Organization of Kinship and Family in Marwari Community: the Case of Chickpet in Bengaluru

Home , Hindu joint family, Marwari people, Water to the Dead

Organization of Kinship and Family in Marwari Community: The Case of Chickpet in Bengaluru

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Award of the Degree of

Master of Philosophy

Sociology

Chandni Sarda (Reg. No.1434501 )

Under the Guidance of L T Om Prakash Assistant Professor

Department of Sociology CHRIST UNIVERSITY BENGALURU, INDIA June 2016

APPROVAL OF DISSERTATION

Dissertation entitled ‘Organization of Kinship and Family in Marwari Community: The Case

of Chickpet in Bengaluru’ by Chandni Sarda Reg. No. 1434501 is approved for the award of the degree of Master of Philosophy in Sociology.

Examiners:

1. ______

2. ______

3. ______

Supervisor:

______

Chairman:

______

Date: ______

Place: Bengaluru

DECLARATION

I Chandni Sarda hereby declare that the dissertation, titled Organization of Kinship and Family Structure in Marwari Community: The Case of Chickpet in Bengaluru is a record of original research work undertaken by me for the award of the degree of Master of Philosophy in Sociology. I have completed this study under the supervision of Dr Om Prakash, Department of Sociology. I also declare that this dissertation has not been submitted for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or other title. It has not been sent for any publication or presentation purpose. I hereby confirm the originality of the work and that there is no plagiarism in any part of the dissertation.

Place: Bengaluru Chandni Sarda Date: Reg No. 1434501 Department of Sociology Christ University, Bengaluru

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CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the dissertation submitted by Chandni Sarda (Reg.No. 1434501) titled ‘Organization of Kinship and Family in Marwari Community: The Case of Chickpet in Bengaluru’ is a record of research work done by her during the academic year2014-2016 under my supervision in partial fulfillment for the award of Master of Philosophy in Sociology. This dissertation has not been submitted for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship,fellowship or other title. It has not been sent for any publication or presentation purpose. Hereby confirm the originality of the work and that there is no plagiarism in any part of the dissertation.

Place: Bengaluru Date: Dr Om Prakash Assistant Professor Department of Sociology Christ University, Bengaluru

Dr.Pritha Das Gupta Head of Department of Sociology Christ University, Bengaluru

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am indebted to the following individuals and institution for their help in my research work:

The greatest indebtedness is due to my supervisor Dr Om Prakash, Department of Sociology serving as Assistant professor at Christ University for his scholarly guidance in preparing this thesis. I wish to put on record my deep sense of gratitude to him. He inspired me to work on this area through series of discussions. He has always motivated me to work positively for this research in its entire process.

Secondly, my father Mr Pravin Sarda has always been with his constant advice, support and inspiration for successfully completing my research work.

I would also like to acknowledge Dr Pritha Das Gupta, Head of the Department, Christ University to be a moral support and guide me all through the process.

My heartful thanks to Miss Maneesha Sarda, my sister for always being source of inspiration and motivation at all times of my research process. Often we engaged in fruitful discussions about my research area.

I am obliged to Mr. Swami Jain, Committee Member of Adhinath Temple at Chickpet for providing detailed information about the Marwari community that has proved to be beneficial for my research.

(Chandni Sarda)

ABSTRACT

The Marwaris at Chickpet, Bangalore is a migrant community from the rugged desert of Rajasthan. Records show that this community spread across the globe, travelled as migrant merchant traders four hundred years ago to what we know call as one of the most important shopping areas of Bangalore, Chickpet which still bustles with energy and enthusiasm.. It offers a potential research area in the understanding of organization of kinship and family structure. The research explores how tradition and modernity of this community has given it a unique character where it has been fruitful enough to still practice the olden ways of social organization. In the midst of this tradition several exogenous factors have operated outside the community. The Marwaris have exhibited flexibility and have adapted positively to these diverse changes.

The introduction chapter provides a brief idea about this enterprising community, hypotheses, objectives and relevance of my research. The main goal is to discover and understand the pattern of kinship and family structure in the midst of several external factors operating outside the community. Urban Sociology and Marwari community dynamics reflect the interplay of both urban setting and traditional values in giving the community a unique character. Processes of urbanization, modernization and industrialization have changed the ideologies of this community who are tagged to be conservative and backward. The Marwaris are well known for their risk taking capacity and business sense. The study also attempts to trace the patriarchal lineage of the community based on rules of sapinda and gotra. Status of Marwari women, her rights, decision making power is clearly reflected. She is subjugated and withheld from owning either her father’s or husband’s property. Institution of marriage intersects clearly with principles of kinship, family and property ownership. Review of literature explores in details the concepts of kinship and family with respect to past researches and work done in this field by eminent scholars and sociologists. Methodology chapter is focuses on qualitative and ethnographic analysis undertaken by the researcher. The findings reveal several outcomes and are a reflection of prevalence of joint family system among the Marwaris. Kinship relations play a significant role in defining roles and delegating responsibilities. It is maintained through occasional visits and exchange of gifts.

vi especially between affinal relationships. The male head is the backbone of the Marwari family. They follow a particular kinship terminology which shows similarity with the type found in Northern Zone of India. There are strict rules for selection of partners based on endogamy though love marriages have become more frequent. Conclusion chapter summarizes the entire research and addresses fruits of research. The community has witnessed significant changes in the past decades as it has an operating urban culture of Bengaluru. They have become flexible in their ideologies where women are encouraged to enrol for higher education and aspire for career opportunities of their choice.

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CONTENT Cover page………………………………………………………………………………….i Approval of Dissertation……………………………………………………………………ii Declaration…………………………………………………………………………………iii Certificate…………………………………………………………………………………..iv Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………………..v Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………….vi Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 The Marwaris ...... 2 1.2 The Marwari Traders, Merchants and Industrialists ...... 5 1.3 Mapping Marwari Community ...... 5 1.4 Conceptualising Family ...... 7 1.5 Traditional Joint Family: A Common Indian Feature ...... 8 1.6 The Marwari Family in Flux...... 9 1.7 Emerging Trends in Family ...... 11 1.8 Concept of Kinship ...... 12 1.9 Pre Colonial Rajasthan and Kinship Politics ...... 13 1.10 Modifications in Kinship ...... 14 1.11 Urban Sociological Perspective ...... 15 1.12 Description of Present Study ...... 17 1.13 Traditional Social Organization of Marwaris ...... 18 1.14 Marwari Women and Kinship System ...... 19 1.15 Control and Management of Female Sexuality ...... 20 Chapter 2 Review of Literature ...... 23 Chapter 3 Research Method ...... 54 3.1 Statement of the Problem ...... 55 3.2 Scope, Relevance and Importance of the Study ...... 56 3.3 Hypotheses ...... 57 3.4 Objectives...... 58 3.5 Research Design ...... 58 3.6 Data Collection & Analysis ...... 59

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3.7 Limitations ...... 61 3. 8 Area Map...... 63 3.9 Chapter Scheme ...... 63 Chapter 4: Profile of Respondents ...... 65 4.1 Locating Marwar ...... 66 4.2 Language ...... 66 4.3 Middle Class Category...... 67 4.4 The Business Class ...... 68 4.5 Subdivisions in the Community ...... 68 4.6 Education ...... 69 4.7 Merchant Houses as Spectacles of Modernity ...... 70 4.8 Festivals ...... 71 4.9 Temple Visit ...... 73 4.10 Rajasthani Turbans ...... 74 4.11 Prevalence of Joint Family System ...... 75 4.12 Marriage: An important Life Event ...... 75 Chapter 5: Data Analysis...... 77 5.1 Operational Definition of Family ...... 78 5.2 Family Structure ...... 78 5.3 Relevance Attributed to Family ...... 80 5.4 Patriarchy ...... 81 5.5 Tradition vs. Change ...... 83 5.6 Essential Ingredient of Being ‘Joint’ ...... 86 5.7 Effect of Separation on the Family ...... 87 5.8 Kinship Terminologies ...... 88 5.9 Use of the Words ...... 88 5.10 Changes in Kinship Terminologies ...... 91 5.11 Organization of Kinship ...... 92 5.12 Functions of Kinship ...... 93 5.13 Kinship Relations ...... 94 5.14 Kinship Rituals and Practices ...... 97 5.15 Sati Worship and Identity Building ...... 100 5.16 Kin Centeredness ...... 101

5.17 Kinship Loyalty and Sentiments ...... 102 5.18 Pattern of Kin Networks ...... 103 5.19 Marriage ...... 103 5.20 Rules of Marriage: The Practice of Endogamy and Gotra Style ...... 104 5.21 Marwari Women in Patriarchy ...... 106 5.22 Marwari Woman’s Wifehood ...... 108 5.23 Attitude towards Marwari Women and her Place in Society ...... 109 5.24 Tradition vs Modernity: Changed Outlook in Perception of Women ...... 111 5.25 Occupational Structure, Business Ethics and Property Issues ...... 114 5.26 Relationship between Kinship, Marriage and Property ...... 115 Chapter 6 Conclusion ...... 116 Chapter 7 Appendix ...... 126 7.1 Interview Guide ...... 127 7.1.1 Section a: Household Head ...... 127 7.1.2 Section b: Family Structure and Occupation ...... 127 7.1.3 Section c: Migration ...... 127 7.1.4 Section d: Family and Kinship ...... 127 7.1.5 Section e: Social Adaptation ...... 128 7.1.6 Section f: Value Orientation ...... 128 7.1.7 Section g: Property ...... 129 7.1.8 Section h: Status of Women ...... 129 Chapter 8 Bibliography ...... 131

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 The Marwaris

The Marwaris at Chickpet, Bengaluru is a migrant community from the rugged desert of Rajasthan. Records show that this unique community spread across the globe, travelled as migrant merchant traders four hundred years ago to what we know call as one of the most important shopping areas of Bengaluru, Chickpet which still bustles with energy and enthusiasm. The area is marked by narrow lanes and congested shops lining on both sides of the road. If one wants to purchase a variety of quality kaanjeevaram and other fabric sarees, Chickpet serves as the best choice. Also home to traditional jewellery and other innumerable items, the area attracts thousands of customers each year. Chickpet seems to be symbolic with trade, industry and commercialization. However, it is the business ethic and energy of the Marwari community that has set the flame of active business enterprises, production of massive exclusive sarees and other items in this area. Some of the shops are older than fifty years and help in securing valuable foreign exchange for the city.

History of Chickpet routes back to sixteenth century when Kempegowda (ruler of Vijaynagar Empire who established the city of Bengaluru in 1537) started paving the land into four different directions where Chickpet and Doddapete intersected each other. These four directions gradually developed into a market hub with high commercial activity and trade. Gradually other parallel roads were built and new ‘Petes’ (market) came into existence like Nagarthapete, Akkipete, Balapete, Sultanpete etc.

The vibrant Marwari community are prominent in Chickpet. The migrant traders belonged to variety of trading lineages and came to be identified as Marwari. Even though majority of them were from heterogeneous lineage, they have eventually adopted the community name of ‘Marwari’. The earliest of migrants to Chickpet hailing from Rajasthan and from the already settled community in Kolkata were the Oswal Jain and Maheshwari merchants. The Marwaris have been successful in building their reputation as being wealthy and earning lump some money through their business culture. It is through their well established trading network and business sense that helped them to form strong trading group. What is to be noted here is the fact that these well knit trading connections and relationship is formed through institution of kinship, family and marriage. These commercial linkages serve as

2 foundations for transition of a heterogeneous community to a unified Marwari community in civil society like Bengaluru.

It should be mentioned here that all forms of social organization and the existence of social institutions emerge out to meet certain human needs and desires. By organizing themselves in basic human institutions of kinship and family, the needs, aspirations, purposes of mankind is achieved in a systematic manner. These organizations are based on essence of human existence and provides scheme for conducting human life on a daily basis. As per the Hindu tradition life of a living individual has to be understood only in terms of linkage and bonding with other people. As Pandharinath Prabhu (1991) says ‘life is a chain of links of births in the past and in the future; it is a stage of transition from past births towards future births’. For understanding the basic scheme of social organization every human is to be understood with respect to his social unit. As a result, man is considered as a social being since he is trained and grows from infancy to the adult stage in his natural and social environment. This has aspect has to be ingrained with man’s natural qualities and attitudes. Again to refer to Prabhu’s work ‘These two organizations of Asrama and Varna, refer to the problems of the nurture and the nature of man; rightly serve as the corner-stone of the Hindu theory of social organization’ (pp75).

The four Asramas are: 1) the brahmacharya: student stage, 2) the grihastha: man as a married person living a householder’s life 3) the vanaprastha: retired life in the forest after abandoning home and preparing for complete renouncement of worldly relations 4) the samnyasa: giving up all material possessions of the world and live an austere life. These four Asramas provide framework to grasp the essential essence of organization of family, marriage and kinship in any society. The composition and dynamics of family change as members living in it enter and exit from one stage to another. Functions of the group and the individual both vary and are specific with regard to each other. In the first stage, an individual is looked after; second stage he has to look after the group in which he has lived all his years; third seems to be neutral stage where the individual makes effort to surrender all duties of life and seek for renunciation; last stage he is free from all social obligations and goes in search of finding ‘self’.

Scholars studying Hindu social organization give impetus to understand the first stage of mankind: brahmacharyaasrama which entails the management of education as a significant social institution. Education and training is a principle instrument through which members of

3 a social group transfer the general perceptions, attitudes, custom, and traditions to its members across generations. Man learns to live in a social group in which he is born as well as to the outside world. Without education all accumulated knowledge of the ages and all standards of conduct of a particular social group or community would be lost. As Panunzio (1939) points out ‘education inculcates the folkways and mores; trains the young to fit into the established cultural scheme, aims to aid the individual in the development of personality and aptitudes; and sets forth the broad lines which the society believes must be followed in order to survive and improve’. Lowie (1950) also stated, ‘education undertakes the indoctrination of both the rational and the emotional elements which make up the adult individual. Education, understood primarily as the induction of the maturing individual into the life and culture of his people, is the most vital of all institutions and embraces all other institutions’.

The Marwari community at Chickpet is also home to dozens of families following the Jain tradition. They are included as Marwaris as they hail from Rajasthan and have similarities with the community. Jain philosophy believes that every living thing like plants, animals including mankind possess soul. Protection, compassion and love for each soul become significant in Jainism. It prescribes the road of ahimsa or nonviolence towards every living thing of the universe. It seeks for liberation of the soul through non violence and self control. It is a belief that the twenty four tirthankaras (teacher who preaches the righteous path), teach mankind the doctrine of right faith, right knowledge and right control. ‘Tirth’ symbolizes a fordable path across the sea of births and deaths. The last tirthankara of Jainisn, Mahaveer is respected as God. Jainism is further divided into two sects: Digambara and Svetambara. With respect to their tradition they donot believe in idol worship. They ensure to cover their mouth while enchanting religious hymns and prayers with a white cloth so that they donot kill germs and other living organisms present in the air. Jains are strict vegetarians and seldom eat onion and garlic.

Many of the Jains share the common, beliefs, practices and lifestyle of Hindu tradition. The similarity between Hinduism and Jainism can be seen with respect to celebration of common religious festivals like Mahavir Jayanti, Deepavali. They worship thousands of gods and goddesses like the case in Hinduism.

According to Marwari way of education and socialization, son’s educations become more relevant and there is no mention of schemes for the daughters. However, we find many stories

4 in ancient literature that depicts learned women who excelled in literature, art, poetry, dramas, recitation of hymns, warfare etc.

The Marwari community at Chickpet serve as important potential area to understand the institutions of kinship, marriage, family with its core in education and specific methods of socialization which helps in successful transmission of its ethnicity across generations. It is unique as a social group.

1.2 The Marwari Traders, Merchants and Industrialists

The Marwaris are famous all over India in having emerged as a prominent business community as early as nineteenth century especially during colonial rule. This trading community grew positively under the changes imposed by the British Rule in India. Commercialization of agriculture and stringent policies initiated the need to pay in cash than in kind. Due to the non-existence of formal financial institution like banks, the Marwaris served as productive moneylenders and provided essential credit required by the public. Increased participation of the Marwaris in trade, banking and commerce has lead to the establishment of this community as a recognised dynamic business group operating across India. Anne Hardgrove’s (2004) study shows that in the early 1990s it was estimated that Marwaris controlled as much as sixty percent of Indian Industry, forming an industrial presence easily exceeding that of the Parsis and Gujaratis, groups perceived as being ‘more modern’ than the Marwari.

1.3 Mapping Marwari Community

Mapping the place of origin or ‘Marwar’ is an essential feature of my research as it is the basis of identity formation of this particular migrant community at Chickpet. It is an erstwhile princely state in Rajasthan now serving as district of Jodhpur. The Marwaris face lot of controversy regarding their exact place of birth or origin. It is commonly assumed that ‘true’ Marwaris reside in Rajasthan and field work should be conducted there to understand the organization of kinship and family in the community. However, existing review of literature and interviews held in my research field shows the non existence of place Marwar in Rajasthan from where the Marwari’s might hail from. Marwar is a subjective term which involves meanings of linguistic influence as homeland of Marwaris. It may also refer to district of Marwar which is not the place where most of the Marwaris come from. Marwar signifies the rugged rough desert from which they have supposedly come from. It is an

5 imaginary geographical region that enables members of the community to share common culture and tradition despite being dispersed since years. Translations in English it means ‘region of the death’ to refer to harsh climatic condition that features the desert. The main reason for their migration from Rajasthan to cities like Calcutta, Bombay, Bengaluru and across the country is to stay away from the harshness of the desert region. Authors and scholars attribute Nature as essential teacher for the Marwaris to learn ethics of hardwork, endure pain, sufferings, tolerance, strengthen their vigour and adopt a unique style of living. As put in by Jug Suraiya (1996), ‘The Marwaris have an almost ‘genetic destiny’ to make money; even in the arid desert, they are able to produce money out of nothing’.

Family histories and conversation with Marwaris exhibit the tendency of majority of Marwari families originally hailing from small districts of Shekhawati, Shardarsheher and Jhunjhunu. Majority of them are Jain, Maheshwari and Aggarwals. Instead of being named as Shekhawati they are called Marwaris. As a result, we can partially attribute the historical importance to the Marwar kingdom as an enduring place well attached to this enterprising community.

What becomes increasingly interesting is the fact that the people of this community are identified as Marwari only once they leave Rajasthan and venture out for important business prospects. Hence, the identity formation in this case becomes a source of imagination. There was no pre-existing community named as Marwari in Rajasthan. It was only the results of migration that has significantly contributed to naming them as Marwari’.

Many works and researches on economic and business history of India have detailed studies about this migrant ‘enterprising’ community. The term Marwari has commonly been used for referring to trading community in Rajasthan, Gujarat and parts of Haryana. As Anne Hargrove writes, ‘the general stereotype of the Marwari businessman is a Hindu or Jain baniya (Vaishya trader or moneylender), carrying nothing but a lota (water pot) and kambal (blanket), who has migrated thousands of miles from poor villages in the dry deserts of Rajasthan to cities and towns all over South Asia’. However, in Bengaluru, they often become victims of ridicule and jealousy by the locals. They are often termed to be greedy, selfish, calculative and money-minded.

1.4 Conceptualising Family

Family serves as an important institution in any society and is a universal feature of a social group. Researcher Ramakrishnan (1988) writes that man is born into a family and soon finds one as he lives and grows. It knits members together through certain criteria or commonly held definitions of what constitutes a family. Notions and definitions may vary across societies. Family never operates in isolation but forms part of the larger social group of networks and relationships. It is influenced and also actively influences institutions of religion, education, business, economy and political structure of a society.

Ramakrishnan further states that understanding the dynamics of family requires an analysis of societal context as social structure has its roots in summation of families. Characteristics of a community or society can be outlined by its familial relations which are generally established either through blood, adoption or marriage. Families are the primary agents through which norms, values, believes, customs and traditions are effectively articulated and transferred across generations. It defines clear cut roles for members of the family and assigns certain responsibilities to them. Roles lead to certain expectation and define standard behaviour for each role towards each other and the rest of the wider networks in which they operate. There is distinction based on sex and age in a family which again regulates behaviour.

In a similar manner that individuals enter and perform roles during their lifetime, families also restructure and change with the birth and death of its members. Any household undergoes constant changes in accordance with time. Introduction of urbanization, industrialization and modernization directly influences family structure and the ideologies associated with it. Families constantly have the quality of adaptation and modification with respect to the external forces exposed to it.

Study and analysis of family undertaken by Western Scholars have produced variety of approaches to understand family. The four effective ways are as follows:

1. Institutional Approach: This approach examines family as an institution. It undertakes intensive, descriptive and comparative analysis of different societies. It critically focuses on changing relations within family in the light of the functions served by this particular institution. It also predicts changes in future composition and relations within family with respect to contemporary societal changes.

2. Interactional Approach: As the name suggests, this approach attempts to identify individuals in interaction with respect to certain roles. Like for instance, the particular role of ‘mother’ and the associated expected behaviour. It seeks to understand unity and actions of members of a family. It is oblivion to outside forces that exists and influences family. This approach signifies the relationship of husband/wife, parents/ children in terms of their behaviour, needs and the ability to adjust. 3. Structural Functional Approach: Functionalists approach the existence of family for fulfilling certain important functions in any society. It emphasizes on the process of socialization of new members in the society. Changes in the family are analyzed in relation to cause and effect relationship in other institutions and outside environment. Family is comprised of different components and exist because of mutual cooperation and interdependence of the parts. 4. Developmental Approach: In this approach family is viewed in terms of life cycle with its members being born and die with time. It’s the marker of growth, development and dissolution as members marry, give birth to young ones and die. There are different phases which members of a family undergo. This change initiates new roles and statuses for them. It provides framework for understanding the internal functioning of family. At the same time participation and involvement in other sphere of education, extra- curricular activities, recreational field etc also changes with time.

1.5 Traditional Joint Family: A Common Indian Feature

India has its traditional family of being ‘joint’ which exhibits the nature of existence of specific qualities under which members of the same family reside. As Iravati Karwe (1990) defines a typical joint family as ‘group of people who generally live under one roof, who eat food cooked in one kitchen, who hold property in common, participate in common family worship and are related to one another as some particular kind of kindred’. Tracing of kindred may be of two types: a) patrilineal: descent from a common male ancestor; b) matrilineal: descent from a common female ancestor.

Many researches and scholars add different ingredients to form definitions of joint family. Kapadia (1955) and Desai (1964) state mutual obligations, cooperation, strong emotional ties and sentiments as the key to define ‘jointness’. Desai stressed the fact that the feeling of ‘jointness’ arises during important occasions like marriage, births and deaths when family

8 members take up roles and responsibilities. He stated that concept of nuclear family is not an Indian one has it has been borrowed from the Western society.

Kolenda (1968) and Gould (1968) attribute co-residence and common sharing of food as prerequisite to formation of joint family in their respective field work. Significance is attached to food being cooked in the same kitchen and eaten together.

M.S Gore (1968) takes up different perception in the understanding of joint family in the Indian context. He lays stress on the role perception, attitude and degree of inter-relationships as the essence of joint families. Changes in attitudes of family members towards each other are likely to bring changes in composition of family. Rather than just giving importance to family as household, he stated that it is a system of relationship.

1.6 The Marwari Family in Flux

The Marwari family at Chickpet as a basic social institution has been immensely affected by modernization and urbanization of Bengaluru. The once considered to be stable, this unit is under threat not only in terms of disintegration and fragmentation but also by its very definition. Not only peculiar to this community, as S. Chatterji (2007) states ,the institution of family is in crisis all over the world. We see the current Marwari women torn between the double bind of work and family. This adds on to her complexity faced with respect to time, energy and juggling responsibility. This change has initiated because of redefining family values and norms which are placed at the heart of it. Many educated Marwari men and women aspire to remain single or marry at much older age when they have an aspiring career of their choice. There are other alternatives like a household with only old couple residing, double income no children families, single parent families due to death of one of the spouse or separation, widowhood, divorce etc.

Equations at home have changed due to more and more Marwari women going out to work. Families talk about equality being given to women through increased educational prospects and employment opportunities. However, reality is different, equality far away behind the closed doors in the private sphere. Based on biology, mother is regarded as the natural caretaker of the offspring. Current generation female respondents opined that the system of joint parenting does not go very well with this differentiation where they are expected to be the sole person to look after the children and manage household responsibilities. They seem to

9 be unprepared to succumb to emotional and physical pressures arising out of the work load at home and at the workplace.

The operating socio-economic factors in the urban setup of Bengaluru, has seeped into the family structure of the Marwari community at Chickpet. The power relations between the partners have changed with increased domination of the wife on her husband in various matters. The entire framework of the family has undergone drastic changes. Impact of divorce on family, on the partners and especially on the children is evident in my research area. In the name of development and modernization, the traditional family is shedding its silent tears over this negative impact.

Attitudes and values with respect to gender roles are on a sharp road to transition. Especially we see greater value placed on women’s economic achievements, men’s involvement in child care and health. Double income earned from both partners in a family has also bought significant changes with respect to consumption pattern of the existing economy. Women have more monetary resources at their disposal for personal expenses on jewellery, cosmetics, clothing, buying expensive gifts for their spouses etc. As a result, the women of this traditional community now donot find it compulsive to depend upon husband for purchasing variety of commodities based on their self interest. Existence of independent financial resources reflects change in a Marwari woman’s life.

The new wave now felt is among these middle class Marwari families in urban Bengaluru to weigh the advantages and disadvantages of having daughters against sons. Many parents realize and justify their arguments that having daughters are more beneficial in terms social cost than the sons. Education of daughters seems to be a plus point for parents who have spent huge financial resources on their education. Shoma Chatterji (2007) says, ‘it becomes a plus point when the girls get married since a working woman with a regular pay-packet is a personification of an on-going, lifelong dowry’ (p. 250). These marital relationships which are based on mutual choice and self-negotiations often lead to more stable relationships. The partners have mutual respect for each other.

A new trend noticed among the Marwari married women is the idea of keeping her father’s surname even after her marriage. She does not like the idea of completely abandoning her father’s title while writing her name. Rather her husband’s title is attached to her surname after her father’s title. An example is the case of Poonam Sarda. She feels comfortable to

10 write her name as Poonam Sarda Doogar. In this case Doogar is her husband’s title. However we see, perpetuation of lineage strategy where son of the household occupy central position. Patriarchy in this case becomes the means and the message for the centrality placed in son by the Marwari community.

1.7 Emerging Trends in Family

Field studies by several ethnographers and sociologists state that there are marked regional differences in the existence of varieties and structure of family across India. There are reasons for this variation like cultural variation, education, income pattern, political context. According to Kolenda (1968), Indian family studies lack a common model that can be applied to all the households existing in the country across caste and region. Her studies reveal existence of marked regional and sub regional differences in the structure of all Indian families. Family cycles are so varied that they differ even within caste. Variations exist predominantly because of the age of a man’s death in relation to ages and marriage of his children. Responsibilities become situational and contextual in these cases. Obligations and bonds towards each other take up a new dimension with respect to parent and child relationship and vice-versa.

Records show a trend towards increase in nuclear families with new dynamics in relationship between the residential members. Number of joint family are consciously decreasing due to secular education, new salaried service sector and occupations, commercialization, new market ideologies and requirements, changes in family laws and legal practices.

To some extent, processes of urbanization, industrialization and westernization have further strengthened components of joint family. The key reason to this trend is due to the extended economic aid provided to kin members, trying hands on new economic enterprises and industries. Family pattern on the other hand, differ across regions because of differences in rate of economic growth and progress.

Many research studies (as dealt in the review of literature chapter) based on hypotheses of breaking joint and replacement of them by nuclear families show interesting results. It exhibits pattern of increase of nuclear households. However, at the same time jointness continues to prevail and provide support to kin members in adopting new business enterprises. Decline in joint family is seen more in urban areas than in rural settings. Many families maintain the ideals and sentiments of the joint family even though they do not reside together.

With respect to attitudinal changes in urban and rural areas, traditional patters reinforce and reaffirm majorly in urban modern families. This is in terms of acceptance of familial obligations, seclusion and subordination of women, limitation of parent decision making role in joint family. Urban settings are more open to increased age of marriage especially of women, inter-caste marriages, divorce and freedom in family choices.

Majorly change is witnessed due to increased education and awareness. Educated respondents wish to live in nuclear families due to increased autonomy bestowed to them in their day to day affairs. Educated women aspire to educate their children irrespective of gender. Structurally the number of members in a family has undergone change. In urban setting authority of the eldest male has changed with respect to decision making. Women may suffer pressure from family members to work due to disposal of increased income by them at home. Dynamics of husband wife relationship have also changed as women vest more authority these days in family as well as professional matters.

