 5 1 2 1 1 2014 och bröst? 0 22.05. Våldsamma dataspel trubbar av barn 4 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 mot våld' 01.05. Tredimensionell värld gjorde Persson 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 till miljardär 30.04. Egensinnigt spel gjorde "Notch" 5 2 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 3 2 1 1 2014 Perssons lycka 09.04. Nya tjänsten som kan sänka 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2014 videospelsindustrin 04.04. SPEL: Kvinnor har svårt att ta plats i 4 2 3 1 1 3 2 1 1 2014 branschen 04.04. SPEL: Kvinnor har svårt att ta plats i 1 4 2 3 1 1 3 1 3 1 1 1 2014 branschen 0 04.04. Steam är inte längre svaret på vår 1 4 2 2 1 1 1 5 1 1 2 2014 längtan 0 27.03. Ser mot fremtiden med Facebooks nye 3 1 2 1 3 2 2 2 2014 briller 26.03. MinecraftChicks resa till Sverige 6 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 26.03. Facebook kjøper seg inn i kunstig 3 1 2 1 3 2 2 2 2014 virkelighet

125 26.03. Dice grät över BF4-releasen 4 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 25.03. Virtuell drømmefremtid 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 4 1 2 1 2 2014 23.03. Så bra är Sonys nya vr-headset 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2014 18.03. Spillbransjens fremtid avgjøres i San 1 1 2 1 1 2 4 1 2 1 2 2014 Francisco 15.03. Spellegendaren hatar free to play 4 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 2014 11.03. For mange menn 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 5 1 1 1 2014 10.03. Derfor tjener de 30 millioner daglig 3 1 2 1 2 1 1 2014 08.03. Inget kulturellt värde i Candy crush saga 4 2 3 1 2 1 2 2014 05.03. Till försvar för spelets fostrande kraft 5 2 3 1 6 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2014 04.03. Till försvar för spelets fostrande kraft 5 2 3 1 6 2 2 1 1 2014 04.03. EU vil regulere gratisspill 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 4 1 1 2 2014 03.03. Onlinestödet slopas för Wii- och DS- 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 spel 28.02. Här utbildas framtidens spelutvecklare 6 2 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 18.02. En splittet bransje 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 2014 14.02. Spår økonomisk suksess for norsk 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 vikingspill 11.02. Orket ikke mer ufrivillig suksess 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2014 04.02. Feige investorer i spillbransjen 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 2014 28.01. Vi borde aldrig ha släppt Pac-avoid 4 2 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 28.01. Ny vekst i ruinene av Funcom 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2014 28.01. Folke-finansiert suksess 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2014 28.01. Verdensherredømme for godteri-spill 1 1 2 1 1 2 4 1 2 1 2 2014 22.01. 2014 blir et bannerår for norsk 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2014 spillindustri 15.01. Josef Fares vill göra fler spel 4 2 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 10.01. 1 Trasig speldesign ingen försöker fixa 4 2 2 1 6 1 5 1 1 2 2014 0 07.01. 2014 kan bli tidenes år for norske spill 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 4 1 1 2 2014 07.12. Mängder av tunga storspel uppvisade 4 2 3 1 3 2 1 2 2014 23.11. Ny kritikstorm mot Rockstar 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 20.11. Taper penger på dataspill 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 2 1 2 2014 19.11. Millionunderskudd for Funcom 3 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 29.10. Svenska Star wars får ett releasedatum 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014

126 25.10. Kvinnelige spillskapere trues på livet 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 3 1 1 2014 18.10. Sinna- hekker ́n 2 1 2 1 3 1 5 1 2 1 2 2014 15.10. Svensk kung på USA-börsen nere för 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 räkning 03.10. Angry birdstillverkare drar ner 5 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 2014 14.09. Fans upprörda över Minecraft-affären 4 2 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 11.09. 1 Säljs - för 14 miljarder' 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2014 0 10.09. "Microsoft på väg att köpa upp 4 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 Minecraft 10.09. Microsoft nära köp av spelbolaget 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 Mojang 26.08. Dataspill om nyhetsbildet 1 1 2 1 6 1 2 5 1 2 1 2 2014 25.08. Bioware inspireras av The darkness 4 2 3 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 11.08. Spelare lurades köpa mobilspel till 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 datorn 27.07. Arya Stark ryktas till The last of us- 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 filmen 18.07. Superspelet som kan komma att göra en 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 Tolkien 26.06. Kings grundare om vad han ska göra 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 med alla pengarna 10.06. Her er den nye mini-Playstation-en 2 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 08.06. Minecrafts skapare köper rekorddyr lya 4 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2014 07.06. Minecraft-skapare köpte dyraste lyan 4 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 23.05. 1 Spelnytt 4 2 2 1 1 1 4 1 2 1 2 2014 0 08.05. Vinstlyft för spelbolaget King 5 2 1 1 1 1 4 6 1 2 1 2 2014 07.05. Vinstlyft för spelbolaget King 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 07.04. Kräftgången fortsätter för King 5 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 02.04. "Titta - King stiger!" 5 2 1 1 1 2 1 6 1 2 1 2 2014 27.03. Katastrofal börs- notering för King 4 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 27.03. Kallsinne mötte King på börsen 5 2 1 1 1 1 4 1 2 2 1 2 2014 26.03. King redo för börsen 5 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 26.03. I dag ska King upp till bevis på New 5 2 1 1 1 4 1 1 2 1 2 2014 York-börsen 14.03. Börsaktuella King värderas högre än 5 2 1 1 1 4 1 1 2 1 2 2014 Zynga 13.03. Börsaktuellt King lutar sig mot några få 5 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 spel 18.02. King ansöker om börsnotering i New 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014 York 13.02. Clash of clans är värt miljarder 4 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2014

127 31.01. Nerdeverden 1 1 3 1 3 2 1 4 1 2 1 2 2014 30.01. "Amazon släpper en spelkonsol i år 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 30.01. Funcom siktet for å ha manipulert 1 1 1 1 3 1 4 6 1 2 1 2 2014 markedet 30.01. ØKOKRIM SIKTET FUNCOM 2 1 1 1 3 1 6 1 2 1 2 2014 13.01. Nintendo totalsågas - av spelutvecklaren 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 22.12. 1 Flåsiga höhö-texter är inte 'kulturkritik' 4 2 3 1 3 2 2 1 1 2014 0 21.11. "Bredbånds- avgift må finansiere film 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 2014 24.10. Kriget som utkämpas på nätet är nästa 4 2 1 1 3 2 2 1 2014 steg 24.10. Kriget som utkämpas på nätet är nästa 4 2 1 1 3 1 5 1 2 1 2014 steg 18.10. Datagurun tar sin revansch 5 2 2 1 3 1 4 1 4 2 1 2014 18.10. Programmeringsgurun tar sin revansch 5 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 2014 09.10. Det vackra överskuggas - av tradig 4 2 2 1 6 2 2 1 1 2014 spelmekanik 02.10. En smått revolutionerande berättelse 4 2 2 1 6 2 2 1 1 2014 23.09. Kasta inte Ipads på ungarna 5 2 3 1 3 2 2 1 2014 23.09. "Kasta inte Ipads på ungarna" 5 2 3 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 2014 23.09. Kasta inte Ipads på ungarna 5 2 3 1 3 2 2 1 2014 29.08. En vanmakt som gör oss gott 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2014 29.08. LO och S har närmat sig MP 5 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 2014 28.08. Ett spel man bara kan förlora 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2014 22.08. Man sexade, mördade och drogade som 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2014 på bio 14.04. Jag har fått stå ut med en del näthat 4 2 3 1 2 2 1 1 2014 04.04. En bransch i konstant obalans 4 2 1 1 3 2 2 2 2014 03.04. Pinsam gala missar svenska 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 5 1 2 1 1 2014 spelkreatörer 02.04. Pinsam gala missar svenska 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 spelkreatörer 13.03. Hjälplösa kvinnor är spelvärldens mest 5 2 3 1 3 2 2 1 2 2014 pinsamma kliché 13.03. Hjälplösa kvinnor är spelvärldens mest 5 2 3 1 3 1 2 6 1 2 1 2 2014 pinsamma kliché 13.03. Lykkelig som liten (men hypp på å bli 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2014 stor) 14.02. "Killer 7 det mest konstnärliga spelet 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2014 någonsin 07.02. Branschen och dess bevakare hand i 1 4 2 3 1 3 1 5 1 1 1 2014 hand 0 06.01. Så blir ditt spelår 2014 4 2 2 1 2 1 2 2014

128 03.01. Hetaste trenderna i spelvärlden 2014 4 2 2 1 1 3 1 3 1 2 2014 20.06. "Vi öser kärlek över The last guardian 4 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2014 20.06. Playstation 4 - Sonys revansch 4 2 2 1 1 1 3 6 1 2 1 1 2014 06.06. Kvinnor bär upp halva spelhimlen 5 2 3 1 3 1 2 5 1 2 1 1 2014 07.02. Call of duty får en till utvecklare 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2014 Spelet Wands har blivit utvalt att ingå i 27.12. "The Grand Essentials Pack" i Oculus 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 store 12.12. Kan bli ulovlig pengespill - skal fortsatt 3 1 2 1 3 2 1 1 2018 være tilgjengelig for barn 10.12. Patricia Hedelius: En stjärna skapar 5 2 1 1 1 4 1 2 2 1 1 2018 kaos - men det går att undvika minor 09.12. Patricia Hedelius: En stjärna skapar 5 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2018 kaos - men det går att undvika minor 07.12. "God of War" vann årets spel på The 4 2 3 1 6 2 1 2 2018 Game Awards 01.12. Tronskifte på väg i spelbranschen 5 2 2 1 1 1 4 4 1 1 2 2018 29.11. Spillbransjens milliardbutikk kan bli 3 1 2 1 3 2 1 2 2018 regulert som pengespill 23.11. Ny strategi for dataspel 3 1 1 1 4 2 1 2 2018 Beyond Frames Entertainment 22.11. spridingsemission inför listning på 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 Spotlight Stock Market blev övertecknad BEYOND FRAMES: EN AKTIE ATT 16.11. AVSTÅ FRÅN PÅ SIKT - SVD 5 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 BÖRSPLUS 16.11. Börsplus är klart negativa till Beyond 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 Frames nyintroduktion 05.11. Beyond Frames Entertainment godkänt 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2018 för notering på Spotlight Stock Market 26.10. Gold Town Games intensifierar 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2018 marknadsföringen 25.10. E-sportens gigantiske økonomi: Så mye 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 2018 er gamingindustrien verdt 25.10. Spillbransjens store bekymring: «Loot 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 2 2018 boxes» kan bli forbudt i Norge 24.10. Beyond Frames genomför 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2018 nyintroduktion på Spotlight Bublar Groups förvärv av Vobling ökar 17.10. produktionskapaciteten och fotfästet 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 inom B2B - vd 17.10. "Många investerare förstår inte 5 2 1 1 1 1 4 5 1 1 1 2018 spelmarknaden" 16.10. Spelundret - "få investerare förstår 5 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2018 branschen" 12.10. Treyarch vill omfamna förändringen 5 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2018 11.10. Sebastian Ahlskog lämnar sin roll som 5 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 CFO på Starbreeze 09.10. ICTAs intressebolag Isbit Games utser 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 ny VD

