Bantu Stephen Biko & Black Consciousness

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Bantu Stephen Biko & Black Consciousness DIPLOMARBEIT Titel der Diplomarbeit Bantu Stephen Biko & Black Consciousness. The Struggle for Equality in a Racist South Africa Verfasserin Sophie Kaindl angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra (Mag.) Wien, 2013 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 057 390 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Individuelles Diplomstudium Internationale Entwicklung Betreut von: Mag. Dr. Arno Sonderegger CONTENTS Acknowledgments............................................................................................... 1 Introduction..................................................................................... 2 1. Apartheid..................................................................................... 7 1.1. Institutionalization of Segregation, 1948................................................... 9 1.1.1. Restriction of Personal Rights.................................................................. 10 1.1.2. Restriction of Movement.......................................................................... 11 1.1.3. Restriction on Freedom of Speech........................................................... 15 1.2. Opposition to Apartheid........................................................................... 20 1.2.1. Political Organizations............................................................................. 20 1.2.1.1. ANC - The African National Congress....................................................................... 20 1.2.1.2. SACP - The South African Communist Party............................................................ 24 1.2.1.3. The South African Indian Congress............................................................................ 26 1.2.1.4. PAC - The Pan Africanist Congress........................................................................... 27 1.2.1.5. AZAPO - The Azanian People's Organisation............................................................ 30 1.2.2. Trade Unions............................................................................................ 31 1.2.2.1. SACTU - The South African Congress of Trade Unions........................................... 31 1.2.2.2. FOSATU - The Federation of South African Trade Union........................................ 32 1.2.2.3. SAAWU - The South African Allied Workers’ Union............................................... 33 1.2.2.4. CUSA - The Council of Unions of South Africa........................................................ 34 1.2.3. Community Organizations........................................................................ 34 2. Bantu Stephen Biko & Black Consciousness.......................... 36 2.1. Biographical Introduction........................................................................ 36 2.2. The Black Consciousness Movement - Ideology, Philosophy, Attitude of Mind....................................................................................................... 45 2.2.1. 'Being Black is not a Matter of Pigmentation'.......................................... 45 2.2.2. The Definition of Black Consciousness - The 'Inward Looking Process'..................................................................................................... 48 2.2.3. White Racism, White Liberals and the Accusation of Black Consciousness as Counter-Racist-Racism........................................................................ 52 2.2.4. Inferiority Complex vs. Superiority Complex.......................................... 62 2.2.5. Education - 'Bantu Education' & Rewriting History................................ 65 2.2.6. Economic Oppression - 'Haves' vs. the 'Have Nots'................................. 71 2.2.7. Geographical Separation - Bantustans...................................................... 75 2.2.8. 'Our Strategy for Liberation' - Achieving the Vision of a 'True Humanity'................................................................................................. 79 3. The Organization of the Black Consciousness Movement.... 87 3.1. SASO – The South African Student Organization................................. 87 3.2. BPC - The Black People’s Convention.................................................... 94 3.3. BCP - The Black Community Programmes ........................................... 97 3.4. Emergence of Black Theology in South Africa - Collaboration with the Church.................................................................................................100 3.5. The End of the Black Consciousness Organizations, Bann 1977........ 101 4. Reception................................................................................. 104 4.1. Biko in Songs – Musical Reception........................................................ 105 4.1.1. Biko in Reggae....................................................................................... 105 4.1.2. Biko in Hip Hop..................................................................................... 111 4.1.3. Biko in Anglo- American Pop ............................................................... 114 4.1.4. Roots Melodies dedicated to Biko.......................................................... 115 4.1.5. African Interprets Referring to Biko...................................................... 115 4.2. Biko in Present Day Discourse............................................................... 119 4.2.1. Dealing with Steve Biko as Person & the History of BC....................... 120 4.2.1.1. Blackness & Inferiority Complex............................................................................ 122 4.2.1.2. Economy - Capitalism - Racism - Hypocritical Leadership..................................... 125 4.2.1.3. Poverty – Bad Schooling – Health – Housing.......................................................... 132 4.2.2. Outlook................................................................................................... 135 4.2.3. Activities done to Achieve the Vision.................................................... 141 4.2.3.1. AZAPO's Memorial Activities and Istitutions.......................................................... 141 4.2.3.2. Maintaining the Legacy of Bantu Stephen Biko in the African Diaspora................ 143 4.2.3.3. The Steve Biko Foundation (SBF)............................................................................ 144 4.2.3.3.1. Legacy Projects – The Biko Heritage Trail.................................................................. 144 4.2.3.3.2. Leadership Development.............................................................................................. 146 4.2.3.3.3. The International Dialogue Series................................................................................ 147 4.2.3.3.4. Research & Publications............................................................................................... 148 Conclusion................................................................................... 150 Bibliography.................................................................................................... 158 Appendix......................................................................................................... 168 English Abstract ...............................................................................................168 Deutsche Zusammenfassung.............................................................................169 Curriculum Vitae ............................................................................................. 