1.8 Concept of Kinship

Anthropology addresses kinship is the organizing principle of human societies as it comprises of web of social relationship based on consanguinal or affinal relationship. Scholars and researchers have formulated different conceptions of kinship and its exact meaning is often debated within the discipline of Social Science. The most debated controversy surrounding kinship is whether it should be based on biology or social construction as reflected in the relevant review of literature of my research.

Kinship forms broader concept than family. It is the thread of kinship that weaves the entire web of social relationship and knits them together. It is often invisible and relates members of a group in unison. A person is related to another person in a systematic order through kinship organization.

Kinship system construes upon its members certain roles and statuses depending on the position occupied in the system. Roles are based on ‘ideal’ construction of behaviour, attitudes and responsibilities adhered to them. It regulates behaviour of members of the family during specific contexts in their life. Individual’s behaviour towards other kin is built in the family to which one is born. It is a cultural entity and its thread as weaving together members is invisible.

1.9 Pre Colonial Rajasthan and Kinship Politics

The two key Rajasthani or Marwari terms for kinship units are vans (biological unit) and kul (social unit). As Ramya Sreenivasan (2004) that the vans is identified by its affiliation with a guardian deity closely associated with the founding male ancestor of the biological unit. The kul on the other hand comprises of a smaller unit defined by association of its members by male blood. Common descent from male line enforces certain common codes of conduct transmitted through the male blood upon the members of its kul. On the other hand, system of gotra defines the limits and eligibility of marriage circles. It is the marker of further subdivision within the kul. The terms clearly reveal and define certain level of kinship affiliation with respect to shared biological descent. It also states the social and political obligation of its members.

With respect to the Rajputs of the pre-colonial era, notion of the kul acquired additional significance. Constant war and conflicts in this period reaffirmed the lineage membership and familial solidarity. Kings of late medieval Marwar were dependent on the support of people from the same clans and chiefs. History records intimate relationship between kinship network and state formation. At one level, disputes and arguments pointed to the delicate affinal relationship at the state level. On the other hand, cases where the king’s rule was composed of its cousins and relatives, there was higher degree of affinity by virtue of kinship than would be available to him as subject. As a result, in seventeenth century true states emerged in which there was a well defined and institutionalized local power (ruler). In these cases, customary rights attached to kinship coexisted with emerging rights and obligations of clientship among the Rajput states.

However, often conflict between male kinsmen within and across generation was common within a chief’s family during that period of time. This was due to overlapping of political alliances with kinship network. Kinship system became a contesting terrain with competing tensions and rivalry. The kinship network served as a positive resource of power and authority for chiefs who were kinsmen by lineal descent or by marriage. The monarch and his chief queen were addressed as bap (father) and mai (mother). As a result, it can be said that multiple signification was associated with these two terms in kinship terminology.

Hence, as discussed in the previous paragraphs, structure of pre-modern Rajput of Rajasthan increased the significance attached to kinship network in mobilizing political and military

13 support for the ruler. Membership in specific kinship networks secured relative access to resources within the family. For the Rajput elite women membership in the natal clan positively affected her status in her marital household. For example, their roles as sisters would then gain more importance than roles as wives. Paternal or natal lineage was a prime factor in determining fortunes of their progeny. Marriage alliances were used to cement one’s political relationship.

An interesting feature of the Rajput units was the idea of ‘honour’ preserved in one’s kul. The honour formed a key factor in mobilizing the network of alliances. This was with regard to successful fulfilment of obligations towards the spouses, immediate family, lineage and state. For the Rajput women as practiced till today this honour resided in her abstinence from sexual activity before marriage and living her entire life by the sacred thread of monogamous fidelity. This was directly related to maintenance of status of the conjugal unit, household, lineage and the political state.

1.10 Modifications in Kinship

Like any other existing institution in our society, kinship as an operating system has been exposed to several exogenous factors. This has resulted in certain changes into the system and kinship has efficiently adapted to them. Traditional kinship behaviour has undergone change in all societies. Presently, scholars and academicians show a kindled interest in understanding urban kinship relations in recent years. Sociologists are now interested in forms and nature of exchange, kinship relations and interaction, effects of attributes like urbanization, industrialization, occupation, education, social class etc on kinship relations.

As Ramakrishnan’s study reflect that an existing model of kinship might undergo complete change only if there is existence of new model. This can take place through inter-marriages in the family which ensures bicultural socialization. Existing review of literature and studies shows that the change in kinship system is a gradual process. Systematic changes seems to occur over long periods due to exertion of continuous pressure from external conditions like economic changes, education, new ideologies and for that matter even changes in the larger political scenario of the society.

Variation exists with respect to kinship structures in different societies having different socio- economic categories and ethnicity. Factors like occupation, social mobility, migration,

14 economic structure, prevailing family values etc. impact significantly to changes in kinship terms and relations in any society.

A shift in kinship studies from descriptive to explanatory research in kinship ties and association of individual with other kin shows significant departure from ancient techniques to kinship system now being analyzed in new lime light. This system in any society exhibits its flexible nature and has suffered no complete breakdown. Hence, it shows kinship as a dynamic process.

Western scholars like Morloka (1964) have attempted significant field work to understand functional aspect of urban kinship systems especially relations in nuclear household. In these studies, more emphasis is given to the individuals attitudes towards their kin members. Relations of cooperation and mutual assistance between parents and their offspring are analyzed carefully analyzed. Nuclear families are patterned with direct nuclear kinship relations in an urban industrial set up. Close bonds are shared between spouses and their children. In this new era, we find affinal relations increasingly becoming relevant. However, kinship relations, the degree of attachment and recognition have close relationship with residential proximity.

1.11 Urban Sociological Perspective

Urbanism can be dealt as a particular kind of social organization. There has always existed disagreement and confusion about defining what constitutes ‘urban’. For my research area at Chicpket, it is necessary to discuss the boundaries and implication of what constitutes the definition of ‘urban’ as it is located in an urban setting within Bengaluru. According to Fischer(1984) there are four perspectives to offer an understanding of ‘urban’:1) demographic, 2) institutional, 3) cultural and 4) behavioural. The first one describes essentially the size and density of population. A community is referred as ‘urban’ depending upon size of the population. Secondly, the institutional approach takes into account the existence of specific institutions like political, economical, educational etc in the urban setting. Cultural perspective is reflected on the cultural traits that a community possesses. Fourthly, behavioural aspect captures certain distinctive and typical demeanour styles among the people of the community.

While understanding the concept of community and society in the midst of urban atmosphere Ferninand Tonnies’(1927) concept of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft should be importantly

15 cited. This defines the organization of social order in social group existing in our society. It is the marker of transition from simple societies to a more complex, specialized one. With respect to the Gemeinschaft, close bonds and family life forms the general basis. The community is treated as large families. Kinship relations remain an essential part in terms of common property and other rights.

However, the historical process of transition from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft the decaying of family life in the cities. The longer the influence of the urban way of living prevails, the more the family life acquires a purely accidental character. No one wants to confine their energies within a narrow space with the growing attractions of city life. Family members are attracted towards the new culture of the city life with diverse opportunities for business, entertainment and pleasures of the developed area. This leads to weakening of kinship ties and separates one from the other. This feeling of being free and independent inclines individuals to break through barriers of folkways and mores. Folkways, mores and even religion is replaced by convention of the Gesselschaft. However, this free will and exercise of arbitrary power is controlled by the state authorities through the control of police, law and order. The laws apply equally to all individuals residing in the urban setting. It attempts to suppress and punish hostile actions and behaviour.

With respect to city dwellers, the ‘superficiality, the anonymity, and the transitory character of urban social relations make intelligible, also, the sophistication and the rationality generally ascribed to them’ (Wirth, 1930). Urbanites meet one another for achievement of one’s personal ends. Familial associations and bonds tend to become weaker. Individual gains, a certain degree of emancipation from personal and emotional ties that controls intimate groups. The sense of participation which comes from joint living fades slowly. The kind of social interaction that existed in rural simple community changes to accommodate interaction between different personality types cutting sharply along caste lines and gender bias to certain degrees. Mobility of an individual is heightened. Maintaining and promoting intimate bond with family members becomes increasingly difficult due to different residence, character of income and differences in interests.

As a result, Wirth describes the distinctive features of urban mode of life as substituting the primary contacts with secondary relations formed on the basis of self interest and achievement of personal ends. Urban areas reflect weakening of bonds of kinship, declining social significance of family and disappearance of neighbourhood. The traditional basis of social

16 solidarity suffers and is threatened by attractions of urban living. Family as basis of social life is free from the larger kinship group characteristic of place. The individuals find solace and personal interests are met through vocational, educational, religious, recreational and political institutions that feature a city life.

1.12 Description of Present Study

The present study is about the Marwari community at Chickpet. It’s been stationed in Bengaluru for more than a hundred year. This migrant community from Rajasthan, in search of potential employment opportunities having travelled miles away from their hometown to Chickpet (Bengaluru) serves as a rich area for my research study. The community is unique on its own to maintain its ancient tradition and custom amidst of the changes it has been exposed due to the prevalence of other cultures in Bengaluru. Generally termed to be bound by conservative values and tradition, this community has its own unique style of organization of family and kinship. However, there are similarities in its structure and network building with the well known Hindu Tradition of India. The Marwaris have the ancient tradition of being composed in joint families with three generation staying under one roof, sharing property, worshipping in common, eating food prepared in the same hearth etc. The community members identify themselves as Marwari’ having a common lifestyle, ideologies, believes and values.

What becomes increasingly interesting is the fact that the Marwaris have been successful in clearly maintaining its boundaries from other social groups. The members enjoy a sense belongingness, recognition and unity in identifying themselves as Marwaris.

Well settled community in Bengaluru, the Marwaris serve as important manufacturers, wholesalers and retailers of variety of ethnic designer sarees, cloth materials etc. Many families also specialize in traditional jewellery and antique commodities. Shops selling Rajasthani sweets and snacks can be well spotted too in the area. The early ethnographers and historians have popularly called this dynamic community as ‘enterprising’ and zealous.

The process of migration from Rajasthan to Chickpet has ensured them with a unique culture which is a culmination of their own traditional values, beliefs and the influence of Bengaluruan urban culture. Respondents show likeness and appreciation for introduction of new ideas and values into their system. Many love to identify themselves not as migrant community from Rajasthan but as true Bengaluruans since their family have existed in this

17 garden city since many years. They have been born and brought up in this city. The many new generation individuals have not even visited Rajasthan once in their lifetime. The once well known rigidity of the community with respect to rituals of birth, marriage, death has been heartedly welcomed with new flexibility and modification. We see the efficient intermingling of tradition and modernity. Ideologies of growing individualism, freedom in decision making, Marwari women empowerment due to reduced economic interdependence, reducing impact of religion, increased education and social mobility are some of areas of change to be registered in the Marwari community at Chickpet.

The community has secured itself an identity of its own in the presence of other communities and social groups found in Bengaluru. The Marwaris are well known for the business ethics and enterprising nature. They have well established themselves in areas of trade, commerce and capitalism.

Continuity and change are the two parallel wheels of the Marwari community at Chickpet. They serve as important materials to understand this continuity in light of the changes an urban setting of Bengaluru. The growth and development of the city of Bengaluru as ‘Silicon Valley’ of India, increased commercialization enabled the Marwari’s to modernize their tradition to a huge extent and adapt positively to its needs. We see increased social mobility with respect to educational prospects, occupational positions and improved standard of living over the years. The number of Marwaris living in the area have also risen have taken a double fold over the years. The population has increased in the area due to Marwari families travelling from Rajasthan, Gujarat, Haryana, Calcutta and other areas in search of better prospects of living and infrastructural facilities. Hence, the structure of kinship and family in this traditional community has changed to accommodate the new external sources in the face of its age old traditions and customs.

The area is marked by presence of number of beautiful temples especially Jain. It’s a marker of traditional symbol while at the same time number of industries and commercial centres are springing up every time.

1.13 Traditional Social Organization of Marwaris

Marwaris of Chickpet like other Marwaris settled across the globe are traditionally defined as conservative and orthodox. They follow the North Indian pattern of social structure, customs and traditions. The Marwari joint family has always been a social and economic network for

18 the community. There was and still is approval and exercise of joint family due to the nature of occupation they are engaged in. Large scale business enterprises exist as they can be maintained and carried forward by large number of members in a joint family. Not only this, but the pattern of joint family of the Marwaris help in transmission of values to its younger generation.

Important rituals and ceremonies of the Marwaris are 1) naming ceremony of the new born 2) first hair cut of the male child, 3) attainment of puberty, 4) marriage, 5) attainment of sixty years of age and 6) funeral rites.

Naming ceremony or namkaran of the new child is of utmost importance as the horoscope of the new born is prepared. It is also on this date that in the presence of Bhramin priest name for the child is selected depending upon astrology. As the male child grows within the first three years he is supposed to be taken by his family to Salasar in Rajasthan. This is a religious destination in Churu district of Rajasthan where thousands of devotees pay their homage to Balaji or Hanuman. The first hair cut of the male child is undertaken in this holy land and parents seek blessing of the God. This traditional is rooted in ancient believes and generous offerings are made to Hanuman in the temple. For all Marwaris it’s a major ritual to visit this temple of belief, faith and beauty. However, no such rule exists for daughters of the house which is clear marker of gender bias and existence of differences in socialization based on biology.

Marriage forms the fourth important ritual in the life of a Marwari. They have their own custom and marital arrangements. Vivah (marriage) is considered to be a sacred obligation and an essential part of all individual. This is because birth of son able one to attain moksha or salvation. As Manu states, ‘to be mothers were woman created, and to be fathers men’. With respect to Marwaris, marriages are generally arranged by parents and elders in the family. Monogamy is the rule of the community. It is believed that marrying in the presence of holy fire and the saat pheras (taking circles around the fire with the couples making promises) strengthens the bond between couple and makes the marriage indissoluble across seven births of mankind.

1.14 Marwari Women and Kinship System

Researchers and scholars including Leela Dube (1997) have argued that kinship systems provide an important context in which gender relations are located. This treatment of gender

19 departs from the usual analysis of kinship system. In order to fully understand and get a clear picture of kinship network, the study of gender becomes inevitable as both are entwined together. Gender permeates and is deeply rooted in the examination of group placement and continuation, rights over resources, marriage and conjugal relations, matters of residence, right over children, family, kin network and relations and sexuality of women. The kinship network operates through values, beliefs and norms. Kinship organization directly impacts the immediate context of women’s lives. It sustains specific gender ideologies since ancient times.

With respect to Marwari women, they form an important to the cycle of domestic group and preferred time of break up that might occur in joint family with time and requirement. Bargaining power of women is immersed in kinship ideologies and structure of any society. This degree of bargaining power is related to the kind of support a woman gets from natal kin. Other factors that influences her is the availability of education, employment opportunities etc.

The Marwari women have limited choices, opportunities and find themselves in a difficult position to negotiate for themselves. The sole reason for this is the prevalence of male supremacy due to a highly patriarchal structure of the Marwari community.

Marriage for a daughter is usually perceived as ‘her’ destiny. This transfer of women to husband’s house is seen as inevitable in the community ideology. Marriage is an institution that regulates female sexuality and socially approves the sexual relation between the spouses. Membership of her father’s kin group is neither permanent nor complete. As a result, she is not represented as full-fledged member in her own natal house. She has to change her social identity as she travels from her father’s house to her husband’s house. In terms of property matters, values and contents given to her during the marriage is also kept by the husband’s relatives. She lacks the essential control over her own resources.

1.15 Control and Management of Female Sexuality

In the Marwari patrilineal tradition, sexuality and reproduction cannot be separated. This leads to control over women’s sexuality. Followers of the Hindu tradition, the Marwari community considers virginity as a cherished value at first marriage. This concept is directly related to the existence of child marriages in Rajasthan which ensures pre-pubertal marriage with delayed consummation. A Marwari girl is supposed to be guarded properly during her

20 menarche and marriage. Not only restricted to this, her sexuality needs to be guarded also after marriage by her husband. It is of crucial importance of paternity for group membership. ‘Honour’ for the father and males of the house rests upon its women. Sexuality is equated with reproductive power. Marriage as an institution regulates female sexuality and socially approves the sexual relation between the spouses.

This regulates the behaviour of women in every sphere. A proper demeanour is expected of Marwari women where she should take prime importance to her gestures, the way she walks, talks, behaves etc in her domestic atmosphere and as she steps out of the house. Her physical movement is restricted and many a times it becomes important that she is accompanied by someone when she goes to public spaces. As a result, women are not allowed to be idle and should be kept occupied with cultivation of feminine skills like cooking, needlework, painting, sewing etc. Even in cases where women work in the corporate sector, she needs to get an approval of the kind of work she does and the timings.

By controlling her sexuality and reproductive power, patriarchy is reinforced in the Marwari community. It takes away the right of the woman on her own body. Even with respect to the clothes she wears has to be approved by her family members and especially her husband. By inculcating certain dress codes like saree in her in-laws house, patriarchal ideologies seem to confirm its root further. Marwari tradition reveals exercise of the custom of ‘veil’ by the daughter-in-law in front of the elder men of the house. This is further related to management of female sexuality. She is supposed to keep her eye lids down when she is speaking to father- in-law and not look at him directly. Also importance is given to keeping her tone soft and low in the presence of the elder men and women of her husband’s house. Marriage is an institution that regulates female sexuality and socially approves the sexual realtion between the spouses.

There are clear cut rules to be followed when a mature Marwari women enters her menstruation cycle. Women are considered to be ‘polluted’ during these monthly cycles. There are many restrictions imposed on her and she is not supposed to enter the kitchen for three days on the onset of her periodical cycle. This makes her ‘inferior’ to men and she is restrained from cooking and entering the home temple. She is not allowed to touch items at her home and should avoid touching the members, on the belief that it pollutes them. Engaging in sexual activity is considered to be ‘impure’ during this period. While sleeping with her husband she should maintain safe distant in order to prevent him from being polluted. It is believed that if necessary precautions are not taken, then Lakshmi (goddess of

21 wealth) and pitri (house God) will get angry and not shower their blessings on the family. Even childbirth is considered as a strong source of pollution among the Marwaris. She is regarded as unfit for many roles especially in the sphere of rituals and worship.

Chapter 2

Review of Literature

Thomas Trautmann (2000) in the article ‘India and the Study of Kinship Terminologies’, places the origin of Kinship studies in the nineteenth century where anthropology started scrutinizing and observing this area. He states the relevance of understanding kinship terminologies as the key to the kinship studies. Only through comparing and identifying the difference can the kinship terminologies be understandable.

Morgan holds the view that kinship terminologies are instruments for ethnology because they are logically ordered languages and are resistant to change. Hence, the new anthropological object discovered are kinship terminologies which are grounded by language as its basis. Attached to it we have the interplay of history to these terminologies which gives them a structure. As a result, kinship exhibits historical relations among different languages.

Trautmann states that kinship varies from one society to another and one reaches the ‘threshold of the anthropological conception of kinship terminology as a system having logic of its own, comparable to but different from other such terminologies and their logics’. In this article Trautmann also points out that there are different tools of Kinship analysis like Iroquois, Crow, Omaha and Eskimo. He criticizes many early studies of Kinship like that of Malinoswki who tried to explain kinship in terms of algebra.

Coming to the Indian scenario, Trautmann identifies the basic language families for discovering the kinship pattern and structure of our society. He recognizes Dravidian language as one of the three systems of kinship associated with the Indo-Aryan and Munda family. However, the Dravidian language occupies a central place in the study of kinship. Louis Dumont undertook a study of Kinship and calls it the “crystalline beauty” because of the stability in structure and the rules of marriage (cross-cousin marriage) it gives to the understanding of kinship.

A very important contribution made by Trautmann to the study of kinship is his argument that ‘kinship systems are rather like natural languages in that they are platforms on which many and perhaps all different kinds of economic, political and cultural organization may be built’.

He states that kinship studies have always been bound with two approaches -evolutionism and structuralism. The two approaches are quite distinct and their explanation runs in opposite directions. The theory of Evolutionism gives it a direction and irreversibility through its logic immanent in history. On the other hand, history is treated as a restless flow of contingencies in the case of structuralism, upon which the human mind continuously thrives to give it a

24 shape. This point explains the fact how kinship pattern varies from one society to another rather than one pattern being followed by all.

B. Malinoswki’s (1930) article ‘Kinship’ identifies the importance of ‘blood’ in determining kinship ties as this criteria which has become discoloured by the deeds of many anthropologists who give more importance to culture in identifying kinship ties. He feels after all, ‘kinship is a matter of flesh and blood, the result of sexual passion, and maternal affection, of long intimate daily life, and of a host of personal intimate interests’ (Malinoswki, 1930, p. 19). He tries to state his views by asking questions to all that can all these things be reduced to mere formulas, equations and symbols? He mocks at the use of algebra to identify and understand kinship structure in any society. He writes, ‘there is a vast gulf between the pseudo-mathematical approach to kinship of the too-learned anthropologist and the real facts of savage life’.

He is saddened by this artificial approach to the study of kinship without the presence of personal date of family life, full-blooded descriptions of tribal and ceremonial activities. He reveals the ideas that kinship is a real fact that can be understood through the characteristics and features of family, kindred and clan. He is against this injurious scientification and mathematization of kinship understanding.

Going further to the core of kinship studies, he states that there is basically two functional problem of kinship. The first one is the question as to whether kinship in its origin was individual or collective as shown in the works of W.H.R Rivers. The second problem is the commencement and importance of classificatory systems of nomenclature. The real solution to the problem in understanding the origins of kinship is first to clearly understand the nature of kinship.

Malinoswki calls kinship as a phenomenon which begins right from birth and continues till our death. It presents several relevant facts about our human existence corresponding to various stages within our life history. It is a long process of transformations. It commences with the physiological events of procreation and is constantly modified in human society by cultural influences. This is to say that even the biological foundation of kinship becomes invariably a cultural fact rather than just a natural one. He believes that the original ties of kinship are truly individualistic in nature that gradually becomes complex as it develops and multiplies. Hence, the outcome is that man finds himself at the centre of relationships. He enjoys the status of being a member of group or family. He states that in order to understand

25 the dynamics of kinship it is essential to study it with the life history of individual. This should be coupled by the treating terminologies as a continuously dynamic entity rather than something fixed and stagnant.

This leads us to the argument that a phenomenon must be studied in its development. As a result, the focus should be on the ‘observable development of kinship in human life’. It can be understood through determining the attitudes and features of the actors in the drama of kinship. The actors here refer to three basic ones- two parents and their offspring.

Another important concept stated in Malinoswki’s article is the Principle of legitimacy through which a father is regarded as an indispensable element of the procreative group. This legitimacy is given to the father by law, custom and morals.

Veena Das (1976) in the article ‘Masks and Faces: An Essay on Punjabi Kinship’, attempts to focus on the place of biology in the kinship system and the influence of culture in the transformation of nature. In her research among fifty households of Punjabi’s living in the urban space, she states that ‘the biological facts of procreation and copulation are said to create certain primordial ties between individuals, which are strong and immutable, and which belong to the realm of human nature’.

Veena Das attempts to explain through her article that natural forces with which one is born gets transformed and acquires a stable character. Kinship behaviour can be understood only if one is able to come over with these biological forces or facts of nature. An example stated to justify the point is honour. This is one of the most valued ideals of this community which is acquired and enhanced constantly by the people. This is like ‘mask’ which has to be worn to hide anti-social currents which may not be accepted by the community. The main task of this mask is to cover these currents which are operating in the biological arena of man. If one tries to defy this honour it leads to shame and individual remains in the lower self rather than being lifted to the higher-self.

The article gives special attention to the interplay between nature and culture. One may examine moral codes as based on the natural order. As a result, ones defiance of it is treated as something which is against human nature. Veena Das writes that ‘human conduct is derived from a dialectic between this biological substratum and the socially constructed nomos’.

Veena Das further tries to explain the aspect of social kinship in the context of Biradari. A person sharing the same body matters and particles are said to belong to the same biradari and are related to e one another through biological ties. However, Veena Das explains that this fact may just be a biological myth because one may learn to put up certain social appearances for maintaining relationships. In the context of family, there are two levels in which interpersonal relations may be conducted. The first one is deeply rooted in biological ties consisting of unlearned and instinctive behaviour operating in the back stage. On the other hand, there is the exercise of learned behaviour and etiquettes that takes place in the front stage. This can be expressed through paying visits and exchanging gifts to maintain social appearances in one’s biradari.

Patricia Uberoi (1993) in her work ‘Descent Groups and the Kindred’ gives proper explanation on the concepts of descent groups and kindred for the understanding of kinship structure of a society. Introducing firstly at the biological level, she states that an individual is descended both from father and mother. However, while acknowledging one’s descent generally either the mother’s side or the father’s side is privileged depending upon the society. This placement ensures for an individual his or place in one’s society, rules and regulations, and the rights of succession and inheritance. Thus descent may be calculated either bilaterally or unilaterally through males or females.

More often societies are based on the principle of unilineal descent especially in stateless societies where it helps in the formation of discrete or bounded social groups. It gives them a territorial boundary having definite political, legal, economic and religious obligations as stated by Fortes (1953) in his intensive work on kinship studies. This kind of approach in terms of kinship studies is termed as ‘Descent Theory’ as stated by Louis Dumont. In contrast to this approach is the ‘Alliance Theory’ which is based on the relations established through marriage.

Our Indian society is based on patrilineal descent even though there are exceptions in few parts of the country especially northeast and certain communities like the Nayars of South India where the rules is matrilineal type of descent. As a result, descent, inheritance and succession are traced through male ancestors. These types of societies which follow male line are termed as ‘patriarchal’. In case of female descent line due to the contrasting and conflicting roles that needs to be played like- brother versus husband, maternal uncle versus father, it can be referred as ‘matrilineal puzzle’. Patricia states that even though it is believed

27 and conceded that women enjoy more importance in these types of societies, but in reality authority still resides primarily with men.

Another important concept explained in Patricia’s work is ‘Complementary Filiation’. She states that even though the principle of unilineal descent may be the norm in a society, a person may share important relationship with members who may not fall directly in his or her descent group. These relations exhibit specific rights and responsibilities through which relationships are enhanced and maintained. An example may be the special relationship shared between a mother’s brother and his sister’s son in patrilineal societies. This relationship is marked by affection, warmth as against to the formal etiquette and respect that needs to be shown to the elder members of one’s descent group. Patricia states that ‘a person’s close kindred (e.g. parents’ brothers and sisters and their spouses, first cousins and their spouses) –whether they are agnates, cognates or affines- matter much more to an individual in an everyday sense than do the more distant members of the descent group’.

Patricia Uberoi further discusses the notion of ideologies based on the type of descent. She states that a parent’s contribution to one’s child depends upon the social rights and obligations which are in turn rooted in theories of biological inheritance – the rules of descent. The concept of sapinda is a mode of reckoning relational proximity for various purposes. Louis Dumont states that this distribution is never even or uniform. It depends on the range of relatedness and of the material component in biological inheritance between the two legal traditions followed in Hinduism- Dayabhaga and Mitaksara. It’s evident that the rights and responsibilities vary and have different requirements. For example, in a patriarchal society, the funeral rites are vested upon the male members of the lineage. On the other hand, we see the exercise of bilateral rules with regard to marriage where the rule is not to marry close kin of certain degrees on both maternal and the paternal sides. Hence, we say that the masculinist bias is present in patrilineal type of descent.

Iravati Karwe (1990) in her book ‘Kinship Organization in India’ states the absolute necessity of three things for understanding any cultural or social phenomenon in Indian society. ‘These are: the configuration of the linguistic regions, the institution of caste and the family orgnaization’.

The joint family has a certain central locus which binds them together made up of certain kind of kin which may vary according to the type of lineage followed by the family- patrilineal or matrilineal. In the northern states of our country men trace descent from a common male

28 ancestor forming a family. Women are brought in the family through marriage and may consist of the unmarried daughters of the house. Three or four generations of males are related through the male ego as grandfather and his brothers, father and his brothers, own brothers and cousins and sons and wives of all the male relatives. The ego also is related to his own unmarried sisters and daughters.

Iravati clearly states that the northern families are ‘patrilineal and patrilocal and the married women in such a family live in the “house of their father-in-law” (sasural)’.

An analysis of the kinship patterns through the different zones reveal the differences in kinship terms, kinship usages, influence or role of women and men , their attitudes, personality developments, change and durability of various usages. The specific cultural tradition is passed down from one generation to the other through the ‘Great Tradition’, that is, the well documented literary works. Secondly, through ‘Little Tradition’, which consist of songs sung, religious poetry, homely proverbs and narrated stories.