129 18.09. Svenska dataspelsundret växer - får allt 5 2 1 1 1 1 4 1 2 1 1 2018 svårare att hitta rätt folk 13.09. Rekordmånga kvinnor i svenska 4 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2018 spelbranschen 12.09. Spelindustrin varnar: Personal svårt 5 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2018 anställa 05.09. Spelindustrin bromsade in 5 2 1 1 1 1 4 4 1 1 1 2018 02.09. Spelindustrin bröt framgångskurva 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2018 22.08. Xboxchefen: Vi måste lyssna på fansen 5 2 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 2018 18.07. Sikter mot VM og 800 millioner i 1 1 3 1 3 1 2 1 2 1 1 2018 premiepotten 19.06. Iron Maiden samarbetar med krigsspel 5 2 2 1 3 2 1 2 2018 15.06. Kärlek, nostalgi och rymdmonster 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2018 11.06. E3 2018: Här är de största svenska 6 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 nyheterna hittills SPEL: KINESER REDO BETALA 30.05. FÖR VINST, SPELARE I VÄST 5 2 2 1 2 1 1 2018 TVEKSAMMA 26.05. Konsten att göra ett ostressigt 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2018 flipperäventyr 23.05. Avalanche öppnar i Malmö 5 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 2018 22.05. Avalanche öppnar i Malmö 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 THQ NORDIC: EBITDA- 16.05. RESULTATET ÖKADE TILL 226 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2018 MLN KR 1 KV (NY) 08.05. Allt fler kvinnor gör dataspel - men 6 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2018 branschen är långt ifrån jämställd 21.04. Techjättarna: Detta krävs om du vill 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 2018 jobba hos oss 16.04. En miljon sålda "A Way Out"-spel - på 4 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 bara två veckor 13.03. Effie testar: "A Way Out" kommer att 4 2 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2018 slå stort - utan tvekan 13.03. Utvecklare oroas över slarviga 5 2 3 1 1 2 1 2 2018 nyutgivningar 09.03. Trump kallade in spelchefer till möte - 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2018 visade skräckklipp 23.02. Efter metoo-uppropet: Få spelutvecklare 6 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 2018 vill prata om trakasserier 23.02. Vill locka spelföretag 4 2 1 1 4 1 8 5 1 1 1 2018 19.02. Spelförening får miljonstöd för att 6 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 arbeta mot sexism 14.02. Metoo-upprop i spelvärlden 5 2 1 1 3 1 2 4 1 1 2 2018 13.02. Kvinnor i spelbranschen berättar: "Har 4 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 2 2018 blivit tafsad på och tvångskysst" 13.02. Metoo-upprop i spelvärlden 5 2 1 1 3 2 1 2 2018 13.02. Speljournalisten Paula Manrique: "De 6 2 1 1 3 2 1 2 2018 smetade bajs på min dörr" 13.02. #Vispelarintemed - Upprop mot sexism 6 2 1 1 3 2 1 2 2018 i spelbranschen

130 30.01. Svenska Coffee Stain vill lyfta kvinnliga 4 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 2 2018 spelskapare - ger ekonomiskt stöd 04.01. Slettet spillet da verdiene ble satt på 3 1 2 1 6 2 2 1 2 2018 prøve 02.01. Befogad rabatt på Stillfronts 5 2 1 1 1 4 1 2 2 1 1 2018 imperiebygge Beyond Frames Entertainment har 05.11. godkänts för notering på Spotlight Stock 5 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2018 Market 16.11. Fares "A way out" nominerad till 5 2 1 1 6 2 2 1 2 2018 spelpris THQ NORDIC: EBITDA- 14.11. RESULTATET 215 MLN KR 3 KV 5 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 (EST BN 194) 05.11. Battlefield 5 vill skildra krigets kvinnor 6 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 - möts av hatstorm 27.12. Radikaliseringsmaskinen Youtube 1 1 2 1 3 1 1 1 2 2 2 2018 03.02. Barndomsprøven 2 1 3 1 1 1 4 2 1 2018 30.12. Spelet vill länka barn och vuxna i 5 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2018 rymden 14.09. Bethesda-chefen: Självklart gör vi ett 4 2 3 1 2 2 1 1 2018 "Wolfenstein III" 03.09. Det finns en bild av en gamer som en 4 2 3 1 2 2 1 2 2018 sunkig 13-årig kille 25.04. E-sport närmar sig OS - kan bli 4 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2018 uppvisningsgren i Paris 18.04. Sverige och Finland i stort behov av 6 2 3 1 2 2 1 2018 Indien 21.01. Hon startar spelsajt utan manliga 5 2 3 1 3 2 2 1 2018 skribenter 09.01. PARADOX: DANSKE BANK 5 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2018 SÄNKER TILL BEHÅLL (KÖP)

3) More examples of articles that were excluded or included

One article about an education for comic book artists in Sweden briefly mentioned the video game industry, among other industries, as a place to work. Thus, comic book education is the main topic, and the details on the video game industry are too scarce to warrant an implicit characterization. Yes, you might say it is “attractive” for young students, but so are the other industries mentioned. Interpreting this as an implicit characterization would be a stretch. “INVADERER Hollywood” (“INVADING Hollywood”) in VG (03.09.2003) is about young designers working on Hollywood-movies. The designers use a website, and when describing this site, someone says: “Here we have everything from veterans from the video game industry to 13-year-old youth”. Designers in Hollywood is the main topic, and details on the video game industry is scarce. One could say that “gamle travere” (here: “veterans”) implies that the industry is long-lived, but there is nothing else to go on. It was excluded.

131 “«Half-Life 2» kan være ferdig” (VG, 16.10.2004) is an article speculating that Half- Life 2 might be done, based on various rumors. The article implies that Half-Life 2 is an important game, which many are waiting for. If one looks at the rumors, one could perhaps say that the article implies that people in the industry is bad at keeping secrets. However, it does not state so, or that they were told to keep the game a secret. The article is focused on clues about a specific game, Half-Life 2, and drawing an implicit characterization of the industry seems like a stretch to me. It was excluded. “Duket til formatkrig” (VG, 06.10.2004) is about the competition between Blu-ray and HD-DVD, written from a video game-perspective. The main topic, however, is Blu-ray and HD-DVD. It does say that the formats try to ally themselves with console makers. One could argue that this implicitly characterizes the industry as important. I found this to be close to a stretch, but decided to include it. Why would the formats try to ally themselves with the consoles? The only reason is that consoles are so important that they can turn the competition in favor of one format. Therefore, the story itself, that formats try to get consoles on their side, implies that the industry is successful, reaches many people and is powerful. “Hemlig agent har fått nytt liv” (SvD, 04.04.2004) included the sentence: “The game is very violent, but does at the same time have a message which criticizes nuclear weapons and gene technology, which is unusual in the video game industry.”34 It characterizes the industry, but in what way? I included the article, but ended up coding it as neither as it does not really state if this is problematic or not, just that it is “rare”. “Supernettverk med supercomputere besto testen” (Aftenposten, 05.07.2009) is about the grid technology used at CERN. One scientist claims that “the video game industry” might use this technology. It does not really say anything about the industry. Perhaps it implies that the industry strives for more computing power? Does not every tech-industry – or any industry, for that matter – do so? I found it to be a stretch, and thus excluded the article.

4) NRK-articles from 2009 that was not available in ATEKST

Nedgangstider bra for spillbransjen

34 Original: “Spelet är väldigt våldsamt men har samtidigt ett budskap som kritiserar kärnvapen och genteknik, vilket är ovanligt I spelbranschen.”

132 Undersøkelse viser at vi spiller mer enn tidligere når økonomien skranter.

Verdensøkonomien lider under de harde nedgangstidene, men underholdningsindustrien har tradisjonelt sett klart seg best når forbrukerne velger å stramme grepet rundt lommeboka.

The Nielsen Company, et amerikansk selskap som spesialiserer seg på forbrukerundersøkelser, har utført en spørrerunde som viser at vi både spiller mer, og kjøper mer spill i nedgangstider.

Foran Hollywood

Undersøkelsen fra The Nielsen Company viser at det er spillindustrien som kommer best ut, og viser til at de som ble spurt fortalte at de har kjøpt flere brukte spill og brukt flere timer på å spille de siste fem månedene enn noen sinne tidligere.

- 42 % av spillere i aldersgruppen 7 - 54 år hevder de planlegger å spille mer enn de gjorde i fjor, mens 41 % hevder de planlegger å spille like mye.

Mens tallene under viser at 2009 har vært et rekord år med tanke på hvor mye tid spillere har brukt foran skjermen, har amerikanere sett stadig færre filmer etter hvert som den økonomiske krisen utviklet seg.

35 % av spillerne mener også at de vil bruke mer penger på å kjøpe spill det kommende året enn i fjor.

Ikke usårlig

Likevel har mange spillselskaper og utviklerstudioer sagt opp store mengder ansatte, og noen har rett og slett lagt ned og stengt kontorene.

Tidligere i sommer så vi at anerkjente id Software måtte legge ned produksjonen av sitt svært etterlengtede Duke Nukem Forever på grunn av pengemangel, like etter ble selskapet kjøpt opp av ZeniMax Media.

Hva kan videospill formidle?

NRK møtte gjengen bak et av årets mest kritikerroste spill.

- Vi vil at spilleren skal føle seg fornyet av å spille Flower. Mange spill i dag handler i stor grad om eksplosjoner. Det handler om å kappe hodet av folk, er veldig sort-hvitt, og handler om det gode mot det onde.

133 Kelleee Santiago og Jenova Chen er hjernene bak spillselskapet That Game Company fra San Fransisco i USA. Gjennom sine uvanlige spill har det lille selskapet i 2009 vunnet mange priser for nyskapning.

Hva er mulig?

- Vi prøver å lage et spill som byr på følelsesmessige opplevelser som ikke har vært mulig før. Hva er mulig? Hva kan videospill formidle?

Santiago, som også er sjef i det lille spillselskapet, stiller to enkle spørsmål som i kjølvannet av lanseringen av Flower har fått mye oppmerksomhet i spillkretser.

Dagens spillindustri er dominert av store selskaper som har mange likhetstrekk med Hollywoods filmindustri. De store spillene tar oppmerksomheten, og ikke minst pengene som trengs for å utvikle et spill. De store spillanseringene strekker seg over flere sjangre, men spillene har ofte eksplosjoner, poeng og et mål forteller Santiago videre.

Flower har hverken poeng eller et mål spillerene skal nå. Kun en enslig blomst som drømmer seg bort fra storbyens grå hverdag.

Sterke historier

Etter lanseringen i februar i år, har det lille spillselskapet fått mange henvendelser fra spillere som forteller om sterke historier i møte med Flower.

- Vi fikk et brev fra en person som fortalte at spillet minte han om besteforeldrene hans. Det var overveldende!

Et uttrykt ønske om å skape nye typer spillopplevelser driver oss videre uttdyper Chen. Kellee Santiago er enig og forteller videre at hun tror spill i dag fortsatt er helt i startgropen av hva som i fremtiden kommer til å bli en enda større kulturformidler.

- Hvis spill er en bokhylle i en bokbutikk, så har vi i dag fylt kanskje en hylle. Vi vil at fremtidens spill skal fylle hele bokbutikken, spilli alle sjangre og for alle behov.

Flower er tilgjengelig via Playstation 3 Store. Se også innslaget i Store Studio, NRK1 mandag kl. 2220.

Kaster ut en million Xbox-spillere

Har du vært fristet til å laste ned piratkopierte spill til din Xbox-konsoll? Ingen god idé.

Kan ha blitt presset etter «Modern Warfare 2»

134 Denne uken ble blant annet høstens storspill «Modern Warfare 2» utgitt, til unison applaus fra verdens spillkritikere. Nettstedet spekulerer i at siden piratversjoner av spillet var i sirkulasjon allerede før slippdagen, har spillprodusenten Activision krevd at Microsoft skulle slå ned på piratene.

Xbox 360-konsollene er utstyrt med teknologi som oppdager piratkopiert software, men enkelte konsoll-eiere har forandret (moddet) konsollen slik at den kan omgå denne teknologien (såkalt DRM-beskyttelse), skriver InformationWeek.

Ukjent om spillerne får komme tilbake Selv om enkelte brukere er bannlyst kan de fremdeles spille Xbox-spill offline (uten å være koblet til internett). Det er heller ikke klart om utestengelsen vil gjelde for alltid eller om Microsoft vil la de som nå er kastet ut komme tilbake til internettjenesten Xbox Live senere. Microsoft skriver at selskapets ønske om å bekjempe piratvirksomheten og å skape et sikkert spillmiljø for over 20 millioner medlemmer av Xbox Live-samfunnet, er deres viktigste mål. «Alle forbrukere bør vite at piratvirksomhet er ulovlig og at å forandre innstillingene på konsollen bryter med avtalen som er inngått. Å bryte denne inngåtte avtalen vil si at garantien går ut og at de vil utestenges fra å bruke Xbox Live», skriver Microsoft. Det er ikke kjent hvordan Microsoft fant ut av konsoll-fiksingen.