171 Acknowledgements It was a difficult decision, how to choose the words, which segregation ideology saw as distinguishing realities, confining a certain group of people. I was further challenged through the different use of those words, written whether as proper names, or not. Some scholars even made some differences in using ‘Afrikaans’, with a high case, but at the same time using ‘african’ in lower case. In the acknowledgement of the book „Beyond Apartheid. Labour and Liberation in South Africa“, the authors mention that they will write all categories, which divide the South African population along racial or national lines (like ‘african’, ‘indian’, ‘afrikaner’, ‘british’, ‘white’, ‘black’,’european’) in lower case. (Cf. Fine/ Davis 1991: vii ff.) I will also choose this way of description. Because as far I see it, all of these attributes are only descriptions rather than identities, which would be suggested by using high case. I won’t put these words into quotes, as I want to simplify the language and don’t want to put more emphasis on those categories than necessary. I will write the term Apartheid using a capital A, because in my definition Apartheid as a system of overall oppression is not to be underestimated in its dimension. In a lot of literature I used, Apartheid is written in low case. I still stay with the capital A. The reason I used the term South Africa to describe the country and choosing it over Azania (which stands for a liberated South Africa) is the fact that I don’t think South Africa is liberated from patterns of colonialism, racism and capitalism. In its creation the “Term Azania” carries a deeply anti-imperialistic claim. Therefore Azania, in my eyes, can only be used, when the vision of Biko for a true humanity is achieved and a political situation is created, where politics will be shaped for the upliftment of the people. A lot of people in nowadays discourse use Azania for South Africa. Like Zimbabwe changed its name from South Rhodesia to Zimbabwe. As it is more accurate to describe
Recommended publications
  • The History of Southern Africa Kim Worthington
    Princeton University Department of History HST 468 - Senior Seminar: The History of Southern Africa Kim Worthington Wednesdays 9-12 Aaron Burr Hall - Room 213 Contact Information Email: [email protected] Office: Dickinson Hall, Room 101 Office Hours: Thursday 2:00-4:00 (or by appointment through WASS) Course Description This course aims to equip students with an understanding of the history of Southern Africa, focusing in particular on South Africa from the 18th to the 20th century. Southern Africa is a large and diverse region, with a rich and complex history dating back to the cradle of civilization. We will therefore only be looking at certain key moments and events. We will consider how the history of the region has been written, and from whose perspective. The course will touch on a range of issues, from settlement and displacement, slavery, colonialism, and projects of empire, to institutionalized racism, industrialization and its implications for communities, workers, and migration, State control of people and movement, local political activism in a continental and global context, urbanization, and other topics. A key learning outcome will be to develop an understanding of historiographical debates: Who writes history? In what context? To what are historians responding? What are a scholar’s aims, and what earlier historical understanding does s/he engage? Does s/he support or challenge accepted interpretations of the past? Students are not expected to have an in-depth grasp of any particular debates, but more to gain insight into how understandings of history and the events and people historical writings describe change over time.
    [Show full text]
  • Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
    Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa and the African Renaissance
    South Africa and the African Renaissance PETER VALE* AND SIPHO MASEKO On May , immediately prior to the adoption of South Africa’s new con- stitution,Thabo Mbeki, Nelson Mandela’s chosen successor, opened his address to the country’s Constitutional Assembly with the words ‘I am an African!’. In an inclusionary speech, symptomatic of post-apartheid South Africa, Mbeki drew strands of the country’s many histories together. His words evoked great emotion within the assembly chamber, and later throughout the country: across the political spectrum, South Africans strongly associated themselves with the spirit of reconciliation and outreach caught in his words. South Africa’s reunification with the rest of the continent had been a significant sub-narrative within the processes which led to negotiation over the ending of apartheid. That South Africa would become part of the African community was, of course, beyond doubt; what was at issue was both the sequence of events by which this would happen and the conditionalities attached to its happening.The continent’s enthusiasm for the peace process in South Africa was initially uneven: the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in June decided to retain sanctions against South Africa although the Nigerian leader, General Ibrahim Babingida, expressed an interest in meet- ing South Africa’s then President, F.W.de Klerk, if such an occasion ‘would help bring about majority rule.’ The political prize attached to uniting South Africa with the rest of the continent explains why South Africa’s outgoing minority government, despite energetic and expensive diplomatic effort, was unable to deliver its own version of South Africa in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Land Reform from Post-Apartheid South Africa Catherine M
    Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review Volume 20 | Issue 4 Article 4 8-1-1993 Land Reform from Post-Apartheid South Africa Catherine M. Coles Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/ealr Part of the Land Use Law Commons Recommended Citation Catherine M. Coles, Land Reform from Post-Apartheid South Africa, 20 B.C. Envtl. Aff. L. Rev. 699 (1993), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/ealr/vol20/iss4/4 This Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAND REFORM FOR POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA Catherine M. Coles* I. INTRODUCTION...................................................... 700 II. LAND SYSTEMS IN COLLISION: PRECOLONIAL AND COLONIAL LAND SYSTEMS IN SOUTH AFRICA. 703 A. An Overview of Precolonial Land Systems. 703 B. Changing Rights to Landfor Indigenous South African Peoples Under European Rule. 706 III. THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF RACIAL INEQUALITY AND APART- HEID THROUGH A LAND PROGRAM. 711 A. Legislative Development of the Apartheid Land Program. 712 B. The Apartheid System of Racial Zoning in Practice: Limiting the Land Rights of Black South Africans. 716 1. Homelands and National States: Limiting Black Access to Land by Restricting Citizenship. 716 2. Restricting Black Land Rights in Rural Areas Outside the Homelands through State Control. 720 3. Restricting Black Access to Urban Land..................... 721 IV. DISMANTLING APARTHEID: THE NATIONAL PARTY'S PLAN FOR LAND REFORM............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
    NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed.