According to Karwe, the Vedas and the Brahmanas do not represent any genealogies in their work. Rituals and other rites have been found through the enchantment of hymns, phrases or certain stories. There are various words used for the ego’s generation: bhratr = brother; svasr = sister. There is also clear depiction of particular words for three generations of affinal relations. The ego’s generation, is called by words like pati, bhartr which means husband; jaya, patni or bharya which is used for wife..

All the kinship terms used in the Vedic literature have been found in the Mahabharata. It covers three generations and relations belonging to one’s family by birth and by marriage. Few more words were added later like bhagini which means sister. The word pitrvya signifying father’s brother is a term used very rarely. The Mahabhrata reveals the common usage of the term pitrvya to refer to each other’s uncle.

Affinal relations are signified by the words like pitamaha for grandfather, pitr and tata for father, matr and amba for mother, bhratr for brother, svasa for sister etc. All the terms are used in a classificatory manner. It should be noted here that all brothers of father and also their sons are called by the name pitr meaning father. In the same manner their wives were called matr or amba meaning mother. Father’s father’s father and father’s uncles are accordingly called pitamaha. Even one’s own siblings as well as father’s brother’s children of the same generation are called brothers and sisters. One’s own son is termed as putr or sunu

29 and also father’s brother’s son is referred by the same name. In the same way, affinal relations were named and terms were used to call each other.

The Vedic Literature supports instances of bias for property possession by the eldest son of the family. Iravati Karwe’s, analysis of the Vedic text leads to the conclusion , “that the eldest son alone “married” , performed the family ritual, inherited property and, at given times, made ritual offerings to the dead ancestors. It was also surmised that because of these duties and rights of the eldest son, the marriage of the younger son before that of the eldest constituted a “sin”, and that the younger brothers had sexual rights over the wife of the elder brother and had to marry her in case she became a widow” (Karwe, Kinship Organization in India, 1990, p. 39). Succession and inheritance of the ancestral property has always been the discretion of the eldest son in the family.

There are instances also when the mother-in-law commands the widow in the family to beget sons through the devr for procreation and carrying forward the lineage. It was a custom for a widow to reproduce through any of her husband’s younger brothers. Another common practice to bear children was ordering the wife to bear children through strangers. This was preferred practice during the Mahabharata times than opting for a stranger as an adopted son. The main theory used behind this was the case of “the seed and the field”.

The Mahabharata and the Ramayan shows no mention of marriages between actual siblings or even of near patri or matri-cousins. There are no marriages between cousins or relatives as they are considered to be brothers and sisters. However a clear exception to this case is the marriage between Arjuna and his mother’s brother’s daughter, Subhadra. It appears that rarely a marriage could be allowed between a man and his mother’s brother’s daughter in the western parts of Northern India.

With regard to the custom of marriage, the practice of getting brides from a place outside one’s locality is still a norm. The other practice is not to marry a person from the patri-family is also evident. With this it is significant to understand the concept of what constitutes a family in the ancient times.

Helmut Schindler (1982) in his article, ‘Alliance and Descent’ attempts to find out the relationship between cognitive capacities of human beings and his social system. This article is based on a discussion with Robin Fox who claims that alliance and descent exist in social organization of sub-human primates. This argument has been refuted by Schindler stating that

30 our notions of space and time are the prime factors of conceptualizing social organization among the human societies. Human society is governed by rules and regulations that cannot be seen to exist among the sub-human primates like apes.

The present article under consideration mirrors certain important features of social organization among the humans. According to Robin Fox, the social organization among the sub human primates can be based on alliance and descent. In the same way, he claims that the same factors of alliance and descent can be applied to understand social organization in human society. Fox also tries to bring in the symbolic super-structure of language with the help of which man started to name one’s own social organization.

1. Alliance: Fox states that sub-human primates are organized by the presence of alliance. In terms of primatologist terminology, the male assembles several females and forms a harem. He describes alliance as a temporary association of a male with several females. It is referred as ‘temporary’ as the tie breaks because of death. This can be viewed also with regard to family units in human society where the unit keeps breaking as and when death of a member takes place. On the other hand Schindler describes alliance as the element of linking of clans, bands or other social units. However, Fox states that in sub human primates, the alliance formed is not comprehensive because the unit might break if any member is lost in between. He states that the harem in primates can be compared to the institution of marriage in human society.

Schindler states that if a kinship group is defined patrilineally, ‘then of the grandparents’ generation the father of ego’s father belongs to the clan, but not the father of ego’s mother. If membership is matrilineal, the mother of ego’s mother belongs to the same clan as ego, but not the mother of father’s ego’. It is a common phenomenon that just after marriage, one of the newly-wed pair has to change residence. Either the man or the woman is supposed to leave the natal house and reside in the spouse’s house. It should be noted here that this migration of the mate does not abolish the membership of his or her own clan. It is functional as it serves as a link between the natal community and the community formed due to alliance.

Another important concept that Schindler defines is the concept of clan. He states that ‘a clan is essentially a conceptual unity inaccessible to the senses’. One can see the members belonging to a clan. There are also symbols to identify and represent a clan. The word ‘clan’ exists in the minds of the people as it is an abstract concept. It can be referred as a mental construct. A dead person or a person living in far distant areas may still be regarded as the member of a clan. So this leads us to the point that neither time nor space can cancel or affect the membership of a person to his clan. With the help of this concept, man is able to form the concept of groups whose members are scattered in different places. This group can be linked to form larger units in society like a tribal group. Another significant aspect contribution made here is the fact that it is the linguistically codified and transmitted knowledge of the past occasions like weddings, death that makes long lasting alliances.

2. Descent: Fox states that descent is a multi- male group with several males and females living together in a horde. In these multi-male groups, there are units called ‘matrifocal’ units that consist of a female, her children and then children of her daughters. Fox refers these matrifocal units as ‘kinship groups’.

As a feature of descent groups, Fox states that in human society neither time nor space affects the membership of the person due to dissolution of the group or by death of a member. Membership to a particular descent group is functional. This means as a member of a descent group there are duties and responsibilities that one has to follow. In return, one is assured support and assistance. Fox also explains that just as matrifocal units are enduring lasting, so are these two features deeply embedded in human descent groups.

Michael G.Peletz (1995) in his article ‘Kinship Studies in Late Twentieth- Century Anthropology’ reviews and examines state of play of kinship studies in late twentieth century. He pays close attention to theoretical advances and shifts in kinship studies highlighting development in Marxist, Feminist and historical approaches, aspects of lesbian and gay kinship.

The author states anthropology’s intense involvement with kinship due to four context- specific factors which are as follows:

1. The questions concerning chronology of human origin and lines of human progress can be explained through an analysis of lists containing kin terms. 2. Anthropologists have not made much progress in developing systematic accounts of the determinants of similarities and differences in the terminologies in question. 3. The study if kinship is dominated by formal and abstract approaches that led Malinowski and others to view mastering the field as something not significant. 4. Finally, our primitive societies based on blood ties are mirror images of our own society.

Further Peletz says that ‘Anthropology’s love affair with kinship has cooled in recent decade, and the ambivalence in question has become more pronounced, or, stated perhaps more accurately, been revalorized’. Important change has occurred in the study of kinship as it has been often overlooked by researchers. The study has been subsumed under other disciplines of social history, legal anthropology and political anthropology and feminist anthropology.

Levi-Strauss’s study is also taken into account in the article especially his shift from content and functioning of kinship relations to underlying relations among its constituent elements. The author acknowledges significance given to ties of marriage and alliance. The move from descent to alliance has initiated reorientation and critical analysis of kinship studies.

A new theme bought into focus is ‘siblingship’ as principle of social order. This was first developed by Kelly in his major study of structural contradiction among Etoro. It serves as key symbol and basic organizing principle in intragenerational relations. It reorients and revitalizes study of kinship. Feminist have shown interest in discovering gendered approaches to study of kinship and marriage. The heightened concern with temporality, power and practice is self evident in the study.

The Lineage Mode of Production is yet another theme bought into focus with special reference made to Meillassoux’s work done among Guro of the Ivory Coast. He states that in ‘segmentary’ societies lineage and kinship operate both as infrastructure and superstructure and kinship relations serve as relations of production and also constitutes normative and ideological systems.

He formulated two conceptions that in caste less societies kinship organizes rights and obligations. Marriage forms the basis of kinship relations and arranges the inequalities that exist in term of age and gender.

References have been made to French and British fieldworkers in Africa among the tribal societies that have emphasized the influence of kinship structures on state policies, trade and colonialism. Reiter’s study on public and private sphere in rural France with marked segregation of the sexes is reinforced by state societies. In these types of societies, women have an obligation of serving and reproducing kinship networks. In capitalist societies, people are reproduced and sustained in the context of domestic kinship system. There is extreme differentiation between public and private because only women can assure reproduction and continuation of people.

Robert Parkin (2002) reviews Linda Stone’s article, ‘New Directions in Anthropological Kinship’ states that in the midst of all the controversies surrounding kinship studies, the major one has been the relationship between kinship and biology. This relationship has been critically analysed by several anthropologists but the mystery has been quite unresolved still. One of the most interesting ideas is presented by Galvin’s suggestion of replacing the dichotomy of blood and law with two important notions of sharing and ratification. ‘Sharing’ has always been a widespread concept in kinship. This provides sufficient ground that kinship might not always be based on biology but it presents a cross cultural model.

Bernhard Nauck (2009) in his article, ‘Patterns of Exchange in Kinship Systems in Germany, Russia and the People’s Republic of China’ provides a comparative analysis of kinship patterns in these countries. He starts his argument by pointing out the two major traditions that influences the critical analysis of kinship patterns and its relationship in the social sciences. The first tradition provides an understanding of the institutional structure and the immense cultural variation of kinship systems through its roots in cultural anthropology and ethnology. The other tradition provides empirical findings on interaction and exchange between generations and among family and kinship members in various stages of life through its focus on family sociology and social gerontology.

1. The first tradition of cultural anthropology provides a macro-sociological perspective. It aims at institutionalization of kinship systems to specific conditions and to the modes of production and reproduction that takes place over time and space in a society. Bernhard states that through this approach a body of concepts to describe and analyse different kind of kinship systems emerges. It aims at providing descriptions of power structures, control and rights of the economic property, type of descendants (patriarchal vs. matriarchal or bilineal), the type of household (matrifocal, patrifocal or

neolocal) etc. These criterias can be utilised for finding out the normative structure and institutional settings of a society. Thus, accordingly a society can be defined to be characterised as “patriarchal,” “lineage based,” “neolocal” or “extended”. The author writes that ‘affinal kinship regime is indeed in many ways the opposite of descent regime prevalent in most parts of the world, as it is based on monogamy, exogamy, neolocality’. 2. The second research tradition of family sociology and social gerontology offers a micro-sociological perspective. These studies primarily focus attention on the exchange and reciprocal relationship between small groups as the basic unit of analysis. The societal conditions and the position of an individual within society are understood with regard to their context. According to the General Exchange Theory, close relationships are featured by complex exchange of varieties of resources that also includes love, affection, monetary benefits, commodities and other services. The exchange of all these resources creates trust and further makes the relationship stronger. In many cases, this exchange might take place in long interval so that the relationship is not lost. Bernhard further tries to differentiate between different kinds of solidarity in a kinship system as stated by Bengtson (1991): a) Structural solidarity: This element takes into consideration the presence of family and kinship members with respect to time and space. It gives them a permanent structure and leads to family interaction through specific arrangements. b) Associational solidarity: It is the type and frequency of contact between the kinship and family members. c) Affective solidarity: This aims at diagnosing the perceived quality of relationships and the extent of emotional bonding experienced with each other. d) Consensual solidarity: This refers to the transmission of cultural beliefs and other values through personal interaction with each other. e) Normative solidarity: It is the extent of perceived mutual responsibilities. f) Functional solidarity: It directs our attention to the functions that one performs as a member of a family and the kinship system. It is the extent of financial, instrumental, informational and emotional guidance given to the members. Items like gifts, personal services, advice etc are also included in this kind of solidarity.

The article also provides essential factors that affect the structure and pattern of kinship system in a society. It states that apart from social and economic policies there are also other factors that determine the structure of kinship. These are factors like regulation in mate selection, household formation, and allocation of control rights and generative decisions of preceding generations in the past. Kinship relationship can be analysed with a social-historical approach keeping in mind the present context of the society.

Louis Dumont (1953) in his article, ‘The Dravidian Kinship Terminology as an Expression of Marriage’, attempts to feature kinship and family in a formula. He took up the dravidian kinship terminology because of its strong and logical character. He states that a kinship system consists of features like classification based on generation, distinction of sex, differences of two kinds of relatives in generations and distinction of age.

Featuring Rivers’ analysis, Dumont states that the Dravidian system is characterized by a special feature with its distinction between parallel and cross cousins and is connected to the qualities of cross-cousin marriage. Rivers’ takes into account a hypothetical condition of dual organization. This sets for the bifurcation of paternal and maternal kin ties.

Dumont differentiates between the two classes of relatives, that is, father’s brothers and mother’s brothers. In the Dravidian form of kinship, the mother’s brother is also the father-in law of the ego. With regard to this, cognatic relation is assumed to be of more importance than the affinal one which is termed to be ‘secondary’. This is because one’s kinship position necessarily precedes one’s marriage.

The main principle of this opposition between the two classes of relatives with regard to the relationship formed when the ego is married to his mother’s brother’s children. It lies with respect to the relationship with the ego. As Dumont states, ‘this relationship we shall call alliance relationship, as the relationship arising between two male (or two female) persons and their siblings of the same sex, when a ‘sister’ (a ‘brother’) of one is married to the other’. This leads to the fact that marriage initiates a relationship not only between the two persons of different sexes but also connects the two groups for the lifetime. However, Dumont clearly states that this analysis can be drawn only within a range of five generations that classifies all relatives of five generations from grandfather to grandson into 16 classes by using 16 distinctive terms.

Dumont further talks about fathers’ generation with respect to the Ego. He states that the position of the father is always defined by reference of the Ego. With respect to genealogical father, he treats father as a ‘class’. There are two elements of commonality and opposition between the father and the ego. It is interesting to note that the common factor in itself is also the basis of opposition for the relationship. Father and ego are linked which is not of alliance but rather it’s of descent or as stated by Dumont ‘kin link’. Their relation with the mother’s brother is in opposition as it is formed due to alliance.

In considering the two oppositions between Ego, his father and his mother’s brother, it reflects the similarity between Ego and his father as belonging to the same kin group while differing in generation. On the contrary, father and mother’s brother are from the same generation but belong to different kin groups. As Dumont writes, ‘each of the two elements (generation and kin) serves under its negative (differentiating) form as principle of one opposition, and under its positive (uniting) form as the basis of the other’.

This brings us to an essential feature of kinship in comparison with other groups is centred around and revolving around the Ego.

Gary Roth (1993) in his article, ‘Claude Levi-Strauss in Retrospect’, tries to draw attention to the insights brought in by Levi-Strauss in his anthropological study of kinship. Roth’s study is based on a critical analysis of Levi’s Strauss publication – The Elementary Structures of Kinship (1964). Levi’s Strauss hints at a shift which took place in theoretical orientation. He attempts to reintegrate Marxian tradition with his study on kinship.

He appreciated Engels contention that ‘in non- or pre-capitalist societies kinship ties played a more important role than class relations and that primitive, or allegedly primitive societies are governed by blood-ties and not by economic relations’.

Levis Strauss named this system of blood ties as the kinship system and aspired to find out a new typology of this system in the realm of new knowledge available during that period of time. His book is divided into three sections. The first one deals with the theoretical foundations of kinship. The second part focuses on the empirical data to support the theories, involving a detailed description of kinship mechanisms. The third portion becomes increasingly significant as it focuses on the fundamental structures of human mind.

Levi’s Strauss laid down the significance of kinship systems for the existence of human society. He viewed society and kinship as co-extensive. Kinship rules create the social state

37 and serves to be a characteristic of society. Levi’s Strauss believed that the existence of kinship was based on rational explanation. The role and functions of kinship varies from one society to other depending upon other factors of social organization like the level of economic development and progress. On the contrary to Marxian Tradition of focusing on economy, Levi’s Strauss main concern was on kinship as a social dynamic. According to Roth, his ideas were not an alternative to Marxian tradition but it was appropriate to understand human activity in certain kinds of societies.

Levi’ Strauss was quite impressed by the arbitrary nature of kinship patterns. In the primitive societies, there was differentiation between certain kinds of relatives and biological proximity to avoid marriages between them. There was prevalence of cross-cousin marriage. This incest taboo banned marriage between certain relatives and was universal in its approach even though the forms or its implications were quite different from one society to the other. He felt that the biological family unit could not constitute a type of basic social unit.

He stated that the biological boundaries had to be overcome and crossed to form a more permanent and expansive unit. Likewise he laid stress on the functions of social group, the exchanges and interaction between members of a group, and the marriage practices. With this analysis, Levi’s Strauss came upon with another key feature of kinship. He stated that the principle of kinship is always interrelated with other aspects of biology, culture and economy.

Levi’s Strauss used his structural analysis as a means to justify the primacy of cross cousin marriage. He posed a serious consideration to the methodological aspect of kinship. He justified the use of linguistics and the unobservable structures of the human mind to study kinship system. He stated that just like a historian’s analysis is based on economic development in order to explain historical development, an anthropologist can use these concepts of linguistics and the human mind to throw light on the aspects of social order.

With this deduction he reached to the core of his findings. He observed that in order to explain social organization based on kinship system an inquiry into the human mind is required. He wrote, ‘an internal logic directs the unconscious workings of the human mind’. There was a shift in paradigm from the material-oriented concern with primary features of social life to super structural aspects of the human mind.

J.A Barnes (1962) article, ‘African Models in the New Guinea Highlands’ is an analysis of the kinship patterns and family structure among the people living in the valleys of New Guinea.

Various ethnographic studies have revealed that this place is featured with the existence of poly-segmentary stateless systems of the Highlands. After 1945, a new generation of researchers and social scientists claimed that this society was marked with patrilineal system lacking hereditary leadership.

The article lays stress on two important dimensions of kinship- i) descent and ii) bounded and unbounded affiliation.

1. Descent: All the adult males in any local community are agnatically related to each other. The men live patrivirilocally after marriage. The social group is divided into segments each having linked with a son and its founder. A careful study of these social groups makes the prevalence of descent system less certain.

The first feature which argues for the descent norm to exist is the instances of numerous and powerful non agnates in the local community. There is hardly a criterion for differentiating between the agnates and the non-agnates. An adolescent boy has the choice in deciding whether he wants to adhere to the local group or join other non-agate group. He has the discretion of maintain multiple affiliations or shift it. A married woman on the other hand, cannot fully associate with her natal house or get fully transferred to her in-laws house. Another feature is with regard to the lack of importance given to remembering the names of patrilineal ancestors.

A unique feature of the New Guinea Highlands is that genealogical connection is just one type of criteria for membership among the social groups. There are other aspects like birth, residence, utilization of the available land, participation in the religious ceremonies and other occasions, symbolic exchanges that takes place etc.

2. Bounded and Unbounded affiliation: A study on the Tellensi shows that an individual’s status and activities are governed by birth which cannot be escaped at all. In unilineal descent system multiple memberships is not accepted. There is difference between membership of a group and residence on its territory. A man is supposed to have a single home with which he is principally identified. The matrimonial alliance is in accordance with social interests. Marriage can take place on individual’s choice within the range of potential spouse. Marriage is prohibited within one’s one clan and mother’s clan.

A sharp contrast to the Tellensi community of the New Guinea highlands is the African society which is dependent on the agnatic kin for economic support. The principle of inheritance and provision of bride wealth play a significant role in African societies. In case of the New Guinea Highlands, a person is supposed to start from scratch and build up his own status and position.

M. Ramakrishnan (1988) in his thesis ‘Changing Patterns of Family, Kinship and Occupational Structure among the Sausrashtrans of Madurai’ carries out a quantitative analysis to examine the family and kinship system of the migrant community of Sausrashtrans. He studies this particular community in accordance with the societal changes that have significantly contributed to shaping of the community.

The study was conducted to explore the internal adaptations of the community to meet the external challenges. Its analysis of kinship and family is based on the transformations which have occurred due to several exogenous factors operating outside the family like availability of education, improved standard of living, economic prospects etc. It uses three dimensions to understand the structure of family and kinship- structural, interactional and attitudinal.

The findings of the study reflect to the fact that no radical change has been found in the Indian family life rather it has exhibited the quality of adapting itself well to the changing conditions of life. It exhibits both continuity and change.

The changing character of the Indian family has been shown with respect to the current trend of late marriages, rising nuclear households, decline of respect and gratitude shown to elders, acceptance of widow remarriages etc. No single reason has been attributed to the changes taken place in family structure. Further, a gap between the ideal and actual family behaviour has been noticed.

The community exhibits the increase in nuclearization as there is a desire on part of the Saurastrans to limit the size of the family. With regard to the changes in occupational structure vertical mobility has been noticed among the white collar employees and traders. There is strong desire for change of occupation among the respondents with low income group. These people suffer from alienation because of reasons like hard manual labour, poor wage, low social recognition and increasing cost of living.

The study suggests that though the community follows norms of patrlineal and patrilocal residence, the ties with maternal kin are quite strong them. There is incidence of cross-cousin

40 and uncle- niece marriage which further strengthens ties with maternal kin. There is no uniform kin behaviour among the members of the community as it varies with occupation and economic classes.

Family culture is composed of norms and values. The study shows that the Saurashtrans are moving towards achievements orientation in their social and occupational life.

Pandharinath H.Prabhu (1991) in his book, ‘Hindu Social Organization’ attempts to establish a skeletal framework of the Hindu social organization and institutions from a socio- psychological foundation. He states that all types of social organizations take birth to meet the needs of the people. It defines the human interests, aims and aspirations. The meaning of human life and existence permeates all forms of organization which tries to establish control over the individual’s life and conduct.

According to Hinduism, life of an individual is entwined with the others. Life cannot be understood alone itself, it comprises of a link that becomes necessary to understand it. As Pandharinath writes, ‘life is a stage of transition from past births towards future birth or births’.

The author discusses important institutions of society especially family and marriage. It acknowledges the definition of family given by Burgess and Locke (1945), ‘a group of persons united by ties of marriage, blood or adoption; constituting a single household; interacting and communicating with each other in respective social roles of husband and wife, mother and father, son and daughter, brother and sister; creating and maintain a common culture’.

Prabhu points out to a very interesting aspect of transition of the family which was in the olden times formed due to biological association. Of lately, it has transformed into a primary social unit of the highest importance for mankind. Researchers and social scientists claim that family as a social institution is of utmost importance to the sociologists. He states the essential functions of family: 1) the more stable satisfaction of the sexual needs of a couple, 2) procreation, care and nurture of the young and 3) the sharing of a home. Even though the implications of family as changed through the years, its primary and socio- psychological functions have remained the same. Man is not born human or a social being. He becomes so through association and communication. Hence, the family becomes the primary unit of socialization in his cultural conditioning.

Further he discusses on the relationship between the husband and wife. He declares that mutual fidelity between the couple till death is of prime importance. Once the marriage has been solemnized with all the rituals then it becomes unbreakable. There is no provision for divorce in the Hindu Tradition. Rather once the marriage has taken place, the husband and the wife are bound to each other not only till death but even after death.

Another important component of the book deals with the status of women in the Hindu society. The attitude towards women occupies social significance in its entirety. Prabhu states that according to the Rig Veda, the husband and the wife have equal responsibility towards in the sacrificial rites.

During the Vedic period, there was no inequality with regard to imparting education to a girl child. However, the content of education varied between a male and female. Women took part in debates and common discussions. Women were considered to be a part of the male. Hence, all responsibilities are shared by the couple. A deviation from this belief is given in the Bharamana. A woman is considered to be intellectually and rationally inferior to men. She is defined in terms of more emotions and can be easily attracted to external appearances. Here one can critically analyze Margaret Mead’s concept that personality and character is differences are influenced by the cultural attitude of that society.

T.N Madan (1989) in his book ‘Family and Kinship: A Study of the Pandits of Rural Kashmir’, provides an ethnographic rich account of the Hindu family and kinship system of the Bhramin pandits in the Utrassu-Umanagiri village in the rural area of Kashmir.

Madan undertook this intensive study as he acknowledges the fact what Rivers had complained of nearly half a century ago, ‘the almost total neglect which the study of relationship has suffered at the hands of students of Indian Sociology’ (Madan, 1989, p. 1). He attributes two reasons for this injustice done with the subject of kinship. The first one has been with the preoccupation with caste and its position in Indian society. The social structure has been equated with caste. Secondly, is the mistaken notion that the unit of Hindu society is individual and not the joint family.

With regard to the Pandits of Kashmir there are certain peculiar rules of birth and adoption. The main custom of recruitment to one’s family is by birth, adoption or marriage. Sexual intercourse is regarded as a material cause of conception. However, there is interplay or belief in supernatural and mystical forces that are supposed to determine conception and lead to safe

42 delivery. Miscarriages and still births are considered to be unfortunate and the cause for it is attributed to bad karma.

Pandits consider that it is the exclusive duty of their sons to take care of their parents in old age. This exhibits the functioning of patrivirilocal residence and patrilineal inheritance. Further ‘it is the sons alone who can offer food and drink to their manes and ‘immortalize’ them by continuing the ‘line’ of descent’. Interestingly, on the other hand daughters are regarded as guests and like ornaments held in custody to be given at the rightful owner’s demand. Daughters are regarded as heavy responsibility. The birth of daughters is not considered to be an auspicious occasion unlike the sons who are believed to get sunlight in the family.

With regard to the rules of adoption, the Pandits stated that the most ‘eligible person to be adopted as a son is an agnate of the adoptive father; in practice non-agnatic kin also are chosen’. Second marriage of a Pandit is not approved even if the wife is unable to bear him a son till the time she is alive. Incorporation of the adopted son as a member takes place through various rituals and practices.

Only through the process of Mekhal or ritual initiation at the age of twelve does a boy enjoy the full ritual status of a Brahman. One becomes entitled to go through the ritual of marriage, bury his parents, offer food and water to the dead ancestors etc. The daughters of the family are debarred from performing these rites and rituals.

The economic responsibility of upbringing a child rests not only on the parents but support is also extended through the maternal or natal household. Even for marriage the parents might borrow money from the natal household because of the excessive expenditure.

Marriage is considered to be one of the most important events in the Pandits life and ensures the continuance of the ritual offerings to his manes through the legitimate son. Bachelors are not treated with respect, rather they are pitied. For a woman, marriage is the only criteria for self fulfilments. The only destiny approved for her culturally is wifehood and motherhood. Marriage helps her to enter the most significant social phase of her life. It is the moral duty of their parents to find suitable groom for their daughter. The Pandit marriage is a systematically organized agreement between two households. This is significant as it gives rise to ‘cognate ties between the families and the households concerned after children are born to the couple’.

As a result, affinal relations are established through certain preferences, prescriptions and prohibitions.

Pandits are divided into many gotras. A person acquires his gotra from the historical or mythological founding sages from whom they claim their descent. A man’s gotra is same as that of the male agnates of his family. Once, a woman is married, she acquires the gotra of her husband. Members belonging to the same gotra cannot enter into marriage alliance.

Another important prescription is the rule of sapinda exogamy. According to this principle, a man is not supposed to marry a woman from the same sapinda (that is, connected by having common particles of one body). This rule prohibits marriage between ego and his or her own agnates of six ascendant generations and four generations of mother’s agnates. Generally, the husband is older than the woman he marries.

General custom regarding marriage is the exercise of village exogamy. Pandits prefer to marry their daughters in nearby villages so that they can maintain close contacts with them, pay regular visits and prevent the withering away of affective ties.

There are three types of marriages among the pandits of Kashmir. The first one is the giving of dowry with the bride in the form of ornaments, gifts, cash etc. Second one is reciprocal marriage which involves exchange of woman and gifts. The third type is marriage involving payments in cash or kind to the bride’s family in return for the bride.

An important ritual in the Pandit marriage is observed when the bridegroom gives some walnut to the bride. This walnut is again given to her father-in-law who blesses her. This is symbolic of the fact that the children which the husband will have with his wife will belong to his father’s patrilineage.

It can be concluded that in the Pandit society, the non agnatic kinship is defined in positive terms as marriage based kinship and is often contrasted with descent based kinship. These two types of kinship patterns are treated as complimentary principles organizing the total kinship system. Descent becomes more relevant in the context of ‘internal order’ of kin groups and marriage in the context of inter-group relations.