Nintendo taper konsollkrigen

- Wii har stagnert, innrømte en dyster Nintendo-sjef.

Etter å ha dominert spillkonsollmarkedet totalt i flere år, gikk Nintendo-sjefen Satoru Iwata ut før helga og innrømmet at selskapet ikke har klart å gi ut nok bra spill i 2009.

- Salget av Wii-konsollen har stagnert. Spill som forbrukerne har lyst på har ikke kommet til raskt nok og dermed har kjøperne mistet interessen, sa Iwata.

Han sa også at han trodde det ville bli vanskelig å aksellere salget av konsollen igjen, men mente samtidig at han hadde stor tro på at Nintendo fortsatt ville selge mange Wii-konsoller.

Halverte inntekter

Etter å ha ligget på toppen av alle salgslister i hele tre år, har salget av Wii-konsollen stupt. I juli la Nintendo frem regnskapstall som vise et fall i inntektene på hele 40% i forhold til året før.

Under pressekonferansen før helgen la Iwata også frem tallene for tredje kvartal, som heller ikke var lystig lesning for investorene i selskapet.

Omsetningen falt 34,5% i forhold til samme periode året før og endte på omkring 6 milliarder dollar, eller 34 milliarder norske kroner etter dagens kurser.

135 Feilslått strategi

Iwata hintet også til at Nintendo kan ha overvurdert Wii-konsollens salgsevne i kampen mot PS3 og Xbox 360.

- Markedet ble kjølig raskere enn forventet, og det var en forskjell i hva vi forventet i salgstall og hva som faktisk ble solgt, fortsatte Iwata. - Nå forbreder vi oss til 2010, og tenker på hva vi skal gjøre året etter det igjen.

Ryktene om en ny Wii-konsoll med HD har fått stadig bedre fotfeste blant spillindustrianalytikere i USA og Japan. Kan ikke Wii levere de inntektene som Nintendo trenger, vil den japanske spillgiganten være tvunget til å lansere et nytt produkt for å få ny oppmerksomhet fra forbrukerne.

13 millioner til spillutvikling

Norsk film får derimot totalt 625 millioner fra statsbudsjettet neste års statsbudsjett.

- Det er bare positivt at det blir mer penger til norsk spillproduksjon, mener Alf Henrik Nordby i Multimedieforeningen, en interesseorganisasjon for norske spillutviklere og produsenter.

Data- og konsollspill blir en stadig viktigere medieplattform for norsk ungdom. Salget av spill har steget jevnt under hele finanskrisen viser tall fra Multimedieforeningen, i første kvartal steg omsetningen i norske spillbutikker med 12,7%

- Jeg håper de ekstra pengene fra Kulturdepartementet betyr at det blir laget flere gode norske kvalitetsspill, fortsetter Nordby.

Fornøyd kulturminister

- Samtidig som vi legger forholdene bedre til rette for norske spillutviklere, må vi også sørge for at spillene når et stadig voksende norsk marked. Denne økningen skal være med på å gjøre den norske spillbransjen enda mer levedyktig, sier kultur- og kirkeminister Trond Giske i en kommentar på departementets hjemmesider.

Bevilgningene til data- og konsollspill økes med 3 millioner kroner, mens det totale økningen i tilskudd til kultursektoren er på tilsammen 812 millioner kroner.

Spill får dermed under en halv prosent av den totalte økningen i kultursektoren.

136 – Dataspill dreper planeten vår!

En japansk filmregissør er ikke særlig begeistret for dataspill og hvordan de påvirker oss.

Dataspill har blitt anklaget for mye i løpet av de ti siste årene: Actionspillene som skaper drapsmaskiner, avhengigheten av dataspill som fører til at folk dør sittende i stolen på grunn av mat- og vannmangel. Vi har hørt historier om mennesker som tømmer bankkontoene på virtuelle gjenstander de kjøper på nett. Og en hel del annet som går på dårlig livsstil og dårlig påvirkning. Argumentet om at de også utgjør en stor miljøtrussel har ikke vært nevnt i særlig grad før – men dette blir nok ikke siste gangen heller.

– Finnes det noe bedre enn Tetris? Men det stoppet ikke der. Tomino hadde mer på lager. Ettersom han ikke var særlig imponert over dagens spill utfordret han spillutviklerne og spillbransjen.

– Dere må finne en middelvei - spill er kanskje ikke onde, ikke nødvendigvis gode heller, men kanskje noe som kan regnes som et tidsfordriv. Hvordan skal dere få mennesker til å nyte et spill? Hvordan skal dere få dem til å ikke føle at de kaster bort tiden? Hadde det vært enkelt å svare på disse spørsmålene, så hadde vi allerede hatt bedre spill, sier han.

- Har det kommet ut noe bedre enn Tetris siden det kom ut? Hvor mange år siden er det? Dette vil jeg si dere: Lag et spill som ikke påvirker livene våre negativt, og som kan anses som konstruktive.

Playstation får 3D-film

Vil støtte ny Blu-ray standard.

Teknologien skyter fremover i rasende fart, også innen hjemmeunderholdning. 2009 har vært Blu-ray sitt år, med stadig økende popularitet og salg.

Blu-ray Disc Association som bestemmer tekniske standarder for bransjen, har valgt en codec som gjør at Playstation 3 får støtte for filmer i 3D og full HD.

Dermed får Sonys spillkonsoll enda et fortrinn i den multimediale tv-hverdagen vår.

Du trenger fortsatt en ny tv-skjerm for å kunne se film i 3D, og naturlig nok 3D-briller. Så nå gjenstår det bare å se om publikum vil godta å sitte med briller i stua.

137 - For mye fokus på beskyttelse

EU holdt tidligere i sommer en dataspillhøring, og budskapet var klart: Mer fokus på en voksende kreativ industri, mindre fokus på gamle myter.

Kommissær for informasjonssamfunn og media i EU-kommisjonen, Vivian Reding, var ikke nådig i behandlingen av mange gamle myter som spinnes rundt dataspill.

- Når video- og dataspill kommer opp i en samtale, er det hvordan det påvirker barna og hvordan vi kan beskytte de som de aller fleste tenker på først. Selv politikere som snakker om spill ser ofte til disse bekymringene, i stedet for den kulturelle og økonomiske dimensjonen denne industrien tilbyr.

Likevel anerkjenner hun hvor stor plass spill har i den moderne mediehverdagen. I hennes tale under EU sin dataspillhøring fortalte hun hva dataspillanalytikeren Colin Sebastian hadde uttalt til The New York Times.

- Folk i industrien sier at om forbrukerne kun har igjen 50$, så er de tre siste tingene de vil kjøpe melk, egg og spill.

Styrket alderskontroll

- En kan ikke nekte for at jo mer tid som brukes på dataspill, jo mer tilgjengelig de er, jo større blir risikoen for at barn skal bli skadelidende på en eller annen måte, forsatte Reding.

Hun har arbeidet for en strengere regulering av aldersmerking av spill, og er en av hovedpersonene bak den felleseuropeiske standarden PEGI.

- PEGI gir oss en spesifikk aldersmerking og innholdsforklaring. Dette gjør foreldre i stand til å forstå hva det er barna spiller, og på denne måten sikre seg mot at barn ikke spiller spill som er upassende for deres aldersgruppe.

- Vi møter nye utfordringer

Også i Norge har det vært fokus på barns sikkerhet i møte med en ny mediehverdag. Rådgiver i Medietilsynet Rita Astridsdotter Brudalen forteller at arbeidet som først startet med sikkerhet på internett nå også inkluderer spill.

- I begynnelsen var det ofte snakk om at internett var farlig for barn, de siste årene har fokuset dreid seg over til også å inkludere spill. Vi møter stadig nye utfordringer, siden vi nå møter den interaktive hverdagen på nye plattformer som mobiltelefoner og spillkonsoller.

138 PEGI er et priviat initiativ fra spillbransjen selv, men har en rådgivende enhet hvor Medietilsynet har en egen representant.

- Et viktig verktøy

Brudalen poengeter at PEGI ikke er lovfestet, men gir anbefalte aldersgrenser for spill.

- Vi er i utgangspunktet teknologipositive, og følger med på hva vitenskapelige undersøkelser sier om barns forhold til spill. PEGI er en del av de verktøyene vi har, og er støttet av den norske regjeringa som i fjor kom med Europas første dataspillmelding.

Brudalen mener likevel at det ikke holder med aldersmerking av spill, foreldre er de som i første linje kan beskytte sine barn mot en stadig voksende mediehverdag.

- At foreldre ikke er interessert i barns spilling er bekymringsverdig. Det har ingenting med selve spillet å gjøre, men med den mediehverdagen vi lever i.

Sett i forhold til andre land, har Norge kommet langt. Flere andre europeiske land misunner oss, forteller Brudalen. Selv om hun mener vi ikke er kommet over humpen hvor mediefrykten har lagt seg i forhold til spill og digitale medier.

- Den eldre generasjonen føler ofte frykt fordi de ikke forstår den nye mediehverdagen. Mitt råd er å involvere barna, og be de vise veien for dem voksne, da kan vi komme veldig langt.

Avliver gamle myter

Under EU sin dataspillhøring var kommisjonærens tale kun en liten del av programmet på dataspillhøringen. Barnepsykologen Dr. Jeffrey Goldstein fra Nederland snakket om hvordan barn i mye større grad enn tidligere antatt evner å skille mellom virkelighet og lek. De tar bevisste valg rundt sin egen mediebruk, og han poengterte at dette må være en av hovedoppgavene til PEGI. Å hjelpe barn, unge og deres foresatte med å ta bevisste medievalg.

Vivian Reding også kom med en oppfordring til alle som deltok på høringen.

- Det er viktig å huske dette og akseptere at spill har blitt en integrert del av den digitale hverdagen, med en stadig økende sosial og økonomisk betydning. Alpha Protocol utsettes

Spillhøsten rammes nok en gang. Sega sitt spionspill, Alpha Protocol, blir utsatt til 2010.

139 Ryktene om en utsettelse av spionspillet Alpha Protocol viste seg å stemme. Rollespillet har fått ny slippdato til våren, men SEGA har ikke kommet med en forklaring på hvorfor spillet blir utsatt i flere måneder.

Nettbutikken til gigantene GameStop og Amazon, viste i slutten av september at spillet ville bli utsatt. Enkelte butikker i USA viser at spillet ikke kommer før i juni neste år.

Amerikanske Obsidian Entertainment er tidligere kjent for å ha laget rollespillene Neverwinter Nights 2 og Star Wars: Knights of the Old Republic 2. Alpha Protocol er et spionspill som følger livet til karakteren Michael Thorton

På nettsidene til spillet kan vi lese av PC og Xbox 360-versjonen kommer 6. Mai i USA neste år, SEGA har ikke kommentert om spillet får en annen slippdato her i Norge. Utsatt, utsatt og utsatt

Årets spillhøst blir stadig magrere. Blizzard har valgt å utsette sitt neste flaggskip, strategispillet Starcraft 2.

- I dag har vi annonsert at Starcraft II: Wings of Liberty ikke vil være klar for å lanseres på markedet mot slutten av 2009. Over de siste ukene har det blitt tydelig at det vil ta mer tid enn ventet å forberede det nye Battle.net-systemet, skrev en representant for utviklerselskapet Blizzard på nettsidene til Battle.net.

Battle.net er flerspillerløsningen Blizzard bruker i alle sine nye spill for å la spillere finne motstandere å spille mot over internett.

- Battle.net er en integrert del av opplevelsen av Starcraft II, og en essensiell del av alle våre spill sin fremtid. Denne ekstra tiden vi nå får vil være kritisk for å bli ferdig med produktet.

Ikke uventet

Den store strømmen av spill som har blitt utsatt de siste ukene gjenspeiler problemene i spillbransjen opplever i de økonomiske nedgangstidene. Mange har vært tvunget til å si opp ansatte, og ble sittende med valget av å lansere et uferdig spill eller utsette.

Blizzard selv er kjent for å være perfeksjonister, som ikke slipper et spill på markedet før det er ett hundre prosent ferdig.

Dette kombinert med at innspurten mot julehandelen ofte er fylt med andre spilltitler, gjør at senhøsten kan være en vanskelig tid å lansere spill på. Erfaringene viser at spillsalget tar seg kraftig opp over hele verden på nyåret.