    [Show full text]
  • Inkululeko * Freedom Newsleher of the Michigan Anti-Apartheid Coordinating Council No.1
    March -April aa Inkululeko * Freedom NewsleHer of the Michigan Anti-Apartheid Coordinating Council No.1 .~ =-===_~- i1 = r 4::a5"I'''' rra-.~ ~ ""'<:t==:=..__~ j Apartheid'Regime J ~ Launches Nevv Attacks! ~ Political Activities cJ I}_Civic ~ Ldx>r Groups Bamed .. On February 24th, the apartheid state This October all race groups will issued orders forbidding 17 anti-racist be able to vote in "their" res­ organizations "from carrying out or pective municipal elections. By performing any activity or acts obstructing political campaigns by whatsoever". Groups affected range the liberation_movement either with­ from the nation's largest anti­ in or in opposition to this round apartheid coalition, the multi-racial of elections the racist state hopes United Democratic Front (UDF) to the to foster an appearance of legiti­ smaller but influential Black Conscious­ macy and fake mass support for the ness Azanian Peoples Organization collaborators and the Botha reqimes' (AZAPO) and its National Forum Committee bogus reform stance. Messages' alliance. The Conqress of South African supporting the freedom movement can Trade Unions (COSATU) was ordered to be sent to: cease all its political activities COSATU and confine itself to narrow collective P.O. Box 1019 bargaining issues. Johannesburg 2000 South Africa Most press reports stressed the ru­ Telex: 486519 linq Nationalist Party took these steps to appear tough on "law and Weekly Mail order" for two whites I only by­ p.0. Box 260425 elections. These elections were Excom 2023 subsequently lost to the even more South. Africa extreme racist Conservative Party. Telex: 486379 The ruling party·s main intent how­ ever is to block resistence to those The New Nation forces in the Black community willing P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • Botho/Ubuntu : Perspectives of Black Consciousness and Black Theology Ramathate TH Dolam University of South Africa, South Afri
    The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2013 Official Conference Proceedings Osaka, Japan Botho/Ubuntu : Perspectives of Black Consciousness and Black Theology Ramathate TH Dolam University of South Africa, South Africa 0415 The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2013 Official Conference Proceedings 2013 Abstract Botho/ubuntu is a philosophy that is as old as humanity itself. In South Africa, it was a philosophy and a way of life of blacks. It was an African cultural trait that rallied individuals to become communal in outlook and thereby to look out for each other. Although botho or ubuntu concept became popularised only after the dawn of democracy in South Africa, the concept itself has been lived out by Africans for over a millennia. Colonialism, slavery and apartheid introduced materialism and individualism that denigrated the black identity and dignity. The Black Consciousness philosophy and Black Theology worked hand in hand since the middle of the nine- teen sixties to restore the human dignity of black people in South Africa. Key words: Botho/Ubuntu, Black Consciousness, Black Theology, religion, culture. iafor The International Academic Forum www.iafor.org 532 The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2013 Official Conference Proceedings Osaka, Japan 1. INTRODUCTION The contributions of Black Consciousness (BC) and Black Theology (BT) in the promotion and protection of botho/ubuntu values and principles are discussed in this article. The arrival of white people in South Africa has resulted in black people being subjected to historical injustices, cultural domination, religious vilification et cetera. BC and BT played an important role in identifying and analysing the problems that plagued blacks as a group in South Africa among the youth of the nineteen sixties that resulted in the unbanning of political organisations, release of political prisoners, the return of exiles and ultimately the inception of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • 2001 Lecture
    THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated.