Satadal Das Gupta (1986) in his book, ‘Caste Kinship and Community’ undertakes an intensive study of social organization of the Dule bagdis, a backward caste in West Bengal. It

44 describes the social relations among the members of the family and between castes within the village.

Satadal Das carried out fieldwork among forty five villages in West Bengal. On the basis of his intensive field work conducted in Narayanpur, Champatala and Shahzadapur, an open ended questionnaire was prepared for further data collection.

The social structure is analysed in terms of three interrelated concepts of caste, kinship structure and the community framework. The caste defined by the relationship among the people who belong to the same caste. The kinship structure is based on relations based on descent and marriage. Community structure comprises of the relationship formed due to sharing of territory. All the three structure constitutes the total system of the Dule bagdis.

The kinship structure in this case is viewed at three levels of integration: 1) the sansar; 2) the paribar (family); 3) the gooshi; 4) the bansa and 5) the gotra.

The sansar consists of an autonomous family unit made up of a married couple and their unmarried children. This occurs due to separation of hearths followed by separation of huts. The social relations among the members of a nuclear family are based on ties of domesticity and kinship sentiments. It is featured by economic cooperation, participation in the religious activities together and total expression of a feeling of unity.

The paribar is a kin group. It consists of a parental couple with their married sons and wives and grand children. It might maintain a common budget or may be separated as independent nuclear units. The parental household constitutes the locus of authority.

The Gooshi is a localised lineage. It comprises of agnatically related families localised in a village or in nearby villages. The members know the names of all the ascendants through whom they are related. Here the specification is exact in terms of relationships. The unity among the localised lineage can be observed through joint participation in religious ceremonies and social rituals. The bansa is home to several localised lineages. On the other hand, gotra serves to be an interesting feature of the kinship structure. The Dule bagdis claim their membership to one gotra- Kashyap gotra. The community structure of comprises of the ghar, the para, the gram, the tallat and the thana. The relationship is based on spatial proximity.

Satadal Das further acknowledges Iravati Karwe’s (1965), definition of caste as an “extended kin group” in her book Kinship Organization in India. This definition is drawn from her analysis that endogamy and distribution over a definite area make caste members related to one another by blood ties or by the ritual of marriage.

The author states that ‘kinship is the principal basis of family organisation’. The structure of family is based on kin ties among the members. Members have to abide by the normatively defined rights and obligations obtained from the kinsmen. A clear distinction is made between a household and family. The family is characterised by the level of integration of kinship structure. On the contrary, household is defined as a spatial unit and is just one of the several layers of integration of the community structure.

Satadal Das defines a patrilineal joint family as ‘composed of members of atleast three generations who form a joint residential, commensal, coparcenary and ritual unit’. He states that often a patrilineal joint family breaks up after marriage of the second son due to fights and jealousy between the married brothers and their wives.

Leela Dube (2009) in her book ‘Women and Kinship’ represents a clear picture of the intersections between the statuses of women being structured with aspects of kinship in a society. She argues that kinship system provides a significant context in which gender relations are located. The study looks at three types of kinship systems found in two regions of Asia- the patrilineal type found in South Asia and the bilateral type prevalent in South East Asia. Kinship as an object of investigation has been treated differently in her analysis and departs significantly from what is usually found.

The concept of gender permeates in the analysis of group placement and continuation, the right to resources, the ritual of marriage and conjugal relations, family structures and kinship networks. As a result, kinship embraces both material and ideological aspects of women’s lives. The underlying assumption is that kinship systems can be expressed only through values and ideologies. In her studies, Leela Dube takes selected populations from countries of India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines and Thailand representing Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity.

In the introduction chapter, she states that her prime focus is to understand the complexity of institutions that make up the cultural and structural dimensions of a kinship system. In the present study kinship is studied as ‘providing the organizing principles that govern the

46 recruitment of individuals to social groups and their placement in them, the formation of family and the household residence at marriage, resource distribution …..the business of living’.

It was found out that among the business class and landed groups patrilineal and patrivocal joint family was more of a common feature. The Hindu Joint family is looked as a process where the family goes through periods of jointness with different sons. The preferred time of breakup may vary depending upon the bargaining power of the women. Essentially the support of natal kin, employment and education are some of the factors that might affect the bargaining power of women.

With special reference to the Hindu kinship system, Leela Dube states that it is characterized by patrilineal descent. However the functioning units are familial units in which women play an important role. Tracing of lineage becomes important in jural and property matters. It is also related to the worship of deity. Even when a co-residential commensal joint family breaks up, the members are still said to belong to the same family.

Leela Dube writes that in all the kinship systems there is management of female sexuality. A girl has to be guarded during the period between her menarche and marriage. It is believed that sexual desire should be controlled and harnessed. Women’s sexuality is equated with her reproductive power. With sexual intercourse she is believed to pollute herself internally, whereas men that incurred with men it is external. In case of Muslim’s, nikah claims to establish man’s right over her vagina for entire life. Hence, one can state that the basic principle is to control female’s sexuality. The honour of males is supposed to rest on the code of conduct of the females at home. The responsibility of protection from the males gives them the right to control and guard every action of women at home.

Leela Dube goes ahead to describe women’s seclusion in her household and the factors causing it. She writes that purda or seclusion is closely related to the management and control of women sexuality. There is vast difference in the meaning attached to purda in a Muslim and in a Hindu family. The application of purda varies in with class and acts as an important mechanism for segregation and seclusion. In the rural areas, women do not compulsory wear purda because they have to work outside. Only the women from well to do families are confined to their houses and need to stay away from the gaze of strangers. Purda is justified with reference to Islam and kinship organization. According to the holy book Quran, although man and women are equal before God, but their roles vary. Since, women’s behaviour reflects

47 men’s honour, they have to be controlled and protected. The Muslim parda is essentially worn to keep women unseen and unheard by protecting men from any temptation. The women are seen as objects of sexual desire and the men have no option but become vulnerable.

However, veil in women differs with respect to its meaning and practice. The difference with regard to Hindu parda is not to protect female sexuality but the meaning is more subtle. It is believed that women might be in danger and men may be attracted to her. More restriction is imposed on a woman who is unmarried or on pre-menopausal widows. Interaction between sexes especially among the Oswals is controlled by separation of physical space. Among the Hindus, segregation and veiling are strongly linked to rules of kinship and marriage. According to Leela Dube, the veiling and seclusion system among the Hindus goes beyond sexual concerns. It finds itself in the realm of relations within a family or kin group and between affinal kin groups. Particularly in family functions the women may cover their head with veil in front of her mother-in-law, father-in-law, husband’s elder brother etc.

Anthropologists who have undertaken research and written on Hindu parda have made clear differences between natal kin and affinal kin. A woman married or unmarried can move freely about in her natal house; whereas in her affinal house she is supposed to undertake strict seclusion and veiling. Such parda is based on respect for the elders in the affinal house and helps in maintaining certain harmony in a joint family by keeping in line with relations of authority and hierarchy. Hence, it is seen as a mechanism for ensuring solidarity among the members of a family.

With reference to the aspect of marriage among the Hindus of South Asia, L. Dube observes that it is seen as the only necessary and honourable means of managing female sexuality. This is because the important roles for a woman as a wife and mother are tied to the ritual of marriage. There is strong belief in the inviolability and indissolubility of Hindu marriage.

Marriage is also tied to an economic dimension. The tradition of dowry is deeply rooted in patrilineal, patri-virilocal kinship. It has a strong religious sanction. Also known as ‘dahej’ it includes gifts for the bride like clothes, jewellery, crockery and other household goods. There is huge expenditure on hospitality and service. It is seen as compensation for a girl’s loss of membership in her natal household.

Tanika Chakraborty and Sukkoo Kim (2010) in there article, ‘Kinship Institutions and Sex Ratios in India’ attempt to explore the relationship between kinship institutions and sex ratios

48 in Indian scenario. Sex ratios are constructed by categories of caste, language, religion, region which vary according to kinship rules.

This article becomes essential as it attaches family and kinship systems to the rights of women in traditional societies. Several researchers proclaim that kinship system vary from north and south India. Northern Indian kinship system based on exogamy led to lower freedom of women, lower age at marriage, high fertility, higher childhood female mortality and high sex ratios. In contrast, Southern Kinship system which is based on cross cousin marriages increased the autonomy of women leading to sex ratios that favoured females rather than males.

Northern kinship system originated during Indo Aryan conquest. Around 1500 B.C migrating Aryans bought new military and political organization to North West India. Diffusion of Indo Aryan civilization arose due to different regions as they adapted to different local geographic, economic and political factors.

The article also puts forward relationship between kinship and sex ratios by analysing sex ratios by caste, language, religion and region. Examination of caste becomes necessary because kinship behaviour has always been enforced along caste categories especially in our Indian context. Castes further differentiate social hierarchy, occupation and income of any social group. Useful information is also provided by data on caste whether kinship behaviour varied by status and income. Sex ratios are also explored by differences in people who speak different languages and practice different religions. An important reference is made with regard to Morgan’s statement: ‘language not only facilitates communication but often codifies norms of kinship behaviour’. Chakraborty and Kim further states that ‘religious institutions also imposed strong restrictions on kinship and inheritance rules’. Marriage and kinship further differs by geography because regions differ by economic structures, political institutions etc.

The article also provides clear framework for the study of kinship institutions and sex ratios. In ancient India religious and kinship institutions were utitilised to create informal norms and beliefs which would define property rights and resolve problems of conflict.

Significantly, institutions of family and kinship lead to specific consequences for men and women. Taking the case of Europe, it is stated that the country is based on bilineal descent and nuclear family that benefits women by ensuring more autonomy for them. In contrast to

Europe many Asian countries based on patrilineal descent and joint family system restrain women’s freedom on several grounds. Restrictions are imposed on inability of women to inherit property, control of her sexual behaviour, her body etc. However distribution of resources between men and women is dependent on bargaining power of both the sexes within their marriage and kin group. Distribution of family resources affects health, nutrition and female mortality.

The article further elaborates how kinship institutions define bargaining power among different families by placing restrictions on marriageable partners, rules of residence etc. Bargaining power of women is lower in patrilineal kinship system in comparison to matrilineal system. In the former case consanguine women cannot carry forward lineage as opposed to later case of matrilineal descent where women reproduce lineages.

Throughout India woman’s social status, her identity is significantly correlated with marriages which are generally arranged in Indian context. The bargaining power of women lowered with respect to lower age at marriage and with arranged marriages.

Kimberly Theidon’s (2015) research paper ‘Hidden in Plain Sight: Children Born of Wartime Sexual Violence’ is an attempt to discover the plight of children born out of wartime sexual violence. We know very little about living legacies of sexual violence that are product of wartime rape and sexual violence. The article emphasizes on themes of local biologies and transmission theories. ‘Theories of transmission lead to strategic pregnancies as women seek to exert some control over their reproductive labour and to identify the father of their child’. Efforts required to determine paternity are based on naming practices and patriarchal law of father.

An important part of the article is the section on ‘The Law of the Father’. According to United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child 1989, a child born has to be immediately registered after birth to a name and has the right to know and be cared for by his/her parents. The surname becomes crucial as it is the first fact on documents of identity. Identity becomes fixed at this point and is the initial step towards making individuals officially legible.

The researcher takes the case of Spanish speaking countries like Peru where children have two last names listed on their birth certificate and National Identity Card. The two surnames consist of father’s and mother’s respectively. Complication might occur when father refuses to officially recognize the child and take up parental obligation. In case of children born out of

50 rape father’s identity was not determined. If name of father is not given or is not known the child carries last two name of mother. The two surnames ensure legality of the state.

Peruvian armed forces engaged themselves in widespread rape during the internal armed conflict. There was a generalized rape pattern followed. Likewise there was pattern to the names on birth certificates. Many pregnant women in Manta and Vilca found it impossible to ensure the commanding officers to order their subordinates to take up obligation of the children born out of rape. The honour of the military men never denounced inspite of attempted sexual violence on the women and children born out of it. However, even registering father’s name conferred stigma on women and her child.

It can be concluded that the article addresses the issues of children born of wartime sexual violence. There is also a reference made about Veena Das analysis of Indian State policies to recover women who are victims of sexual violence. The women are often tagged as giving birth to “wrong” child. In the case of nation identity was rigidified in service of national honour. Women and children on the other hand were absorbed in family and kinship structures. The customary norms with regard to children of sexually abused women were categorised into one law which were not in favour of the mothers and their children.

Kathryn Coe (2013) along with co-authors in the article ‘Religion, Kinship and Health Behaviours of African American Women’ borrows ideas from Steadman and Palmer who define religion as form of communication with supreme belief in supernatural powers. Members of religious group share supernatural father. Common religion ensures or claims that all members are actual kin who share kin like cooperation. Religion originated when people lived in small groups of kin and ancestors shared same religion. Kins are expected to behave in same manner. Brothers and sisters are expected to behave altruistically towards one another. Metaphorical ancestors are used ‘to provide authority to rules of social behaviour and its enforcement’. Once indentified as a kin they also need to cooperate during rituals and other ceremonies. Importance of religion lies in close, trusting, compromise and enduring ties like kinship ties.

‘Social support is defined as the extent and conditions under which the content of interpersonal ties and different types of support might be provided by people holding different roles (example a mother versus a sister, biological or metaphorical)’. Roles are often linked with certain obligations and well-being.

The paper further defines key elements of kinship ties and discusses how they are found in churches. Kinship, according to some researchers is of utmost importance to distant ancestors. Long term maternal care exists in human and mammalian history because of prolonged immaturity of offspring. Human strategy also ensures protection, nurturing and teaching of children by parents or kin.

Parent-child relationship forms the core of kinship system. ‘The parental obligation is to provision, protect, nurture and guide, or educate the child until that child reaches mental, emotional and physical maturity’. Research shows that human learn best from kin or from people who interact with them like as if performing kinship roles. Parent –child relationship gives rise to even more distant kin like aunts, uncles, and cousins. Halfon and Hochstein suggest that learning is age-specific with different duties learnt at different ages.

Religions replicate kinship model and kinship terms are used to address supernatural beings. Respect and cooperation is enhanced and ensured by kinship relations. Both religion and kinship systems are hierarchical in nature. Elders are like educators whose basic responsibility involves transmission of knowledge to the young.

Another important theme discussed in the paper suggests that kin will intervene if adult behaviour is culturally or biologically inappropriate. Sacrifice and cooperation also forms an important component with close kin rather than with distant ones. Kin share resources and time with another. Church is frequently seen as centres of kinship conducting rituals related to birth, death etc.

Harri Englund (2015) in his article ‘Radio Kinship and Explited Labour in Zambia’ examines radio kinship in context of abundant labour and limited employment opportunities in Chipata. A popular radio personality Gogo Breeze responds to the public’s frequent mentioning of poverty by refusing them as members of generic poor. Rather his approach lies in deploying idioms of kinship. His status for the listeners lies as grandfather on air who has moral authority towards them.

The article addresses the main idea of how Gogo enjoys popularity when he seems to deny clearly Zambia’s main challenge of poverty. His approach to poverty and injustice varied with from other industries that had developed to tackle these problems of the poor through NGOs and various poverty alleviation programmes. ‘It was Zambians’ self-identification as the poor

52 that Gogo Breeze’s radio personality so effectively disturbed’. He summoned the public with a personal approach that neither the state nor any NGO could do.

One should not fail to mention that significant to his status was the tag ‘gogo’ meaning “grandparent” in Chinyanja. His concern and compassion for the poor did not lie in giving charity or donations rather it was based on the idiom of kinship. As a grandfather figure, he would try to understand the circumstances of his grandchildren (the public). Rather than treating it as an object of ridicule it would be a personal encounter between grandfather and his grandchildren. Gogo Breeze key phrase was “Let’s help each other”. It was a form of assistance based on the potential to care for one’s own family by giving grandfatherly advice. He was against giving alms or individual empowerment.

‘Radio Kinship was here an expansive modality of mutual dependence, not a way of connecting dispersed relatives as in, for example, Aboriginal Australia’. Grandfather rather than making the poor an object of ridicule wanted to forget the poor. He summoned public gatherings to engage with contemporary social issues.

Chapter 3

Research Method

This chapter explains the method used to collect data for the study. It contains the statement of the problem, objectives of the study, operational definition, design of the study, description of the area of study, tools used for data collection and sampling procedure used.

Christine Bellamy & Perri (2012) defines methodology as ‘understanding of how to proceed from the findings of empirical research to make inferences about the truth- or at least the adequacy- of theories’. This chapter is significant as it presents to the reader the design of our research so that they can draw defensible conclusions about what might be causing the things we observe. Methodology differs from research methods as it involves drawing deeper conclusions from patterns of facts to ‘explain’ or interpret’ things.

Methodology significantly explains the activity of research, how to proceed, how to measure progress and what constitutes success. It offers guidelines for solving problems with specific components like tasks, methods, techniques and tools. It can be defined:

1. The analysis of principles of methods, rules and postulates employed by a discipline. 2. The systematic study of the methods that are, can be, or have been applied within a discipline. 3. The description of methods.

The choice of the method incorporated in research depends upon nature and scope of the study in question. Hence, it can be implied that research methodology is the science and art of carrying out research in an appropriate manner.

3.1 Statement of the Problem

Kinship and family structure as a subject of investigation has always been rich in potential for a good number of social scientists. The Marwari community in Chickpet serves to be a dynamic community to attract scholars and researchers for its understanding as it has been exposed to drastic changes through the years in terms of family and kinship structure.

Inspite of being exposed to drastic changes the community still retains its identity as a unique social group having their own set of ideas, values, beliefs, norms etc. Being immersed in a patriarchal flow of society, the Marwaris serves as a rich ground for conducting research. Claiming their descent to the male head of the family they share common property and follow strict rules regarding marriage rites and rituals. However, the term ‘jointness’ is basically associated with the size of family, common residence, common property, common kitchen,

55 common religious practices etc. The Marwaris are also well known for their business sense and are always remembered for travelling to different places exploring business opportunities all over.

Taking these assumptions in mind, the present study attempts to understand the organization of family and kinship structure among the Marwari community in Chickpet, Bengaluru. It will also scrutinize the transformations that have occurred within the community due to exogenous factors operating outside the family. Efforts will be made to trace and understand the lineage and the status of women in their community.

3.2 Scope, Relevance and Importance of the Study

The study under investigation is about the Marwari community in Bengaluru which is one of the oldest communities to settle down in the city. The community is a well settled one in the city and contributes significantly in terms of population, occupation and other sectors in the city. It has been able to establish itself as a fruitful community for the city form the past decades.

Inspite of settling down in the city for years, it has still been able to retain its uniqueness and to be identified still as an ‘ethnic’ group. It has its own set of beliefs, practices and culture for which it is well known and appreciated. The community provides rich materials for the study of continuity and change.

First of all, it should be mentioned here that interest in kinship, family and marriage structure among young sociologists, anthropologists and academicians is on a steady decline. As Ramkrishna Mukherjee (1977) says that the reason behind this is partly due to their dissatisfaction with Indian sociology as they find it inadequate for a proper analysis of social reality. Leela Dube (1974) mentions that our present younger generation, seem to be unwilling to go through rigorous conceptual and methodological training in the wide areas of kinship and family studies. As a result, the present research is an attempt to use empirical method to provide an exhaustive critical analysis of the network of family and kinship relations.

However, the Marwaris were selected as subject of analysis as they are still identified as an ethnic group even after several generations have passed. They have successfully retained their culture and have become more affluent in education and business.

Despite the long history of Marwaris in Chickpet, relevant review of literature clearly shows that there are no studies that have been undertaken for understanding the organization of kinship and family structure in Chickpet. The specific features of their immigration to Chickpet, family and kinship structure has not been understood. There are few studies that have been done on Marwari communities settled in India capturing their business ethics and enterprising nature.

Scholars like Anne Hardgrove (2004) have focused on public identity and community of Marwaris living in Calcutta. Even Iravati Karwe’s (1990) work shows similarity with her analysis of understanding kinship and family structure in the Northern zone of India. However, her study is not specific to Marwari community. Important research done by eminent scholars and academicians in the field of kinship, marriage and family, have laid their focus on other communities and other parts of India. Chickpet serves as a potential ethnographic field with the residing Marwari community to examine the organization of kinship and family structure in the light of the external changes that the community has been exposed to. My research attempts to bridge this gap and critically analyze the network of kinship and family which is entwined with rules of marriage.

The study aims at providing specific information about the Marwari community. It also seeks to add to our understanding about the relevance of family and kinship relations in an urban Indian context. The major portion of the research is heavily based on the data collected from the field. This is probably the first field work based on sociological study of Marwaris at Chickpet in Bangaluru.

The study is useful in adding to the stock of knowledge in the discipline of Sociology. It is an attempt to remove the gaps and fill it in with relevant information regarding the basic structure of family and kinship of the Marwari community. It is an aspiration to add on to the theoretical basis and the existing literature and contribute significantly to understand the community and examine its dynamics in a fruitful manner.

Future research aspirants can hold on to this research and depend on it for their further studies, clearing their doubts and for addressing their questions in a systematic manner regarding the kinship patterns and family dynamics of the community.

3.3 Hypotheses

Goode (1954) defines a hypothesis as shrewd guess or interference that is formulated and provisionally adopted to explain observed facts or conditions and to guide in further

57 investigation. It is a tentative answer to a research problem. The main function that a hypothesis serves is to analyze a specific relationship between phenomena in such a manner that the relationship can be tested empirically.

The following hypotheses have been framed for the present study:

 The kinship pattern among the Marwari community has undergone drastic changes through the years in terms of its structure (especially family and marriage structure) as it has been exposed to changes in the external conditions of human life

 Structure of the Marwari Community is maintained by its inherited values and norms.

 Marwari community has adapted itself to the changes

 The Marwari community is based on the patriarchal form of society where female members have an inferior role to play as compared to the males

3.4 Objectives

The objectives in a research clearly states the goals or what exactly the researcher wants to study. The objectives are closely related to statement of the problem. It defines the achievements/expectations of the researcher at the end of the study. Formulation of objectives involves clarity and precision. It ensures that the research process goes in the manner which the researcher had set for to be achieved in the initial stages.

Following are the objectives of the present study:

 To examine the family and kinship network of the Marwari Community in Bengaluru and the transformations that have occurred in them due to several exogenous factors operating outside the family

 To examine the importance attributed by the Marwari people to the various values, beliefs and traditions within the community

 To trace and examine the type of lineage followed by the community

 To understand the distribution of property within family and the position of women

3.5 Research Design

Research design comprises of the basic structure of research work. In the words of Alan Bryman (2008), ‘A research design provides a framework for the collection and analysis of

58 data. A choice of research design reflects decisions about the priority being given to range of dimensions of the research process’.

The present study is based on qualitatively describing the Marwari community. It involves detailed explanation of various facts about the Marwari community. It provides a detailed account of the kinship behaviour and family structure of Marwaris. The researcher takes into account trivial matters because of the significance attached for the subjects as it provides an explanation of the context within which people’s behaviour takes place. The study is based on thick descriptions of social settings, events and other individuals.

Descriptive studies emphasize the importance of the contextual understanding of social behaviour. It views social life as a process. Hence it would be relevant to fulfil the research objectives.

3.6 Data Collection & Analysis

Present study is an ethnographic study of the Marwari community at Chickpet. It’s a systematic study of the people and their culture. It records all observed behaviour. Researcher becomes immersed in cultural pattern as participant observer and undertakes extensive field notes.

Michael Angrosino (2007) defines ethnography as, ‘art and science of describing a human group- its institutions, interpersonal behaviours, material productions and beliefs’. It is practiced in its natural social setting. Ethnographers collect data about the lived human experience to understand predictable patterns rather than mere description. These kinds of studies involve ‘thick description’ (Geertz, 1973) about the context, presentation of minute details, conduct, social relationship etc.

The Marwari families agreed to the presence of the researcher among them as a friend or neighbour. Collection of information was solely dependent on the establishment of goodwill and understanding with the respondents. Participant observation to a large extent defines behavioural context so that one can effectively use tools for data collection. It helps to find out about the people and their life. The data collection tools used in the research are Observation, Interviewing, Focused Group discussions and few case studies. Observation was based on the act of perceiving activities and interrelationships of people in the field with the help of five senses of the researcher. It requires little or no interaction by the researcher with the people under study. This step begins the moment researcher enters the field and is expected to set aside all preconceptions that one might have. Focus becomes quite essential.

Description of behaviours, interactions and profile of the respondents has been given in details in the research. However, interviewing is a process of data collection by directing a conversation with the respondents. It was open ended in nature as it flowed conversationally and accommodated any digressions if found in the responses. It explores meaning through in depth interviews

Ethnographic method was utilized to understand people’s perception on the issues they face in their daily lives. Researcher has not filtered people’s perception on different issues through the outside researcher’s perceptive.

Ethnography calls for a search for patterns from careful observations of lived behaviour. Interviews are carried out in details with the people and the community. Researcher has made generalized abstractions based on numerous bits of data in order to make sense of reality observed in the field. Field research becomes an extremely important part of the research process. Entry in the field (Chickpet) was gained by introducing oneself to the respondents and making them aware of the goal of research. Rapport was established with the people living there to gain useful insights from the field. Researcher has also participated in few rituals and ceremonies like name ceremony, mayee chauth etc. to understand the cultural pattern in an efficient manner. On the other hand, objective observation on those under study has also been made.

Interviews were taken in details from respondents who further guided in giving information about other important resourceful people who might provide rich information on the subject under study. In this manner the researcher could interview individuals as well as carry forward focused group discussions with Adhinath Temple authorities, business group of saree sellers etc.

Ethnography as a method is field based as research is conducted in the natural settings where people live. It is personalized study as the researcher comes in direct face- to- face contact with the people he/she is studying. Constant interaction takes place with the respondents. Present research is a holistic approach as it attempts to get the full picture of the community under study. This ethnographic study is presented in the form of narration from the insider’s point of view. The main goal is to draw the reader’s attention to the experiences of the community in which the researcher has participated and interacted. The researcher collected data from approximately fifty household and interaction with hundred sixty respondents comprising of elder younger men of the house, the ladies and the present generation children.

Researcher has also used both primary and secondary data to gather information. Primary data has been collected directly from the field (Chickpet) with the help of Focus Group Discussions, and Observation. Focus Group method is an interview with several people on a specific topic or issue mostly taking place within the traditions of qualitative research. The practitioner is invariably interested in the ways in which people discuss a certain issue as members of a group. Immense importance is attached to the interaction that takes place between participants in focus group discussions.

The researcher also used Interview Guide which provided brief list of memory prompts of areas to be covered like kinship, family, status of women, property, education etc. it ensued flexibility in the conduct of the interviews.

Relevant Secondary data for the present study has been clearly scrutinized and analysed for the purpose of research. Literature related to the topic has been collected efficiently through books, journal articles, websites etc.

3.7 Limitations

First of all, the present study is based on issues which involve privacy. As a result, many of them in the Community may not be willing enough to give significant data for the study and its findings. Many a times, they may not give appropriate answers to the questions asked which might lead to biases and affect the transparency of collecting truthful data. This may be typically in questions relating to marriage, income, status of women in their community etc. This problem can be overcome by building a good rapport with the respondents and instilling trust in them that the identity of the respondent will not be revealed in any manner.

As the study will be conducted in Bengaluru, it cannot be generalised to all the Marwari community in the rest of India. It cannot be stated that all the Mawaris living across India have the same pattern of family and kinship. Therefore, since the research is based on qualitative method of data collection and interpretation, it cannot be generalised to the whole community all over the country.

Another important limitation of the study is the non feasibility and time constraint to travel to the beautiful, traditional and cultural state of Rajasthan in order to capture the true essence of the system of kinship and family among the Mawari Community. In order to understand the concepts of kinship and family, in its pure form of this dynamic community it would have been much better to travel to the state of Rajasthan.

The present study is restricted to the understanding of Marwari in urban area only. Thus is excludes their counterparts settled in rural areas which may vary in terms of the kinship and family pattern.

The area under investigation for the purpose of research is the Marwari community in Chickpet, Bengaluru. This is a well known shopping area in the Bengaluru South Constituency right at the heart of the city. Its roots can be traced to 16th century ancient India. It’s one of the popular hub in the city but is marked with congestion and ill built roads.

The main streams of business are silk sarees, textiles, silver & gold jewellery, steel and brass vessel. It has a glorious historical past in supplying silk sarees to royal families from the market vendors.

Most of the area is inhabited by the Jain Marwaris who have settled here in Bengaluru in search of good business opportunities. They are involved in a variety of work like specialising in sarees, sweet shops and other traditional items. The area is highly congested with huge buildings. Most of the families have their houses in the top while they own shop at the ground level.