140 Dette satser Blizzard tydeligvis på, de skriver i meldingen på Battle.net at Starcraft II er å vente i butikkene tidligst om seks måneder.

- Vi ser frem til å levere et sanntids strategispill verdig Starcraft-seriens arv, i første halvdel av 2010. – Vanskelig å simulere

Spillutvikler, Tim Sweeney, mener vi kan få virkelighetstro spillgrafikk om 10-15 år, men at realistiske spillegenskaper er ekstremt vanskelig å simulere.

Da Tim Sweeney startet Epic Games i 1991, hadde han nok ikke den fjerneste anelse om at han skulle revolusjonere spillbransjen. For det er lett å miste tellingen på hvor mange spill som egentlig drives av hjertebarnet hans, Unreal Engine.

Ren datateknikk

I et rykende ferskt intervju med , hvor han blant annet ble stilt det evinnelige spørsmålet ”Når kan vi vente oss å få virkelighetstro grafikk i spill?”, svarte han at det er to problemer som må løses først.

– Det første problemet kan løses med ren datateknikk; fullstendig realistisk lyssetting, perfekt kantutjevning, samt scener og bevegelser med samme kvalitet som på film. Vi er ikke langt unna å lykkes med dette. Det er bare et resultat av , så det ligger nok bare 10-15 år frem i tid.

Gjensidig interaksjon

Det andre problemet er det dessverre vanskeligere å løse ifølge Sweeney. Han mener nemlig at vi ikke er i nærheten av å kunne simulere menneskelig intelligens, opptreden eller gjensidig interaksjon. Så her hjelper det nok dessverre ikke med all datakraft i hele verden.

– Vi vet helt enkelt ikke hvordan vi skal simulere ansiktsuttrykk, følelser og alt annet som gjør oss til homo sapiens. For å få til det, må vi nemlig klare å simulere hjernen og nervesystemet, noe som er ekstremt vanskelig å simulere, avslutter Sweeney.

141 - Spillfilmer er fremtiden

Actionspillet Infamous tar steget til kinolerretet, sammen med en stadig større mengde spill. - Dette er fremtiden for spill, mener manusforfatter.

- Det som er mest spennende med spillet (Infamous journ. anm.) er at det er det første med en stor historie og spennende karakterer, fortalte manusforfatter Sheldon Turner til Hollywood Reporter.

Trailer og skjermbilder:

- Dette, mener jeg, er fremtiden til spill. Spill er store og morsomme, men ved kjernen er de en kjærlighetssang til den svakeste parten eller underdogen om du vil. Og det er jo nettopp det hovedkarakteren i Infamous, Cole McGrath, er.

Amerikansk heltehistorie

I Infamous spiller du sykkelbudet Cole, som skal levere en pakke. I det du oppdager at pakken inneholder en spesiell bombe, sprenger den og gir deg i samme slengen elektriske superkrefter. I mellomtiden blir byen kastet ut i totalt kaos og terrorister tar over kontrollen.

En uskyldig amerikaner, utsettes for ukjent fare og må kjempe mot terrorister i sin egen hjemby. Amerikanske terroristhistorier flommer over i film- og spill-industrien, og begynner å bli en klisjé

Sheldon Turner har skrevet manus til blant annet Texas Chainsaw Massacre: The Beginning og The Longest Yard, og jobber med et manus til en ny X-Men-film. Med seg på laget har han produsentene bak Iron Man og The Incredible Hulk, som også arbeider med en filmversjon av Playstation 3-spillet Unchartered. Darkes Fortune.

De beste spillutviklerne

Bransjemagasinet Develop har laget en liste over de 100 beste spillutviklerne. 1. plassen overrasker ikke, og hvor er norske Funcom plassert på listen?

De 100 beste spillutviklerne er kåret, og det er Blizzard som stikker av med førsteplassen. Etter det følger Nintendo, Rockstar North og EA Canada. Det kommer vel neppe som noen overraskelse at Blizzard er på topp. Suksessen med World of Warcraft savner sidestykke i spillindustrien.

142 Listen er laget for å vise hvilke selskap som er mest økonomisk pålitelig, og er utarbeidet av bladets journalister, som har sett på salgstall, anmeldelser og posisjonen spillutviklerne har i bransjen.

De 20 beste

1. Blizzard Entertainment 2. Nintendo 3. Rockstar North 4. EA Canada 5. Capcom 6. Ubisoft Montreal 7. Treyarch 8. Infinity Ward 9. Epic Games 10. Bethesda Softworks 11. Konami 12. Traveller’s Tales 13. Sega Studios Japan 14. Lucasarts 15. Neversoft 16. Sora 17. Kojima Productions 18. Media Molecule 19. Nexon 20. EA Black Box

Hvor er Funcom?

En turbulent tid etter utgivelsen av Age of Conan til tross, Funcom kan smykke seg med en 83. plass på listen.

Spill mer og mer pop

Rekordåret 2008 ser ut til å fortsette. God omsetningsøkning for 1. kvartal i år.

I dag la Norsk spill- og multimedia-leverandørforening (NSM) fram omsettingstallene for årets fire første måneder. Tallene viser en solid omsetningsøkning på 12.7 prosent sammenlignet med første kvartal 2008.

143 Gode nyheter for en spillbransje som merker finanskrisen like godt som andre. 2008 ble et rekordår for spillomsetningen i Norge, og at veksten ser ut for å fortsette i år er oppsiktsvekkende, men kan antageligvis forklares med at forbrukere foretrekker billig og langvarig underholdning, framfor ferier og restaurantbesøk i nedgangstider.

Playstation 3-spill størst

Playstation 3-spill har solgt mest i første kvartal av 2009 med en markedsandel på 29.4 prosent. Etter dette følger Xbox 360 med 21.3 prosent. Microsoft forteller i denne analysen for første gang hvilke omsettingstall de har. Nintendo Wii har en markedsandel på 12.9.

Jumbo for PC-spill

På spill solgt over disk er det PC-spillene som selger minst, og som har hatt en nedgang fra 19 prosent i 1. kvartal 2008 til 10.1 prosent i år. Her er ikke abonnements-spill som World of Warcraft og Age of Conan med i det totale regnestykket. Heller ikke spill solgt fra onlinetjenester som Steam.

Nintendo Wii vinner konsollkrigen

Kikker man på antall solgte konsoller, så er det Nintendo Wii det selges mest av. Men Playstation 3 følger tett. Microsoft har ikke levert salgstall for antall solgte Xbox 360. Playstation Portable selger fremdeles dårligere enn Nintendo DS.

Sony kutter prisen på Playstation 2

En av verdens mest solgte konsoller blir enda billigere. Planlegger Sony å kutte produksjonen av Playstation 2?

Sony annonserte i dag i en pressemelding at de kutter den anbefalte utsalgsprisen på Playstation 2 til omkring 900 norske kroner.

Mest spilt

Selv om det er hele ni år siden konsollen først kom på markedet, viser en undersøkelse fra mediebyrået The Nielsen Company at hele 31% av tiden som spillere brukte på konsoller i 2008 ble brukt på Playstation 2.

Likevel er det flere analytikere som nå lurer på om vi ser starten på slutten for en av verdens mest suksessrike konsoller, Sony har lenge hatt et uttalt mål om at deres konsoller skal være konkurransedyktige i minst ti år.

144 Tiårsperspektiv

Direktøren for Sony sin avdeling i Nord-Amerika, Jack Tretton, skriver blant annet i en blogg på Sony sine nettsider at han håper Playstation 3 vil bety like mye for Blueray som forgjengeren har gjort for DVD-formatet.

- Playstation 2 nærmer seg sin 10-års dag, og har i løpet av denne tiden hjulpet DVD-formatet å nå veldig langt. Vi mener at Playstation 3 vil sikre Bluray-formatets fremtid på samme måte.

Han skriver også at Playstation 2 har satt standarden i spillbransjen for hvor lenge en konsoll kan overleve i markedet.

- Etterspørselen etter Playstation 2 er fortsatt stor i hele verden, og den nye prisen vil gi nye kunder muligheten til å prøve og oppdage at Playstation-konsollene er utmerkede underholdningsplattformer.

– Leverandørene bør trø varsomt

Prosjektleder i IKT-Norge, Torgeir Waterhouse, mener kopibeskyttelse på spill er en vanskelig materie å nærme seg, og at det ikke finnes fasitsvar.

Det er nok ingen annen diskusjon som har høynet pulsen på spillinteresserte mer enn diskusjonen rundt kopibeskyttelse. Noe av kritikken spillbransjen har fått, handler om at Digital Rights Management (les: DRM) har vært et hinder for lovlydige kjøpere, mens de som virkelig har villet piratkopiere produkter har fått det til uansett.

– Jeg vil tro at DRM til en viss grad har gjort det vanskeligere å distribuere piratkopier av ulikt digitalt materiale, men jeg tviler på at det har bidratt til noen stor nedgang i piratkopieringen, sier Waterhouse.

Kontroversielle beskyttelser

Etter at spillselskapene begynte å legge inn ulike beskyttelser og begrensninger i spillene sine, har spillinteresserte over hele verden reagert med frustrasjon og rop etter boikott.

– Brukes DRM feil, kan det faktisk svekke tilliten og troverdigheten til produkter og leverandører. Det kan framprovosere en misnøye som ikke er gunstig for noen av partene.

145 Tre ganger og du er ute

Motstandere mot DRM reagerer på bruken av ordet ”rettighet”, og mener at det heller burde hete Digital Restrictions Management. Dette fordi DRM per definisjon handler om å styre kundens tilgang til det eventuelle produktet.

– Trekker selskapene det for langt i bruken av DRM, kan dette være skadelig. Det er ikke bra hvis kunden føler at han eller hun ikke har fått det de har betalt for. Det bør komme tydelig fram i produktet hvis det er visse retningslinjer for bruken av produktet.

Tenners gnissel

Historisk sett har kopibeskyttelse alltid vært et onde for konsumenten. Selskaper legger ned flere millioner for å beskytte produktene sine fra ulovlig spredning, men med bredbåndets inntog i hjemmet, har piratkopiering blitt et populært alternativ.

– Det kan tenkes at DRM er et uttrykk for desperasjon i spillselskaper som ikke vet hvordan de skal håndtere nåtidens informasjonsutvikling. Jeg tror imidlertid utfordringen ligger i å finne en balansegang mellom bruker og distributør.

Andre løsninger

Waterhouse sier at han har tro på at det kan finnes andre løsninger for distribuering av spill.

– Jeg tror det kan finnes andre løsninger. Det gjelder bare å tenke utenfor boksen. For når det kommer nye forbrukerforventninger, må teknologileverandørene tilpasse seg, avslutter Waterhouse.

Ingen kommentar

Spiller har også vært i kontakt med Norsk spill- og multimedia leverandørforening, men deres pressekontakt, Alt Henrik Nordby, ønsket dessverre ikke å bidra i denne saken.

– Vi ønsker ikke å kommentere dette temaet.

- Spillbransjen er ikke moden nok for sex

Spillbransjen har fått en del pepper med vage forsøk på sex i spill. Vil det noen gang bli hverdagskost med spillsex?

146 Virtuelle pupper og kjønnsorganer har vært en del av spillindustrien i flere tiår, de første spillene var riktig nok av den mer useriøse sorten, men i dag dukker det også opp høyoppløselige pupper og peniser i de kommersielle storspillene. Er sex i spill iferd med å bli vanlig?

– Med mindre det er snakk om spillkarakterer hvor disse preferansene har innvirkning på gangen i spillet, så tviler jeg på det. Men det kan hende noen produsenter brukes sex for å tekkes et spesielt marked, eller for å skape oppmerksomhet om produktet – eller i politisk hensikt, sier spillforsker Jørgen Kirksæther.

Pinlig - men hvorfor?

– Jeg tror kulturelle fremstillinger av seksualitet ofte har dreid seg om enten politisk eller kulturell provokasjon eller fremgang; poesi eller pirring, og ingen av disse går godt sammen med spillets kjernefunksjoner, sier han.

Kirksæther synes likevel at det er litt rart at sex som tema ikke finnes i spill, med tanke på hvor stor og innflytelsesrik spillbransjen er.