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid Laws & Regulations
    APARTHEID LAWS & REGULATIONS : INTRODUCED AND RESCINDED A Short Summary The absurdity of apartheid legislation, which incorporated legislation passed by the (minority) white governments prior to 1948, is reflected in the following list . Although the legislation was seemingly passed in the interest of the white minority, to maintain both political and social hegemony, it is obvious that most of the measures carried little or no economic benefit for the ruling class and that its scrapping would be in the interests of the capitalist class as well as the majority of blacks . For blacks the end of apartheid laws meant that the hated pass system was abolished, that the legality of residential apartheid was removed from the statute book and that antu education was formally ended . Nonetheless there was little freedom for the poor to move from their squatter camps or township houses and most children still went to third rate schools with few amenities to assist them . It was only a section of the wealthier blacks and those who ran the political machine that benefited most fully from the changes . The vast majority saw no improvements in their way of life, a matter that is dealt with in this issue of Searchlight South Africa . It is also not insignificant that many measures were repealed before the unbanning of opposition political movements and before negotia- tions got under way. The pressure for change came partly from the activities of the internal resistance movement and the trade unions, from covert discussions between movements that supported the government and the ANC, from the demographic pressure that led to a mass migra- tion to the urban areas and also from the altered relations between the USSR and the west - a change which was interpreted by the govern- ment as removing the communist threat from the region .
    [Show full text]
  • 26 N. Barney Pityana
    26 STEVE BIKO: PHILOSOPHER OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS N. Barney Pityana Let a new earth arise . Let another world be born . Let a bloody peace be written in the sky . Let a second generation full of courage issue forth, Let a people loving freedom come to growth, Let a beauty full of healing and a strength of final clenching be the pulsing in our spirits and our blood . Let the martial songs be written, Let the dirges disappear . Let a race of men rise and take control . – MARGARET WALKER, “FOR MY PEOPLE” I HAVE INTRODUCED THIS CHAPTER with an extract from Margaret Walker’s poem “For My People” .1 It is a verse from the African-American experience of slavery and dehumanisation . The poem was first published in 1942, and could be viewed as a precursor to the civil rights movement . It ends with a “call to arms”, but it is also an affirmation of the struggle for social justice . This poem resonated with Steve Biko and Black Consciousness activists because the call for a “new earth” to arise, the appeal to courage, freedom and healing, constituted the precise meaning and intent of the gospel of Black Consciousness . Margaret Walker does not so much dwell on the pain of the past or of lost hopes . She recognised the mood of confusion and fallacy that propelled 391 THE PAN-AFRICAN PANTHEON the foundation of the Black Consciousness Movement so many years later on another continent and under different circumstances . The poem is confident and positive in asserting the humanity of black people and of their capacity to become agents of their own liberation .
    [Show full text]
  • The Smoke That Calls: Insurgent Citizenship, Collective Violence and the Struggle for a Place in the New South Africa
    CSVR Final Cover 7/6/11 1:36 PM Page 1 C M Y CM MY CY CMY K The smoke that calls Insurgent citizenship, collective violence and th violence citizenship, collective Insurgent Insurgent citizenship, collective violence and the struggle for a place in the new South Africa. in the new a place for and the struggle violence citizenship, collective Insurgent Insurgent citizenship, collective violence and the struggle for a place in the new South Africa. The smoke that calls that calls The smoke The smoke Eight case studies of community protest and xenophobic violence www.csvr.org.za www.swopinstitute.org.za Karl von Holdt, Malose Langa, Sepetla Molapo, Nomfundo Mogapi, Kindiza Ngubeni, Jacob Dlamini and Adele Kirsten Composite CSVR Final Cover 7/7/11 9:51 AM Page 2 C M Y CM MY CY CMY K Published: July 2011 Copyright 2011 ® Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation | Society, Work and Development Institute The smoke that calls: Insurgent citizenship, collective violence and the struggle for a place in the new South Africa. Eight case studies of community protest and xenophobic violence Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation Society, Work and Development Institute 4th Floor, Braamfontein Centre, 23 Jorissen Street, Braamfontein Faculty of Humanities PO Box 30778, Braamfontein, Johannesburg, 2017 University of the Witwatersrand Tel: +27 (0) 11 403 5650 | Fax: +27 (0) 11 339 6785 Private Bag 3, Wits, 2050 Cape Town Office Tel: +27 (0) 11 717 4460 501 Premier Centre, 451 Main Road, Observatory, 7925 Tel: +27 (0) 21 447 3661 | Fax: +27 (0) 21 447 5356 email: [email protected] www.csvr.org.za www.swopinstitute.org.za Composite CSVR - Chapter 1 - 5 7/6/11 1:52 PM Page 1 C M Y CM MY CY CMY K The smoke that calls Insurgent citizenship, collective violence and the struggle for a place in the new South Africa.
    [Show full text]