Chickpet is well marked by number of Jain temples with Sri Mahavira Digambara Jain Temple as one of the most famous located in the Dewan’s lane of Chickpet area. The temple was constructed in 1878 is also well equipped with library containing books on Jainism.

The Pete reports a population of 112,076 people in a diverse use area (Residential: 37.5%, commercial 34.6%, Industrial: 6.1%). Pete is distinctively defined with enormous trade since ancient time but has prospered with modernization and development. The area witnesses an inbuilt relationship between occupation & community with deep rooted patterns of lifestyle and belief system.

The Pete is presently inhabited by diverse communities of Devnaga, Tigala, Javheri, Rajput, Marwari, Gujarati, Jain and Muslim. The Gujarati’s and Marwari’s hailing from North Western region of India within the Pete precincts (usually bankers) have gradually diversified their trade from pearl to diversified markets of textile, garments and jewellery. Marwari’s of the Pete inherit and manage their own business enterprises. (Champaka, 2009)

3. 8 Area Map

(https://www.google.co.in/?gfe_rd=cr&ei=TCoKV4SzCuTI8Afkp5-ACg#q=chickpet)

3.9 Chapter Scheme

1. Introduction: This section will give a general introduction and understanding on the basic theme of the topic selected for research emphasizing vigorously on the Marwari Community as a unique social group in the Indian tradition. The importance of kinship and family structure and its various implications will be discussed in this section. A brief introduction will also be given to the historical connotation of the community and its key feature of migration to Bengaluru in search of promising business

enterprises and aspiration for a better standard of living. The chapter will focus on the researcher’s key interest in these areas and the curiosity for taking up the challenge. It will also contain within its ambit the importance, relevance and scope of the study. Limitations, problems and biases is also be highlighted in the first introductory chapter.

2. Chapter II entails relevant review of literature on the research topic emphazing the subject matter and components of kinship, family and other related concepts. It is reflective of work done by eminent personalities in the particular spheres.

3. Chapter III specifies the type of methodology and procedures undertaken for gathering enriched data for the research undertaken. It clearly states the type of research design, i.e, research instrument used, sampling method, subject of study and other related information.

4. Chapter IV contains the profile of the respondents.

5. Chapter V is based on the findings, interpretation and conclusions drawn from the data collected. It will be based on a critical analysis the literature review undertaken and the data collected. It systematically and logically points out the conclusions drawn and the key features of the kinship type and family structure of the Marwari Community.

6. Chapter VI is based on a summary of the entire research process. It highlights and addresses the fruits of research. It is an appreciation and a better understanding of the Marwari Community and the inner dynamism of the community. It sheds light on the uniqueness of the community and how inspite of all the challenges faced in the external atmosphere it has been able to retain its age old customs, traditions and practices.

Chapter 4

Profile of Respondents

4.1 Locating Marwar

Respondents claim their origin to the subjective region of ‘Marwar’, an imaginary homeland of Marwaris that can hardly be found on map. The Marwaris have actively engaged in mapping their identities oriented to a sense of Marwar and Rajasthan. Ironically, it is only since the nineteenth century that the emergent migrant community of traders has been readily identified as the ‘Marwaris’ in India.

The term once referred to the area encompassed by the former princely state of Marwar also called the Jodhpur region of Southwest Rajasthan. The ‘brave and enterprising’ Marwaris were supposedly named after Marwar, the rugged desert region from where they reputedly came. The place named ‘Marwar’ is translated in English as ‘region of death’ to refer to the harsh desert climate that characterizes the region of Rajasthan.

Marwaris form various segments signifying their distinctive features in terms of language, history, cultural & religious practices, social structure, literature and art. However, there are many different castes and communities with diversified traditions of their own. The respondents claim the harshness of the desert homeland as the primary reason behind this community to travel to different places in search of trade and commerce.

4.2 Language The commonly used language among the Marwari community of Chickpet is Marwari. It is a language spoken in the state of Rajasthan. It is popularly written in Devanagri script. It has not been officially recognized as language of education and politics in Rajasthan. There has been recent push to the Government to recognize the language and give it a scheduled status. However, field visit shows that the old generation in the family especially grandfather, grandmother, mother and father of the ego communicate in Marwari. The new generations find themselves using more of Hindi and occasionally English as the medium of communication.

Researcher finds that there is hardly use of Marwari language among most of the Marwari families in Chickpet due to the influence of other external forces like the Bengaluru culture, education etc. On a general talk with Dhiresh (student; aged 14) it was found that the new generation does not feel comfortable in speaking their mother tongue as they do not know how to speak in it though we find a lot of similarity between Hindi and Marwari languages.

This is also due to the non usage of the language outside their house especially at school, market places etc. This shows the gradual fading of the use of Marwari language.

4.3 Middle Class Category Researches in the field show that the Marwaris of Chickpet occupy the middle class category in the social hierarchy of our society. In the broad group of people this category falls socio- economically between the working class and upper class. It is a characteristic of a healthy society.

The Marwaris of Chickpet are from well to do families having sufficient income to take care of themselves and support their family. They are all owners of factors of production and entrepreneurs having steady source of income. They earn huge profit from their small and large scale business enterprises. They enjoy the freedom of choice to buy goods and services having sufficient amount of economic resources at their disposal for market purchase. They are a self-sufficient community earning income beyond the daily wages of a proletariat. Within the Marwari’s there are other categories of low, middle and upper middle class.

Majority of my respondents at Chickpet exhibit the essential qualities of occupying the Middle Class Category while few of them also occupy the Upper Middle Class Category. Few of the families are doing exceptionally good, earning large income and owning high levels of economic property in the form of land, jewellery, industries etc. All the families own private cars and vehicles travelling within India by air. This clearly shows their economic power in the market and resources.

With respect to education all have at least availed primary education at school. However, here we see discrepancy with respect to female education of the grandmother and mother of the ego. All of them have a secure future for themselves and their families enjoying an adequate standard of living.

According to the political class theory, the Marwaris of Chickpet also occupy the middle class social order as they are no more economically vulnerable; have aspirations of a better future, desire order and stability. They also show great affinity to middle class values as they are optimistic about social and economic upward mobility for their children but donot take it for granted. The middle class spend more on health and education of the children.

4.4 The Business Class The Marwaris of Chickpet can be commonly referred to as the ‘Ever Rising Business Class’ like other Marwaris spread out across India and abroad. Much recognized as having the perfect business sense, the Marwaris have been successful in establishing themselves as the ‘business community’ in India. They have tried their hands in all possible business ventures, exploring new opportunities and areas for trade and commerce.

The term Marwari has been widely used to describe Vaishya trading community with respect to Rajasthan. The general stereotype of the Marwari businessman is a Hindu or Jain baniya (Vaishya trader or money lender) carrying lota (waterpot) and kambal (blanket) have migrated thousands of miles from poor rural villages of Rajasthan to cities and towns all over South Asia.

The Chickpet Marwaris are engaged in trading and commerce activities of various kinds specialising in production and sale of varieties of sarees, traditional jewelleries, wholesale dress materials, sweet shops, money lenders and business enterprises. It is famous for kanjeevarum sarees with Kuberan and Sudershan Silk stores being very famous ones. They attribute the success of their businesses to ‘Joint Family System’ where the property is owned and managed jointly by all the brothers or male members of the house. They tend to help community members and this strengthens the kinship bondage, feeling of oneness and trust within the community. The important decisions of the joint family business are taken together. In case of risks and uncertainties the loss is borne commonly by all.

The respondents stated that the success of their business ventures can be attributed to the art of managing and taking risks. They operate much on the basis of institution perhaps based on superior commercial intelligence. Businessmen, especially entrepreneurs are high risk takers.

Undoubtedly, many also pointed a desire to gamble especially on sport events. Speculative markets have existed for as long as trading has. Respondents state that their ability to adapt to situations, flexibility of mind, successfully implementing skills, attitudes and support systems are the main reasons for success as businessmen and industrialists.

4.5 Subdivisions in the Community Interviews and conversation with my respondents show the existence of three subdivisions in Chickpet among the Marwari community. These are basically Maheshwaris, Jains and

Agarwalas who show variation in terms of God worshipped by them and the attached customs and traditions. They differ in their origin and history of the community.

The Maheshwaris are the Bania community originating from a place Khandela in Rajasthan. This segment of the population even though being relatively smaller in number has spread out across the country. They are well known for their economic enterprises. Key examples are the Birla family and Shivkissan. The origin of the community has been linked to many legends. One of them is connected to the ruler of Khandela. They are the key worshippers of Lord Shiva and Parvati.

The second important segment of the Marwari in Chickpet is the Agarwal who owe their origin to the Kshatriya king Agrasena of the sun dynasty. The term refers to the children of sun Agrasena who gave birth to 18 children from which the gotras came into being. Often the community shows close affinity with the Vaishyas. A unique feature is the worship of Rani Sati (woman who jumped into the funeral pyre along with her husband). They also celebrate Makarshakranti and Raksha Bandhan.

The third segment comprises of the Jain Marwaris who have been the last direct representative of the Shramana Tradition in India. They follow Jainism, the religion taught by the twenty-four propagators of faith called Tirthankaras

4.6 Education The Researcher found that education in the Marwari community was not considered to be a significant aspect of the life processes of this particular community. Only few of the families gave priority to education. On an average the Marwari men successfully complete graduation while women are made to undergo training in home science and take special classes of sewing, knitting, cooking, tailoring, parlour, art & craft, painting, designing, applying designer mehendi etc.

There was a difference noticed in the attitude among the respondents in utilizing the family’s resources in availing education with respect to girls and boys. As girls are expected to marry within the age of 19-22 years, they are not able to carry forward their educational aspirations and goals. Men on the other hand, get graduated especially in business courses so that they can easily take up the father’s business and carry it forward.

However due to the influence of Bengaluru culture and development of rational thought there are new trends witnessed among the respondents with respect to the educational field. Third generation finds itself more open to education where even girls are allowed to choose their fields of study and career options. Instead of taking up home science training, it was found that they are more engaged in exploring new fields of study and professions like science, doctors, chartered accountants, literature, banking etc.

On the other hand, men have become decisive enough to opt for more diversified field of studies and join the service sector rather than joining family business. This trend is important to state as it points to a new dimension of the community where social change has taken place and shows how the community has adapted itself to the influence of certain other values and trend operating externally to the community.

In some cases they are instances when men of the family have travelled overseas especially to US, Canada, Australia etc. for higher education and job opportunities. However there were no cases of females travelling abroad specifically for education and job opportunities.

4.7 Merchant Houses as Spectacles of Modernity The respondents stated that they have visually spectacular ancestral houses built between 1860-1930 by migrants merchants in colonial South Asia.The numerous small towns of Jhunjhunu, Mandawa, Fatehpur, Sikar, Nawalgarh etc. have dozens of huge painted mansions. The palatial Marwari courtyard houses known as haveli are walled by vivid colourful paintings. These paintings feature diverse scenes ranging from the epic Mahabharata to European manufactured locomotives.

The Marwaris have travelled far away from their homeland in Rajasthan. However, they have constructed beautiful huge mansions and left it under the care of watch keepers. These havelis have attracted thousands of tourists for its architecture and design from across the world. As George (1996) writes, ‘The Marwaris today have completely abandoned Shekhawati, leaving their havelis (mansions) in the care of guardians who live sparsely without the means to keep people from pillaging them. Some of the houses are occupied by destitute squatter families, who, for a couple of rupees, eagerly hasten to open the doors for visitors. But, the rich Marwaris, upon whom it falls to restore these homes, are much too caught up in the rough and tumble of the great Indian metropolises, to come back into the tiny lanes of Shekhawati’.

The ancestral houses of the community were typically built by migrant traders who had left their homelands in search of the riches to be earned through the vast trading networks of colonial capitalism. The global cotton crisis of the 1860s along with development of transportation prompted merchants to migrate and become part of diasporic trading networks that stretched from Rajasthan to the colonial cities of Calcutta, Bombay and then much later to Bengaluru. These traders within no time emerged as the new capitalist class in India and attempted to gain political, economic and symbolic power. The Marwaris travelled by foot, camel and riverboats from Rajasthan to other places across India for trade and commerce. After they earned massive wealth through their hardwork the emigrant traders and moneylenders sent economic resources (money) back to their place of origin to construct and decorate their houses

The researcher found similarity among all the types of houses which the Marwaris occupy at Chickpet. This diasporic trading community have felt the need to create an identity for themselves through the development of hybrid forms of vernacular domestic architecture. The tradition of every family of owning haveli as their ancestral house back in Rajasthan is a unique feature to be addressed here. The families atleast once a year visit their haveli in Rajasthan and stay there for a short duration of time.

4.8 Festivals Festivals and festivities occupy an integral part of the social life of the Marwari’s in Chickpet. Interviews reveal that festivals are not only an important social events but even the rulers of Rajasthan were involved deeply into it. Travellers are deeply touched by the grandeur and pomp of many colourful festivals of the Marwaris. Though many festivals and rituals celebrated are common among the Hindus but differences were noticed with respect to the environment, music and dances. Some of the significant festivals observed in the field were as follows:

1. Holi: Respondents state that celebration of Holi marks the arrival of spring and is held in honour of Holika. Holika was the sister of the mythological king Hiranyakashyapa whom the latter used for burning his own son, Prahlad to death. Ultimately she died so it was the victory of good over evil.

On this day, people play with colours. It’s the time when all family members, friends and relatives come together and celebrate the joy. An important aspect noticed was the

taking of blessing of all the members from the elders of the family. Variety of food is cooked at home and is eaten together by all the members. Celebrations also call relatives staying out of station to come together, celebrate and experience social solidarity.

2. Vasant Panchami: Commonly known as the festival of ‘Gauri’, Vasant Panachami is celebrated with rigour and joy among the Marwari’s. Gauri is the goddess of the Hindus worshipped all over the country. Her name signifies ‘yellow’ and she is the incarnation of Parvati, the consort of Lord Shiva. This festival started when a group of Maharana’s people went in search of the clay of which the Gauri statue would be made. After it was made, the idol was decorated and dances were performed of it.

3. Ganesh Chouth: The Marwari’s celebrate this yearly festival with zest and energy in honour of Lord Ganesha. It is a day to celebrate Lord Ganesha’s birth as he was born on a fortnight (chaturthi) of the Hindu Lunar month of Magh. Also known as ‘Ganapati’, which literally means chief of the ‘ganas’ or attendants of Shiva, Ganesha is the foremost celebrated God among the Hindus.

Respondents reported that this festival is given utmost importance in their custom and tradition. Arrangements are made well ahead of time. A clay idol is bought home, beautifully decorated and offered prayers. Special ‘prashadum’ ladoos (sweets)are prepared and distributed among the relatives and close members of the family. The puja is presided by the eldest couple of the house who sit through the entire ritual of makings offerings and conducting prayers in the presence of a Bhramin Pandit. On this auspicious day all the members of the house fast until the ‘Shubh Aarti’ and then later eat light food devoid of salt, garlic and onion.

Right after the ‘Aarti’, the younger members of the house touch the feet of the elders and seek blessings. It is a day when all the members of the kin group come together and enjoy the feeling of being one.

4. Gangaur: Traditionally, Ganguar has been celebrated since years ago in the cultural state of Rajasthan. It is observed among the Marwari’s with great colours and

celebration by womenfolk who worship ‘Gauri’- the consort of Lord Shiva. Gauri stands for ‘Parvati,’ symbolizing marital bliss or sobhagya.

5. Dussehra and Navratri: These are the two other major festivals. Dusshera is preceded by none days of ritual fasting, its rigour mitigated somewhat by the religious sanction of one meal a day. Dussehra among the Marwaris means the Tenth Day of the bright half of Ashvin. Also known as Vijayadashmi it marks the victory of Lord Rama over Ravana, the demon king of Lanka. Diyas (oil lamps) are lamped and crackers burnt in the evening. It is a day that marks social solidarity in the family as all members come together and celebrate this auspicious day. The goddess of Laxmi is offered prayers and rituals are performed.

6. Teej: The festival of Teej welcomes the monsoon and is celebrated primarily by young girls and woman with dances and singing songs. It is dedicated to goddess Parvati and her union with Shiva. On this day, Lord Shiva accepted Parvati as his wife after years of fasting and dedication for him. The Marwari women wear bangles and bindis on this day and her given gifts by the elders. It was observed that the mother-in-law has to give a piece of jewellery to her new daughter in law after new marriage. On this day a special sweet called ‘sattu’ is prepared in the kitchen and is eaten by the girls after seeing the moon.

4.9 Temple Visit Researcher found the ritual of visiting temple atleast by one elder member in the family on a daily basis. This was a usual occurrence in most of the families exhibiting faith in God. The respondents stated that this culture of seeking blessing early morning before starting the day has been passed on from generations and is a major source of their custom and tradition. Devotees offer prayers and offerings like fruits, flowers, holy lamp etc. daily especially the ‘mangalum aarti’.

Many temples are located in and around the Chickpet locality with the ‘Adinath’ Jain temple being the most famous one. Being constructed by the Jain Marwari’s, it symbolizes the existence of the belief in supernatural power, faith and wisdom.

Apart from the Jain temples there is Shiva Temple which abodes the statue of Almighty Shiva linga. It is considered to be sacred and the Marwari’s show great respect and reverence as they believe that Shiva is our generator, operator and destroyer of life on earth. The temple also has a small idol of Lord Ganesha which is an elephant headed being (Shiva’s son). Lord Ganesha is considered to be auspicious for all new start ups and heads all ceremonies of the Hindus as it is believed if Ganesha presides in any venture everything would go smoothly.

Apart from visiting the temples daily by atleast one member of the house members of the family believe in visiting the temple on special occasions like birthdays, anniversaries, before travelling to a new place, starting new business enterprises or any other work etc.

4.10 Rajasthani Turbans Commonly referred to as safa, paag or pagri,the turban is the most visible part of a Marwari man’s dress and among the Rajasthan’s perhaps the most important. The Researcher found it interesting to notice the changes with respect to turban wearing among the Marwari’s of Chickpet.

Observation in the field reveal that respondents of the older generation still wear turban all times of the day whether at work or at home as it marks their identity and chivalry. However, the males of current generation due to the influence of external culture of Bengaluru do not feel the necessity of wearing a turban. Weddings and important festivals stylish designer turbans are worn by all the males in the family irrespective of age.

The average length of a turban is nine meters. Saffron is the colour of chivalry and hence, are worn at weddings, special occasions and festivals. There is history associated with the culture of wearing turbans. In the past warriors would go to battle clad in saffron headgear. While white, dark blue, maroon and black turbans are worn during periods of mourning, the Bishnoi community of Rajasthan wears white all times.

While the tradition of turban wearing also springs from protection against the sun, it has also come to symbolize honour. If a turban is knocked over it implies insult; placed on another man’s feet suggests complete surrender; an exchange of turbans signifies brotherhood; if a man carries a turban to present it to a woman, it tells of her husband’s death.

4.11 Prevalence of Joint Family System A common feature noticed by the researcher in the field visit was the prevalence of joint family system in the community except for few cases where the family is nuclear based. People belonging to the same ‘male’ bloodline stay under one roof eat food prepared under the same hearth. This reveals clearly the existence of patriarchy in the Marwari community where male enjoys all the authority and power. Women on the other hand occupy a subordinate position with respect to decision making, owning property and working in the public sphere. In case of special occasions like marriages, festivals members come together to assist each other financially, emotionally and celebrate the occasion.

Important decisions in the house with regard to property and other matters are taken in joint consultation with all male members of the house especially the head of the family plays a vital role in deciding and implementing any decision.

Property is owned jointly by all the male members of the house in equal proportion passed on from the fathers and ancestors.

4.12 Marriage: An important Life Event

Interviews and observation in the field shows that the ritual of marriage among the Marwaris of Chickpet is given utmost significance in the life of an individual. There are differences in attitude towards a girl’s marriage and a boy’s marriage. Parents face the big task of marrying away their children as huge responsibility on part of them. Successfully getting their children married in their presence is considered to be blissful for one’s death.

When a male is married off the burden faced by the parents is of a different kind as opposed to marrying one’s daughter which is seen as a big burden by many of the families. Generally referred to as ‘Big Fat Indian Wedding’, the arrangements, customs and traditions involve lot of financial burden not only for the daughters of the Marwaris but also for their sons. Marriage is considered to be sacred and fulfils the meaning of life. Since childhood daughters are prepared (through the socialization process) to take up the Grihastha Ashram of life has significant one. They are trained to cook food, do domestic chores, look after the family, be affectionate, speak softly, be gentle etc. so that once they grow up they will be married of to good person. On the other hand, men are taught to be brave and courageous.

Girls in many of the Mawari families are treated as ‘Paraya Dhaan’ (someone else’s property) and from their childhood they are prepared mentally that the father’s house is not her house. Her house is rather the house she will be married in, that is her husband’s house. There was clear existence of the practise of ‘Dowry’ (bride price to be paid to her husband’s family) among the families visited.

With respect to the Marwaris, marriage is just not union between two people but is a union of two families. There are gift exchanges that take place not only during the wedding but even aftermath. The girl’s family has to constantly give gifts and other possessions throughout their life especially during birthday’s, when a baby is born etc.

Chapter 5

Data Analysis

5.1 Operational Definition of Family Commonly known as parivar, khandan or kutumb family is a grouping of households of agnatically related men, their wives and unmarried sisters and daughters. There are three types of family: nuclear, semi-extended and joint. The following definition has been adopted to classify the three types. A nuclear family consists of father, mother with their married or unmarried children. A semi-extended family is described as a situation when any one of the parent’s spouses or any other unmarried dependant relative stays with the couple. However on the contrary, joint family means a household which consists of a minimum of two married couples their children and relatives staying together in same house.

The first objective of my research is highlighted in this section where it deals with the structure of Marwari family. Based on the above definitions, the Researcher found prevalence of majority of the family staying ‘jointly’ as family tradition. This ‘jointness’ can be seen with respect to number of members staying together and cooking food under same hearth, commonly shared property, values, beliefs and rituals. Marwari joint families at Chickpet consists of many generations living in the same household, all bound by common relationships. It consists of patrilineal joint family made up of older man, his wife, their children and grandchildren. Women enjoy the privilege of being maintained by men. However, they have limited and provisional rights of inheritance and ownership. The components of male constitute a coparcenary (joint heirship). The three lineal ancestors who have the right and obligation to perform shraddha (ritual offering of food to dead ancestors) are his father, father’s father and father’s father’s father.

However, a new trend found was the upcoming of more nuclear families as a characteristic of Marwari families at Chickpet. There are many houses which accommodate only the couple with their unmarried or married children. Many cases reveal that couples want to stay independently after marriage and visit parents regularly which may be weekly once or twice. Old parents generally stay with the eldest couple and their children.

5.2 Family Structure

The Marwari family structure at Chickpet is unique to the Bengaluru tradition and culture where many of the families reside in nuclear and extended houses. The community has been successful in maintaining its ancient tradition of staying ‘jointly’ and sharing close bonds with kin groups. Conclusions of the interviews were a clear reflection of how majority of the

78 family members enjoy staying with one another and are a source of support and advice at all times.

An ideal joint family at Chickpet consist of having members ranging from 6-12.This consists of three generation members staying together. The elder couple with their children and grandchildren stay together. The elder couple share very close bonds with their grandchildren and exhibit love & affection for them. The couple ideally has 3-5 children out of which most of them are married and stay in the same house. Members of the house depending upon their position and role are vested with different entitlements to family resources by social consensus. There is a change in attitude among the younger sons of the family with respect to staying together in the same house. Many of the Marwari families in size and composition preferred to adapt to urban conditions than adhere to urban conditions .They desire to stay in an independent house with their wife and children. This can attributed to the change on value for availing autonomy, increase in education and influence of external Bengaluru culture.

The structure of the family is based on Patriarch or ‘father’s rule' and lineage is traced through male ancestors. The eldest male of the house enjoys powers and authority with respects to all matters. The male have ultimate right over the properties and also their children. The metaphor of seed and ground is apt to be used here. The father enjoys power on his children as his sperm is considered to be the seed and women’s womb ground. As a result, the farmer has full right over the fruits (children) that he has sown in the field.

A unique feature of the joint family is the importance attached to the position of the eldest son. He is regarded as the centre to which the love of the parents converges. The father finds extreme happiness when the son clasps his hand and learns to walk. Equally loved and papered for the mother is her son. The community follows Manu tradition of achieving eternal bliss only through acquisition of male child by the mother and the father.

He has the authority to offer the funeral rites at the death anniversary of his father and ancestors. Only through the birth of the eldest son the father can be freed from his debt to manes as it is passed on to his son. All other male offspring are of desire. The eldest son has claim to honour and respect in the family by all other members. After the death of the father, sons generally live under control of eldest brother, paying him same respect and reverence as paid to the father. The eldest son feels that he alone can do things right and exercises immense authority in taking relevant family decisions.

Organization of family has been constrained as much as by demographic processes as by economic realities and ideological prescriptions. Data shows clear affinity between occupational background and economic status of the family. Families involved in large business enterprises especially manufacturing and selling of dress & saree (traditional attire wore by Indians) materials enjoy high economic status and reputation in the society. Whereas small money lenders, utensil sellers & families owning other small business ventures do not enjoy high economic status as they earnings are less compared to other Marwari families who are owners of big business enterprises. They generally deal with lakhs and crores of rupees have high purchasing power.

A clear distinction has also been found with respect to educational qualifications and type of family. Families with members who have borne the fruits of education aspire to live separately with their wife. On a conversation with Ankit Biyani (respondent; unmarried; Chartered Accountant by profession) stated that he preferred to stay independently after marriage. He said that he didn’t have any problem in staying jointly but staying independently would give him more freedom in terms of the daily life activities, decision making and more time to spend with wife. A new feature marked was the prevalence of working women in many families.

5.3 Relevance Attributed to Family The observations and interviews hold the important attached so the institution of family at the primary level which itself is a universal phenomenon not only in Marwari community but across human civilization. Among all the organizations the society holds none transcends the family in its intensity of sociological significance. As a social institution, family fulfils certain basic needs and wants of human. Its significance is too deep rooted and embraces socio- psychological aspects.

The Marwaris of Chickpet hold that it is only through family the sexual desires and gratification can be channelized and fulfilled in a proper manner. Sex is considered to be the basis of marital relations apart from understanding and other aspects that builds relationship between couples (pre-marital sex is considered to be a taboo). Elders of the family give significance to family as it leads to procreation and continuity of generations other than just sexual gratification. As stated by Suman Garg (Respondent; aged 45) ‘Family is significant, as we are whatever today due to family members who care and always support us during illness and otherwise’. It provides care, affection and nurtures the young ones and support to

80 the old and sick members of the house. There is sharing of resources among the members of a family.

Family norms and values are transferred across generations through the process of socialization provided by the parents and other members of the house during early years of child development. In conversation with Megha Chachan (Respondent; housewife), she laid stress that her family like other Marwari families give utmost importance to specific socialization values and believe in inculcating them to their offspring. Specific values like training daughters in terms of cooking, stiching, taking care of the family members are quite essential. The child is surrounded by social definitions and commonly held moral attitudes. Conceptions of right and wrong are clearly stressed on from time to time. Ritualistic traditions particular to the family are also taught and its significance clearly stated by elder members of the house. The emotional and mental interaction with members in the family helps in the development of basic traits of personality.

Another importance of family is that it provides wishes for new experiences, for security, recognition and for response. Every individual takes his first lesson in the satisfaction of their wishes in family.

5.4 Patriarchy The Marwari community in Chickpet is perfect example of patriarchal society based on father’s rule and tracing of lineage through male ancestors. The hypothesis of my research that the Marwari family is patriarchal thus holds to be true. Privileges are confined to the males and females are given subordinate position where their lives are defined by the men of the house (father before marriage, husband after marriage and then rule of the son). The ‘kula’ is an aggregate referring to kin-group under the leadership of males. It is patri-clan based on locality. There are many implications to it. The eldest male of the house enjoys respect and has the supreme power and authority in matters relating to property and other important issues. Any plan of action thought of cannot be taken in his absence or without his consent.

There was clear-cut following of the concept of ‘sapinda’ (sa= together; panda= ball of rice; a body) among all the Marwari families in Chickpet. It plays significant role in marriage regulation, death ritual and inheritance. This ritual has been followed from the Vedic times. According to it, a man solemnly offers balls of cooked rice to his dead ancestors on the full

81 moon and new moon days. This ball of rice is the ‘pinda’ also meaning a bit of flesh. It gives the right to a male to offer rice (pinda) and also means all those who share the same body.