– Sex er en stor del av tilværelsen, men vi ser svært lite av det i et av de viktigste kulturuttrykkene vi har i dag. Når det dukker opp, er det pinlig og stereotypt. Hvorfor er det slik?

Kirksæther tror utfordringen med å lage god "spillsex" gjør at produsenter ikke finner sex lønnsomt å satse på.

– Det er rett og slett for vanskelig å gjøre det bra. For øvrig ikke ulikt sex på film, det er ikke sjelden også det virker påklistret – med mindre man snakker om spesialproduksjoner som pornografi og politiske kunstfilmer.

Mass Effect-krangel:

Men er egentlig sex i spill noe verre enn en gjennomsnittlig Hollywood-film? Kirksæther er av den oppfatning at det ikke er det.

– De fremstillingene jeg har sett til nå, kunne man godt ha vist frem på NRK etter vannskillet. Den mest intelligente var kanskje på PSP, hvor selve sex-sekvensen foregikk off-screen. Det fungerte til en viss grad.

(Saken fortsetter under artikkelen)

«Ken sent me»

Sex i spill har som nevnt eksistert lenge. Det mest kjente fra de eldre spillene, er «Leisure Suit Larry» som ikke handlet om veldig mye annet enn sex. Kodeordet «Ken sent me» var nok til å se Larry kose seg i senga, med en svart sensurflekk over de firkanta figurene.

147 I dag kunne nylig millioner av spillere som lasted ned tilleggspakken «GTA4: Lost and Damned» se den første virtuelle høyoppløselige penisen i et kommersielt spill. Kan det tenkes at fotorealisme gir mer sex i spill?

– Skrekken eller interessen for seksuelle skildringer har alltid vært der, og den øker nok bare i takt med mer filmiske fremstillinger. Men personlig ser jeg ikke noe kjempepoeng i å håpe på mer sex i spill – med mindre det faktisk har noe der å gjøre.

Hvis sex for alvor skulle finne veien inn i kommersielle spill, håper han derimot at det blir gjort på en riktig måte.

– Om sex skulle få en merkbar plass i spilluniverset; vær så god. Jeg håper at noen skal komme fram til en god måte å gjøre det på, men frykter at vi kommer til å se en del fjatt i diverse GTA- versjoner først.

Umoden bransje

Spillforsker ved Universitetet i Bergen, Rune Klevjer, tror i hovedsak det handler om at bransjen er for ung.

– Bransjen er umoden, og de som kjøper spill og holder liv i bransjen, noe som i hovedsak er unge gutter, egner seg bare ikke for denne typen tema.

Klevjer tror at det i fremtiden blir mer lønnsomt å satse på sex, men at tiden ikke er inne i dag.

– Jeg tror det hadde vært økonomisk ekstremt risikabelt å satse på temaet sex for spillbransjen. I fremtiden tror jeg nok at vi kommer til å se mer av ulike nisjer i bransjen, og da først tror jeg det kan bli lønnsomt å satse på sex.

Trier gjør spill

Regissør Lars von Trier gir snart ut sitt første dataspill.

Den danske filmskaperen, som blant annet står bak tv-serien , starter nå en spilldivisjon under filmselskapet sitt . Morten Iversen, produsenten bak Hitman og Freedom Fighters, blir sjef for Zentropa Games.

– Zentropa har flere film- og tv-prosjekter som kan by på interessante perspektiver hvis man lager spill av dem, sier Morten Iversen i et intervju med Metro.se

Det første spillet fra Zentropa Games blir et barnespill for Nintendo DS. Spillet baserer seg på den klassiske dukkefilmen Prop & Berta, som Zentropa for øvrig er i full gang med å filmatisere.

148 Motiverende

I samme intervju sier Sten Selander, rådgiver for Dataspelsbranschen, at han stiller seg positiv til at filmselskaper tar steget inn i spillbransjen.

– Zentropas spillsatsing kan innebære at produksjonsselskaper i Sverige får kraft og motivasjon til å samarbeide med spillfolket på en konstruktiv måte. Jeg tror vi kommer til å få se betydelig flere nordiske selskaper med røtter i filmproduksjon, som beveger seg i retning av interaktiv underholdningsproduksjon i tiden fremover.

stiftet Zentropa i 1992, og selskapet er i dag et av Skandinavias største produksjonsselskap, med over 70 produserte filmer.

Derfor er rettssaken viktig

Denne rettssaken er en tapt kamp for plate-, film- og spillbransjen, mener NRKbetas Øyvind Solstad.

Aktor valgte å droppe et av de viktige tiltalepunktene i dag etter at beviset han brukte viste seg å være ugyldig. Beviset var basert på feil informasjon om hvordan bittorrent fungerer.

Hvor viktig er denne saken prinsipielt sett?

- Den er viktig fordi en eventuell dom mot Pirate Bay betyr at nettsteder som indekserer andres eventuelle ulovlig innhold, kan dømmes på dette. Det kan i ytterste konsekvens bety at søkemotorer som Google kan dømmes for å linke og indeksere innhold som er ulovlig eller straffbart.

- Pirate Bay lagrer på ingen måte ulovlig innhold. Men om jeg legger inn hele teksten til en bok fra en kjent forfatter på min nettside, vil søkemotorene indeksere denne, og også lagre en kopi på sin server for å kunne gi andre muligheter for å søke i dem. Derfor kan man stille spørsmål ved hvorvidt det er noen prinsipiell forskjell mellom den indekseringen Pirate Bay gjør av torrent- filer, og den som andre søkemotorer gjør av annet innhold.

- Det er også en merkelig rettssak fordi de som berøres av saken - altså plate- og filmselskapene - ikke er tilstede i rettssaken. Heller ikke de som begår forbrytelsen er tilstede - de personene som bruker bittorrent til å laste ned materiale med opphavsrett. Dette er altså en rettssak der hverken forbryteren eller den som forbrytelsen har blitt begått mot, er tilstede.

Bittorrent har et veldig dårlig rykte, men NRK bruker denne teknologien slik at publikum lovlig kan leste ned tv-serier.

149 Er bittorrent fremtidens måte å distribuere innhold på?

- Bittorrent og P2P-teknologi er en svært effektiv måte å distribuere innhold på, fordi det sprer belastningen ved å fordele biter av innholdet på mange brukere. Det betyr at jo flere som er med, jo raskere går det.

- Dette har mediebransjen - også NRK - tatt i bruk for lengst. EBU (den Europeiske Kringkastingsunionen) bruker et system for direktesendinger ved hjelp av P2P-teknologi under finalen i Eurovision Song Contest (Melodi Grand Prix). NRK har brukt samme systemet på nettsendingene av "Ut i vår hage" og CNN brukte systemet under innsettelsen av Barack Obama som president i USA. CNN hadde 8 millioner seere på nettsendingen sin, som er ny rekord og som ville vært helt umulig uten bruk av P2P-teknologi.

- NRK har også brukt P2P-teknologi på samme måte som når noen laster ned ting fra Pirate Bay, altså ren nedlasting. I fjor la vi ut hele tv-serien "Nordkalotten 365", 8 episoder i full kvalitet. Dette ble en knallsuksess, med over 150 000 nedlastede episoder til nå, til en minimal kostnad for NRK. Faktisk har brukerne stått for 95% av distribusjonen, noe som gjør at vi sparer penger og kan bruke NRKs midler til å lage bra innhold. Brukerne er kjempefornøyde, fordi de får serien til lagring på sin egen datamaskin, og kan se den når og hvor de vil.

Skulle påtalemyndigheten vinne rettssaken i Sverige, hvilke konsekvenser for det for vår daglige bruk av internett?

- Pirate Bay sier selv at nedlasting og deling av filer basert på torrenter som folk har funnet på Pirate Bay, står for 35% av nettrafikken i Europa. Det er et svimlende tall, men denne trafikken kommer ikke til å forsvinne selv om akkurat Pirate Bay stenges. For det første ligger Pirate Bays servere i en rekke forskjellige land, og en dom i Sverige vil ha liten betydning for selve driften av nettstedet, annet enn en eventuell fengselsstraff for de tiltalte. Så i praksis vil nettstedet bestå selv om det dømmes.

- Om man rent hypotetisk skulle se for seg at Pirate Bay stenger all drift, så vil det straks dukke opp andre nettsteder som tar seg av lagringen og indeksering av selve torrent-filene. Så dette er en tapt kamp for plate-, film- og spillbransjen.

- Pirate Bay er en suksess av to grunner: Det er enkelt og gratis.

- Dessverre har plate- og filmbransjen bare fokusert på det siste ordet; gratis. Om de bare hadde brukt en brøkdel av energien de bruker på å saksøke fildelere, nettsteder og internettleverandører (slik som f. eks. IFPI truer Telenor i Norge nå), så hadde de kanskje kommet opp med produkter som gjorde det gøy og enkelt å kjøpe musikk.

- Det er symptomatisk at det først 1. april 2009 blir mulig å kjøpe all musikk i iTunes-butikken uten kopisperre. iTunes er verdens største butikk for musikk på nettet, og har anslagsvis 80% av

150 markedet. Selv om musikk har funnes som filer i snart 10 år, så er det altså først nå at musikkbransjen har gått med på å fjerne kopisperre på filene. Dette betyr at du og jeg kan spille filene på de dingsene vi selv bestemmer, og ikke være låst til leverandører, systemer og dingser.

- En gang i blant kommer platebransjen med nye ideer som skal redde dem. En av de mest tåpelige kom i fjor; slotmusic. Musikk på minnepinner! Og så lurer de på hvorfor kidsa laster ned musikk fra Pirate Bay...

Lanserer nytt "Pac-Man"-spill

En av spillverdenens mest kjente figurer feirer 30-årsjubileum neste år.

Sammen med spilldesigneren Hirokazu Yasuhara planlegger Namco Bandai nå et nytt "Pac- Man"-spill. I et intervju med Gamasutra kan Namcos USA-sjef by på store overraskelser:

– Vi jobber for tiden med et nytt "Pac-Man"-spill, siden figuren feirer 30-årsjubileum i 2010, sier Namcos USA-sjef Makoto Iwai.

Drømmeprosjekt

Yasuhara, en av de opprinnelige skaperne av "Sonic the Hedgehog", har fått ansvaret for det nye "Pac-Man"-spillet. Nylig slo Yasuhara seg sammen med Namco Bandai, etter å ha jobbet hos Naughty Dog, folkene bak "Jak & Daxter", "Crash Bandicoot" og "Uncharted", i flere år.

Spillet er under utvikling hos Namcos nordamerikanske avdeling, og beskrives som et drømmeprosjekt for Yasuhara.

– Som gruppe føler vi at vi burde gjøre noe for å få ham tilbake, så det er et prosjekt vi har startet arbeidet med, og Yasuhara er en del av det, legger Iwai til.

Det er ennå uvisst hvilken type spill det blir, når det slippes eller hvilke plattformer som er aktuelle. Men det er i hvert fall godt å høre at en av spillhistoriens viktigste figurer blir feiret med brask og bram.

Symbol på suksess

"Pac-Man" kom først ut i Japan i 1980, og ble sammen med spill som "Space Invaders" symbol på de tidligste suksessene i spillbransjen. "Pac-Man" har også fått æren for å skape en egen sjanger som appellerte bredt.

151 Til dags dato har det kommet over 30 offisielle spill med denne figuren. "Ms. Pac-Man" ble introdusert i 1981 og avkommet "Baby Pac-Man" så dagens lys året etter.

Spill Pacman

Tissemann i GTA IV

Før første gang i et tradisjonelt spill viser en spillkarakter frem tissen. Spillutvikler Rockstar bryter grenser igjen i GTA.

I utvidelsen er Nico Bellic parkert i til fordel for motorsykkelgjengen til Johnny Klebitz. Utvidelsen Lost and Damned er eksklusiv til Xbox 360 og koster rundt 200 norske kroner.

Johnny Klebitz er veteran i motorsykkelklubben "The Lost" En kriminell gjeng som har sitt virke i Liberty City. Foruten en ny hovedperson byr utvidelsen på nye oppdrag, og utviklerne lover en helt ny måte å utforske Liberty City på, blant annet med nye flerspillermuligheter, våpen og kjøretøy. Spillet er tilgjengelig for nedlasting via Xbox Live nå.

Tissen

I en av de filmatiske sekvensene viser en av karakterene frem tissen. Johnny oppsøker en gentlemansklubb der kongressmann Thomas Stubbs vandrer rundt naken og viser frem tissen.

På tide at spillindustrien tar skrittet ut, eller er dette et unødvendig virkemiddel? Hva mener du?

Sniktitt: Umami

Vi har sett nærmere på noe så uvanlig som et norsk Playstation 3-spill.

I motsetning til vårt naboland Sverige, har ikke Norge en særlig utbredt spillindustri. De siste årene har det likevel skjedd en endring, og nå er ikke lenger alene i det norske land.

Blant de mange spillutviklerne som har dukket opp over hele landet de siste årene, er Tumbleweed Interactive fra Hamar. Tidligere i år fikk selskapet 300 000 i utviklingsstøtte fra Kulturdepartementet, og nå begynner deres spillprosjekt «Umami» å ta form.

Umami er navnet på et romvesen som er strandet på jorda. Den lille stakkeren må springe rundt å samle noter, siden det er drivstoff for romskipet hans.

152 Spillet som blander elementer fra både Super Mario og Guitar Hero-spillene. Kjente plattformelementer utgjør brettene hvor spillkarakteren Umami, beveger seg omkring. Spillkarakteren beveger seg automatisk fremover, så ditt ansvar er å hoppe på fiender og over hull i brettet.

Et rytmespill

Nå er det på tide å introdusere rytmeelementet i Umami. En liten sirkel flyter foran karakteren din, og når denne kommer borti en note (ser ut som en pil) må du trykke på retningspilene på kontrolleren. Du kan må med andre ord trykke opp, ned, venstre eller høyre, i takt med instruksjonene på skjermen. Gjør du ikke det, mister du helse og taper spillet. Og romvesenet Umami kommer seg ikke hjem.

Noen kanskje mene at Umami ligner et barnetvprogram, men for meg er det dette som fanger min oppmerksomhet. Brettene er fargerike og designet for å gi deg flere mulige ruter forbi hinderene som er lagt i veien.

Med tanke på at det er en tidlig beta utgave jeg har testet, så er det veldig få ting som irriterer meg med Umami. En ting er dog at beina til lille Umami beveger seg unaturlig i forhold til fart og underlag, det ser ganske rart ut.

Ti brett er planlagt i Umami (kanskje i minste laget?), og hver av disse brettene har egne sanger. Av det jeg har hørt i Umami så langt, så er det bare å konstatere at det er et bredt utvalg musikk vi har å gjøre med.

Så hvordan er det å spille Umami? Jo, det er morsomt og vanskelig! Jeg får fort den gamle følelsen av å sitte foran en Nintendo, hvor jeg spiller hvert bidige brett om igjen og om igjen. Stor frustrasjon når jeg bommer et hopp eller en note, og stor glede når jeg klarer å gjennomføre brettene med masse poeng.

Ferdig i mars?

Den ferdige versjonen av spillet skal lanseres på nettbutikken til Playstation 3, også kalt Playstation Network (PSN). Der kan den kjøpes og lastes ned av spillere over hele verden, forteller Håvard Christensen i Tumbleweed Interactice.

- Spillet vil kun bli distribuert via PSN, og vi jobber hardt mot å ha spillet klart til slipp i mars.

Spiller.no har fått teste en tidlig betaversjon av Umami, og denne utgaven mangler blant annet en historie. Klarer gutta i Tumbleweed Interactive å komme med en engasjerende historie til vårt lille romvesen blir jeg raskt solgt.

153 Makan til avhengighetsskapende knappetrykking er det lenge siden jeg har spilt på en konsoll.

Hvorfor Playstation 3?

Spiller.no spurte Håvard fra Tumbleweed Interactice om hvorfor de valgte nettopp Playstation 3-konsollen for Umami.

- Først og fremst er alle i selskapet tilhengere av konsollspill. Henslengt foran TVen med kontrollere, venner og så videre. Vi ville lage spill tilpasset den situasjonen. Vi valgte å satse på PlayStation 3 fordi vi som utviklere hadde mye større frihet til å velge hva vi ville lage, i forhold til Xbox Live Arcade.

- Det finnes spill på PSN som « », det er litt småsært. Også har du spill som « » som er ultrasært. Det var godt for oss å vite at det er frihet for selskaper til komme med nye ting uten at Sony skyter ned idéene.

- For oss har det også vært greit å velge en plattform, og så gå for den. Vi er et lite team, vi kan ikke utvikle til alle konsollene samtidig, vi må fokusere på å få ferdig det første spillet til én plattform først.

Hvordan er det å utvikle spill for Playstation 3?

- Vi har brukt Sony sin grafikkmotor PhyreEngine, det har gjort overgangen lettere. Det er fortsatt mye som må stemme dog, litt kommer man ikke unna. Da må tunga holdes rett i munnen, ellers blir det krøll. Kvalitetssjekken som ferdige produkter må igjennom er en annen ting som fort kan bli et hinder. De kan finne på å teste om spillet krasjer om man plugger inn og ut en kontroller 10 ganger i sekundet, omtrent.

Gutta i Tumbleweed Interactive håper å få Umami ut på PSN til mars, jeg gleder meg til å prøve mer av spillet etterhvert som bakgrunnshistorien tar form.

Det beste fra GamesCom 09

Spiller.no ser på hva som utmerket seg under årets messe, og feller dom over hva du bør glede deg til.

Titusenvis av publikummere, hundrevis av utstillere og over 100 000 kvadratmeter med gulvplass. Sammen med nyhetene som ble avduket og presentert, markerer GamesCom 09 seg sterkt som en av verdens største spillmesser.

Spiller.no tar en titt på hva som pekte seg ut på Europas største spillmesse.

154 Pressekonferanser

Det er ikke en ordentlig stor messe før de største produsentene holder store pressekonferanser. EA, Sony, Microsoft, FunCom og mange flere presentere sine nyheter for presse og publikum.

Under E3-messa i Los Angeles viste Microsoft med Peter Molyneux i spissen frem Project Natal for første gang. Denne gangen kom det ikke noe nytt om det spennende kontrollsystemet, men Molyneux var til stede og kunne fortelle at Fable 3 er på vei.

Med lanseringen av sin nye Playstation 3-modell er det likevel Sony som stikker av med seieren. En ny og tynnere konsoll med større harddisk og lavere pris var noe de fleste hadde ventet ville komme fra den japanske underholdningsgiganten. Og jaggu fikk de som tippet dette rett.

Kommende spill

Det neste året står i spillfantastenes tegn, og noen av godbitene er nærmere enn du tror. Spiller.no har valgt ut et knippe av spillene som ble vist frem og kommer ut i norske butikker før jul, for å se hvilke av spillene overbeviste mest.

Brütal Legend

Double Fine Productions

Mannen bak spill som Monkey Island, Tim Schafer, har fortalt at han har gått svanger med ideen til rockespillet Brutal Legend i over femten år.

Under GamesCom 09 viste han frem (bak lukkede dører) spillet, og ikke minst fikk vi for første gang se hvordan flerspillersystemet fungerer.

Som et strategispill må spillere med en konsertscene som base, tiltrekke seg tilhengere (fans) for så å bygge opp styrkene sine slik at de kan krige mot motstanderen.

Tonnevis av humor, musikkreferanser og et lydspor det står respekt av, gir Brütal Legend til et av høstens mest etterlengtede spill.

Skuespilleren Jack Black gir stemmen til hovedkarakteren Eddie, og etter det vi har hørt så dukker det nok opp andre kjente stemmer i spillet også.

Følg med neste uke på Spiller.no for et eksklusivt intervju med selveste Tim Schafer.

Brütal Legend kommer i butikkene 16. oktober.

155 Aion: The Tower of Eternity

NC Soft

Det finnes mange onlinespill på markedet, og det finnes enda flere som er under utvikling.

Koreanske NC Soft sluppet spillet Aion på markedet i Kina og Korea, og nå er det på full fart til amerikanske og europeiske markeder.

Aion utmerker seg ved å gi blaffen i nye og smarte nyvinninger, og satser på den klassiske MMO-oppskriften til spill som Everquest og World of Warcraft.

Spillet har dessuten en usedvanlig vakker grafikk, og lover tonnevis av unike sverd og rustninger for de mest dedikerte spillerne.

Historien er en klassisk miks av alt fra Ringenes Herre til koreansk mytologi, og gir grobunn for mange spennende fortellinger. En av de er at en katastrofal kamp mellom noen gudelignende skapninger førte til en fundamental endring i verden, slik at alle ble vakre.

Som i klassiske rollespil kan spillere velge mellom fire klasser, Mage, Scout, Priest og Warrior. Disse kan ved nivå 10 spesialiseres videre.

Aion kommer i butikkene 23. september.

EyePet

Sony London

Sonys EyePet ble lansert for første gang i under fjorårets Games Convention i Leipzig (som nå altså har flyttet til Köln og blitt til GamesCom).

Et "hot" begrep blant verdens teknologi-interesserte dette året er Augumented Reality (forbedret virkelighet på godt norsk). EyePet tilbyr spillere å få et digitalt kjæledyr, som ved hjelp av et kamera som filmer stua og spillerne, lever på stuebordet ditt.

Spiller.no er imponert over hvordan spillet lar deg leke og spille småspill med den lille pelsdotten. Spillet er virkelig interaktivt ettersom det digitale kjæledyret reagerer på dine bevegelser og kommandoer, og er avhengig av deg for å bli vasket og få mat.

Trampoline, en boblemaskin og et akvarium er noe av det Spiller.no har sett er tilgjengelig til bruk i spillet.

På samme måte som i LittleBigPlanet kan du også kle ut kjæledeggen din. Kort fortalt kan EyePet sammenlignes med en høyteknologisk Tamagochi.

156 Brukere kan også tegne tegninger på et ark, som blir lest av kameraet Playstation 3 bruker, som så blir tegnet på nytt av den digitale hårballen.

EyePet kommer 23. oktober.

Uncharted 2: Among Thieves

Naughty Dog

Skikkelig eventyr venter i oppfølgeren til Uncharted til PS3. Etter å ha fått brukt litt tid med spillet mens GamesCom fortsatt var stengt for publikum er det bare å ta av seg hatten for hvordan spillet forteller historien.

Manuset ble laget i god tid, og stemmeskuespillerne fikk leke seg og lese inn manuset før spillet ble laget. Dermed ble karakterenes oppførsel modellert etter stemmeskuespillerne, i motsetning til at stemmeskuespillerne må etterligne det ferdig produserte spillet.

Dette gjør at karakterene er ekstra troverdige og naturlige, som igjen gjør at Uncharted 2 vil peke seg ut som en av høstens spill.

Historien fortsetter et par år etter det første spillet (som ble lansert sammen med Playstation 3 for et par år siden), og fokuserer på mysteriene som omga Marco Polo og hans hjemreise fra Kina i 1292.

Da Polo forlot Kina etter 20 år ved hoffet til Kublai Kahn, reiste han med 600 mann og 14 skip. Men da han kom frem til Europa halvannet år senere hadde han bare et skip igjen. Nathan Drake vil selvfølgelig finne den tapte flåten (og skatten) til Marco Polo.

Uncharted 2: Among Thieves kommer 13. oktober i Nord-Amerika. En dato for Norge og Europa er ikke satt.

Borderlands

Gearbox Software

Borderlands, laget av den amerikanske utvikleren Gearbox Software, blander de to motstående sjangrene rollespill og førstepersons skytespill. Utvikleren hevder å være først ut med dette, men vi har sett spill som Fallout 3 som har gjort dette.

Likevel er Borderlands et actionspill som fokuserer på skyteopplevelsen i motsetning til Fallout 3. Grafikken er stilisert og bruker "cellshading"-teknikk for å få til et grafisk utseende som ser ut som tegneserier.

157 På GamesCom viste utviklerne frem flerspillerdelen, hvor vi fikk se hvordan det dynamiske samarbeidsmodiet (coop) fungerte. Du kunne like gjerne gjøre oppgaver (quests) alene eller sammen med kompiser over internett, vanskeligshetsgraden forandrer seg automatisk.