In patrilineal Marwari family, wife was not sapinda of her husband, father-in law etc. She does not enjoy the right to offer pinda to anyone in her husband’s family. She also has no right of inheritance of property or the will. The status of women born in the Marwari family is such that she is not valued but rather treated as material for marriage or exchange.

There is also existence of gotra system among the Marwaris of Chickpet. The word means ‘cattle enclosure’ representing complex houses belonging to a patri-family. Gotra is the name of the male head and is transferred through generations. Significance of the gotra lies in marriage rituals, death rituals, birth ceremonies etc. The families belonged to different gotras. Some of the common ones are as follows:

1. Agarwals : tayal, dharan, garg, goel, jindal, kuuchal, mangal, singhal, mittal. 2. Maheshwaris: chandrans, kaschap, gowans, paras, balans 3. Jains: tater, bafna, balaha, virhat, aditya, kumat, didu, sancheti, buri

Existence of extreme patriarchal relationship between husband and wife exists in many families. It is important to mention here that conversation with few women of the house revealed the existence of physical torture and domestic violence. As Geeta (name changed) stated, ‘he comes home and if the cooked food is not good he tortures. He asks me to go back to my house as I am useless’. Few cases of drinking and abuse can also be registered. Few men are in the habit of drinking alcohol daily. (They have this habit since they passed out from college). Women feel unsafe at times when husbands come back drunk. This also negatively impacts the socialization of their children. With respect to decision making many families don’t think that it is important to consult their women.

In the midst of this paradox, there are also families in Chickpet who regard the women of the house as ‘Goddess’. They exercise power and authority especially on the daughter-in laws and daughters of the house. Male sons are closely attached to their mother and the daughters to their fathers. The case of Mangala Agarwal (Respondent; aged 61) becomes relevant here. She states that she has always been given importance in decision making of the house. All the family members abide by her suggestions. Her two sons (Rohit and Shivam) are ready to do anything for her and touch her feet every morning before they leave for work.

There is perfect division of labour between the sexes. As Pravin Somani (Respodent; businessman) stated that its men’s business to get the income for the house, while women should look after the children and perform household chores. The men are supposed to work and are the bread earners. There are basic providers of finance in the family. On the other hand, women are made to do domestic chores, take care of the children and be in the ‘private’ sphere. Entrance of the women in the ‘public’ sphere along with their husbands is not allowed and taken positively. There is clear separation of the ‘private’ sphere of the house and the ‘public’ sphere of the outside world where men work.

5.5 Tradition vs. Change The traditional joint family structure has changed in its inner dynamics to accommodate the changes operating outside the family. The traditional old conservative family has been introduced with new relations, new forces and altered the structure of the institution of family among the Marwaris in Chickpet. Few respondents stated, ‘the family is collapsing’ while others view ‘it as merely diversifying…. We now engage and should encourage variety of family forms and sexual life’.

To begin with the family structure has exposed itself to new ideologies favouring more autonomy and freedom for the girls. According to Ankit Biyani (Respondent; aged 27; Chartered Accountant by profession) the community has become more open and accepted Western ideas and culture in various fields. Introduction of education has transformed their conservative mindset and given them a chance to explore different opportunities. The community has become acceptable to the ideas of others. Instead of only the males having the authority of taking relevant decisions the families now go for collective decision making. Here in the women of the house are also taken into consideration especially cases of choosing marriage partner for their children, their education, job aspirations etc.

There are examples of brothers setting up separate households and dividing the property if they find living together problematic. The partition of complex households into separate households is a fact in the family.

Impact of both the parents working has lead to different functional consequences for the child development. The children spend more time outside the house playing games, meeting friends as opposed to staying at home with the larger joint family. Some also become closely attached to their siblings. Children learn to live independently and take care of themselves

83 better in the absence of parents during the day. Parents come home in the evening and discuss shortly with the children about their daily experiences at school and outside the house. Parents now spend less time with them and socialization process has undergone change. Many cases the children are more stuck with technologies like mobile phones, laptops, I- pods, etc spending hours with it. This is a new change that has taken place and needs to be addressed. It has changed relations and attachment towards the members of the house staying together and even distant relatives. Given a chance children spend more time in social networking sites than talking face to face with their parents after coming from school or work. Radhika Rathi (Respondent; mother of two children) complained that her children don’t talk with her much. They are always engaged in electronic gadgets and media.

A new insight into the family structure also reveals educated males to be in favour of modern education especially their daughter’s or wife’s education. Educated males search for educated brides in case of selection of marriage partners. Chartered Accountant by profession, Ricky Saraf (Respondent; parents in search of bride) holds the preference of marrying an educated bride who would work and be independent. The reason attributed to this phenomenon is that education transforms outlook and gives compatibility in thinking.

City dweller sons of the Marwari families at Chickpet have become more spatially separated from all relatives. Distant relatives are treated to be less important to the present generation. They donot make an extra effort to stay in touch and be associated with distant members of the family. The case becomes worse when the relatives don’t meet for years. The Ego of the family in many cases is not aware of many distant relatives that his parents and ancestors are associated with.

A custom which still prevails but has undergone change is the right to choose partner for marriage. Ancient old custom decides that parents and elder members of the house arrange marriages for their children. With the introduction and influence of other cultures, many families in the community finds itself open love marriages and right to chose one’s life partner. The new generation cannot be forced by any chance to marry someone out of their choice. This also has made the community to open itself to inter caste marriages. Sanjay Mundra (Respondent; aged 28) got married two years ago to a Bengali (Shreya Chakraborty) is a clear reflection of how traditional Marwari families have become more flexible to inter caste marriages and welcome with an embrace the practice of love marriages.

The family also witnesses change in terms of number of children in a family. The new generation finds itself home to maximum of two children (preference is one male and one female). Few exceptional cases are also registered who have single daughter and the couple is satisfied. This is totally a new attitude found among some families in this particular community.

Another change associated with respect to Marwari family at Chickpet is the introduction of divorce practice among few families. The practice of divorce has always been tabooed in this community since ancient times. However, with the introduction of modernization, change in values and influence of Bengaluru culture the community has somewhat accepted divorce. Marriages between couples which do not work out opt for divorce before the court. The community has become acceptable and supportive towards divorce which was never allowed in this particular community. Divorce is filed in cases of dowry, non compatibility between the couple, extra marital affairs of either partner, domestic violence etc. After divorce the man and woman may marry someone else (Majority of the cases they are married again) However, respondents stated the difficulty in searching for new partner once divorced. The case of Drishti Jagodia can be reflected upon here. She filed for a divorce last year as her husband was engaged in an extramarital affair. Her parents are now searching for a new groom for her from the same community.

Respondents also claim the disintegration of family structure, weakening of familial ties and norms which was the fabric that had always held them together. Customs, traditions and rituals find a new changed version. The new generation do not adhere to many old traditions as they find it to be irrelevant and tag them to be superstitions. Rituals have lost its meaning and have now become a show of material possessions and a matter of wealth. The tradition of common worship is on the verge of decline due to the fast life in the city. The Sarda family is now facing conflicts and clashes due to shift of one of the brothers in a new house. They are putting pressure on dividing the family property equally among the four brothers.

As a result, industrialization education and urbanization has changed the face of traditional family structure of the Marwari community at Chickpet. Industrialization, for instance, has served to undermine the traditional authority structure of the family. The father is no longer the head of the family as he was in agrarian societies. Many parents even reported the decreasing control over their children’s conduct. The influence of peer group influence and mass media has become more powerful for many teenagers. Even ideological changes have

85 ensured the structural changes of family. The new democratic ideology has permeated the Marwari community which puts more emphasis on the rights of individuals than on their responsibilities to the groups to which they belong. Just as democratic trend has altered the roles within political, economic and educational institutions; it has also altered roles within families.

Specialised institutions of various kinds like day care, schools and colleges, tuition centres, hospital, religious organizations, restaurants etc. have increasingly removed from home much of the responsibility which was once at the sole discretion of the family. The change has been from traditional to transitional with changes in the very function of family. There has been a shift from functional jointness to individual members possessing their own personal aspirations and career choices.

As a result, one of the main goals of my research to understand the changes in the family structure of the Marwari community has been dealt in this section. It is evident that the several exogenous factors operating outside have altered the structure of the community where it has been fruitful to continuously adapt to various changes in an efficient manner. The continuous pressure of changing processes of industrialization, urbanization and modernization has been absorbed by the community, giving it a unique character of its own.

5.6 Essential Ingredient of Being ‘Joint’ The Marwari joint family enjoys being together consisting of several members and entertainment opportunities. Members enjoy being together and sharing their ideas and experiences. A joint family mirrors the effective control of a strong leader and family unity.

Respondents state that the essential ingredient of ‘jointness’ is felt as they belong to same bloodline and share the feeling of being born in the same family. This gives birth to emotional bonds and sentiments towards each other. Another factor operating to enhance the ‘jointness’ is children feel that they have been brought up together. As a result they feel closely attached. The ladies of the house especially the wives of all the brothers share relationship like siblings and enjoy companionship because they spend the entire time being together while their husbands are at work.

Another ingredient of ‘jointness’ is the existence of joint property and businesses. The family owns property in common and decisions on them are taken jointly. A very unique feature marked in few families was naming the economic properties in their wives name so that they

86 can avail good concessions and discounts in the deal. Many times the ladies are not even aware of their names being given for property ownership.

However, the ‘jointness’ is reassured during marriages to be conducted when all the members of the family come together to provide assistance both financially and emotionally. Sharing of ideas, views and advices given taken also is an add on to this feeling of being joint. Common rituals, traditional practices and festivals are gateways in creating social solidarity and reinforcing common ties between the members of the same family. Not only the relatives enjoy being part of a larger group during festivities but also support each other during emergencies and death in the family. Hence, times of grief due to loss of member in the family are shared together. Common death rites and rituals are performed so that the soul of the dead person rests in peace and goes to heaven.

This analysis leads the researcher in proving the third hypothesis of the research that the community is maintained by inherited values and common norms that are passed on from one generation to other. The structure acquires a unique character of its own and certain ideologies, values and norm reassures that the community inspite of drastic changes has been able to maintain its identity from other social groups.

5.7 Effect of Separation on the Family

There is new trend of joint family breaking to more nuclear homes which itself is marked by different consequences. Separation of one generation in the family leads to change in the structure in the institution of family. There is a new pattern registered with respect to ego’s generation. They tend to break away from the old traditional family and start staying in a separate house right after marriage. However, many cases property is not divided and inspite of staying in a different house they operate the same business. This also leads to change in relationship between the separated couple and the rest of the family. The new generation females prefer to stay alone with their husband after marriage and may visit her in- laws occasionally. This gives them more freedom as they find it difficult to adjust in a joint family. Decisions of their own independent house are taken without consulting the members of joint family. The daughter-in law shares less attachment and emotional bonds towards her in-laws.

However, staying separately adds on the burden of financial resources as it has to be allocated in the new house. Financial capital that could have been used for expansion of business is exhausted in paying rent of the new house, purchasing new domestic appliances etc.

Many of the separated couples from the traditional joint family may find both men and women working. Inspite of holding a share in the common joint property they aspire an individual career of their own. They manage their expenses together and operate independently. Many of the educated couple join the service sector like doctors, software engineers, chartered accountants, banking etc. Women may also take evening tuitions at home to bare the expenses and spend their time productively. Many cases women also take up creative classes available nearby like cake making, painting, candle making, designing, pottery, beauty parlour courses, driving etc to while away their time while their husbands are at work.

5.8 Kinship Terminologies Kinship terminologies are relevant as they consist of system used in languages to refer to person related through kinship network. It includes terms to address relatives and to identify the relationship of different relatives with ego and each other. As Henry Maine states Kinship Terminologies reflects sets of distinctions especially while addressing the two different sexes: male & female. It also helps in differentiating relatives of different generations, relations by blood and marriage. It is helpful towards the understanding of pattern of behaviour and the operating kinship structure.

In this manner, a kinship terminology in the Marwari community at Chickpet has been efficient to distinguish relationship of the ego with different relatives and each other. Field data clearly reveals how kinship terminologies in this particular community have been exposed to several changes while at the same time continues to be marked by its ancient traditions. The kinship organization is similar to the Northern part of India.

5.9 Use of the Words The words for father are (1) pita, piu (2) bapa, babu, baba

Pita is a derivation of the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit word pitr. It is observed that the suffix ‘ji’ is added to kinship terms by many families at Chickpet for people who are elder to the one who speaks.

The words baba, babu, baba originated first in Rajputana and Gujarat (7th/8th century A.D). However the word papa & pitashree, are also commonly used to address one’s father. Majority of the respondents use the word papa or pitaji to address their fathers.

Mother is addressed by words like maa, amma, mai and also many times mummy. Ma and mai are derived from Sanskrit word matr and amma from Sanksrit word amba. Maa and amma are popularly used.

Dada or dadu is the word for father’s father. Father’s grandfather is pardaddda, mother’s grandfather is parnana. On the other hand, father’s mother is dadi and mother’s mother is nani. Father’s mother is pardadi and mother’s father’s mother is parnani. The term nana is used for older relatives of the mother’s side especially to refer to mother’s father and mother’s father’s brothers.

Father’s elder brother is tau or taia or bade papa or pita. These words are derived from Sanskrit word tata which means father. The wives of father’s elder brother’s wives are then referred as tai or baddi mummy/maa (all the words being feminine forms of the words used for the male kinsmen). It should be remembered Sanskrit has no separate terms for the relation father’s brother (younger or elder). Modern Northern Indian languages of Sanskrit origin have such words. They are either derived from Sanskrit words meaning father or borrowed from other Non Sanskrit sources.

Father’s sister is bhuva, bhuvi or phuva which can be traced back to Sanskrit. Her husband is addressed as phupha. Mother’s brother is mama and his wife mami or mammi. Mother’s sister is massi, masi maa; her husband massa or mausa.

Ego’s younger brother is bhai while the elder brother is bhaiya. In many folk songs as mentioned by Supriya Maheshwari (respondent; female) the brother is addressed as bir (reflection of valour and strength) from the word Vira (the valorous one) and is shown as champion of his sister. Sister is bhain or behen or behaina. The elder sister is didi or jiji. The words bhai and behen are derived from Sanskrit word bhratr and bhagini respectively.

An interesting feature to note here is the addressing the children of uncles and aunts as bhai and behen. Prefixes are added to show exact relationship in many cases. Like jeth-tuto bhai, khud tuto bhai who is the child of father’s elder or younger brother. Likewise, phuphera, mamera, mausera bhai and phuphera, mamera, mausera behen who are the sons or daughters of father’s sister (phuphi).

The son is put (Sanskrit word putra), chele, beta & larda. The daughter is beti or lardi (Sanskrit word duhitr). However, brother’s son is bhatija and brother’s daughter is bhatiji. Sister’s son is bhaneja and sister’s daughter is also bhaneja meaning born of the sister.

Words are of Sanskritic origin again to refer to son’s son and daughter, son’s grandson and granddaughter, daughter’s son and daughter’s grandson and granddaughter. They are pota, par pota, poti, parpoti dota pardota and doti par doti.

Pati is used for husband very often and means “lord, master or possessor”. As a result it has different kind of inflection from that when it means ‘husband’. In this sense the word pati captures a sense of ruler or master. Also the word dampati= lord of the house. It is dual word used for ‘husband & wife’ together signifying two rulers of the house in which they reside. Grhapati refers to master of the house; vastospati= ancestral spirit guarding the house; visampati=ruler of people, head of the tribe, the king. Hence the word pati from the very beginning has been used to denote “possessor” or the “ruler” as also the “husband”. As a result, the word leaves no doubt at all that husbands or pati had the rights and still continue to possess all rights of the master or over his wife.

Bhartr is also sometimes used for addressing husband which has its roots in defining itself as “one who feeds”. It entails duty of the husband towards his wife to provide food and basic requirements for her existence. On the other hand wife becomes patni or jaya (feminine of pati) means “one who gives birth to children”. Bharya is sometimes addressed for wife which means protected or fed wife.

Husband’s sister is nanad and her husband nandoi. Husband’s father and wife’s father is sasur. Sasur’s wife is sas (mother-in-law).

Next important word is devr which stands for husband’s younger brother. The relationship of a female with her devr generally is of fun. Devr’s wife is devarani. Husband’s elder brother is jetha and his wife jethani. The standard of behaviour in Marwari community of Chickpet like the larger Marwari family residing across India reveals clear cut distinction between these two relations and their wives. A woman is supposed to main sufficient distance with her jetha and filters her talks while communicating with him. Maintaining close relationship with jetha by a woman is tabooed in this culture and tradition of Marwari. He is to be treated as father- in-law.

Then daughter’s husband is referred as jamai (Sanskrit word jamatr). Son’s wife is vahu or bahu in Hindi.The word vadhu is for the bride meaning “one who is carried away”. It is used for woman brought into the family by marriage and sometimes might be used to refer to daughter-in-law and sometimes wife. The word vahuvara is used for the young married women of a house and bitia in general for all the daughters of the house. Son’s wife’s parents and daughters’ husband’s parents’ are byahi or samdhi (masculine) and samdhin (feminine). Both the words signify bound to one another.

Wife’s brother is sala and younger sister is Sali. Wife’s elder brother is commonly addressed as didi. There are specific terms used for father in law’s house and mother’s father’s house. These are sasural and maika or pihar respectively.

With the help of these specific kinship terms one can designate accurately the most distant cousins. The English common words of uncle/aunt or cousin are very confusing for the Marwari settled at Chickpet for more than hundred years. As a result, it can be said that there are two separate sets of terms for relatives belonging to the family of birth and for those belonging to the family joined by bond of marriage among and shows resemblance to the Northern pattern of kinship organization found in India.

5.10 Changes in Kinship Terminologies

Introduction and influence of the Bengaluru culture and tradition has been the marking point for few changes in kinship terminologies in this community. The community has been flexible to open itself to changes in acknowledging or using kinship terms which is used outside their community.

The change from pita or baba to papa and daddy is a well denoted fact by many respondents. On the feminine part maa has become mummy or mum in many of the families. Third generation wives now feel more comfortable in using their husband’s name in front of everyone rather than not taking their husband’s name. This is an important change to be acknowledged as it shows change in power plays in husband and wife relationship. The relationship is now marked by some form of equality rather than that which was prevailing. Ancient times it was considered a taboo and disrespectful to even utter husband’s name.

Newly married women find it easier to call their husband’s brother (devr) by names rather than calling bhaiya as was the tradition. Siblings of the approximately same age (within gap of two years) address each other by names.

Though kinship terms for grandfather and grandsons are found form olden times, there is a tendency to lump together all people of the older generation as “fathers”. However the distinction between sons and grandsons are intact, their wives are addressed as bahu (daughter- in- law) of the house.

As a result, it can be noted that there are few changes in kinship terminologies among the Marwari community of Chickpet due to the influence of Western culture and the Bengaluru culture operating within their surroundings. It reaffirms the first hypothesis of my research that kinship structure of the Marwari community has undergone drastic changes through the years. These changes are due to the community being exposed to changes in external conditions of human life. There is more freedom and flexibility ensured by terms used to address each other. This tendency has to be registered with sharp contrast to the conservativeness of the community that had existed years ago.

5.11 Organization of Kinship

The researcher has clearly examined the kinship network of the traditional Marwari family at Chickpet to be highly patriarchal, patrilineal, patrilocal and ideally joint family. Despite the urban living of the community, the Marwaris as a group have always given priority to kinship. The rules of address and modes of greetings are entwined with the structure of kinship. A multigenerational joint family who live in harmony enjoy good reputation in the social circle of the community. Many cases were registered where even affinal and distant relatives are inducted into the family. They all cherish kin values and enjoy the fruits of staying together. Kinship sentiments are webbed inextricably with respect to close proximity, occupational homogeneity and expensive ceremonies and get together. Families which are related maintain an atmosphere of love, affection, care, adjustment, compromise and favour reciprocal kinship awareness. In the past an ideal Marwari family at Chickpet was to go on for 5 generations without dividing the property. In case of a childless couple, they might adopt children of close relatives for passing on the property.

A very interesting trend noticed among the Marwari community is the feeling of belongingness to a common group by referring to common name of the family. It gives them

92 a collective stamp to identify each other. As stated by Arvind Sarda (Respondent; aged 45), the family name ‘Sarda’ gives them a source of identity for all the Sarda’s in their community. They become all his brothers and enjoy the feeling of common belongingness.

5.12 Functions of Kinship

As part of the first objective to understand kinship network of The Marwari community of Chickpet it is necessary to mirror functions of kinship network as posed by the respondents in their daily lives. They attribute kinship with relevance in understanding the social obligations and duties of an individual towards others in society. It helps to discover and identify the classification of kin-nomenclature and the connections between them. It is guiding system which ensures the division of individuals into social groups based on genealogy. This segregation constructs roles and categories for people depending upon their position in the kinship structure. The fundamental elements of social structures are derived from principles of kinship- consanguineal and affinal. It also provides continuity between generations.

Principles of Kinship assign guidelines for code and conduct for different roles. It is a means of regulation of behaviour of members related to one another through marriage or blood. It is the key to understand family relationships, gotra and kula of the community. According to Pandit Ramesh (member of Adhinath Temple at Chickpet), ‘kinship is the key to define marriage rules and choice of partner’. The system of kinship maintains social solidarity of the group. Common kinship rituals and ceremonies give the members a chance to come close and celebrate the feeling of togetherness. Kinship system of the Marwari community ensures that its unique customs and traditions are passed on from one generation to the other through the process of socialization. As a result, the community has been able to maintain its uniqueness and boundaries with the other cultures of Bengaluru. It retains its identity has a community with members celebrating the common origin. Observation in the field reflected preference in appointing one’s own kinsmen in their shops as they are believed to be more honest and hardworking. They dislike keeping strangers in their shops.

Pravin Jain (respondent; aged 60) states that rules of kinship assist members of the family during times of need or emergency. In his case, he gives the credit to his daughter-in-law to take care of him, cook food for him and help him in his daily activities. He’s alone as he lost his wife two years ago.

Another case I would like to bring to notice is the financial case of Prateek Maheshwari. He owned a huge saree shop at Chickpet which caught fire and all the goods and property got burnt to trash. During this time, his two elder brothers came up and helped him to re-establish his business by supporting him not only financially but also emotionally. Till today he is grateful for the sincere efforts made by his members of the family.

Kinship ties also become significant when assistance is required by family members during a period of crisis. In the case of Rani Sarda (name changed) the case becomes evident. She was diagnosed with cancer in the year 2001. Resident of a joint family, she attaches significance to her husband’s brother’s wife to support and care for her more than a family member. Her brother’s wife travelled with her to Mumbai where she had to undergo treatment. A lot of care and affection by the immediate kin members is what has kept her alive.

Also during marriage the kin group becomes united and assist the parents of the children to be married. The support is not only financially but also emotionally. Small tasks are shared by all and the marriage is solemnized.

According to Pawan Saraf (Cardiologist) kinship maintenance in urban areas especially in Bengaluru among his Marwari community is complex. It is dependent on factors like residential accessibility, common economic interests, composition of household, biological kin who are accessible and can be recognized, existence of people in the house who take initiative to keep in touch etc.

5.13 Kinship Relations

Kinship relations and its understanding are useful in examining how the community has been able to maintain certain values and norms through the continuous roles and functioning of these relationships. The distinction between three generations is fundamental and is a clear reflection in the behaviour pattern of each generation. The mode of greeting fathers is called ‘vandana’ which is the act of bowing down to the feet or putting one’s head on the feet of the elders. The younger generation are blessed (khush raho) by the elders when their feet are touched. People belonging to the same generation are often greeted by holding hands or formal embrace.

A household containing many men of the same generation there are rigid rules of behaviour and status to avoid clash, disputes and rivalry. A remarkable social institution which helps to

94 strengthen code of social behaviour is the ‘asrama’ which correspond to the age grades of the society. The first eight years of a child doesn’t belong to any asrama. At the end of this period a ceremony is conducted by which the child enters his first stage- celibacy. At this stage the child learns about the world and gets education in practical sciences. At the age of twenty, he is relieved from this stage after the completion of education. He admits himself to the next asrama, that of the ‘householder’. In this stage, he is married off and expected to give birth to a son who can carry forward his legacy. He performs sacrifices to God, undertakes domestic obligations and devotes himself to his profession. This stage continues till his son reaches the ‘household stage’. He may live in the house but withdraws himself from active participation in the house. This stage is referred as ‘vanaprastha asrama’. He is expected to enter the spiritual world and renounce all materialistic possessions. As a result, the asrama has been fruitful as it ensures transfer of authority from one generation to another. Within Marwari community the field note suggests that many of old men and women do not follow idealists’ philosophy rather they clung to their positions if power and authority. However, the institution of asrama regulates duties and mutual behaviour of members of three generations.

Customs and traditions further strengthen relationships between generations. It is considered sin for a younger brother to marry before the elder brother. The right of marriage is connected with right of inheritance and succession to the office of the father. The elder son worships and performs sacrifices only if he is accompanied with his wife. Major part of his debt can be made only if he is married. The eldest brother of the family is expected to be honoured and revered by other members of the house. After father’s death he is expected to take care of the younger brothers in the family. He is to be treated like ‘father’. Eldest brother’s wife also enjoys authority over the house as compared to wives of younger brothers. She might act like a ruler. She bosses around over the entire household including aged parents-in-laws and her brother-in-laws. As a result, many women exhibit the desire to be wife of the eldest male of the house.

Similar to Hindu custom, the Marwari community of Chickpet hold the custom of women in a house been given away in due course in marriage. Once married she lives in her husband’s house till the time of her death. She visits her father’s house occasionally. Women in many families are treated as objects of establishing alliances with new families.

In the ancient times and as the case may be a woman in Marwari community is not expected to be previously acquainted with the man she is supposed to marry. Marriage is a ritual which

95 changes her life and environment completely. The day she is carried by her husband in a procession she has said to cut off all ties with her father’s house and childhood companions. In the words of Shalini (Respondent; aged 22) this is what her father told her the day she was married and was about to leave for her husband’s house, ‘Now this is not your huouse. Now your house is your husband’s house and no matter what you are supposed to live there.’ Under all circumstances she is supposed to stay at her husband’s house. No illness, no childbirth, no strained circumstances bought her back to father’s house. A woman is respected and considered honourable only if she shares her husband’s fate.

Girls born and brought up in her father’s house is known as kanya or duhitr (daughter). However, when she’s brought in to the house of her marriage she is the vadhu (daughter-in law). At her father’s house girls can be playful and fun loving without facing shame. Once she’s married off her behaviour is supposed to change. She is asked to behave like a ‘mature’ lady. The subordinate position of wives as compared to their husbands sets up asymmetrical relations between male affine. Wife’s brother may not be given so much of importance and be treated casually. Time and often unnecessary gifts flow from him to sister’s husband. On other hand husband is treated as benefactor for marrying one’s sister. Attitudes of respect and courtesy are shown all times by the wife’s father’s house. Mother’s brother (mama) maybe appreciated as an affectionate companion who jokes and maintains healthy relationship with children and is expected to give expensive goods at times of birth, initiations and marriages. Hence it can be said that among the Marwari community at Chickpet a clear distinction is made between wife-givers and wife-takers. A man’s relation to his kin by marriage is not complicated and doesn’t demand much effort as to his wife’s participation in her husband’s family. He visits them rarely though he respects parents in law and elder siblings of the house. He often has joking relationship with wife’s younger brother and treats him like his own younger brother.

As mentioned earlier, there are separate kinship terms used for daughter and bride. This also entails double standards of behaviour and sometimes of morality of each category. The relationship between a woman and her mother-in-law is an important point of analysis at this time. Mother-in-law acts like the ruler of the house after the men have got out to work. All the bahus are supposed to follow her instructions and regulate their behaviour accordingly. She takes charge of the house and makes significant decisions like expenses to be made on domestic goods, what is to be cooked daily, how often the house is to be cleaned etc. Personal

96 conversations with wives of the house revealed the superiority of their mother-in-laws in household matters. Daughters of the house are free to exercise their own decision makings and enjoy flexibility as compared to the daughter-in-laws who have to be constantly alert of their actions at any point of time in their house. In her husband’s house she is jealously guarded by her husband’s kin. Life is constant struggle for power and status among mother- in-laws and daughter-in-laws, among wives of different brothers and among wives of the brothers. There is clear dichotomy between men’s world and women’s world. This becomes more distinct between women born in the house (daughters) and women bought as brides in the house. There are few exceptional cases to be reported where the daughter-in-laws are treated as daughters of the house and enjoy more flexibility. Anju Mundra (respondent; married; housewife) says that she is treated like the daughter of the house. She has the control to manage household matters as her mother-in-law is old but loves her dearly. The day she was brought to the house after her marriage she has always been respected and treated well.