Spillet skryter også av å ha hundretusenvis av våpen tilgjengelig, siden hvert våpen blir generet automatisk. Ganske likt hvordan våpen blir generert i Diablo-spillene.

I følge en sniktitt på spillsidene til MTV, fikk journalisten se en utviklermeny hvor det stod at det var 3 150 000 forskjellige våpen tilgjengelig i spillet. Det gir i det minste et par valgmuligheter.

Følg med på Spiller.no for intervju med presidenten i Gearbox Software.

Borderlands kommer i butikkene 23. oktober.

Forza Motorsport 3

Turn 10 Studios

Realistisk bilkjøring er stikkordet for Forza Motorsport 3. Spillet gis ut ekslusivt til Xbox 360, og har lang fartstid på konsollen. Det første spillet kom på den første Xbox'en og nummer to i serien var en av lanseringspillene til Xbox 360.

Grafikken nærmer seg også stadig den virkelige verden, og i Forza 3 (som forøvrig kjører på 60 FPS) er bilene laget så bra at undertegnede til tider glemte at jeg faktisk satt med en spillkontroll i hendene.

Tonnevis av baner, inkludert f.eks. Le Mans og andre kjente racingbaner er gjengitt med stor presisjon. Dette gjør Forza 3 til et av høstens bilspill (i alle fall til Gran Turismo 5 kommer).

Følg med på Spiller.no for intervju med utviklerne bak Forza 3.

Forza Motorsport 3 kommer i butikkene 23. oktober.

Hvem stikker av med seieren?

Tim Schafers Brütal Legend stikker av med Spiller.no sin oppmerksomhet, og den høyst uoffisielle prisen for GamesCom 09s beste spill.

Minner om at denne kåringa kun gjelder spill vist frem på GamesCom og som kommer i 2009.

StarCraft 2 vant den offisielle prisen for Game of GamesCom 09. Spiller.no fikk teste både dette og Diablo 3, og kommer med våre første inntrykk i uka som kommer.

158 Kilde NRK

De største snakkisene

I forkant av den massive spillmessen E3, som finner sted i Los Angeles fra 4. til 6. juni, har det oppstått flere rykter. Spiller.no har tatt en titt på de største.

Innholdet i denne artikkelen bør tas med en klype salt, da det er en stor sjanse for at noen av dem ikke stemmer. Men en ting er i hvert fall sikkert, vi kommer til å bli overrøst av overraskelser neste uke.

Rykte 1: Forza 3 vil endelig bli offentliggjort

3 er ikke bare en av de dårligst bevarte hemmelighetene i spillbransjen, det har vært det i over et år. De første ryktene oppsto allerede under fjorårets E3, og i ettertid har det oppstått enda flere.

Det er trolig at Turn-10 har jobbet med spillet en god stund, og at Microsoft vil offentliggjøre det under årets E3. Det største spørsmålet ligger nok imidlertid i hva spillet til slutt vil bli. Det har blant annet blitt snakket om 400 biler og 100 baner, noe som gjør at det trolig vil bestå av to cd- er.

Det har også vært snakk om nedlastbart materiale, i form av flere biler og baner hver måned, større nedlastningspakker med jevne mellomrom, til og med en så stor innholdspakke at den vil få navnet ”Forza 3 2010”, og bli utgitt hele ett år etter hovedutgivelsen. Siden all denne infoen kom for over et år siden, kan mye ha endret seg på den tiden. Men hvis alt dette er sant, vil det bli en massiv avduking.

Rykte 2: Kojima Produktions vil presentere ”Metal Gear Solid 5”

Til tross for Hideo Kojimas lovnader om at – og MGS 3 og MGS 2 – var det siste i serien, ser det nå ut til vi skal få et nytt spill. 12. mai ble det sendt ut en mystisk e-post med tittelen ”T - 3 dager” fra Kojima Productions, sammen med en . Naturligvis var dette bare begynnelsen.

Femtallet som kommer opp i bakgrunnen av linksiden, kan bety at Metal Gear Solid 5 kan bli avslørt på E3. Men det kan også bety noe annet, for eksempel at det er en annen nedtelling. Med andre ord er mulighetene flere. Men det er lov å drømme.

159 Rykte 3: Både Microsoft og Sony vil presentere bevegelseskontrollere

Ifølge innsidelekkasjer og mystiske patenter, kan både Microsoft og Sony være klare til å kunngjøre sine nye og moderne kontrollere. Kilder vil ha det til at Microsoft skal slippe en med biometriske sensorer, som kan brukes til måling av biologiske mønstre.

Dette kan være fysiologiske karaktertrekk som fingeravtrykk, håndgeometri, adferdsmønster, netthinnekjennetegn og ansiktsstruktur. Men med den store suksessen Nintendo hadde med sin Wii-kontroller, er det ikke til å komme unna at dette er en populær teknologi.

Sony på sin side, har søkt patenter på en ny kontroller til PlayStation 3, som kan plukkes fra hverandre. Begge selskapene har ved flere anledninger nektet å kommentere ryktene. Men kan Microsoft og Sony klare å vinne tilbake tapte tilhengere som gikk over til Nintendo?

Rykte 4: Sony vil avdekke PSP Go!

Flere rykter vil ha det til at kilder i Sony har bekreftet eksistensen til Go!-en. Designmessig vil den ligne mye på den originale PSP-en, bare litt slankere. Uansett hva som kommer frem, om det kommer frem noe i det hele tatt, så ville en avsløring vært en lettelse for de fleste. Vi gir i hvert fall klarsignal!

Rykte 5: Gran Turismo Mobile vil bli en realitet

Med mer enn fem år siden det først ble annonsert, føles Mobile mer og mer ut som vanndampe. Men en ting er sikkert, dette spillet hadde passet perfekt inn i rekken av PSP-spill, med for eksempel .

En kryptisk melding som dukket opp på et GT-forum forrige måned, fra en troverdig kilde, inneholdt utsagn om at spillet definitivt kommer om ikke så alt for lenge. Kilder i Sony har bekreftet at GT Mobile vil komme til PSP denne høsten, og at det vil bli kunngjort på E3.

Rykte 6: Nintendo vil avsløre Pikmin 3, i tillegg til en annen tittel

Ikke lenge etter sin pressekonferanse på fjorårets E3, annonserte Nintendo 3, noe som blant annet førte til spørsmål som: ”Hvorfor offentliggjorde de det ikke bare under fjorårets messe?”. Svaret synes rett og slett å være at de ikke var klar for det på dette tidspunktet. Siden vi ikke har hørt noe mer om spillet siden Shigeru Miyamoto snakket om det i fjor, kan årets E3 være en fin anledning for selskapet til å komme med mer informasjon.

Det har også blitt snakket om “noe stort” som vil komme høsten 2009. Dette kan være Wii Fit Plus, som ble varemerket for ikke lenge siden. Med tanke på den vedvarende suksessen med , ville vi ikke blitt overrasket om det nå kom en oppfølger.

160 Rykte 7: Sony vil presentere en slankere utgave av PlayStation 3

Sony har lang historie med å relansere spillmaskinene sine med et slankere og mer velstelt utseende. Den originale PlayStation-en fikk sin oppfølger i PSOne fem-seks år etter den originale utgivelsen. Den slanke utgaven av PS2 kom fire år etter den første PS2-en. Kan PlayStation 3, som ble sluppet i 2006, allerede få en ny modell etter kun tre år?

Det kan argumenteres frem og tilbake i det uendelige, men det er vanskelig å si noe for sikkert. En Sony-representant skal ha avkreftet en ny modell, så fort ryktene kom. Men det som virkelig satte i gang ryktebørsen, var bildelekkasjer fra en kinesisk fabrikk. Men som kjent er det kinesiske markedet fylt til randen av forfalskninger og lurendreierier.

Rykte 8: Valve vil vise frem Half-Life 2: Episode 3

Tiden er så definitivt inne for en ny episode til . Episode 1 kom ut i begynnelsen av 2006, episode 2 kom ut i slutten av 2007, og var Valves store tittel i 2008. Derfor mener vi det er på tide å vise fram noe fra episode 3. I hvert fall en ny trailer som kan fortelle oss om Gordon og Alyxs Borealis-eventyr.

Hvis Valve velger å ikke vise fram episode 3 eller en ny trailer, har vi flere teorier. Kanskje Valve vil bekrefte det mye omdiskuterte Portal 2? Eller kanskje det kommer en ny Half-Life 2- oppgradering lignende Lost Coast? Kanskje en liten sidehistorie om turen fra White Forest til Borealis? Uansett hva det måtte bli, så vet vi i hvert fall at Valve kommer til å vise fram noe på E3. Og vi ser fram til det.

Rykte 9: Sony har en megastor kunngjøring

En ny versjon av VII?

- Spill må fenge flere

Spillstudioer lager spill for 12 år gamle gutter mener spillguru Will Wright, og kritiserer dagens spillutviklere for å ha gjort spill til lavkultur.

Den legendariske spillskaperen Will Wright, som står bak noen av vår tids mest selgende dataspill, har en stor innflytelse på verdens spillmiljø.

Han forteller i et intervju med nettstedet Chronicle.com at han syns spillutviklere ikke ser mulighetene som finnes i et større publikum.

161 - Når du ser på hva man gjør med spillteknologien som er tilgjengelig, så blir den brukt på å lage spill for 12 år gamle gutter. Det betyr ikke at formatet spill ikke har potensialet til å gjøre mye mer.

Har seg selv å skylde

En del av grunnen for dette, mener Wright at spillbransjen selv har skylden for. Når spill i all hovedsak henvender seg til unge menn og gutter, er det ikke lett å bli tatt alvorlig som et kulturprodukt.

- Kulturelt sett har spill blitt sett på som lavkultur de siste tyve årene, og dette er spillindustrien sin egen skyld.

Likevel mener han at det finnes håp, og ser mange spillselskap som satser på et bredere publikum. Wrights egen spillserie, The Sims 3, kom ut i butikkene i starten av juni og er et av de fremste eksemplene på spill som satser på utradisjonelle spillergrupper, så vel som unge spillere.

Har mistet kontakten

Mange av dagens foreldre har mistet kontakten med måten dagens unge bruker spill på, mener Wright.

- De ser ikke forskjellen mellom spill og moro. Dataspill er for mange, spesielt voksne, bortkastet tidtrøyte, men i virkeligheten er spill et viktig læringsverktøy. Vi har bare glemt det.

Wright viser til at mange brettspill ansees som dannende, blant annet sjakk som i mange hundre år har blitt sett på som et verktøy for å lære strategisk tekning.

Til tross for kritikken peker han på at mye har forandret seg de siste årene.

- Jeg mener seriøse spill i dag er fantastiske. Miljøene de utvikler seg i har en voksende tendens til å ta de (spillene journ. anm.) på alvor.

Se intervjuet, og legg igjen din kommentar under videoen.

Rekordsalg av Modern Warfare 2 Solgte nesten 5 millioner eksemplarer på en dag, i USA og England alene.

Rune Håkonsen [email protected] Publisert 13.11.2009 10:39.

Det var på forhånd ventet at Modern Warfare 2 ville gjøre det godt i butikkene, men nå er omtrent alle rekorder innen spillsalg knust.

162 Nettstedet Eurogamer.net anslår at distributøren Activision fikk inn nærmere 1,7 milliarder kroner (310 millioner dollar) første dagen spillet var i salg. Noe som knuser selv de største Hollywood-filmene.

Batman-filmen The Dark Knight er den filmen som har tjent mest penger i sin lanseringshelg, og den solgte billetter for omkring 156 millioner dollar de første tre dagene etter den ble lansert. Knapt halvparten av Modern Warfare 2 sin første dag med andre ord.

- Modern Warfare 2 har tatt den interaktive opplevelsen til nye høyder, og satt en ny standard for spillunderholdning, uttalte Activision-sjef Mike Griffith i en pressemelding, hvor han også poengterte Call of Duty sin rolle som et kulturelt fenomen. I vår anmeldelse av Modern Warfare 2, fant Spiller.no frem seks prikker på terningen. SE DEN HER: Anmeldelse: Modern Warfare 2 LES: - Dataspill er fremtiden til musikkbransjen

Spill forbi musikk og film Salget av Modern Warfare 2 befester spill som en av de viktigste kulturplattformene for unge i dag. Omsetningen av spill over disk gikk allerede i fjor forbi butikksalget av musikk og film, og denne trenden ser ut til å fortsette i 2009. LES: Rekordår for spillbransjen I fjor omsatte spillbransjen for nærmere 700 millioner kroner i Norge. I denne summen er ikke giganten Microsofts omsetning medregnet.

(Eurogamer / Activision) Anmeldelse: Modern Warfare 2

Det komplette krigsspillet er kommet.

Rune Håkonsen [email protected] Publisert 11.11.2009 15:54.

Husker du den gode følelsen av å sette deg inn i en helt ny bil? Alt er polert, rengjort og klart for å gi deg den aller beste opplevelsen. Modern Warfare 2 (MW2) føles som en splitter ny Ferrari-kabriolet, som tar deg med på den heftigste bilturen du noen sinne har opplevd.

La meg først starte med enkeltspillerdelen av spillet, som ligner mye første spill i Modern Warfare-serien. Her følger vi historien til spillet, og den er meget godt fortalt. God bruk av virkemidler, karakterer og grafikk gjør det til en opplevelse. Utviklerstudioet Infinity Ward har sett hva som rører seg i spillbransjen og virkelig forstått at spill har en unik mulighet til å fortelle en interaktiv historie.

Selve historien er i seg selv i overkant grunnleggende, og spiller videre på teorien om at frykt kan fremskynde en ny diktatorisk verdensordning i likhet med den kalde krigen.

Om vi ser på spillmekanikken så har ikke IW vært like nyskapende som i historiefortellinga. Skytespillsjangeren har utviklet seg med en rivende hastighet de siste årene, og MW2 henger noen steder igjen i fortiden. I enkelte av kampsekvensene føler jeg at jeg står på en skytebane i stedet for i kampens hete. Er det bare øvingsmål som hopper opp over alt?

163 Bare pirking

Noen vil kanskje mene at dette er å lete etter feil i MW2 med et forstørrelsesglass, og det er vel faktisk riktig. Hele pakken du får servert gjennom spillet gjør slike små irritasjonsmomenter raskt forsvinner.

Utseendet til spillet er en viktig del av denne pakken. MW2 leverer en grafisk og actionfylt fest jeg ikke tror jeg har sett sidestykke til i denne sjangeren.

Jeg testet spillet på Xbox360 og må si jeg stadig blir imponert over hva utviklere får ut av den nå fire år gamle konsollen. Kampområdene er utrolig detaljerte, og veksler uten anstrengelser fra åpne slagmarker til trange kontorområder. Du kan ta i bruk store deler av inventaret i områdene du slåss i, og dette gjør at du får et nærmest uendelig antall strategiske muligheter i hver eneste gjennomspilling.

(anmeldelsen fortsetter under traileren)

Nok om enkeltspillerdelen av MW2, de aller fleste kjøper seg dette spillet for å spille i mot andre. Og det gjør de rett i. For selv om enkeltspillerbiten av MW2 står til laud (veldig bra karakter altså) og vel så det, så er flerspillerdelen i seg selv en.

Timevis med moro

Spiller.no har brukt ekstra tid for å teste flerspillerdelen mens den har vært brukt av faktiske spillere, men jeg må poengtere at på tross av denne ekstra tiden så vil ikke de virkelige kvalitetene vise seg før om et par måneder. Spiller folk dette aktivt i februar? Hvordan utvikler spillsamfunnet seg? Danner det seg ligaer og utfordringer for de som har spilt mye?

Dette blir dermed observasjoner som rører ved overflaten av spillets flerspillerdel.

MW2 er nok et eksempel på en utmerket kombinasjons av rollespillelementer og skytespill. For hvert oppdrag du fullfører får du erfaringspoeng, som lar deg oppgradere karakteren din med nye titler og evner. Stadig flere skytespill tar i bruk disse elementene, og jeg tror vi neppe kommer til å se fremtidige skytespill uten erfaringspoeng og karakterooppbygning.

Dette gir et ekstra nivå til konkurranseelementet i MW2. Det er ikke lenger bare snakk om og kun vinne runder, men ved hjelp av erfaringspoengene får en nå muligheten til å gjøre hver karater helt unik. Dermed kan det være du kjenner igjen din nemesis når dere møtes på slagmarken, eller at du har spesialisert deg inn mot en konkret oppgave.

Mange valgmuligheter

Typiske flerspillerkart og oppdrag er tilgjengelig i MW2, alt fra «Deathmatch» til «Capture the Flag». Dette er kanskje gammeldags for noen, men disse typene flerspillerkart bygger på en sikker vinnerformel. Det blir rett og slett ikke kjedelig. MW2 byr på mange typer flerspilleropplevelser, og dette gjør at spillet for mange kan få et tre sifferet antall timer med underholdning.

164 Det er mange muligheter for å dyrke spillsamfunnet i MW2, alt fra valgfriheten i å skape din egne og unike karakter, til store mengder med premier til de som oppnår visse mål (achievements eller thropies).

Med en flott enkeltspilleropplevelse og tonnevis av flerspillermuligheter, kombinert med det beste fra rollespillverdenen med tanke på karakteroppbygging er det ikke vanskelig å spå at MW2 blir et av årets beste og mest solgte spill.

MW2 skinner som solen hele dagen igjennom, og trykker på alle de riktige knappene. Noen vil kanskje mene det kun er en utvidelsespakke til eneren, noe jeg ikke er enig i. MW2 er til dags dato det beste krigsspillet i denne konsollgenerasjonen, punktum.

Dragon Age: Origins utsatt

Det kan virke som svineinfluensaen har nådd spillutviklerne. Det etterlengtede rollespillet Dragon Age: Origins er også utsatt.

Rune Håkonsen [email protected] Publisert 10.08.2009 10:41.

Utvikleren bak storspillet Dragon Age: Origins, Bioware, har ertet en hel spillverden i over fem år med å si at spillet snart er ferdig. Tidligere i år fikk vi endelig en fast dato, og spillere slo seg til ro med at spillet kom i butikker over hele verden den 20. oktober.

To uker

I dag bekreftet likevel Bioware de kaster seg på bølgen av utsettelser i spillbransjen, og setter en ny slippdato for Dragon Age: Origins i Europa den 6. november.

To ukers forsinkelse er ikke det verste som kunne skje, men det gir oss en pekepinn på at Bioware ikke er helt ferdig med spillet. Og hvem vet, kanskje det blir utsatt en gang til?

Anmeldelse: inFamous

Playstation 3 viser endelig hva konsollen er god for. inFamous er som godteri for øynene, men historien overbeviser ikke.

Rune Hå[email protected] Publisert 21.05.2009 01:34.PS3,

Du er sykkelbudet Cole, og skal levere en pakke. Pakken innholder en spesiell bombe som gir deg elektriske superkrefter når den eksploderer, i mellomtiden blir byen kastet ut i totalt kaos og terrorister tar over kontrollen.

Så enkelt kan historien i inFamous oppsummeres.

En uskyldig amerikaner, utsettes for ukjent fare og må kjempe mot terrorister i sin egen hjemby. Amerikanske terroristhistorier flommer over i film- og spill-industrien, og begynner

165 å bli en klisjé. Vi så det i blant annet MadWorld og kommer helt sikkert å se det mange ganger til.

Ikke originalt

Selve historien er med andre ord ikke særlig original eller veldig engasjerende, men bruken av tegnede mellomsekvenser gjør at det blir presentert på en veldig underholdende og visuell måte. Den store mengden av tegneserier som har blitt til film, har helt sikkert bidratt til at vi ser denne trenden stadig oftere.

Utviklerne har skrytt av at de har spesialdesignet hver eneste bygning i spillet slik at du kan klatre opp og løpe av gårde.

Siden inFamous er et tredjepersons actionspill, er det enklest å sammenligne denne "parkour- delen" med Assassins Creed. Begge er spill med åpne verdener hvor du selv velger din vei til målet, mens i spillet Mirrors Edge har du ikke samme muligheten til selv å velge hvordan du vil nå ditt neste mål.

Intuitivt

Det første som slår meg er hvor lett det er å plukke opp inFamous. Etter en særdeles enkel innledning hvor du lærer hvordan du kan skyte lyn fra armene dine, blir du kastet rett ut i storbyen. Klatringen på bygninger, lyktestolper og alt annet som står i din vei utføres enkelt med den venstre analogstikken og hopp, og klarer å tilføre en flyt i spillet som er sjeldent å se.

Og det er i den åpne spilleverdenen inFamous viser seg fra sin beste side, utviklerne har klart å holde løftet om at alle bygninger er mulig å klatre på og de har lagt inn mange finurlige detaljer som gjør utforskningen av byen til det mest fasinerende elementet i spillet.

God karma?

Spillets historie gir deg stadig muligheter til å være "god" eller "ond", i en klassisk forstand. Gjør du valg som skader befolkningen eller gir deg selv fordeler i forhold til andre får du dårlig karma, og gjør du motsatt og er snill, får du god karma.

Dette representeres ved at utseende på hovedkarakteren Cole, som du styrer i spillet, blir styggere og superkreftene dine blir rødfarget når du er ond, og engleaktig og blått når du er god.

Dette karmasystemet låser opp forskjellige egenskaper alt ettersom hvilken vei du velger.

Utvikleren Sucker Punch har koblet Cole sine elektriske egenskaper til nesten alle sider av spillet. Alle hans superkrefter er basert på elektrisitet, han trenger å bruke elektrisitet for noen av de mer kraftige angrepene og for å sveve rundt i lufta. Dette fører til at du må lade opp, bokstavelig talt, ganske ofte, men Sucker Punch har gjort det enkelt å lokalisere strømkilder. Ved et lett trykk på den venstre analogstikken får du se alle strømkilder i nærheten, så du er i praksis aldri helt tømt for elektrisitet.

166 Kampsystemet er strømlinjeformet, og du kan bruke omgivelsene til din fordel. Du kan gjemme deg bak nærmeste søplebøtte eller henge fra en takrenne mens du skyter lyn fra hendene dine.

Vakker grafikk inFamous klarer å presse Playstation 3, og fremstår som ett av de peneste spillene som har kommet til konsollen, kampsystemet er engasjerende og den åpne verden innbyr til utforskning. Dessverre er inFamous også et eksempel på at spillutviklere må ta historien mer på alvor, og ikke lene seg på kjente Hollywood-klisjeer.

Spill har samme evne som film til å formidle og fortelle spennende historier (om ikke bedre evne), men så lenge fokuset ikke er på gode og engasjerende (og kanskje provoserende) historier kan ikke spillbransjen ta det siste steget opp til det gode selskap med andre underholdningsplattformer og fortellende medium.

Salgssuksess for Sony

Playstation 3 Slim har solgt 500 000 konsoller den første uken.

Rune Håkonsen [email protected] Publisert 08.09.2009 10:56.

• Japansk elektronikkselskap etablert i 1946. • Verdensledende på flatskjermer, mobiltelefoner, elektroniske forbrukerartikler og spillmaskiner. • Har solgt flere hundre millioner av sin konsoll PlayStation, som i dag er kommet i sin tredje utgave.

Over halvparten av disse er solgt utenfor Japan og USA. Noen steder i Europa har forhandlere meldt om at salget av konsollen har økt med over 1000%.

Det er med andre ord helt klart at Sony har klart å trekke til seg tusenvis av nye brukere, men det blir spennende å se om selskapet klarer å fortsette trenden.

Historisk

Nettstedet VGChartz..com, som overvåker salgstall i spillindustrien, mener like gjerne at dette er den mest vellykkede relanseringen av en spillkonsoll i historien.

Spill til konsollen hoppet også kraftig opp på salgslistene, og mange PS3-versjoner av multiplattformspill slo Xbox 360-versjonen. Microsoft opplevde også en økning i Xbox 360- salget etter at de kuttet prisen på sin toppmodell.

Klarer Sony å skape samme oppmerksomhet rundt den nye Playstation 3-konsollen som de klarte med relanseringen av PS2 i september 2004 går underholdningsgiganten en lys fremtid i møte.

(VGchartz / NRK)

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