A man enjoys absolute right over his wife and the prescribed code of conduct for her is to be pativrata (one who follows will of husband). She is entitled to satisfy him in all aspects. Herein sexual gratification becomes significant. Once married the woman’s sexuality and her desires are controlled by her husband. He exhibits the right to control her sexual aspirations and is not expected to have any extra marital affairs or sexual relations other than her husband.

5.14 Kinship Rituals and Practices

Kinship practices are the source of social solidarity and feeling of oneness enjoyed by the kin group related by blood or marriage. There are unique kinship practices of the Marwari community at Chickpet but which show close affinity with Hindu custom and tradition.

To begin with, the custom of bowing head in front of the elders by the brides and younger members of the house is of utmost importance be it during special occasions, festivals or for many on a daily basis. This custom is to seek blessing at the start of the day by elder members of the house.

A very important ritual observed is by which a man of the house offers balls of cooked rice to his dead ancestors on the full moon and new moon days. This ball known is as ‘pinda’ (ball of rice or bit of flesh) and is attached to the concept of sapinda (sa=together; pinda=ball of rice or body). This concept makes it the obligation of only the men of the house to offer pinda and

97 to those belonging to same flesh or body. In the patrilineal family, the wife has no right to offer pinda. Hence, a man is barred from marrying a woman from same sapinda. The taboo is extended primarily to some generations of relatives through male ancestor and also to known relatives through the ego’s parents. This practice ensures men related by same male lineage to come together and construes them with certain rights and duties towards the dead ancestors of the house. The eldest son of the family has the right to offer pinda for his dead father. Only this ritual can make the father go to heaven and complete his journey. During death ceremony all the members of the family come together to support the loss of a family member.

The Marwari Joint family also has the tradition of common worship. Every morning it’s a custom for members of the family to get together to offer ‘managlum aarti’ and make offerings to the God worshipped by them which is generally Lord Shiva, Parvati, Goddess Durga, Lord Ganesha, Goddess Kali. The aarti is generally performed twice a day by the mother- in- law and the daughter-in-laws of the house in unison. The temple in the house is decorated with flowers and colours. A holy lamp (diya) is lighted which is believed to bring good luck to the house and cast out all evils. Incense sticks are burnt regularly. Hymns and other ancient religious texts like the Ramayana, Shiv Chalisa, Hanuman Chalisa, Durga Chalisa are enchanted. The elder male and female of the house offer water to the sun god right after bath. The offerings are made in empty stomach without eating ann (salt).

The Jain Marwaris main ritual or celebration is known as the ‘Puryoshan Mahaparv.’ It is a ritual unique to this group and calls in for celebrating their Almighty God, Lord Mahavir. It an eight day ritual celebrated with great vigour and energy. The main belief behind this ritual is the act of self purification of all the sins committed for the past one year. Strict rules are enforced with regard to fast, dress codes and notions of purity. Even the ritual of drinking boiled water before and after sunset is strictly followed. The main emphasis is given on asking the Lord for forgiveness for all the past wrong doings. This is also a matter of digression for the other groups of the Agarwals and the Maheshwari’s where they do not celebrate this Mahaparv.

A very common ritual which acts as a contrast for the Maheshwari community and the other segments is the ‘Mahashivratri’ celebrated only by the Maheshwaris with rigorous passion and belief. There are different historical legends associated with the celebration of this day. As a respondent, stated that is one of the most important rituals among the Maheshwari’s. This ritual celebrates the existence of Lord Shiva as the Supreme in all Hindu Gods and

Goddess. It is believed that on this day of the year Lord Shiva stepped on the earth. It is also a day of celebration as Lord Shiva was married to Parvati on this day. Also known as the Great Day of Lord Shiva, the Maheshwari’s as part of the Great Hindu Tradition look forward to this auspicious day every year. It is celebrated according to the Indian calendar on the Krishna Paksha Chaturdashi every year. There are certain specific rituals performed on this day with certain beliefs and ideas.

The Agarwalas worship Rani Sati Dadi, the lady who jumped into the funeral pyre with her husband. The main temple is located in Jhunjhunu where the actual act took place. Every year members of the family visit this temple situated at Rajasthan and become part of this big festival.

The Marwari community at Chickpet exhibit the tendency to share duties and responsibilities during marriage of any member of the house. It reinforces the kinship structure and relations. Relatives meet and celebrate the togetherness and identify themselves as belonging to the same family or blood. Long forgotten ties enjoy freshness during the meets conducted for special occasions.

Marriage as stated earlier is not only union of two people but takes place between two families. During the marriage gifts are exchanged between the families of the couple to be married. Kinship relations especially affinal reinforce themselves during birth of a child or special occasions and festivals. It’s customary to exchange gifts in the form of jewellery, clothes, fruits etc. with relations related to marriage. Variety of goods in the form of gifts flow specifically more from the bride’s house to the husband’s family. The gifts are restricted not only to the husband but have to be given to his parents, sisters, brothers and other members who reside with the husband in the same house. Many of the respondents especially fathers’ of daughters’ state that it’s an expensive lifelong affair. Many times if the husband’s family is not happy with the gifts they might continuously put pressure on the bride and abuse her. Taunts and unhealthy comments several times become part of the day to day affair given to the bride by the members of the husband’s family especially mother-in-law.

As a result, it can be said that kinship practices and rituals often reinforce kinship ties and structure. It’s a web of social relationship that increases personal and social interaction. It’s a basis of social solidarity and members enjoy feeling of togetherness. It gives meaning to their everyday activities. The respondents also reported that kinship practices and rituals helps

99 them to identify themselves with a social group and efficiently contributes to their emotional efficiency and well being. Observing and being an active member of kinship practices and rituals increases their level of confidence and gives them the liberty to rely on members of the house in times of need. Ancient customs and traditions can be transferred across generations through kinship rituals and practices. It gives meaning to things we do in our daily life.

5.15 Sati Worship and Identity Building

The Chickpet Marwari’s like the entire community has been famous for worship and glorification of sati (widow burning at the death of her husband in the same funeral pyre). The practice of worshipping sati was made illegal after death of Roop Kanwar who committed sati. The Marwaris have always defended sati worship as part of its ancient tradition and culture. Many attribute the significance of worshipping sati and not practising actual widow sacrifice. This is where the difference lies. There are Rani Sati temples built across India where many Marwari’s trace their lineage from. It is a culturally valued ingredient and helps in construction of their identity and tradition. The respondents state that there is a difference between sati (actual widow sacrifice) and satipuja (worship of sati). This analysis of Marwari belief and practice of satipuja provides a means of understanding of the community had been practicing kinship and defines its boundaries from the rest of the groups present in Bengaluru. Rani Sati goddess symbolizes pativrata stri (devout wife) for role model. It is supposed to inculcate values that will make them good mothers and wives. It has reinforced certain themes of domesticity and gendered social norms. Shobha Goenka says, ‘Rani Sati is our lineage God. We have been worshipping her for the past 400 years. The main puja occurs twice a year. In our family weddings, naming ceremonies and any other auspicious celebration she is always remembered. Without her blessings it cannot be complete’. She is praised for her bravery and acts as an inspiring model for the Marwaris. It reproduces territorial linkage between the migrant Marwari community.

In the twenty first century, lineage Goddess has become an important symbol of religious duty and community identity. Main temple has been built in Jhunjhunu, Rajasthan where members of the Community meet twice a year to celebrate the ties of geographically dispersed imagined community and its traditions.

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As a result, this analysis of the Marwari community in terms of tracing the lineage through the Rani Sati Goddess is an attempt to refocus my goal of tracing the type of lineage as formulated in my third research objective.

5.16 Kin Centeredness

The Marwari Community at Chickpet is marked by existence of joint family which has the legacy of exercising highest authority and having supreme power in the hands of the eldest male of the house. He is ranked superior among all members of the house. He is the father head of the family. Due to this position he is entitled to particular role which has attached to it certain rights and responsibilities towards his family members. In all times he is supposed to solve problems of the house and take care of the reputation of the house. This figurehead authority is given to him because he is supposed to be the most experienced out of all due to age.

All the activities of the house are centred on him. He is supposed to be respected and honoured as the head of the family. He has absolute power in making decisions of the house. All the members consult him and take his advice in all matters of business, personal or familial matters. During rituals at home he along with his wife is supposed to perform sacrifices and rites in the presence of Bhramin Pandit (priest). It’s considered auspicious and the task of the eldest to sit in all pujas conducted at home.

Choosing of bride or groom for any member of the house depends upon his decision making and suggestions. All familial problems are brought under his notice and discussed openly so that proper decisions can be taken keeping in mind his advices.

In case of family members who travel and reside in separate homes away from traditional havelis in Rajasthan for employment opportunities, starting new business ventures, education of the children etc, it becomes the duty of the traveller to inform about his whereabouts to the male head of the family. There is continuous flow of information from the separated household members to the kin at Rajasthan. This is unique to the Marwari community and shows the relevance of the head of the family as ‘fatherhead’. There is a tendency of regularly (atleast twice a year) visiting the old kin members from Bengaluru to Rajasthan. Money (monthly basis) is also sent as responsibility from the families settled here back home. There is an effort made by families residing here to celebrate festivals together in the presence of

101 elder members of the house. They travel for a short period of time especially during diwali and holi.

As a result, it can be concluded that Marwari family at Chickpet are centred on the eldest male of the family. However, there are few exceptional cases where in the sons of the family exercise absolute authority and take decisions without consulting their parents and other elder members of the house. This is a new trend noticed in this community and can be attributed to the influence of Bengaluru culture which ensures ideologies of autonomy, individuality and freedom. Many of the sons in the families are not financially dependent on their parents as they are engaged in service or business sector of their own. This gives them the license to operate on their own. They take decisions on their own and donot find it relevant to take advice from elders.

5.17 Kinship Loyalty and Sentiments

The families nestled at Chickpet share emotional ties with their families spread across generation and space. The families enjoy kinship loyalty and sentiments. Observation in the field pictures an ideal situation where the members of a kin group are glued together in one common fabric of relationship comprising of love, care, affection and affinity. Brothers and sisters of all fathers share a common bond and closeness. As Supriya Malpani (respondent) says, ‘Staying in a joint family is more fulfilling and entertaining. There are people to fall back on. Financially also it’s of a big help’.

Wives of brothers also enjoy support and assistance during times of need as they stay under the same roof entire day and work in unison. Domestic work is distributed efficiently between the wives in a house. There is love and affection for the sick, old and the children. Staying together always is a profit as there is always something going on as said by Disha Jain, ‘Sometimes baby is born, sometimes someone’s birthday, anniversary, festivals, marriage, get together. There is fun and masti (enjoyment) at all times’. Kinship loyalty and sentiments are well mirrored too during times of emergency like accidents, death of a member, sickness, disputes, financial loss, depression etc. These are the times when members unite and kinship ties become stronger. They are source of support and guidance in times of need.

However in contrast to the above stated ideal situation many state that the wellness attributed to joint family is a myth. There are negativities and conflicts to it which become reasons for joint family breaking into parts. Growing values of individualism and modernization are

102 factors responsible to substitute values of sacrifice, compromise and adjustments required to stay together. Education itself has transformed the outlook of present generation. Conflict between brothers for rights on property is the general talk of the day. Many families have broken down and their property divided equally among the living brothers. In these cases, the family breaks down and members don’t feel attached to one another. Feelings of hatred and revenge develop towards each other.

5.18 Pattern of Kin Networks

Examination of kin pattern is crucial to my research as stated in the first objective. Many families of Marwari community at Chickpet reside as joint family with upto three generation residing under one roof and eating food cooked in the same hearth. It generally involves ego, ego’s parents and grandparents (either both or the one living).

Cases where the joint family has broken into several parts in order to get properly accommodate (the shift is more evident in cases of recent marriages), the nuclear families have either taken rental apartments near the old house or stay elsewhere in Bengaluru. This means that the patrilineal patriarchal Marwari family might also have patrilocal residence where the family members stay in close proximity to one other marked by regular visits to close relatives and kin group members. However, shift in place elsewhere in Bengaluru is to stay close to their working place or favours their employment opportunities. Many wish to stay at the heart of the city like in Koromangla, Indiranagar, Rajajinagar, Banasvadi, Basvangudi, Kumara Park, HSR Layout, JP Nagar, Vijaynagar, Sanjaynagar etc. The comforts, opportunities and entertainment of the city life have made them stay here in Bengaluru. During weekends or holidays the family members and relatives may meet up and stay together.

5.19 Marriage

An analysis of marriage pattern and age at marriage is relevant in understanding changes undergone in the institution of family. There are factors like mobility in education, occupation, income etc that directly influences marriage alliances and the age of marriage. Delay in marriage is caused by these factors. Young educated married couple having a good occupation may seek mobility and stay at a separate house.

The relevance attributed to third asrama- Grihasthasrama i.e the householder is clear as marriage forms an important part of a Marwari. It is an important stage where an individual is

103 supposed to get married and procreate to carry forward their generation. Birth of a son is considered prime to attain moksha. According to Vedas the dharma (duty) of women is to become mothers and that of men is to become fathers. A man is considered to be perfect only if he has wife and offspring.

Marriage is a sacrament and no men and women should die before receiving this sacrament. It is custom in the community that if a woman dies a spinster, a marriage ceremony is performed with the corpse. She is then cremated with the honours due to a married woman. In the case of a man who dies before the marriage but has undergone initiation ceremony is supposed to become a ghost.

Most particular care is taken to perform the vivaah (marriage) of maidens as soon as they attain marriageable age. In case of Mawaris at Chickpet the right age for girls to get married is generally ranged between 19-24 years. If she stay’s for long years in her father’s house it is tabooed and people start making assumptions about her character or default in her. The custom of early marriage has arisen out of necessity of patrilineal Marwari family to incorporate women from different families as members of their household. This would make it easier for the girls to adjust in the family and follow strictly its rules and regulations. Due to her younger age she can easily embrace the culture and tradition of her husband’s family. This would ensure loyalty and she would be bound by companionship ties to members of her husband’s family.

The notion of ‘virginity’ especially for brides before marriage is given utmost importance. Any act of sexual involvement before marriage is not tolerated by the family where the girl is born into and also while selection of the maiden as bride for a man. The Hindus also demand virginity on part of the male as well. Until recently, however, this line has become blurred with respect to men. Marriage brings two families together and is a complicated affair involving series of customs and traditions.

5.20 Rules of Marriage: The Practice of Endogamy and Gotra Style

Rules of marriage are increasingly relevant as it has direct implications with respect to understanding the pattern of kinship in any social group. As discussed in the earlier sections, kinship patterns are based on affinal relations also other than mere biology. A man is barred from marrying a woman who is of his sapinda. It implies two things: a) the taboo extended primarily to some generations of relatives through a male ancestor, b) to all near relatives

104 through the father and mother. This ensures that a man doesn’t marry a woman who may have common male ancestor in the direct male line upto the seventh ascending generation or who may have a common ancestor upto fifth generation in the mother’s line. There is exercise of strict rigidity of the sapinda rule for the father’s and mother’s side. They follow the strict Sanskrit tradition in which marriage rules are based on considerations of consanguinity with reference to mother’s and father’s families. All cousins are considered as brothers and sisters for the purpose of marriage.

The kinship terms, organization of kin and mention of distant town to which the bride or groom is necessary while selecting partners for marriage by the two families. With respect to gotra three important rules are implemented which forbids marriage under three conditions. A man must not marry 1) his father’s or his own gotra, 2) his mother’s gotra 3) his dadi’s, i.e, father’s mother’s gotra.

If a daughter is given into certain family, the second daughter is generally not given in the same family or in that generation as it is tabooed. Also, there is a prejudice against exchanging daughters. Few cases have also been registered in which the family which gives the daughter in marriage is supposed to have inferior status to the family which receives it. The circle for seeking marital alliances becomes wider but there is always an outer limit for this expansion which depends upon different communities.

There is also consciousness towards caste group which keeps marriage territorially and genealogically within a group which is established as affinal group. However, taboos associated with marriage of near kin and prescription of local exogamy tends to spread the affinal group over a comparatively larger area and includes considerable number of families within it.

When a man seeks groom for his daughter the matter is not just of the parents but its familial issue in the larger group. The Bharamin astrologer and elder members of the family always has list of prospective grooms and brides who gives suggestion. The initial preliminaries are concluded through astrologer by matching kundali (horoscope) of the bride and the groom. Enquiries are made by the bride and groom’s family through mutual friends and known people. However, husbands are always elder than their wives. The age gap between them is generally of 5-10 years of age. The biggest difference noticed was the age gap of 14 years between Pravin Sarda and Manju Sarda where the female was forced to marry just after

105 completion of twelfth examination. Interview with Manju reflected her unwillingness to marry at an early age of nineteen. She had to quit her education and kill her desires of studying in a college.

Generally, it is the parents supported by their kin group who arrange the marriage. In the ancient time, the groom and bride could see each other only at the time of marriage. The bride is supposed to feel shy, be veiled and frightened. However, now due to the changes in thought and ideologies, the brides are more open and the customs have changed gradually.

5.21 Marwari Women in Patriarchy

The Marwari women in patriarchy clearly reflect the position of women in the community which is the fourth objective of my research. It reaffirms my hypothesis that the women are trapped in a patriarchal world and females have an inferior role to play in comparison with the male counterparts. The word patriarchy stands for power and authority of men over women. The name has number of implications and symbolises possession, belonging and control of women. Researches based on this concept shows that the roots of patriarchy lie in myths of creation and the religious world. The Marwari world has located itself in the power of men’s authority and subjugation of women from the very beginning. There are myths of protecting and punishing the Marwari women. Their experiences, emotional strengths, intellectual capacities and capacity to transcend have been underestimated. Rather the glory of motherhood is celebrated expansively. Especially ego’s grandparents and parents in some families are real Patriarchs who consider themselves wise and conserve their energy for controlling their wealth including women. They exercise sternness and have unforgiving nature. The patriarch stands for father right in property matters as well as ownership over their seed. According, to Leela Agarwal (Software engineer) the word ‘Patriarchy’ is a practice, a mindset, a hegemony which is deeply rooted in the Marwari community.

Respondents hold two important factors responsible for this journey from protector of women to oppressor. These are 1) concept of purity of lineage and 2) property transference to offspring. There has always been a shrink in woman’s space be it personally or publically. The whole notion of respectability and custodian of culture has come to rest upon the Marwari female body. Construction of femininity and its morality ensures women a particular social role, prescribes dress code and control her body. As a newly wed Marwari women, Needhi Periwal (Respondent) states that after her marriage she has been wearing sarees and

106 covering her head in front of her inlaws as it is mandatory. It is the female body which both attracts and threatens the male. The female blood is considered to be impure and during her menstrual cycle she is not supposed to enter the kitchen. She is excluded from participating in domestic work for three days at the onset of her menstruation. On the third day she is expected to take hair wash and enter the kitchen. However, it’s only on the seventh day that she can enter the temple of the house and be part of the puja.

The concept of power has been one-sided and does not respect the needs of women. It has found itself not only in myth and culture but has come to occupy spaces of religious practices and philosophical holdings. Gender discrimination exists to a high degree in this particular community where males are always preferred and have a right hand in all matters. Her role in procreation is also undervalued many a times and she might be treated as child producing machine.

Many respondents hold that it is also the romantic impulse of the women themselves which makes them a prisoner of their own self. Difficult to note its origin, the women have always been looked upon as someone who can seduce, attract the male through her body and gestures. A typical woman is visualised as beautiful being who is supposed to surrender both emotionally and physically to a man. This romantic view is reinforced solidly in the soic- cultural environment than in the women themselves. In the contemporary times and the culture at Bengaluru has created an image of beauty and desirability by the cosmetic medicine industry. Capitalism has been interested in creating demand and market for various products. As a result, it can be stated that Capitalism is the modern face of patriarchy. Men in Marwari families at Chickpet are not only viewed as masters of the house but are protectors and bread winners of the house.

The Marwari women spend their childhood with patrikin and are given away to grooms whom they never know before. There world’s can be distinguished into two separate ones. The first one is her world of childhood at her father’s house. Second world is her husband and his family. Many of the women stated that they yearned to live at their father’s house for lifetime. They did not wish to enter into marriage and complete the duties that lay at her husband’s house. Female respondents say that while they enjoy freedom at their fathers house to some extent, at their husband’s house there are all time guarded by husband’s family members. In her husband’s house there are always disputes and struggle for power between daughter-in-laws and daughters of the house. Not only this, there is chaos and fight for

107 authority between the elder daughter in law and the younger ones within the same family. Generally the eldest daughter in law tries to dictate and exercise authority over the house. She acts bossy.

However there are cases of women who have been left out and stay alone with their children. Bimla Garg works day and night to earn income for her daughters. She stitches blouses and sell small commodities like bangles, bindi, hair clip, kitchen containers etc. for her daily living. With her hardwork and savings she has been able to marry her two daughters in good family. Her husband was a drunkard and presently he has shifted to Biratnagar. He doesn’t provide any financial assistance to his family. She is one example of abandoned wife who is struggling every single minute to support her children. Marwari women (majority) are struggling for visibility and voice in their own houses.

5.22 Marwari Woman’s Wifehood

Often it is said, ‘the history of Indian women’s social status is also the history of its deterioration’ (Verma, 1942). This is apt in the case of Marwari women to certain extent. The past centuries have failed to become founding stones for her social status but rather have acted like destruction to bring it down.

The last decade has been a turn to a new page in her history and her story. Woman’s situation, her experiences and life stories are being viewed with a new perspective. At this point of time the Marwari women has not been able to discard many unwanted values and believes put on her but she is beginning to view her own situation and understand it.

The Marwari notion of wifehood and the glory of motherhood have always been celebrated as the Hindu Tradition recalls. Motherhood is always respected and wifehood applauded as it caters to man’s fulfilment. The ideal character of Sita in Ramayana is a glorious example of the qualities essential for a Marwari woman that makes her ‘complete’ and ‘ideal’ womanhood. Like Sita she is expected to cast all her luxuries and accompany her husband wherever he goes throughout her lifetime. She cannot find solace or refuge in any other men be it her father, sons other than her husband. Sita was abducted by husband’s enemy Ravana but she was successful in resisting his attempts and remained faithful to her husband. She is known for her courage, strength, forgiving nature and sets standards for what an ideal Hindu woman should be.

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Only when daughter-in-law becomes a mother she achieves a position of respect and power. She finds herself to be complete after she gives birth to a child. This feeling of fullness is heightened more if the child is a male as compared to birth of a baby girl. Mother is the queen of the son’s household. She is obeyed by her sons and daughter-in-laws. She advises the sons and rules over the daughter-in-laws. In many cases her power becomes supreme at home.

The moment a girl is born her parents attention is drawn to the difficulties and obligation of getting her married at an early age. There is concern about her marriage not because there are lack of wives but because there is an ability to think of her alternative means for her livelihood. Often she is termed as Paraya Dhaan (someone else’s property). In cases where a woman is not ready for marriage she is forced into one against her wishes. Many times the need to understand her will, her desires and wants are suppressed. Explanations are provided to her regarding the fruits of marriage and emphasis put on the significance of marriage for a woman.

Marriages are arranged for the daughters. In the ancient tradition (current ego’s grandparents time), it was a custom of the groom’s family to carefully scrutinize a girl by her walks, talks and body gestures. Till today a girls’ biodata prepared for finding suitable mate consists of features like her height, complexion, body weight, facial features, educational status etc. Apart from this beauty test, even her qualities, hobbies, talent are occupy a significant segment in the biodata.

Conversation with Vidya Somani (Pursuing Masters in English) states that the only way to make women self-reliant is to throw open the doors of education, fine arts business and other professions to them. Marriage as a journey would become beautiful only if the Marwari women have the right to choose their partner and explore different opportunities which they are exposed to in Bengaluru. The daughters should be allowed to chose their area of interest and pursue education rather than parents pressurizing them to take up courses on Home Science, stitching, sewing, knitting, beauty parlour courses, cooking etc.

5.23 Attitude towards Marwari Women and her Place in Society The husband and wife are equal partners in sacrificial rights and duties performed in household. In many religious texts man without women is considered to be inadequate. However, in these religious texts there are instances that show men as superior and women being rationally inferior. She is rather regarded as emotional and less rational. This can be

109 mirrored in real life situation also where women are treated to be sensitive and irrational who can easily be cheated by external appearances. They do not have quality of mind to possess depth of reason.

Mahabharata defines two types of women: virtuous (mothers of the earth) and non-virtuous (one with sinful behaviour). The body and its expression are regarded as index to woman’s character. Women lack the strength of mind to resist temptations and indulge in acts of sin.

Chandrakala (respondent; aged 62) narrates the incidence in Mahabharata where Bhishma speaks of women with high regard, ‘Women should always be adored and treated with love. Where women are treated with honour, the very Gods are said to be propitiated; and where women are not adored, all acts become fruitless’ (Manu.Anu.46, 5). Many of the families adhere to these principles and state that it is the duty of all men to keep their women happy and protect them. It is a general believe that of the women in the house are not happy and grief in tears, the family will soon perish. Happy women of the house are like goddesses who bring wealth, prosperity and goodwill to the house. On the contrary if it’s cursed by any woman of the house it will soon meet destruction and decay.

There is also a reverse side to this portrayal of woman in laws of Manu. As Chandrakala quotes Manu during field visit, ‘For women are able to lead astray in this world not only a fool, but even a learned man, and to make him a slave of desire and anger’ (Manu, ii.,213-14). This ideology is also embedded in many families of the Marwari rested at Chickpet where women are thought to have the inborn quality to seduce men and trap them in their emotions and desires. They have the mind and quality in their gestures to mould man’s mind and keep him under her control. As a result, sons of the family are advised to stay away from these kinds of women having ‘low character’. Women of these kinds are not desired and any good family should stay away from them as they are source of destruction for the unity of the family. As a result, women must be guarded at all times by the males of the house. She should utilize her time in keeping the house clean, fulfilment of religious duties, preparation of food and looking after household utensils.

While talking about the dharma of man, the right execution depend obligation performed towards their woman. Men should serve women and bend their wills upon them. During her childhood years she is looked after by her father; when she is young and beautiful her

110 husband keeps an eye on her; as she becomes old, her sons protect her and support her. In no point of time in her entire life she can enjoy her unrestrained freedom.

With respect to duty towards her husband and the ultimate path to reach heaven is to obey him in all matters without refusal. She is not supposed to take actions on her own but rather in consultation with men of the house including her sons. She should undertake all domestic chores and manage the expenses of the house economically. It is only through her husband she can achieve ultimate bliss and happiness. She should daily chant hymns, recite sacred texts and conduct puja. She should control her thoughts, actions and speech. The wife is considered to be marital property of her husband.

5.24 Tradition vs Modernity: Changed Outlook in Perception of Women

Research in the field reflects a new trend with respect to perception of women. The fourth hypothesis of my research which states that Marwari women have an inferior role to play is getting blurred. Marwari women have always been regarded as conservative and backward by many communities and individuals. There emphasis on promoting domestic chores and conservative values in public sphere has made them a target of public criticism by other groups. This is because many disagree with the ways in which they have been responsible for their own public representations. They have a unique orientation to their ancient past and reflect how communities can have their own models. However, we see widespread change in the attitude towards women where there are rising ideologies of women’s education, freedom of choice, individualism etc.

However, now the Marwari women at Chickpet stand in a new light of reason, decision making power within their families and choosing aspiring careers in various fields. They are actively breaking the traditional model of staying in the private sphere within their domesticity. Many women like Rupal Biyani, Poonam Sarda, Manju Agarwal now provide role models for many other women in their community to live a life in their own terms.

Introduction to new Bengaluru culture, changed ideology and education to the core has been source of positive change for the new generation Marwari women. Values of autonomy, individuality and women as bearers to certain basic rights have been enforced widely to this group of people to a large extent.

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The new Marwari women wrapped up in products of industrialization, globalization and commercialization have shared its fruits. We find that they are now exposed to variety of educational courses and training programmes. They have not restricted themselves only to Home Science as the case was years ago. We find the Marwari women registering themselves in diverse fields like B.COM, BBA, MBA, Teaching, Engineering, Law, Doctorate, Chartered Accountants, Literature, Media & Journalism etc. This change is worth registering. Many women are enrolling themselves for higher education, taking interest in diverse fields and exploring their potential in new avenues of opportunities introduced in the metropolitan city of Bengaluru.

They spend longer years of their lifetime in education as opposed to the age old practice of getting married at a early age of 18 plus. Current generation exercise their choice in many areas. They now aspire to educate themselves in good educational institutions and thereafter join the workforce. After years of experience and learning, they opt for marriage. The age at marriage has also been raised for the Marwari women. Ancient practices reveal the trend of Marwari women marrying at an early age. Now there has been a shift from 18 years to father’s seeking groom for their daughters after the age of 22 plus. The common time period chosen is from 22-28 years which is considered to be ideal for the women. Now she also has the right in selection of her partner where her opinion is given significance. There are also intercaste marriages taking place. Love marriage has also been accepted in many families as opposed to ancient practice of arranged marriages. We find the community now more flexible to new ideas and new cultural norms introduced by outside culture.

This transition from ‘private’ to ‘public’ field has attached to it significant changes registered in the community. Economic independence has given them a right to make their own career options and decide for themselves. They have been exposed to variety of choice making in the daily matters of their life. Women now earn handsome amount of money and have shown that they can be independent. Few families where father of the female ego is sick or died at an early age, women in the family have proved to be breadwinners an actively sustain the household requirements.

The Marwari women also experience change in their lifestyle and dressing culture. Now the women of the house spend more time reading and watching television rather than being part of the kitchen at all times. They have their own leisure time and go for morning or evening walk. They are aware of and have identified healthy ways of living, spend time in beautifying

112 their bodies and indulging in extra -curricular activities. Bengaluru culture has also significantly contributed in making many Marwari working women join fitness clubs and gyms. A lot of emphasis has been put in maintaining one’s body. Elder women of the house now join some spiritual organization like Art of Living and are actively engaged in yoga, meditation, satsang, community get together, puja and contributing their services to society. Active driving learning and owning personalised vehicles further symbolizes the new limelight in which the Marwari women are standing. Most of them love driving and reveal freedom exercised by them to a larger extent. They travel to different places, are frequent visitors of restaurants and coffee shops.

Exposed to diverse culture and tradition, many Marwari women are now cladded in western attires and clothing which was strictly not allowed in the previous generation. Daughter-in- laws were supposed to restrict themselves to traditional sarees especially in the presence of her in-laws at home. Due to change in customs and outside influence many of them wear salwar suits and western attires. The tradition of covering one’s forehead by the daughter-in- laws of the house finds its line blurred by now.

A new culture found in the field was the presence of ‘Kitty Parties’ among female friends and cousins. This new activity introduced among the females of Marwaris at Chickpet is a positive marker of social change and growing individuality of the Marwari women. Every month members of the Kitty Group come together, organize games and fun frolic activities for themselves. This Group generally comprises of the female friends and close relatives of the house. Members contribute to the common fund and organize parties at each other’s residence or outside in some restaurants. This gives them an opportunity to socialize and discuss personal matters with each other. At the same, it’s a time to forget all family duties and troubles. Many of the women stated that they look forward for Kitty Parties as it provides an outlet from their mundane day to day life activities.

Many of the Marwari women also sell products at home like bangles, utensils, blankets, sarees, traditional jewellery, dress materials, designer containers, cushion covers, Rajasthan juttis (shoes) etc. They buy these items in bulk from Rajasthan and sell it in their private spaces. Many women opt for this as it gives them an opportunity to earn and manage their personal expenses. The customers are generally known close relatives or friends. It is also a source of ‘timepass’ for them. Many ladies enjoy this business and show interest in it. This kind of buying and selling is a new trend noticed among the ladies at Chickpet.

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However, many women find themselves struggling with the old customs and tradition which are unnecessarily shouldered on them. They have successfully been trying to break open and challenge the barriers to their own freedom and identity. They have been able to make an identity for themselves, establish their desires and wants in the midst of tradition where their voices have been silenced and unheard within the families.

5.25 Occupational Structure, Business Ethics and Property Issues

The Marwari community at Chickpet are traditionally business men by profession. They have played a prominent role in Bengaluru business and industry. We now also find them in service sector especially holding important positions like senior managers of banks, Chartered Accountants, software engineers, doctors etc. all over Bengaluru. The families average earnings per annum is more than five lakh rupees and contribute significantly to Govt. treasury in the form of taxes. Families are owners of saree shops, jewellery items, moneylenders, sweet shops, textiles etc as discussed earlier in details. Research in the field also reflects distribution of property within family which is the fourth objective of my research. The Marwari family owns property in common by all brothers in equal proportion. Women donot own their father’s property and have no share in husband’s property. They are always portrayed as capitalist and exploitative outsiders who have travelled miles just to make money.

However, reasons attributed to their success in business enterprises are the existence of family firms that are frequently organized in form of ‘business groups’. What becomes unique is the firm and family are identical. Families that own them are members of business community and achieve longevity. They emphasize the significance of accounting skills, cautious and centralized financial control and spending calculatively are the key reasons to their firm’s success. Relative success of many Marwari families has been the careful handling of succession and transition of family firms. There is subordination of individualism to the family which is given utmost importance. Many report the need to decentralize certain duties and obligations in a large organization.

The greatest challenge faced by the Marwari family business at Chickpet is connected with succession and in ensuring that members of a family are able to manage the firm successfully. Firms may face conflict among members or incompetence. With respect to occupational change, very little change has been registered as tradition keeps family business on through

114 the sons. Some heirs may simply refuse to enter business and replacements may be problematic. There are few instances where the family firms have declined due to too much interference by the family members and lack of cooperation. Generally same business is carried from one generation to another might seek expansion with the years passing.

5.26 Relationship between Kinship, Marriage and Property

There is complex relationship between kinship, marriage and property and each aspect is entwined with other. Only together do they give a clear picture of organization of family structure and order of society. In order to understand kinship and its network, we need to get a clear picture of systems of family, marriage and property. Kinship relations define rules for marriage and inheritance of property. Strict marriage rules are followed while selection of partners for marriage. They are fabrics or web of social relationships where roles and obligations are defined. Organization of kinship and family structure has its roots in family tradition, culture and norms of a community or social group. Kinship relations and networks are reinforced during times of marriage, festivals or any other occasion. Members identify their lineage through common male ancestry which gives them a feeling of belongingness. It is the basis of any society like it is for the Marwari community at Chickpet. It is a source of community identity and gives the kinship group a feeling of togetherness and unity. Property is shared in common and in equal proportion among the male members of kin groups.

There is a tradition of family firms being successfully transferred from one generation to another through male members who share common ancestry. Hence, it can be concluded that kinship, family, property are inter related and must be understood in unison to understand the organization of the social group.

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Chapter 6

Conclusion

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The Marwari community selected for my research is a prominent business community who have migrated from Rajasthan to Bengaluru. They now form a well-settled social group in Chickpet as they have stayed here for decades. It can be called an immigrant community exhibiting dual culture, speaking more than one language and exploring diverse business opportunities in the area. Many of the Marwaris enjoy being identified as true ‘Bengaluruan’ because they have been born and brought up in this garden city. They are not only considered to be moneylenders but hold important position in business and industry.

The study has been significant has it has brought to notice of the researcher, entire framework of kinship and family structure of the Marwari community at Chickpet. The researcher has been able to analyze the fundamental institution of kinship which rests upon rules of family and marriage in the paradox of urban modern life. The study is an example for all those young researchers and experienced scholars who aspire to understand this dynamic community. It is an additional stock of knowledge and has contributed significantly to the theoretical base of the discipline of Sociology and Anthropology. It has examined in details various dimension of kinship and family structure of the Marwari community. It reduces the gap that has existed all these years in this particular field as it attempts to examine data that has not been collected by other scholars especially with respect to Marwari community at Chickpet. It contributes further to a new dimension in analyzing urban sociology with interplay of tradition and modernity.

What is to be registered here is that this community through its course of several decades in an urban setting of Bengaluru, has been exposed to socio-economic and ideological changes. Literature available on the Marwari community of Chickpet is very less as compared to the enormous field work undertaken by scholars and sociologists in understanding organization of kinship and family in other social groups. This also served as one of the key reason to select the vibrant community of Marwaris as my field of research. However, we do find few scholarly journals and articles on the Marwaris of Chickpet. With due respect, the work done is not all encompassing.

The present study is an attempt to understand changes in family, marriage and kinship with respect to three dimensions of structural, interactional and attitudinal views. The researcher has tried to establish linkage between kinship, family, occupation, property in the midst of several exogenous changes that have been injected in the community. We see the Marwaris serve as a true model for understanding how modernity wraps tradition in an exclusive

117 manner and present a new picture of where tradition and modernity both function simultaneously. The community often identified as being conservative, backward now challenge the old traditions and custom in the light of new ideologies, perceptions of Marwaris.

The various hypotheses, objectives, scope, relevance, need are given in the second chapter in detail. However, more precisely the objectives of my research are as follows:

1. Careful analysis of network of family and kinship of the Marwari community and the several exogenous changes that it has been exposed to. 2. Identify various values, beliefs and traditions that have helped in unifying the community 3. Trace and examine the lineage of the community 4. Understand property distribution and status of Marwari women

Family is an important unit of examination. To understand any social structure, family serves as the basic social unit to provide relevant explanation of its dynamics. An alteration in social structure directly corresponds to changes in the structure of family. Family is not a stagnant part of society. It undergoes both longitudinal and latitudinal changes through its existence in society. It is influenced as well as influences individual members in society. They serve as primary agent of socialization where children and adults inculcate certain attitudes, values and behaviours of their own community. Likewise, the Marwari community has been successful in carrying forward its unique culture and style inspite of being exposed to several external changes in the urban culture of Bengaluru. The community maintains its own identity and boundaries from other social groups.

Definitions and conceptual understanding of family has been dealt with in the previous chapters of my study. Variation has been noticed across diverse scholars in the construction of definition and features of family. The feature of Indian joint family has attracted several sociologists and researchers to conduct studies in it. It has been reported that commonly ‘joint family’ is referred to a family who have atleast three generation members living together, who eat food cooked from the same hearth, own property in common, conduct common worship and rituals etc. Even the Marwari community has organized itself on the basis of joint family with huge family firms operating under them. Many of the respondents attribute to the nature of large scale business enterprises that requires support and assistance from large family

118 members. Majority of them desire their businesses to be controlled and managed by the family members due to trust, honesty and hardwork which is supposedly the output of relatives and cousins working together.

A change has been identified in the understanding of joint family. Many respondents stated that ‘jointness’ in not only by members living under the same roof. Many a time formation of nuclear household from the big joint family serves to be a blessing. This is because work and responsibilities are distributed efficiently where nuclear residents try to maximize their efforts in achieving huge profit and establishing the reputation of the business units. Staying away from the joint family, the residents of nuclear family meet their close relatives quite often, especially spending time together during weekends. Meeting occasionally serves as a vibrant opportunity to get together, discuss problems and engage in meaningful interaction. The respondents agreed that they experience heightened social solidarity, in Durkheim’s term ‘effervescence’ during these occasional visits and get together. An increases aspiration was noticed among the educated respondents of the current generation to live in nuclear households as it gives them freedom in their day to day operations. This shows that inspite of staying from the joint family, a nuclear household may be well connected with it even if it is located at a distance. In the analysis of family especially in the Indian context, scholars and sociologists have diverted their attention from counting number of people living in a joint family to critically analyzing attitudinal behaviour of the members, roles and obligation towards each other, socio-psychological aspects of emotion, love, care, affection and strains faced in the family in addition to the age old structural analysis.

Coming to kinship studies, many researches have been undertaken to analyze kinship relations in urban setting and culture. Even processes like industrialization, modernization and urbanization have not been strong enough to wipe away the importance of kin relationship between members who are related through a common lineage. The structure and dynamics of the web of social relations and networking has taken up a new dimension all together in urban areas. The institution of kinship and family has been flexible enough to adapt and modify itself with respect to the changes it has been exposed to. Individuals are found to be kin- oriented in their state of affairs. Exchanging takes place in the form of sharing of ideas, discussions and gifts. However, exchange of gifts between affinal relations is embedded in the nature of these relationships. These gifts generally comprise of gold and diamond jewellery, essential clothing like exclusive ethnic saree, dress materials, cosmetic items, air conditioners,

119 crockery, vacuum cleaners, television, music system, furniture etc. there significance lies in maintaining affinal relations in traditional Marwari families. Ancient tradition generally finds itself in huge flow of gifts from the bride’s father’s family to her husband’s family and inlaws. This flow mirrors the existence of ‘dowry’ (bride price to be paid when a woman gets married to her husband and his family by her father) in the Marwari community. Even though there is no mention of taking direct dowry, gifts of diverse nature are given to the bride by her father and other relatives on the occasion of her marriage. This shows kinship network continues to survive despite of the socio-economic changes and social mobility of individuals in nuclear households. There is cooperation, compromise, understanding and mutual assistance between the kin despite of residential proximity being at a distant.

The Marwari community at Chickpet mark both continuity and change in the urban city of Bengaluru. Kin group meet during occasions, festivals, marriage, emergency situations and o perform funeral rites of any member of the group. However, one cannot underestimate the unique tradition of the Marwari in certain aspects of their life like mate selection, occupational mobility and authoritative nature of the elder members of the house.

The Marwari family shows change in character, attitude and composition of structure of family. Some of the visible changes are as follows: reduced age gap among the married couple, rise in age of marriage both for men and women, decline in respect shown to elders, reduced intimacy between far cousins who are located outside Bengaluru, selectivity of kin is based on common interest, few exceptional cases of inter-kin marriages, existence of increased intercaste marriages, restriction of assistance especially financial aid and support to close relatives, acceptance of widow remarriage, option of divorce accepted by many traditional families, covering of head in front of elders (especially in front of father in law or sasuur) by the daughter in law has reduced increased enrolment of women in secondary and higher education, freedom of choice of women to select and opt for career of their choice, restriction on women mobility outside the house blurred etc.

Marwaris are well known for their rich historical and cultural tradition. The main reasons for them to travel so far away from their homeland in Rajasthan have been discussed in the earlier chapters. It is actually fascinating to discover how this tiny community from the rugged deserts of Rajasthan has spread to all corners of India, including my research area of Chickpet. Marwaris have proved to be potential entrepreneurs and successful risk takers in organising the common factors of production: land, labour, capital with technology. Finding

120 similarity with the Protestant Ethic of hardwork and dedication, this migrant community have successfully contributed to the business, economy, capitalism and international trade of Bengaluru. This business community claim of a common regional origin and traditional involvement in trade. It was in the nineteenth century that the Marwaris of Rajasthan travelled to Bengaluru in search of potential business prospects.

One cannot say that the Marwari community at Chickpet mirrors the exact representation of Marwari society of Rajasthan. The process of migration has ensured certain changes in their language, culture and settlement pattern. As a result, they have imbibed a new culture of their own which is different from the Marwaris of Rajasthan.

The Marwaris have achieved economic betterment, improved standard of living, educational advancement and have efficiently joined the service sector in recent years. New areas having the potential of better future, long time career, reputation, high status and abundance economic benefits are being actively explored by the Marwaris at Chickpet. This has proved to be an advantage for the other people living at Bengaluru and nearby areas. The state government has earned and continues to earn high revenue through exports and retailing undertaken by this enterprising community. They have operated in large small, medium and large scale enterprises. Due to their status and reputation in the society they have managed to seek representations in the government, join voluntary associations and participate in temple buildings in and around Chickpet. They are well known for giving huge donations for betterment of the weaker sections of our society.

Another interesting trend noticed is that there is no direct relationship between education and income of an individual. On the average, a little educated entrepreneur earns more than an average educated urban employee settled at Bengaluru. However, the number of children born to an educated individual was comparatively less than uneducated persons. There is a trend towards increased nuclearization among the current generation person and they show desire to limit their family size. The usual practice is to have a family composition of maximum three to six members. Many respondents claim the rise in price of everyday living is the main reason to opt for less number of children.

The Marwaris at Chickpet attach many reasons for the structural breakdown of their joint families to small nuclear ones with less number of members to look after and reduced cost of living. The reason responsible for this trend is as follows: lack of space to allocate new

121 members in a family, attractions of living in apartments and societies as they ensure better security, improved structural facilities, clean atmosphere, death of parents, family disputes and quarrels, proximity to their business enterprises, new ideologies of autonomy, freedom and decision making power.

Many families also wished to continue living in joint family due to the advantages discussed in the previous chapters. They clearly stated that breaking of these large families have proven to be a disadvantage in many cases. For example if the members wish to strengthen, expand their business units, it becomes difficult if its members stay in nuclear household and join the service sector. Many times during emergency, members may not be able to reach the location due to time and distance. Staying in nuclear households increases the pressure on family income to support the newly located household as income has to be utilized for meeting up basic requirements. Members say that income that could have been utilized to expand and carry forward the joint business has to be reallocated to support the newly shifted family in nuclear homes. Monetary strength reduces and investment becomes scanty.

With respect to occupational mobility, the community has been conservative on several grounds. There is a tradition of majority of the Marwaris at Chickpet to take up the traditional family business after completion of bachelor’s degree from any known universities. There are instances when sons don’t prefer to take up higher education and lose interest in studies as they have productive, highly potential family business to carry forward. However, it cannot be denied that many of the Marwari youths of today, aspire to secure an independent career of their own without the assistance of family members. They have their own passion and interest in other sectors of the economy and find it mundane to take up their father’s well settled business ventures.

With respect to status of Marwari women, historical outline and tradition state that they occupy an inferior status with respect to the men. The community is deep rooted in ideals of true patriarchy which exercise instruments of subordination, suppression and authority over the women. The ‘Patriarch’ stands for father’s rule and daughters of the house are considered to be parayadhan (someone else’s property). As literature and texts on Hinduism state that women should always be guarded in the presence of men. From birth to death she has to be looked after by her father, husband and then her son. She has no freedom to exercise her will and desire. Her speech and actions have to be controlled. With regard to matters of inheritance, she has no right over her father’s property and will. Even in her husband’s house

122 she is given basic items which are required by her in her day to day life. She has no right over her husband’s property. The main reason for her dependence is lack of economic security.

A woman’s authority in joint family is generally determined by the number of years she has lived in that house where she was married. When she is newly married she has subordinate role. Only when she gives birth to a son, her esteem and respect in the family rises. This gives them source of authority in the family. However, this authority enjoyed by women again varies depending upon the prevailing family values and custom. One can easily notice the change that is gradually taking place with respect to status of women in Marwari community. The community has been more liberal now with father’s insisting on their daughter’s education and giving them the opportunity to indulge in aspirational career of their choice. What matters here significantly is the choice available to Marwari women which was not the case decades ago. In camparison with the traditional Marwari women of conservative areas of Rajasthan, these women settled at Chickpet have better life chances and choices to make for themselves. This wave of change is higher among the current generation of Marwari girls and women. Education and economic independence is building its deep roots among the women of this traditional community. This change can be attributed to the vibrant and ambitious culture of women in Bengaluru. It is a city where gender where majority of the women are literate and hold important positions in various occupations ranging from starting up their own business enterprises, to becoming lawyers, teachers, doctors, software engineers etc. One of the key reasons for rising work culture among women at Bengaluru and subsequently among the Marwari reason is the prevalence of reputed educational and training institutions like Christ University, St. Joseph’s Group of Institution, IIM and many more. On the other hand, availability of other specialized training courses for enhancing one’s skill also adds on this work culture. Many Marwari families feel it’s a matter of prestige to see their daughters doing well in education and their career. As Suman Biyani (respondent; housewife) keeping in mind her son’s marriage tells her would be daughter-in-law, ‘start searching for a job or educational opportunities now itself. Marriage will take place but these two things will always be with you no matter what’. This line may be just a passing comment for many people but for a Marwari daughter-in-law it’s a marker of change in what happens in traditional families. Introduction of new culture built on new ideologies with running industrialization, urbanisation has what set the Marwari women sit at the table of career and education.

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The sphere of marriage and kinship has also undergone change within the Marwari community. A change in attitude towards marriage and the associated rituals has been observed. With regard to marriage significant changes noticed are: the age at marriage, shortened rituals and difference in celebration, selection of key invitees for the marriage, flexibility towards widow- remarriage and option of divorce, seeking alliances from all over India (especially in well developed cities like Delhi, Mumbai, Ahemdabad, Bengaluru). Again with respect to partner selection for marriage, fundamental change has been registered. The demand for educated brides and bridegrooms has risen significantly. This attitude is a sharp contrast from the olden days when a bride was considered eligible for marriage if she was ‘fair’ (in terms of beauty) and knew how to cook and look after the domestic chores. Apart from this, qualities like sewing, knitting, stitching was also given immense priority. Now educated Marwari men look for educated women who are independent economically. Parents now take confirmation and likeness of their sons and daughters before conducting marriage. However, rigidity still exists in inter-caste marriages and love marriages.

Further, to talk about the type of lineage of the Marwari community at Chickpet, they are fundamentally patrilineal and many exhibit patrilocal residence. These days maternal kin ties are also stronger than the situation was in the ancient times. Close attachment and emotional bond prevail towards maternal grandparents by the ego and his/her siblings. Frequent visits and communication through telephone and modern technology like Skype, Facebook Messenger, Face Time is quite evident. Gifts are exchanged through the rising e-commerce in India by the relatives who are located far off. Kin obligations continue but the true essence of relationship is on a reduction. Many members of a family take it as a compulsion to provide assistance to their large kin group and donot willingly offer their support and services. We see frequent arguments, clash of ideas, family quarrels and disputes for property. There are cases when the members feel the necessity of dividing the joint property equally among the brothers rather than continuing with it as it demands cooperation, compromise and adjustment.

However, kinship and community ties among the Marwari community at Chickpet continue to dominate interpersonal relationship. The members prefer to live in that area as they feel social solidarity and take pride in identifying themselves as part of the larger ‘Marwari’ group. It is a source of identity building and ensures commonality among the residing members. The members find it convenient in being located in one area as they have similar custom and

124 tradition. They share ideologies as all are part of the same larger Marwari group having common origin. Members of the community maintain close relationship with neighbours and offer help when required. Many even have close friends living at Chickpet.

The Marwari family culture is an amalgamation of norms and values. Many of the flats and homes of the community have similar social and physical structure. The ‘physical’ is the ecology of the setting. Social structure mirrors sub systems of family. As a result, culture influences structure and vice versa.

With respect to values, norms and ideologies the Marwaris are known for being conservative and backward. However, present day analysis reflects positive change and outlook. Attitudes and basic perception has changes rather than being immersed in the name of religion nad ancient practices. The new generation of Marwari members seem to challenge ancient tradition and all practices with reason and rationality. A thing of peculiarity observed in my research area is the existence of slight differences between the Marwari families residing at Chickpet depending upon the segment to which they belong. Differences in family norms, worshipping and rituals associated, basic values, culture etc. exists among the various segments Maheshwaris, Jains and Agarwals. There has certainly been deviation from ancient traditional norms and practices which has brought the Marwari community closer to the Bengaluru culture and its people.

The current generation Marwaris at Chickpet feel closer to Bengaluru than their homeland in Rajasthan. However, the elder members of the family still feel attached to their traditional homes and havelis in Rajasthan. Majority of the families have property at Rajasthan which comprises of huge havelis with ancient architecture and empty land. The older generation Marwaris wish to go back to their saher (homeland) and stay there as they feel that with time their ancient tradition and culture might fade away with the rapid increase in industrialization and changes in family values and structure of their community.

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Chapter 7

Appendix

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7.1 Interview Guide

7.1.1 Section a: Household Head 1. Name 2. Sex 3. Age 4. Father’s Husband’s name 5. Family Name

7.1.2 Section b: Family Structure and Occupation 1. Number of individuals living in the family 2. Sex 3. Age 4. Relationship with household head 5. Education 6. Occupation 7. What has been your traditional family occupation 8. What occupation has been followed by: a. Father’s father b. Your father c. Your mother’s father 9. Ownership of house or rental?

7.1.3 Section c: Migration 1. Where do you originally hail from? 2. What had caused your community to migrate to Bengaluru? 3. Do you have any contact with your land of origin? 4. Do you visit Rajasthan? How often in a year? 5. Are you willing to settle down at your ancestral land (Rajasthan)? 6. Do you still own property there? If yes, who takes care of it? 7. How would you distinguish the Marwari’s with Bengaloreans? 8. What is the variation that exists among the other Marwari’s living around you?

7.1.4 Section d: Family and Kinship 1. What type of family structure does your family and wife’s family have? 2. Were you related to your wife prior to marriage? If yes, what was the relation? Mention specifically. 3. How many years have you lived with your parents/inlaws/other relatives? 4. If presently living in a nuclear family, why did you leave your parental house? 5. Do you find staying in nuclear house a much better option than joint? 6. What is spouse’s family position as compared to yours?

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7. What was the pattern of residence of your original family? 8. What type of family you prefer to live in? 9. If you are part of joint family, who are the other members you stay with? 10. You have more relations from the side of father/mother/wife? 11. With whom among your relatives do you maintain cordial relationship and how? 12. With who are you most attached in the family? Why? 13. Which other families in your neighbourhood belong to your kingroup? 14. Do you prefer to stay with all your kin in one place? State reasons for your choice. 15. Do you prefer to maintain close relations with all relatives? Reasons for your answer. 16. Who is the most respected person in the house you’re living in at present? Why? 17. How often you visit your relatives and are visited by them? 18. Where do your spouse’s parents live? How often do you visit them? 19. What are the important events of your kingroup? 20. Whom do you call for help during a crisis or emergency? 21. Are you in favour of marrying a relative? State reasons. 22. What kind of relationship you share with your spouse? 23. Do you help her in household activities and domestic chores? 24. Does your spouse help you in your occupation? 25. Do you face discord with your partner? 26. What is the common reason for discord faced with your partner? 27. What kind of disputes normally prevails in your house? 28. Whose advice would you take n solving clashes at home?

7.1.5 Section e: Social Adaptation 1. Are all your neighbours from the same community as yours? 2. If no, do you feel a difference in attitude/ behaviour/ treatment towards you? 3. How is your relationship with your neighbours? 4. Do you prefer to stay in a locality where your neighbours are only of your own community? Give reasons. 5. Do you discuss your personal family problems with your neighbours? 6. What are the occasions where you invite your neighbours? 7. Did you experience discriminatory behaviour towards you from non- Marwari? 8. Do you think interaction with other non- Marwari’s in Bengaluru has changed any of your traditional habits of your family members?

7.1.6 Section f: Value Orientation 1. Do you consider your family to be orthodox? 2. What are the main family values that you practice? 3. Do you believe in astrology? 4. What do you think is the ideal age of marriage for males and females? 5. Do you agree that children today are less obedient than before? 6. Are there differences in male/female education? 7. Upto what level should your son/daughter get education?

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8. What profession would you prefer for your son/daughter? 9. What is the need for educating females? 10. Do you prefer your wife to work? 11. Do you prefer arranged or love marriages? 12. Do you think any change has taken place with regard to marriage between past and present in your family? (Selection of bride, bridegroom, consulting horoscope, dowry, ceremony, ritual aspects, cost of marriage?

7.1.7 Section g: Property 1. What kind of property your family holds? 2. Is it jointly held? If yes, who are the holders? 3. In case of any decision to be taken with regard to property whose decision is the final? 4. In case of purchase of new property who decides and how is it carried out? 5. Do you have any ancestral property in places other than Bengaluru? 6. How is property passed from one generation to another? 7. Do women own property? If yes, what is the share? 8. Do they have a right in decision making regarding property matters?

7.1.8 Section h: Status of Women 1. Is there practice of gendered division of labour in your daily life? If yes, how? 2. As a women what is your status at home? 3. Are females treated equally in your house as compared to men? Give reasons for your answer. 4. Do you enjoy freedom with regard to decision making in family matters? 5. Do you feel in some matters males in your house exercise more power? If yes, what are those matters? 6. What is the average qualification of females in your house? 7. Are you given enough freedom to choose your educational preferences? 8. Is their restriction in opting for higher education? 9. Do you feel any disparity in some opportunities given to males and females in your house? If yes, what are the opportunities? 10. Do you experience any domestic violence in your personal space? 11. Do you think your spouse gives you respect and understand you? 12. Is there any time restriction that you need to follow for going outside the house? 13. Do you need to take permission for going out of the house? 14. Does your spouse allow you to work if you want? 15. If yes to the above question, is there any restriction with regard to the type of work you wish to undertake for your career? 16. Are you shown appreciation for your work done at home? 17. Do you experience any form of discrimination at home because of your sex? If yes, what are the forms of discrimination? 18. Do you get leisure time for yourself? If yes, do you prefer doing during that time? 19. How many hours of sleep do you get on a daily basis?

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Chapter 8

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